through his own strength and the fleetness of his Horse he made his way through them having besmeared his Face with his own blood that he might not be known Some say that the Chauci who were amongst our Auxiliaries knew him but let him pass Inguimerus escaped by the like Stratagem or Valour Almost all the rest were slain many as they endeavour'd to swim over the Weser of whom some were either kill'd by our Darts or carry'd away by the Force of the Stream or were sunk by the Weight of People that threw themselves into the River after them or of the Banks that fell upon them Some cowardly climbing to the top of Trees to hide themselves in their Boughs were shot by our Archers as Birds by way of Diversion and others fell to the Ground with the Trees which were cut down This was a great Victory and cost us but little blood 2 A Victory which costs little 〈◊〉 is a 〈◊〉 Victory and consequently this Name is not very properly given to Battels wherein they lose fifty or sixty thousand Men as the Spaniâ—rds did at Oâ—â—end And this was Pyrrhus's meaning when he said after he had gain'd two Battels against the Romans that he was ruin'd if he should gain a Third The Romans refused the Honour of a Triumph to Generals who had paid dear for a Victory they refused it amongst others to the Consul Attilius who had made above seven thousand Samnites pass under the Yoke because he had lost almost as many of his own Men and to his Collegue Posthumâ—us for the same reason XVIII The slaughter lasted from Eleven a Clock k Forenoon in the Morning until Night so that for the space of ten miles all the Country was strewed with Arms and Dead Bodies and amongst their spoils were found Chains which as being sure of the Victory 1 Quintus Curtius saith that there are no little Enemies You strengthen those whom you despise They who do things with fear saith Commines make good Provision and succeed oftner than those who act with Pride and Security Lib. 2. Cap. 4. The Emperor Frederick III. said wisely that we ought not to â—ell the Skin before we have kill'd the Bear Lib. 4. Cap. 3. The Duke of Alva who promised Philip II. to smother the Hollanders in their Butter had the dissatisâ—action to see before he dy'd The Union of Utretcht that is to say The first Establishment of their Common-Wealth on the Ruines of the Spanish Government Sebastian King of Portugal thought himself so well assur'd of the Conquest of the Kingdom of Morrâ—co that before his departure he caused a Crown and Regal Ornaments to be made on purpose to be used at the Ceremony of his Coronation in Africk whereas he ought to have carry'd thither Funeral Ornaments Lib. 1. of the History of the Union of Portugal The Spanish relation of the Entrance of Philip II. into Portugal saith that this Crown which Sebastian carry'd with him was made after the Fashion of that of the Empire because he intended to take upon himself the Title of Emperor after the Victory which he thought himself as good as possessed of Crâ—yendâ— intitularsâ— Eâ—perador 〈◊〉 las espâ—rancas de 〈◊〉 victoria Cap. 103. It had been more for the Honour of the Governor of Luxemburg not to have made a shew of Violins on the Rampart of the Town in derision of our Army that was approaching it and to have consider'd that he had to do with Enemies who knew how to dance to the Sound of Cannon they had prepared for the Romans The Soldiers proclaimed Tiberius Emperor in the Field of Battel and raised a Monument whereon they fixed in the Form of Trophees the Arms which they had taken and inscrib'd underneath the Names of the Conquer'd Nations XIX The Germans were more incens'd and troubled at the sight of this than for their Wounds and their Defeat 1 The Conqueror ought never to reproach the Conquered with his Victory Such Monuments exasperate their Minds and provoke them to revenge it if they are Equals and to revolt if they are Subjects The Brass Statue of the Duke of Alva trampling under his Feet two Statues more which represented the Nobility and Commons of the Low-Countrys cost the King of Spain the Revolt of Antwerp and of several other Cities Wherefore Don Luis de Requesens who succeeded him in the Government of these Provinces enter'd on his Administration with the Demolishing of this Statue not said he that so great a Man did not deserve this Honour but to remove ouâ— of the Peoples sight a Monument which shock'd them and to give them hopes of a milder Treatment Herrera Ch. 11. Lib. 3. of the second Part of his History 1575. Diodorus Siculus saith that heretofore the Greeks did not suffer Trophees to be made of any other Materials but of Wood to the end that these Monuments of Discord for so he calls them might be soon destroy'd and consum'd Lib. 13. of his History They that before thought of nothing but leaving their Countrey and retiring beyond the Elb now take Arms again and will have another Battel The Commons and Nobles Old and Young surprize the Roman Army and put them in some Disorder At length they Encamp on a Wet-piece of Ground having a River on one side of it and a Wood on the other surrounded with a deep Marsh except in one place where the Angrivarii had cast up a large Work to separate themselves from the Cherusci The Infantry were posted in this Place the Cavalry cover'd themselves in an adjoyning thicket that they might fall upon the Rear of our Legions as soon as they were entred the Wood. XX. Germanicus was ignorant of none of these things he knew the Enemy's Posture and their secret Designs 1 There is nothing more necessary nor more useful to Generals of Armies than Spies whom Strada had reason to call the Ears and Eyes of Princes God himself as it may be seen in the Holy Scriptures commanded Moses to send Spies into the Land of Promise The Lord spake unto Moses saying send Men who may search the Land of Canaan which I give unto the Children of Israel All the Instructions which a General can give to the Spies that he employs are expressed in this Chapter as well as what they gave out and turn'd their own Stratagems on themselves to their ruine Having given his Lieutenant Sejus Tubero the Command of the Cavalry with orders to draw them up in the Plain he divided the Infantry that one part of them might enter the Wood where the Ground was even whilst the other part forced the Works which the Enemy had thrown up and which as being the most difficult to attack he commanded himself 2 When a General undertakes the most dangerous part himself the Officers and Soldiers very chearfully do all the rest and left the other to his Lieutenants They who were to gain the Even Ground easily
one to Reform it 3 Princes are never pleas'd to hear Discourses of Reformation for under the Colour of reforming Luxury and other Abuses which creep into Civil Societies the Censors often go up to the very Springs of Government the Secrets of which ought not to be laid open to Subjects Besides the Reformation of Abuses is not proper to be made at all times If Physicians need wait for a Proper time to purge a sick Person â— Prince hath much greater reason to use this Precaution seasonably to apply the Remedies which are necessary to the Body-Politick which is always charged with many humours which it is dangerous to stir too much A great Person said to some who spoke to him of the Disorders of his age Let it run it will die soon for it is very sick In the Aphorisms of Anthony Perez XXXIV Upon which L. Piso complain'd of the Illegal ways of obtaining Offices of the Corruptions of the Courts of Iudicature of the Insolence of Advocates who menac'd People with Accusations protesting that he would retire from the City and live in some remote and obscure Country and at the same time went out of the Senate-House Tiberius was incens'd however he caressed Piso with fair words 1 It is the Quintessence of Knowledge to pass sometimes for Ignorant and the greatest Victory of Reason to suffer ones self to be overcome by the present Necessity David himself put this Reason of State in practice He was willing enough to punish Ioab for killing Abner but it being dangerous to raise troubles in the beginning of his Reign he defer'd the Punishment of this Crime saying I am this day weak though anointed King 2 Sam. 3. and put his Relations upon using their endeavours to prevail with him to stay A while after Piso gave another instance of as great freedom when he commenced a Law Suit against Urgulania who was so much in favour with Augusta that she thought her self above the reach of the Laws As Urgulania instead of appearing to the Summons went to the Emperor's Palace 2 It is of pernicious example for a Prince to permit his Palace to be a Sanctuary to those who contemn the Authority of the Magistrates A famous Carver who fled into Arragon for having resisted the Iustice of Madrid could never obtain his Pardon of Philip II. notwithstanding that he was the best Workman of his Profession and that this King had great need of him to work on the Escurial setting Piso at defiance so he desisted not from his Prosecution notwithstanding Augusta complain'd that she her self was Affronted and exposed thereby Tiberius thinking it was but decent for him to shew so much complaisance to his Mother 3 It is very becoming a Prince to be complaisant to his Mother so long as it is not to the prejudice of the Laws and his Reputation A certain Prince being importun'd by his Mother to grant her an unjust thing excus'd himself saying that she would sell him too dear the Nine Months that she had carry'd him The Pagliari saith after the Goselin That that which ruined Ferrante Gonzaga Governor of Milan with C. V. was his suffering his Daughter and his Son-in-Law Fabricius Colonna to intermeddle in recommending the Causes of private Persons to the Publick Magistrates Observation 40. Queen Margaret blamed her Brother Henry III. for suffering himself to be influenc'd by the Persuasions of his Minions Maugiron and Saint-Luke to that degree that he went himself to sollicite a Law-suit for Madame de Seneterre against M. de la Chastre because the Latter was in the Service of the Duke of Alenson his Brother Lib. 2. of his Memoirs The Majesty of Kings saith Cardinal de Richelieu obliges them to reserve themselves for the Party of Reason which is the only one that they ought to espouse on all occasions They cannot do otherwise without divesting themselves of the Quality of Iudges and Sovereigns to take upon them that of Parties which in some sort sinks them into the Condition of Private Men. Those who are to defend themselves against the Power of a King know too well that they cannot do it by force and therefore have recourse to Intrigues to Artifices and secret Practices to secure themselves which often raises great disturbances in Kingdoms Pol. Test. part 1. c. 6. as to promise to go himself to the Praetor's Court and appear on Urgulania's behalf and in order to it went out of his Palace ordering his Guards to follow him at a Distance As the People flock'd about him he appear'd very composed talking freely of several things as he went to prolong the time in the mean time Piso's Friends importun'd him to let fall his suit but to no purpose however before the Emperor had reach'd the Court he was acquainted that Augusta had order'd Piso the Sum of Money that he demanded So that the Issue of this Affair was not inglorious to Piso 4 There is nothing more dangerous for a Great Man than to come off with advantage from an Affair wherein the Prince's Authority seems to have been 〈◊〉 and very much for the Honour of Tiberius But Urgulania grew so assuming that she refused to come and give her testimony in a Cause that was heard before the Senate so that the Praetor was sent to examine her at her own house whereas it was always the Custom even for the Vestal Virgins themselves to come into the Courts whenever they were summon'd to give their Testimony XXXV I would not mention the stop that was put to Publick Affairs this Year but that it is worth the while to know the different Opinions of Cn. Piso and Asinâ—us Gallus 1 It is the Duty of an Historian as Tacitus saith in the Preface to his History to relate not only the Events of things but also the Causes and Motives which producèd them nothing can make a History more instructive than faithfully to report the Opinions of those who have had a share in the Consultations of the Great Affairs which it speaks of For it is in these Opinions that we discern the Ability the Interests the Passions and all the Good or Evil qualities of those who have deliver'd them Amongst the Modern Writers those who have excell'd in this Kind are the Famous Fryar Paul in the Histories of the Council of Trent and of the Interdict of Venice the C. Bentivoglio and Strada in the History of the Wars of the Low-Countrys Lewis Cabrâ—â—â— in his Philip II. The Author of the History of the Union of Portugal with Castile attributed by the Italians to Ierom Conestaggiâ— a Genouese Gentleman and restor'd by Father Belâ—azar Gracian and by some other Spanish Writers to Doâ— Iohn de Silva Count of Portelegre in Portugal on this Occasion Tiberius having said that he should be absent for a few days Piso was of Opinion that they ought the rather to proceed in publick Business it being for the Honour of the
than suppress it and give them freely Though the Suppression of selling Offices says he is most agreeable to Reason and the Laws yet there are such inevitable Abuses in the Distinction of them when they are at a Prince's Pleasure as make the Selling tolerable For then the Artifices at Court go farther than Reason in the Disposing of them and Favour beyond Merit And a little after he says A Suppression would be so far from 〈◊〉 Viâ—tue it would promote Cabalâ— and Factions and fill the Places with Men of mean Birth The Weakness of the Age is such that we sooner yield to Importunitie than are led by Reason and instead of being guided by Iustice are commonly carried away with Favour From what is past we ought to 〈◊〉 the â—uture because we have alwayâ— seen that those in greatest Favour have always carried it against Virâ—â—â— And 〈◊〉 Princes and those they 〈◊〉 cannot know the Merit of Persons but by the Iudgment of others they often mistake the Shadow for the Bâ—dâ— Sect. 1. du c. 4. de 〈…〉 â—ormerly the Popes pre-coâ—â—â—ed those thâ—y deâ—â—gn'd to make Cardinals to have time to learn Peoples Opinion of them before they procâ—eded to 〈…〉 but the Malice of Ill 〈…〉 a thousand Arâ—â—â—â—ces and Lies 〈◊〉 exclude those they hated waâ— the Reason this was 〈◊〉 The Laws punish Crimes but how much better were it for us to provide none shall be committed LXX Against which Tiberius spoke That he was not ignorant of the Reports of Silanus but common Fame was not always to be believed Many had behaved themselves otherwise in the Provinces than we hop'd or fear'd For some being employ'd in weighty Affairs have been excited 2 I have often thought says Ammirato from whence it comes that some Men behave themselves better in Business others worse than was look'd for For Example Vespasian was better and more Moderate after he was Emperor when on the contrary 't is said Galba would have always been thought worthy of it if he had not Reign'd Pius IV. who may be compar'd to the first exceeded all was expected from him when Clement VII whom every one thought fit to be Pope sâ—cceeded no better than Galba To seek this Difficulty we will use a Comparison There are two Vessels one small and full the other large and almost empty The full Vessel is like a Man in an Employment suitable to his Abilities Those who see him carry himself so well in it conclude he would do the like in a Greater not taking notice that his Vessel is as full as it can hold and if more be put in it will run over So Galba while a Private Man seem'd much greater than he was The large Vessels almost Empty or at least not Full are the Men of great Capacity who having neither Estates nor Employments suitable to their Merit are not much esteem'd whether it is that they use not all their Diligence or Exactness in what they do or not being proportionate we cannot judge what may be expected from them But when their Condition is such as to all their Vessel they shew contrary to common Expectation that greatness of Soul and sublimeness of Genius that their lower Fortune buried Vespasian taking not all the Care he should to have cleansed the Streets Caligula order'd the Skirt of his Gown to be fill'd with Dirt and Filth and in Nero's Reign he had like to have lost his Life for sleeping while Nero play'd Which is not to be wonder'd at considering he was not born for these Trifles and that to fill his Vessel he wanted the Government of the World which he afterwards held Discours onzieme du livre 3. de son Commentaire sur Tacite The Father of William Duke of Mantua would have had him a Priest because hâ— was little and Crooked judging of his Soul by his Body but he would not and when he was Duke he shew'd by his Acquisition of Montserrat and some other Places that a Great Soul may be lodg'd in a Little Body To conclude how many excellent Men die without being known who would have been admired iâ— femploy'd How could Arnaud d'Ossat have shewed his Abilities if Henry IV. of France had not made him his Procurator to sollicite his Absolution at Rome to better Behaviour others became more sloathful That a Prince could not foresee all things Neither was it Expedient he should be led away by the Ambition of others That Laws were made against Facts because future things are uncertain So was it ordain'd by our Ancestors That Punishments should follow Offences Therefore they were not to alter what was so wisely Decreed 3 What judicious Princes have done cannot reasonably be changed unless Experience shews some Inconvenience and 't is plainly seen the same may be mended Section 1. die chap. 4. la premiere Partie du Testament Politique That Princes had Charge sufficient 4 There is no greater Charge than doing Iustice iâ— a Prince would be a perfect Sovereign Sovereignty says Aâ—tonio Perez is a Charge and consequently the Actions of him who exercises it depend not on his own Will but on the Rules and Conditions the People have requir'd and he accepted And if a Prince observes them not because they are only Humane Contracts yet he cannot depart from those the Laws of God and Nature have preâ—criâ—'d which are Superior to Kings as weâ—l as Peasants Dans les Aforisâ—â—s de Relations And in another place he says That Kings â—â—owns are made Circular as an Emblem of the â—ounds of Humane Power 〈◊〉 the Catholick said The surest way to keep a Throne was to ballance the Interests of the Kingdom and People and Power enough That as their Power encreas'd the Laws grew weak and Absolute Power was not to be used where the Laws would do This Answer was the better received because Tiberius was seldom Popular And as he was Wife in moderating things unless transported with Passion he said The Island Gyarus was Barbarous and Uninhabited and was for their shewing so much Favour to one of the Iunian Family and that had been of their own Body as to send him rather to Cythera Which Torquata Silanus's Sister a Lady of eminent Virtue desir'd and all condescended to LXXI Afterwards the Cyrenians were heard and Caesius Cordus upon the Accusation of Ancarius Priscus was condemn'd for Corruption L. Ennius a Roman Gentleman was accused of Treason for converting the Prince's Statue into common uses in Plate Tiberius acquitted him yet Ateius Capito openly complainâ—d and with great Liberty said That the Determining such a Matter ought not to be taken from the Senate nor so heinous a Crime go unpunish'd That the Emperor might be as merciful as he pleas'd in punishing Offences committed against himself yet ought not to pardon those against the Common-Wealth 5 There is no Flattery more agreeable nor more refin'd than what pretends to Correction or Liberty for that catches Men and especially Princes by
Donna Anna the Queen of Spain that Philip II. had disappointed her of the Regency by the Will which he had made at Badajoz this Princess who thought her self excluded for want of Love and Esteem did not cease to make complaints which soon after cost Don Antonio his Life Cabrara in his History Chap. 3. Lib. 12. and c. 2. l. 13. He must never trust a Secret to a Person who is infinitely below him for such is the case of Great Ones that they reckon it a dishonour to stand in awe of their Inferiors and a ridiculous Folly to be afraid of disobliging him to whom they told a thing which may be for his advantage to reveal Antony Pepez says that the Tongue is that part of Man which the Ladies are most set against because of the Secret which they wou'd have kept and which they are afraid shou'd be discover'd Men have more reason to be cautious but especially they who live at Court or who converse with the Court Ladies ought to be more jealous of a Womans Tongue and even of their own Wife's than of their most dangerous Enemies But however it was Tiberius was scarcely enter'd into Illyria when he was speedily recall'd by Letters from his Mother and it is not known for certain whether or no he found Augustus yet living m Paterculus says that Tiberius came to Nola before the Death of Augustus and that they had also some discourse together Chap. 123. when he arriv'd at Nola. For Livia had order'd the Corps du Guard to be all under Arms at every Avenue of the Palace and the Town and caus'd reports to be hourly spread of the Emperor's amendment till having all things in a readiness which the present Conjunction cou'd require She declar'd at once the Death of Augustus n Suetonius says that Tiberius wou'd not publish the Death of Augustus till he had caused the Young Agrippa to be assassinated In Tiberio and the Accession of Tiberius to the Empire o At the Age of Fifty five years The Reign of TIBERIUS Beginning in the Year of Rome 767. I. THE first Action of the New Reign was thâ— Murder of Agrippa Posthumus 1 A Prince who sheds the Royal Blood gives an Example of most dangerous consequence The Queen of Naples Ioan I. says Ammirato when she caus'd Andrew her Husband to be strangled taught Charles III. when he had it in his power to strangle her also And after he had taken from the Queen his Mother her Crown and Life he also lost his own Crown and Life by the hands of the Hungarians who were taught by the example which he had given them Discourse 7. of the 17 Book of his Commentary upon Tacitus There are many Politicians says Cabrera who say on the contrary that 't is difficult to keep in Prison Princes of the Royal Blood and that when they are dead they don't bite which is the reason why Charles of Anjou that is Charles I. King of Naples put to death Conradin the Nephew of Manfrede his Predecessor But Aragon did not want Heirs who happily recover'd the Kingdom and who condemn'd to death the Son of Charles And though this Sentence was not executed for Constance the Eldest Daughter of Manfrede and Wife of Peter III. King of Aragon was more generous than Charles I. yet the innocent Conradin was reveng'd by that mark of Infamy which his blood imprinted upon the House of Anjou Philip II. provided for the safety and preservation of Queen Mary of England his Wife in opposing the execution of the Sentence of Death given against Elizabeth his Sister-in-Law for the Prince who puts those of his own blood into the hands of the Executioner whâ—ts the Sword against himself Chap. 10. of Book 1. and 5 of Book 2. of his History of Philip II. Henry IV. would never consent to the Death of Charles of Valois Count of Aâ—vergne who conspir'd against him saying that he ought to have a respect for the blood of Kings and Mr. Villeroy one of his Ministers said well to the same purpose that when the Question was put concerning the Life of Princes of the Blood the Prince ought for Counsel to hear nature only Burnet has declared that the Death of the Queen of Scotland was the greatest Blot of Queen Elizabeth's reign And I wonder that Pope Sixtus V. who knew so well how to teach others to give respect to Royal Majesty should envy this Queen the Happiness and Honour to have a Crown'd Head fall at her feet And never was a Dream more full of instruction than that Ladies who usually lay in the Chamber of Queen Elizabeth and who the Night before that Execution awak'd in a Fright crying out that she saw the Head of Mary Stuart cut off and that they would also have cut off the Head of Queen Elizabeth with the same Axe Lâ—ti Book 3. of part 2. of the Life of Sixtus V. who unarm'd as he was and wholly Ignorant of the design was not without some difficulty slain by a Centurion hardned in blood Tiberius was silent of this matter in the Senate feigning a Command from his Father Augustus wherein he had order'd the Officer of the Guard to murther the Young Man immediately after his own decease 'T is undoubted that Augustus had often and that with bitterness complain'd in the Senate of his Manners and had also exacted a Decree from them to authorize his Banishment Yet he had never proceeded to so much cruelty as to compass the Death of any of his Relations Nor is it credible that he would command his Grandson to be murder'd to secure the safety of his Son-in-Law The suspicion fell more naturally on Tiberius and Livia for hastning the Death of a Young Man obnoxious to the hatred of the first through fear of a Competitor o Paul Piasecki says in his Chronicle that Constance of Austria the Second Wife of Sigismond III. King of Poland used all her Interest to get her Eldest Son Iohn Casimir to be chosen King and her Son-in-Law and Nephew Uâ—adislaus excluded who being the Eldest Son of the King according to the Law and Custom of the Country was to be preferr'd before all others Another Polonian says Nec unquam committunt quin hic eligatur cui ipso jure debetur successio Krzistanowiâ— in his description of the Government of â—â—land and of the last through the inbred malice of Step-mother When the Centurion according to Military Custom told Tiberius that he had perform'd his orders his answer was that he had given him no such Commission 2 'T is the Custom of Princes in hurtful cases to throw the Odium upon their Ministers Anthony Perez who found it so by sad experience in the Murder of Iohn of Escovedo which Philip II. gave leave to be enquir'd into says that Princes are advis'd to keep a Council of State to clear themselves of all unlucky accidents Queen Elizabeth imprison'd the Secretary
Father whose Corps in the mean time he would not forsake s Because Augustus dying at Nola aâ— Tacitus says at the end of the Abridgment of his Life he would in honour accompany his body to Rome and that all the part to which he pretended in the Publick Administration was no more than what was reducible to that Edict t Iohn Freinshemius gives another sense to this passage neque abscedere a corpore idque unum ex publicis muneribus usurpare making Tiberius say that by this assembling the Senate he did not pretend to a Superiority over it or over any Senator but only to acquit himself of his duty to his Father and that for the future he would not take upon him to give any more commands And in the Examen of the Translators of Tacitus which is at the end of his Paraphrase he says most Interpreters understand these words abscedere a corpore of the Body of Augustus but I understand 'em of the Body of the Senate In which he had followed Dati who renders them thus Ne voleva egli en cio partirsi dalla volonta de gli altera Senatori And Rodolphus the Master who interprets them in these terms to be inseparably united to the body of the Senate Yet after the Death of Augustus it was his Custom to give the word to the Praetorian Cohorts to be attended by Soldiers and no part of the State belonging to an Emperor was wanting to him Whether he walk'd the Streets or went to the Senate his Guards follow'd him He had also written to the Armies in the style of Emperour and Successor and all without the least Ambiguity or Hesitation unless it were when he spoke in Senate 3 He acted the part of a Republican in the Senate because that was the only place where there yet remain'd any shadow of the ancient Liberty The principal Cause of his dissimulation 4 'T is the Interest of Courtiers to discover the Sentiments of the Prince in the beginning of his Reign to know how to behave themselves towards him but 't is the Interest of the Prince not to reveal or declare any thing in his affairs that may exercise their Curiosity For if they are before hand in discovering what is in his breast he will never come to know what is in their hearts Lleva la ventaja says a Spanish Proverb el que vee el juego al companero was that he fear'd Germanicus who commanded so many Legions assur'd of succour from all the Allies and lov'd even to Idolatry by the Roman People would rather chuse to enjoy the Empire in present than to attend it from his Death Neither was there wanting a mixture of Vain-Glory in these proceedings for he affected to have it thought that he was Elected by the Common-Wealth 5 In an Elective Empire the Prince ought always to declare that he holds the Kingdom from them who have a right to Elect though he obtained it by other means for otherwise he will be accounted an Usurper and a declar'd Enemy to the publick Liberty and by consequence his Life will be always in danger Nothing can be said more judicious nor more agreeable to a Republick or to an Elective State than that which Galba said of his Election to the Empire Under the reigns of Tiberius Caligula and Claudius said he the Roman Common-Wealth has been as the Patrimony and Inheritance of one Family alone but I who have been call'd to the Empire by the consent of the Gods and of Men can say that I have restored Liberty to the Common-Wealth because Election has begun again in my Person and that if the vast body of the Empire could be content to be govern'd by a single Person I should be the Man who would revive the ancient Common-Wealth rather than introduc'd by the Artiâ—ices of a Woman 6 In times past the great Men thought it a dishonour to be obliged to Women for their Fortune as if they had been preferr'd by their Favour rather than by their own Merit But at this day we are not so nice in that respect The Ruelle advances far more than the Sword and the adoption of an old doting Man It was afterwards discover'd also that this Irresolution which he shew'd tended to sound the Affections of the Great towards him for he study'd their Countenance and their Words to make them guilty afterwards whom he purpos'd to destroy III. The first time he came into the Senate he would permit no other business to come on than only what related to the Funeral of his Father 1 The Prince who Honours and requires others to honour the Memory and Ashes of his Predecessors gives an example to his Successors which obliges them to pay him the same respect after his death Suetonius relates that 't was said Caesar had secured his own Statues and Images from being broken by restoring the Statues of Sylla and Pompey which the People had thrown down during the Civil Wars In Poland the King elect is not crown'd till the dead King be buried Piasecki in his Chronicle which is probably done out of respect to the dead who surâ—enders not the Crown till he has received burial For the King Elect does not act as King nor Seals the Letters he writes to Foreign Princes with the Arms of the Kingdom till after his Coronation Philip II. King of Spain built and founded the Monastery of S. Laurence of the Escurial to be the burying place of the Emperor Charles V. his Father and of the Empress Issabella his Mother and all their Posterity as he expresly declares in the act of the Foundation reported by Cabrera Chap. II. of book 6. of his History Before he left Portugal he staid three days at the Monastery of Beleâ— which is a little place of Lisbon and caused to be interr'd the Bodies of the Kings Sebastian and Henry and of twenty other Princes the Children and Grand-Children of King Emanuel which had been buried apart in divers Convents being willing to make at least this acknowledgment to twenty two Heirs who had given place to him to succeed in this Kingdom Spanish Relation of the Interment of Philip in Portugal Chap. 16. and Conestagio Book 9. of the Union of Portugal and Castile whose Testament was brought thither by the Vestals By it Tiberius and Livia were declar'd his Heirs Livia was adopted also into the Iulian Family and honour'd with the Title of Augusta u That is with the Name of Empress and with the Title of Majesty which she had not while her Husband was living In the second Degree were rank'd his Grand-Children and their Descendants in the third the Greatest of the Romans not out of Affection for he hated most of them but out of Ostentation 2 In Princes Clemency is often an effect of their Vanity or of their good Nature to be admir'd by Posterity x We see here says Pagliari what slips
Henry Cardinal King of Portugal died the same hour in which he was born 68 years before had finish'd his Life The number of his Consulships was extoll'd likewise which equall'd those of Valerius Corvinus and Caius Marius c Paterculus says that he was Consul eleven times and refused to be Consul any more Book 2. Chap. 89. Now Marius had been Consul seven times and Corvinus six both together that had enjoy'd the Tribunitial Power without Intermission 37 Years had been saluted Emperor d That is Victorious General or Great Captain Tacitus says that 't is an honour which Armies formerly gave to their Captains when they were over-joy'd for having gain'd a Victory So that at the same time there were many Emperors who did not take place of one another At the end of the 3 Book of his Annals one and twenty times Besides a multitude of other Honours which had been heap'd upon him or invented for him But the Politicians examin'd the conduct of his Life after another manner Some said that his filial Piety to Caesar the necessity of Affairs and the importance of the Laws had hurry'd him into a Civil War 1 We must not always ascribe to Princes the Cause of publick Evils for sometimes the Times contribute more to them than the Men. A Prince who at his accession to the Throne finds the Kingdom in disorder and upon the brink of ruine must of necessity use violent Remedies to give Life again to the Laws to root out dissentions and to set the Government upon a right foot which cou'd not possibly be manag'd with the Forms of Iustice though the Cause was honest That he had consented to many violent proceedings of Anthony and e 'T is true says Paterculus they reviv'd again the Proscription which had been begun by Sylla but this was not approved of by 〈◊〉 though being single against two he could not oppose the Fury of 〈◊〉 and Lepidus joyn'd together Lepidus 2 Sometimes Princes shut their Eyes that they may not see the Oppressions and Crimes they would be obliged to punish if their Eyes were open There are times when rigour wou'd be pâ—ejudicial to their Affairs and particularly in the midst of a Civil War when 't is dangerous to encrease the Number of Male-Contents because he had need of their assistance to revenge the Murther of his Father That Lepidus being grown Effeminate by the Sloath of a Private Life Anthony drown'd in his debauches and the Common-Wealth torn in pieces by the Discord of her Citizens there was no other Remedy left in Nature but the Government of a single Person which notwithstanding Augustus had never taken up the Title f Paterculus says that Caesar was become odious from the day he assisted at the Feast of the Lupercalia when Mark Anthony his Coleague in the Consulship put upon his Head a Royal Diadem for Caesar refused it in such a manner as shewed that though the Action was rash yet it had not much displeased him Hist. 2. Chap. 56. Besides he happen'd to say before that they must take care how they spoke to him for the future and that he meant what he said should be a Law Suetonius in his Life of King 3 A Prince ought to forbear to assume new Titles and Honours for instead of gaining by the new Power he pretends to he runs the risque of losing that which no body denied him Augustus a wise Prince was cautious of taking the Title which a Thought of only cost his Predecessor his Life or of Dictator 4 The Dictatorship being an image of the ancient Regal Power Augustus would never accept it to shew that he avoided whatsoever had made his Uncle odious Ovid makes the reign of Augustus and Romulus to oppose each other as Liberty and Sovereign Power Tiâ— domini nomen says he to Romulus principis ille gerit but contented himself to be call'd Prince of the Senate That the Empire was owing to him for being surrounded by the Ocean g The Roman Empire was bounded on the West by the Ocean on the North by the Danube and the Rhine on the East by the Euphrates and the Tygris on the South by the Mountain Atlaâ— and remote Rivers 5 The greatest Contests which happen among Princes arise upon the subject of limits especially when their Lands lie one among the others as those of the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua in Montferrat of the King of Spain and of the Dukedome of Venice in the Milaneze of the same Republick and of the Grand Signior in Dalmatia and in the Islands of the Levant On the contrary when Kingdoms are divided by the Sea by Mountains or by strong Forts which hinder a Passage Princes have less disputes with one another That the Provinces the Legions and the Naval Force were well united the Citizens obedient to the Laws the Allies in terms of dutiful respect and the Town adorn'd with stately Buildings that it was to be acknowledg'd he sometimes made use of Severity and Force but very rarely and always for preservation of the Publick Safety h Paterculus says that Augustus was resolved to refuse the Dictatorship when the People offer'd it to him Chap. 89. On the other side it was alledg'd that the boasted Piety of a Son to a Father and the Necessities of a Common-Wealth were only his pretext 6 The actions of great Princes have always been liable to the Peoples censure how wise soever they may have been the Speculative have ever been able to give probable reasons for their conduct nor do the Male-contents and the Envious ever want matter to deâ—ame them When Philip II. caused his Son Don Carlos to be arrested all the Courtiers spoke of it as their inclinations led them for the Father or the Son Some call'd him Prudent and others Severe because his Sport and his Revenge met together Cabrera Chap. 22. the 7th Book of his History Commines paints Iohn II. King of Portugal as a Cruel and Barbarous Prince because he kill'd his Coâ—in-German the Duke of Viseu and cut off the Head of the Duke of Bragance Brother to the Queen his Wife Chap. 17. of the last Book of his Memoirs On the contrary Mariana says that he was a lover of â—ustice and the Great Men of the Kingdom hated him because he seiz'd the Criminals who withdrew for shelter into their Territories and Castles And as for the Dukes of Viseu and Bragance who had both conspired against the Person of the King and his Kingdom I believe Commines would have agreed with Mariana if he more narrowly examin'd this matter Chap. 23. of the 14th Book and the 11th of the 26 Book of the History Where by the way we may observe that the Resemblance between Vice and Virtue often causes the Common People to confound and blend 'em together giving to both the Name which belongs to its contrary that through an insatiable desire of reigning he
He had exercised this Sovereign Power with Augustus before his 〈◊〉 to Rhodes Paterculus Hist. 2. cap. 99. had cast out some Words concerning his Humour and the Oddness of his Manners which seeming to Excuse did in effect Reproach them 12 This manner of Accusing while we Excuse is very much in fashion with Courtiers who according to the Florenâ—iâ—e Proverb have Honey in the Mouth and a Razor under the Girdle V. The Funerals of Augustus being ended there was a Temple and Divine Worship decreed for him and that being done earnest Supplications were address'd to Tiberius who on his side spoke ambiguously concerning the Greatness of the Empire and the Diffidence he had of his own Abilities Saying That nothing but the Soul and Genius of Augustus could support so great a Burden of Affairs 1 The Prince who immediately succeeds a Predecessor who hath performed great Things doth himself an Honour in exalting him for besides that it is believed that the Esteem that he hath for him will spur him on to the â—mitation of him he becomes himself more wonderful and more venerable to his Subjects when he equals him or excels him Tiberius was not inferior to Aâ—gustuâ— in Understanding and Experience The Day that Charles the Fifth had â—bâ—icated the Kingdom of Sâ—ain his Son Philip said in his Speech That the Emperor laid an heavy Weight upon him That he would not accept of a Crown which stood in need of the Prudence and Experience of his Imperial Majesty were it not to contribute to thâ— Preservation of so invaluable a Life Concluding that â—e would endeavour to imitate some of his Virtueâ— since to imitate them all was a Thing impossible for the most perfect Man in the World Cabrera lib 1. cap. 7. oâ— his History and that having sustain'd some part of them during the Life of the Emperour 2 It would be a great Advantage to the Children of Sovereig◠〈◊〉 if their Fathers would themselves take pains to instruct them I mean those who are to succeed them for from whom shall they learn the Art of Government if not from him who Governs And how can they be able to Govern when they ascend the Throne if they have never been admitted to any Knowledge of the Affairs of their State It must pass through the Hands of interessed Ministers who will make their Advantage of their Prince's Ignorance to render themselves more necessary and who to maintain themselves in the Power they have gotten will never let him see Aâ—â—airs but on that side which may give him a disgust of Business On the contrary a Prince who hath had some share in the Government in his Father's Life-time enters trained up and accustomed to act the difficult part of a King I don't pretend to say that a King ought to trouble himself to teach him a thousand Things which belong to the Office and Duty of a Praeceptor Majus aliquid exceâ—sius a Principâ— postulatur But setting Iealouâ—ie aâ—ide he cannot fairly dispense with himself from tâ—aching him 〈◊〉 Maxims which are as the Principles and the Springs of Government and which Tacitus calls Arcana Dominationis And as the Children of Sovereign Princes saith Cabrera have been accustomed to believe themselves above the Laws they have absolute need of the Instructions of their Fathers for besides the Impressions which Blood and the Majesty of Sovereign Power make upon them there are none but their Fathers who have the Authority to command them and the Means to make themselves obeyed cap. 8. lib. 1. of his History he was sensible by his own Experience how difficult and dangerous it was to charge his Shoulders with the Weight of Government That in a City which abounded with the Choice of great and able Persons all Things ought not to be intrusted to the Management of one since Publick Functions were better exercis'd when many join'd their Cares and Labours 3 It is very necessary for a Prince saith Commines to have several Persons of his Council because the wisest sometimes err and they help to set one another right l. 2. c. 2. The chief Point is to know how to chuse them well and to employ every one according to the Nature and Degree of their Abilities But there was more of Ostentation than of upright Meaning in these Discourses And besides if Tiberius whether by Nature or by Custom spoke obscurely even on those Subjects where he had no occasion to dissemble his Words at this time became more intricate and doubtful when he studied altogether to disguise his Thoughts Then the Senators who were all equally afraid of seeming to divine his Meaning broke out into Tears Complaints and Vows holding out their Hands to the Gods and to the Image of Augustus and embracing the Knees of Tiberius till he commanded a Register s Sueton calls this Registry Ratâ—â—narium i. e. an Inventory or a Iourâ—al to be brought written by the Hand of Augustus 4 Although Princes have Secretaries whose Hand might save them the trouble of Writing it is so far from being beneath them to write themselves Memoirs of this kind which Tacitus calls Dominationis Arcana that on the contrary it would be Imprudence in them to commit them to the Ears and Hand of another There is no Secretary nor Confident whosoever he be that ought to be admitted to the Knowledge of these Secrets A Prince who is guilty of this Oversight will become precarioâ—â— to such a Subject Edward the Sixth King of England wrote himself the Iournal of his Life whereof the three last Years are extant So that if this Prince who died at Sixteen had lived longer and continued his Labour he would have proved a very great Man In Portugal they have an Office which they call Escrivaon dâ— puridade as much as to say The Writer or Register of the Confidence or of the Secrets And Mariana often makes use of this Word in this sense when he saith Communicar sus consejos y puridades As this is the most important place of the Kingdom and which hath never been held by any other but by the chief Minister it is probable that it was erected on purpose to write the Secrets of the King's Cabinet and thence to prepare Memoirs of State Iohn the Second King of Portugal and Ferdinand the Fifth King of Arragon and Castille wrote them themselves and containing a Particular of the Publick Revenues with a Roll of the Names of Citizens and Allies which serv'd in the Armies of the Tributary Kingdoms of the Conquer'd Provinces of the Naval Strength of the Imposts and all the Pensions and Expences which were charg'd on the Commonwealth To which Augustus whether out of Fear for the Empire which had receiv'd so great a Blow in Germany or out of Iealousie lest some of his Successors should have the Glory of extending the Roman Conquests farther than himself added the Advice of Restraining the Empire within the present Limits
1 Kings saith Salust are more aâ—raid or Men of Virtue and Merit than of ill Men. 〈◊〉 boni quâ—m 〈◊〉 suspectiores sunt sâ—mperque his 〈◊〉 virâ—us sormidâ—losa est In Calilina Tiberius was well perswaded of what Agrippa had said to Augustus That a Man of great Underâ—â—anding and great Courage could â—ot but be a Lover of Liberty and in his Heart an Enemy to an absolute Master Diâ—n lib. 52. Commines saith that Lewis the Eleventh â—eared all Men but especially those who were worthy to be in Authority Memoirs l. 6. c. 12. Besides that Augustus in one of the last Discourses which he held speaking of those who would refuse the Empire though capable of Ruling it or who would be Ambitious of it though uncapable of Governing or who at once would be capable of Governing and desirous of the Government said That Lepidus would be worthy of it without wishing for 2 A Prince can never give better sustructions to his Successor than to â—ark out what great Men he ought 〈◊〉 distrust This Knowledge is the most necessary thing to a Prince when he 〈◊〉 ascends the Throne and 〈◊〉 much the 〈◊〉 because it is in the â—â—ginning that he is most eaâ—â—â—y deceived and the great Men most 〈◊〉 to make their Atâ—â—mpts upon an Authority that is not yet well eâ—tablished In the last Counsels which David on his Death-bed gave to his Son Salomon he advised him not to let 〈◊〉 go to the Grave in peace who had 〈◊〉 two just Men Almer and 〈◊〉 to bring to the Grave with blood the hoar Head of Shimei who had dared to curse him and to causâ— the Sons of Barzillai to eat at his own Table who had â—urnished him with Provisions and other Necessaries for his whole Army when he fled before Absalom 1 Kings chap. 2. Francis the First in the last Hours of his Life advised his Son Henry not to admit the House of Lorrain to any share of the Government foretelling that the Guises would be the Ruine of the Valois Counsel that would have saved France from many Wars and Calamities had Henry the Second been wise enough to have made use of it On the contrary Philip the Second employed all those Ministers which Charles the Fifth recommended to him when he resigned the Crown of Spain and especially the Duke d'Alva the Bishop of Arras who was afterwards Granvelle Diego de Bargâ—â— Francis de Eraso and Gonzalo Peres the Father of Anthony who was so famous for his Misfortunes And this he did with so much the more success because Charles the Fifth by a secret Memoir which he had sent him had fully informed him of the true Character of their Minds and of the difference of their Interests This was a Paper of so excellent Instructions saith the Commander of Vera that if Tiberius had made thâ— like Tacitus would have given him Immortal Praises Epitâ—me of the Life of Charles the Fifth and Cabrera cap. 7. lib. 1. of his History Burnet saith that Edward the Sixth King of England wrote in a Book the Portraitures of the Lord-Lieutenants of his Counties and of the principal Magistrates of his Kingdom with all the Particulars that he was told of them Part. 2. l. 1. of his History Certainly he had in this â—ound the Secrets of knowing every thing and consequently of being well served it that Asinius would be desirous of it without deserving it that Aâ—â—untius neither was unworthy of it nor would fail to lay hold of the first Occasion 3 Ambition Merit Courage and Opportunity are all that are necessary to make a Usurper A Subject who hath been esteemed worthy to Govern by a Prince who hath excelled in the Arts of Government will always be suspected by the Successor of that Prince and which is worse will fall a Sacrifice if the Prince be of a sanguinary Temper It was never doubted but Ferdinand d'Avalos Marquis de Pesquera who commanded the Army of Charles the Fifth in Italy was disposed to accept of the Kingdom of Naples which Francis Sforsa Duke of Milain in the Name of the Pope and the Venetians offered him with the Title of Captain-General of the Italian League for he was a long time in Treaty with Ierom Moron who was this Duke's chief Minister And that he afterwards discovered all to the Emperour was an effect of the difficulty of the Enterprize rather than of his Fidelity which Charles the Fifth ever after suspected to seize it â— Concerning the two first of these 't is agreed on all Hands but some in stead of Arruntius have nam'd Cneius Piso. Certain it is that all of them excepting Lepidus perish'd afterwards by Tiberius under the supposition of several Crimes Quintus Haterius and Mamercus Scaurus incurr'd likewise the Displeasure of that suspicious Soul The first for asking him How long O Caesar wilt thou suffer the Commonwealth to be without a Head 4 Subjects cannot reproach their Prince more than to complain that the State is without a Head and consequently fallen into an Anarchy From the moment that a Prince ascends the Throne he ought to set upon Action and not to give his Subjects space to doubt whether they have a Master Anthony Perez said That the King and Kingdom make a Marriage that the King is the Husband and the Kingdom the Wife and that a Kingdom is a Widow that hath nor a laborious and vigilant King The other for saying It was to be hop'd that the Suit of the Senate would not be unprofitable because when the Consuls propos'd him to them for Emperour he interpos'd not his Tribunitial Power to resist the Motion He reprehended Haterius on the spot but he said not a Word in reply to Scaurus against whom he was more deeply u Because he discovered that all Tiberius's refusals of the Empire were not in earnest whereas Haterius seemed to be perswaded that his Refusal was sincere when he conjured him not to suffer the Commonwealth to be longer without a Head which was also an oblique way of flattering Tiberius intimating thereby that the Senate was not the Head of the Empire offended 5 Silence is the most certain sign of a deep Resentment for whereas the Mouth gives the Heart vent Silence nourishes in it Hatred and the desire of Revenge Tacitus saith that Agricola was a little too sharp in his Repâ—imands but that afterwards there remained no more in his Breast so that none had any jealousie of his Silence At length being tir'd with hearing the general Complaints and Murmurs and the Remonstrances of each Man in particular he unbent somewhat of his Stiffness not to the degree of declaring that he would accept the Empire but only as he said to put an end to their Requests 6 Most Popes use this Policy at first they seem not willing to hear any mention made of a Cardinal Nephew or of the Acquisition of Principalities or Duchies for their Kindred but
old Camp The Sedition was begun by them there was no Crime so heinous which they had not committed and to compleat their Villany they were still for pushing on their Fury to the utmost nothing frighted with the Punishment of some nothing mov'd with Remorse or with the Penitence of others Germanicus therefore gave his Orders to prepare Vessels on the Rhine resolving to terrifie them into Duty in case they persisted in their Disobedience XXXIX The News of this Revolt amongst the Legions being come to Rome before the Event of the other in Pannonia was known the City struck with Fear began to murmur against Tiberius accusing him that while he by his artificial Delays and Dissimulations was still imposing on the People and the Senate which were both of them unarm'd and without Power in the mean time the Soldiers were raising a Rebellion They said that the two young Princes for want of Knowledge and Authority could not hold the Armies in Obedience It was his Duty to go in Person thither and oppose the Majesty of the Empire to the Mutineers who would never dare to make Head against a Prince of consummate Wisdom and Experience and who alone had their Life and Death at his Dispose that Augustus in his declining Age and languishing with Sickness had taken many Iourneys into Germany and that Tiberius now in the Vigour of his Years led a sedentary Life at Rome and employ'd his Time in cavilling at the Expressions of the Senators that he very sufficiently provided for domestick Slavery that it was now incumbent on him to restrain the License of the Soldiers and teach them how to behave themselves in Peace 1 Soldiers cannot love Peace because it confounds them with the Citizens and subjects them to the Laws from which they set themselves at liberty with Impunity in time of War Militares artes per otium ignotae industriosque ac ignavos pax in aequo tenet Ann. 12. The Citizens saith Sir W. Temple pretend to live in safety under the Protection of the Laws which the Soldiers would subject to their Sword and to their Will Chap. of his Remarks on the United Provinces XL. Tiberius was unmov'd at these e Fabius Maximus whose Method was not to fight slighted those envious Persons who in a Ieer called him The Temporiser and Hannibal's Paedagogue saying That it was greater Cowardice to fear the Iudgments of the People than to fear the Enemy But all Captains saith Livy l. 4. have not that strength of Mind which Fabius had who would rather unjustly suffer the diminution of his Authority than do otherwise than what was his Duty to gain the Approbation of the People Seneca saith That there is nothing more ridiculous than a Man who stands in fear of what others will say of him Nil sâ—ultius est homine verba metuente Contradiction in stead of Shoâ—king doth but fortifie and â—arden a resolved Mind Discourses 1 An able Prince ought not to take his Measures from what the People say who always speak by a Passion Non ex ruâ—â—ore statuendum Ann. 3. It is a good Commendation which Tacitus gives Tiberius that he was always a great Enemy to the Reports of the Town Tiberium speruendis Rumâ—ribus validum An. 3. So that Paterculus ought not to be suspected of Flattery in saying That he was an excellent Iudge of what he ought to do and that he embraced not what the Multitude did approve but what they ought to approve For saith he he was more concerned for his Duty than for his Reputation and the Army never directed the Counsels and the Designs of the General but the General always gave Laws to his Army Ch. 113 115. Amiâ—ato saith That Princes who disquâ—et themselves with the Iudgments of the People fall into the same Error with those who scruple certain Things which are not sinful for as the Scrupulous sin by the Opinion which they have of sinning altho they have not sinn'd so Princes who are concerned to hear the People blame what they have done or are doing with good Counsel and thorough Information shew that they have not acted upon certain Principles but by false Prejudices Disc. 7. of l. 3. A Baron of Chevreau who served in Flanders under the Duke of Alva perceiving that the Duke would not hazard a Battel which the Officers judged convenient to fight threw his Pistol in Anger on the Ground saying The Duke will never fight To whom the Duke who had heard him answered That he was pleased to see the Desire which the Soldiers had to fight the Enemy because their Profession required it but that â— General ought to consider nothing but conquering It is ordinary for Soldiers saith the Author who furnishes me with this Example to desire to â—ight to get Reputation by shewing their Courage but the Repuâ—atâ—on of Generals depends upon knowing how to conquer without losing a Soldier if it be possible and consequently not to fight unless they are invited to it by the Necessity of relieâ—ing a Place or by a most certain Advantage Thus they ought never to comply with the Will of the Soldiers if Reason doth not absolutely require it for a Captain hath never suffer'd himself to be prevail'd on by the Discourses and Importunities of his Army but he hath been afterwards beaten by his Enemies Bernard de Mendoza's Memoirs l. 4. c. 11. having fix'd his Resolutions not to leave the Seat of Empire 2 The capital City of a Kingdom according to Tacitus is the Centre and Helm of Affairs Caput Rerum and consequently the Prince's Presence is most necessary there especially in the beginning of a Reign If the Great Pompey had not left Rome where he was the strongest Caesar would have had a great Difficulty to have entred it Philip the Second consulting in his Council Whether he should go into Flanders Don Iohn Manriqua de Lara said wisely That the War being in a remote Country the King ought not to leave the Heart of his Kingdom whence issued out the Strength and the Preservation of all the other Parts Gabrera's Philip the Second l. 7. c. 7. In the Year 1591 the City of Saragossa having made an Insurrection against him about the Privileges of the Tribunal which they call El Iustitia he would never go thither although the People of Madrid and several even of the Grandees aggravated the Danger and when they had reported to him what every one said of him on this Occasion he answered That it was not agreable to the Grandeur of the Monarchy that the Prince for a rebellious City should quit that whence he gave Motion to his whole Empire Herrera's Second Part of his History l. 7. c. 20. No Reason of State nor of War saith Cabrera requires that a King should hazard his Person because neither Vigilance nor Fortune are sufficient Guarantees for the Safety of Princes who ought not to ground their Deliberations on the
la Ferte-Senecterre their Iealousie rendred the fairest Enterprizes abortive but from the time that the former was got rid of his Companion who put every thing to hazard Fortune always â—avoured him wanting Moderation in their good Fortune and Courage in their bad Arminius and Inguiomer retir'd out of the Battle the first untouch'd the last desperately wounded The Slaughter lasted all the Day and at the shutting of Evening the Legions return'd into their Camp many of them being hurt and all without Victuals yet well contented finding in their Victory Health and Vigour and large Provision of whatsoever they desir'd LXIII In the mean time a Report was spread that the Romans were defeated and that the Germans were descending upon Gaul And they were on the point of breaking down the Bridge upon the Rhine if Agrippina had not oppos'd her Courage to the Cowardise of those who had advis'd so infamous an Action During the time of that Consternation she discharg'd all Duties of a General a In the Siege of Tournay ann 1581 Mary of Lalain Princess of Epinoy being not contented incessantly to exhort the Soldiers and the Burghers to a vigorous defence against the Duke of Parma and the Spaniards she so valiantly exposed herself that she had her Arm broken by the Shot of an Arquebuss of which she died the Year following Thus this Lady made good the Character which Commines gives of her Family 〈◊〉 Philip de Lalain saith he was of a Race of which there have been few who have not been valiant and have almost all died in 〈◊〉 their Princes in War Memoirs l. 1. c. 2. Ann. 1595 the Lady De Bâ—â—â—gny Wiâ—e of the Lord of Cambray performed the Dâ—â—y of a Captain and oâ— a private Soldier in the defence of this Town againâ—t the Spaniards Night and Day she went to visit the Sentinâ—â—s and to observe the Battery â—he wrought on the Fortifications she diâ—charged the Cannon with her Pike in her Hand she exposed herselâ— to all Dangers and braved the Spaniaras and would not hear of a Capitulation Which might have succeeded if her Husband had not been so odious to the City over which he tyrannized without Pity Herrera calls this Lady another 〈◊〉 another Vâ—rulana Hist. part 3. l. 11. c. 16. Don Câ—râ—os Coloma l. â— of 〈◊〉 Wars of Fâ—anders she reliev'd the poor Soldiers she supply'd the Sick with Remedies 1 It is not one of the least Praises of a General to take care of the â—ealth and Lives of his Soldiers As there is nothing so Valuable as Life so there is no Benefit whereof Men have a more grateful Sense than of it especially Soldiers who are exposed to more Dangers than all the rest of Mankind The Spanish Commentator on Commines saith That the Soldiers set upon the Tomb of a certain Captain who died at Milain the Words of the Creed Qui propter nos propter nosâ—ram salutem descendit 〈◊〉 infâ—ros The Spaniards adds he gave not this Praise to the Prince of Parma in Flanders for whilst his Army was in want of every thing he must not want Mules to â—etch Spaw-Waters for his Baths Ch. 9. l. 6. and provided Clothes for those who were perishing with Cold. Caius â—liâ—ius who has written the History of these Wars says That she stood on the entry of the Bridge to praiâ—e and thank the Legions as they pass'd along All which Proceedings made a deep Impression of Discontent and Melancholy on the Soul of Tiberius He strongly suspected that this Over-Diligence and Care could not possibly be innocent 2 In the Opinion of Livy Civility and Liberality are never free in a great Fortune The Prince can't look upon a great Man who studies to gain the People's Affections but as a Rival who would steal from him the Hearts of his Subjects that he may afterwards deprive him of their Obedience Henry the Third saith a Politick Spaniard one Day ask'd his Confidents this Question What doth the Duke of Guise do thus to charm the People's Hearts Sir said a cunning Courtier he gives with both Hands and when it is not in his Power to grant what they desire he supplies it with Words Let them invite him to a Wedding he goes to a Funeral he assists at it to be Godfather to a Child he accepts it He is affable caressing and liberal he carries it fair to all People and speaks ill of none in short he reigns in their Hearts as your Majesty doth in your Territories Gracian's Heroes ch 12. Of all that Don Pâ—dro Giron Duke of Ossen did to continue himself in he Viceroyship of Naples and to hinder the Cardinal Gaspar Borgia from taking Possession of it nothing rendred him more suspected or rather more criminal than what he did after the arrival of the Cardinal to Prochira an Isle near Naples Having assembled the common People he threw among them abundance of Money and when he had no more left he pull'd off the Gold Buttons which he had on his Clothes and a Girdle of Diamonds and after that by an extravagant Liberality he also threw his Hat and his Cloke to them imploring the Assistance of this Multitude against a Priest who he said was not fit to govern a Kingdom of which the Pope had a desire to possess himself Conjuratio Ossuniana 1612 1620. at the bottom that it was not against Foreigners that Agrippina thus fortifi'd herself with the Favour of the Soldiers that the Generals might now securely take their Ease when a Woman could perform their Office take Reviews of the Legions march amidst the Roman Ensigns and their Eagles and make Donatives to the Soldiers How could it be without Design that her little Son was carried round the Camp in the plain habit of a private Soldier that she caus'd him to be Sirnam'd Caligula That she had already more Authority in the Army than all the Generals 3 Tiberius transgressed through Distrust and Iealousie but Agrippina through Imprudence for she better remembred whence she descended and whose Wife she was than whose Subject The same Commentator on Comminus saith That Distrust is wont to take away the Iudgment of Women but that on the contrary it gives Iudgment to Princes and improves it that it is a Passion that absolutely masters Ladies whereas it is a Quality that is absolutely necessary to Kings Witness Edward the Fourth King of England who according to Commines was driven out of his Kingdom by the Earl of Warwick because he always lived withou Suspicion Chap. 1. of the Commentary let E. and ch 5. of l. 1. of the Memoirs since she had appeas'd a Mutiny where the Name of the Emperour had been of no Consideration 4 Great Services draw Calamities on those who perform them especially when they are Men whose Birth Courage or Merit gives Iealousie to the Prince The younger Pliny saith That it is seldom seen that a Prince loves those to whom he
particularly by the Great Men. And he hath often said to me that he should find it if his affairs went ill Ch. 1. Lib. 2. of his Memoirs II. After the Death of Phraates and the two succeeding Kings the Principal Men amongst them being weary of domestick slaughters 1 To preserve Peace in a Monarchical State it is necessary that the Great Men intermeddle not with the Administration of Affairs for their ambition never suffers them to agree together The weaker desiring an Equality and the more powerful not being contented with that they perpetually bandy into Factions one against another so that the State is torn with their quarrels until a Prince comes who hath the Courage and the Skill to resume all the Authority which both sides have usurped sent Ambassadors to Rome to demand Vonones the Eldest of his Sons Tiberius looking on this to be much for his honour 2 The greatest Honour that a Foreign Nation can do to a Prince is to be willing to receive a King from his hands especially when it is a Nation equal or very near equal in power as the Parthians were to the Romans Sociis virium aemulis saith Tacitus cedentibusque per reve rentiam Ann. 12. i. e. The Parthians who do not give place to the Romans but out of Respect and Friendship sent him away with rich presents and the Barbarous People receiv'd him with joy as they usually do new Kings 3 A new Reign saith Cabrera or a new Minister always pleaseth the People best who in this cross the Custom that is almost Universal to praise the past and condemn the present As the Successor differs from his Predecessor either in Age or Manners how good qualities soever the Predecessor had he that succeeds is always more acceptable People grow weary of and in time disrelish every thing and particularly every thing that is Uniform the same kind of Dish served up two days successively becomes insipid a way that is all even and alike tires if it be long Lib. 7. Cap. ult Cardinal Delfin said one day to me that at Rome no Popes were hated more than those who reigned long and that la longhezza del dominare it was the Expression he used made a good Pope as insupportable as a Bad one But they soon began to be asham'd 4 Tacitus saith that the Parthians regretted their Princes when they were absent and disliked them when they were present Parthos absentiunâ— aequos praesentibus mobiles Ann. 6. By the first Vonones who had been so long absent ought to have been very agreeable to them at his return but by the second he could not fail of soon experiencing their Inconstancy Besides it is common for Men to have a good Opinion of the Absent majora credi de absentibus Hist. 2. and to find themselves deceived when they see them because it is much easier to form a great Idea of those whom we love before we know them than it is to answer a great Expectation when we arâ— known that they had so far degenerated as to go to another World for a King that had been trained up in the Arts of their Enemies and that the Kingdom of the Arsacidae was thereby esteem'd and dispos'd of as a Roman Province Where said they is the Glory of those that slew Crassus e He was slain with the greatest part of the Roman Army by the Cavalry of King Oâ—odes the Father of Phraates and the Parthians were going to posses themselves of Syria whereof he was Governor if Calus Cassius who served in the Roman Army in the Quality of Quâ—estor had not prevented them Paterc Cap. 46. Lib. 2. and put Anthony f Having entred Armenia with 16 Legions he marched through Media in order to attack the Parthians But as he advanced in the Enemy's Country 〈◊〉 met 〈◊〉 King of the Parthians and Artavasdes King of Media who hinder'd him from passing the Euphrates and defeated his Lieutenant Oppius Statianus with two Legions and all the Cavalry which he had under his Command Afterwards he was forced to raise the Siege of Praaspes the Capital City of Media and to send to beg Peace of Phraates who gave it him on such Conditions as used to be impos'd on the 〈…〉 Lib. 42. Anthony saith Paterculus stuck not to call his 〈…〉 because he had escaped out of the hands of his Enemies with his 〈◊〉 although he had lost the fourth part of his Army all his Baggage and Artillery Chap. 82. to flight if the Parthians are to be govern'd by one that hath been so many years a Slave to the Roman Emperor He himself heightned their Indignation and Contempt by differing so much from the Manners of his Ancestors loving neither 5 According to Xenophon Hunting is the truest Image of War for there is nothing to be seen in War which is not seen in Hunting and consequently Hunting is the most profitable Diversion that a Prince can take who deâ—igns to be a great Captain David offering himself to Saul to fight with Goliah alledges as a Proof of his Courage and of his Experience that he had pursued the Lyon and the Bear and that he had strangled and slew them in stopping their mouths with his hands â— Sam. 17. An instance of the Reâ—emblance that there is betwixt Hunting and War Commines saith that of all Diversions Lewis XI took the greatest Delight in Hunting but that he scarce returned from it but he was angry with somebody For it is a thing saith he that is not always â—anag'd to please those who are the Principal Persons in the Field An Observation for Princes who love this Diversion and for those who accompany them at it Chap. 13. Book 6. of his Memoirs Hunting g 〈◊〉 in the Preface to his Cataline reckons Hunting amongst â—ervile 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 Non fuit consilium socordia atque defidia bonum otiuâ— conterere neque vero agrum colendo aut venando servilibus officiis intentum aetatem aegere Reasoning in this like a Roman for in his time the Romans did not hunt and it is taken notice of by Suâ—tonius that Tiberius branded a Commander of a Legion with infamy for sending some Soldiers a Hunting Here we ought to observe that Republicans have never been great Hunters because they are always taken up with affairs of Government So we are not to wonder if the Nobleâ—Venetians are neither Hunters nor Soldiers They don't so much as understand how to sit a Horse for besides that they have no Horses in their City they don't care to be Horsemen because they dont make War but by Sea all their Military Land-Offices being given to Strangers Cabrera calls Hunting a Royal Exercise Real exercicio de la casa and saith that Philip II. took great delight in it Chap. of his History nor Horses 6 In a Nation such as the Parthians whose whole strength â—ay in Cavalry a King cannot have a greater Fault than not
Vain-Glorious Bounties must be supply'd by ill practices 5 The Liberality of Princes iâ— oftner an Effect of their Vanity and of their Ambition than of their Goodness and of their Iustice. This Counterâ—eit Liberality is the Fault of all Kings who love Flatterers and our Historians have very well observ'd it in our Kings Henry II. and Henry III. who abandon'd the Government to their Minions Augustâ—s gave you Money Hortalus but without importunity and not with a Condition that he should be always giving you If Men have no reliance on themselves Industry will flag and Laziness will grow upon them and as long as they can securely depend on relief from others they will do nothing for themselves and be a constant Burthen to us 6 An able Prince ought to keep his Favours for those who do or are capable of doing service to his State Machiavel saith that he ought by Privileges and Rewards to encourage People who excell in any art and especially those who are well skill'd in Commerce to invent whatsoever may enrich his subjects Cap 21. of his Prince It hath been a saying That Princes ought not to keep Fowls which lay no Eggs. An Apothegm against Useless and Voluptuous Persons This Speech though it met with Approbation from those whose custom it was to applaud right or wrong whatsoever the Emperor said or did yet many mutter'd softly and others by their silence shew'd their dislike 7 As it is dangerous to blame Princes and shameful to flatter them when they do ill honest Men keep a Mean betwixt Complaisance and Liberty which is Silence which Tiberius perceiv'd well enough 8 When Courtiers keep Silence it is easie for the Prince to perceive that they approve not that which they durst not condemn Witness the Young Italian who going into the Chamber of Cardinal Salviati when he was in dispute with a Person who was playing at Chess with him at first â—ight gave it against him without hearing the Reasons on either side And the Cardinal asking him why he judg'd so before he knew the Fact Because said he if you were in the Right all these Gentlemen pointing to the Company â— culd have immediately given it for you whereas no body â—urst speak his Opinion â—â—â—ause you are in the Wrong and therefore after a little pause he added That he had given Hortalus such an Answer as he thought his Speech requir'd however after all if the Senate thought sit he would give his Sons two hundred great Sesterces a-piece 9 When â— Prince gives â— little and those to whom he gives are Persons of Merit or of Noble Birth it is a sign that he gives unwillingly and consequently that no more is to be expected from him There are Princes who have not resolution enough to give a Denial but who in revenge give such small Gifts that notwithstanding they give to all that beg of them pass for as Covetous and fordid Persons as if they gave nothing Such was Cardinal Henry King of Portugal The History of the Union of Portugal and Castilâ—e Lib. â— The whole Senate thank'd him only Hortalus said nothing either out of Fear or out of a Sense of his Noble Birth which he retain'd in his lowest Fortune Nor did Tiberius ever after shew him any Compassion although his Family was reduc'd to scandalous Poverty XXXIX The same year the bold attempt of one Slave if it had not been timely prevented had embroyl'd the Empire in a Civil War 1 A whole Council hath work enough to settle a State that is troubled with Civil Dissentions but there needs but one dangerous Man to disturb a State that is in Peace especially if he be one who hath nothing to lose Anthony Perez saith That the Fear which the Lion hath of the Crowing of a Cock and the Elephant to see a Mouse is an Example which reacheth Princes that the least Instruments are capable to put their Kingdoms in flames In his Aphorismâ— He was a Slave of Postâ—umus Agrippa u In the last Age one Cornelius Hock who liv'd at Rotterdam and marry'd there had the Boldness to affirm that he was the Son of Charles V. and the People began to respect him as such and to hearken to the Proposals which â—e made for the new Modelling the Common-Wealth when the Council of Holland caused him to be beheaded and quarter'd at the Hague 1583. Herâ—era's Hist. l. 12. c. 14. named Clemens who as soon as he heard that Augustus was dead laid a Design that had nothing of the Slave in it which was to rescue his Master Agrippa by Force or Stratagem from the Isle of Planasia whither he was Banish'd and to convey him to the German Army But the slowness of the Merchant Ship on which he embark'd made him too late for this Design Posthumus being kill'd before he came which however put him on a greater and more hazardous Enterprize for having stolen away the Ashes of his Master and gain'd Cosa x In Toscany near Porto-Hercole a Promontory of Etruria he conceal'd himself in desart Places till his Hair and Beard were grown long intending to Personate Agrippa being much about his Age and not unlike him y In the Year 1585. Portugal saw two Counterfeit Sebastiants one of them a Native of the Town of Alcasova and the Son of a Tile-maker the other named Matthew Alvarez a Native of the Isle of Tercera and the Son of a Stone-cutter both Hermites and drawn out of their Hermitage to be imaginary Kings of Portugal When a Report was spread through the whole Kingdom that Don Sebastian had escap'd with his Life from the Battel of Alcasar and that to do Penance for having been the Cause of the Death of so many Men which fell in that Battel he had retir'd into a Desart for seven years the Term which the Portuguese by a Ridiculous Superstition believe to be necessary for the Expiation of the Sins of a King who hath lost a Battel The Country People who saw the Austere Life which these Hermits led suspected that this might be King Sebastian Thâ— first was taken with the Imaginary Bishop of La Garde who received the Alms that were given him and had set down the Names of all those who gave to the end said he that Sebastian might recompence them when he should return to Lisbon This Bishop was hang'd and the King his Disciple sent to the Galleys that the Incredulous and the Over-credulous might have the Opportunity to see him and to undeceive themselves by seeing him for he was not at all like King Sebastian Herrera Cap. 18. Lib. 1â— of the second Part of his History As for Matthew Alvarez in the beginning he was sincere telling all those who took him for Don Sebastian because he had the Air of his Face and brown hair as he had that he was the Son of a Poor Stone-cutter but when he saw that his words were interpreted
his own Words Commines utterly blames the Iourney which Alphonso V. King of Portugal made into France to procure assistance against Isabella Queen of Castille and Ferdinand of Aragon her Husband who had usurp'd this Crown from his Niece For during his long stay in France which was above a Year his affairs in Castille were chang'd where the Lords of the Kingdom who were almost all of his Party before his absence made their terms with Ferdinand and Isabella being weary of expecting succours from France and his return But that which he adds shews to what Princes expose themselves who go into another's Dominions The King of Portugal 's End saith he was that he suspected that the King Lewis XI had a design to seize him and deliver him up to his Enemy the King of Castile For this reason he disguised himself a third time being resolved to go away to Rome and to retire into a Monastery For he was asham'd to return into Castille or Portugal without having done any thing in France whither he went against the Opinion of many of his Council In this Habit he was taken by one Robinet le Beuf And half a Page after This King endeavour'd to marry his Niece to the Dauphine now Charles VIII in which he could not succeed Insomuch that his coming into France was to his great Prejudice and Trouble and was the Cause that he died soon after his return into Portugal His Memoris Lib. 5. Cap. 7. Paul Piasecki speaking of the Death of Cardinal Iohn Albert Brother to Uladisâ—aus King of Poland who travelâ—'d into Italy saith That the wisest Lords of the Kingdom condemn'd this Passion for travell as a thing unbecoming and alway fatal to great Princes and especially to the Sons of Kings Proceres prudentiores talem peregrinationem Princibus majoris nominis praecipue Regum filiis indignam improbabant And in the Margent Peregrinatio filiis Regum indecora periculosa In Chronico ad annum 1634. Add hereto That for the most part Princes return dissatisfy'd with those whose Countreys they have visited because almost always part of the Honours which they pretend to are contested with them For which reason most have had recourse to the Expedient of being Incognito during their stay in Foreign Countreys or their passage through them By opening the Publick Granaries he brought down the Price of Corn did many Popular things went abroad without Guards 2 Persons placed in high stations ought never to appear in publick without the Exterior Marks of their Power for although Authority is not in the Ensigns yet they are the Ensigns which attract the Veneration of the People to the Magistrates And it was partly for this Reason that they call'd the Duties which they render'd to the Emperors at Rome purpuram adorare And Mamertinus saith That the Guards which environ good Princes are not for the Defence of their Bodies but only to give some lustre to Majesty Non custodiae corporis sunt sed quidam imperatoriae majestatis solemnis ornatus Paneg. Iuliaâ—â— It is therefore becoming Princes and Great Magistrates to support Majesty by Exteriour Splendor which makes Admiration and Respect enter by the Eyes Commines speaking of the Interview of our Lewis XI and Henry IV. King of Castile saith That the Castilians made a Iest of Lewis because he was in a mean Habit and wore a Pitiful Hat with a Leaden Image on the top of it saying That it was for Covetousness And some lines after he saith That the Burgundians contemned the little train of the Emperor Frederick III. and the sorry Cloaths of the Germans His Meâ—oirs l. 2. c. 8. An instance that Princes and consequently Magistrates also have need to go with an Equipage suitable to their Grandeur if they will be respected Pagliari saith That that which obliged Pope Gregory XIV to give the red Cap to Cardinal Monks was that during his Cardinalship he had often observed the little respect that was given and even the Indignities which were sometimes offer'd to these venerable Prelates in the throng of great Ceremonies because having black Caps they were not sufficiently distinguish'd Observation 213. And it was for the same Reason that the late King gave the Pectoral Cross to the Bishops of France who it is said are beholding to the rudeness of the Swiss for it in Sandals b The Romans wore Buskins which reach'd up to the Calf of the Leg but the Graecians wore Shoes made almost like Slippers which left the upper part of the Foot uncover'd and in a Graecian Habit in imitation of Scipio who is said to have done the same in Sicily in the heat of the Carthaginian War Tiberius made some gentle Reflections on his Habit but severely reprimanded him for entring Alexandria without the Prince's Permission which was contrary to the Order of Augustus For Augustus amongst other Secrets of State had prohibited any Senators or Roman Knights that were of the Illustrious Rank to go into Aegypt without a Pass from the Emperor 3 Germanicus's intentions were good but his Imprudence brought them under suspicion His going into Aegypt without leave from Tiberius taught the Great Men of Rome to contemn the Prohibition of Augustus The opening of the Publick Granaries the affecting to go abroad without the Rods might very well appear criminal to Tiberius there being no vertues more dangerous than those which may create a Desire in an Unsteady and Changeable People to receive for their Master him who hath them for fear lest any one by making himself Master of that Province which having the Keys both of the Sea and Land c Aegypt is environ'd on the South with steep Mountains which serve for Walls and Bulwarks to it On the West and the East with Mountains and Desarts and on the North with a Sea that hath no Road nor Harbours Which makes it Inaccessible on all sides and consequently easie to defend Augustus who knew all the Conveniencies of this Province which was a Granary to Rome and all Italy would debar all the Great Men from acquaintance with it for fear lest any of them should take a Resolution to make himself Master thereof And this Vespasian did when he rebell'd against Vitellius Sciens Aegyptum plurimam esse partem imperii saith Iosephus eaque si potitus soret Vitellium dejiciendum sperabat Cogitabat etiam propugnacula sibi fore illam regionem adversus incerta fortunae nam terra difficilis accessu marique importuosa est Belli Iudaici l. 5. might be easily defended by a small Force against Numerous Armies should starve Italy 4 The Knowledge of the Situation and the Commodities of his Provinces and of the Manners of their Inhabitants is very necessary for a Prince for without this he will often be deceiv'd in the Choice of his Governors and send into a Province a Person who will raise nothing but Troubles there whereas if he had been sent into another he might
Marquis d'Aytone said That the only disâ—atisfaction he had about it was that his Higness had depriv'd him of the Means of rendring him the Honour that was due to a Prince of his Rank which would have been more for the Dignity of his Person and the Satisfaction of his Catholick Majesty Memoirs of Montresor was sent to attend him and the Tribunes and Captains by intreaty drill'd him on and the farther he went the Closer they guarded him so that he perceiv'd at last there was no remedy but that he must go to Rome where he was accus'd by Cotys's Wife before the Senate and condemn'd never to return to his Kingdom Thrace is â—new divided betwixt his Son Rhoemetalces who was known to have been an Enemy to the Violences of his Father and the Children of Cotys But these being Minors the Administration of their State until they should come of Age was committed to Trebellianus Rufus who had been Praetor after the Example of our Ancestors who sent M. Lepidus into Aegypt to be Guardian to the Children of Ptolomy i Ptolomy Philopator Father to Ptolomy Epiphanes who succeeded him at the Age of five years The Romans sent Lepidus into Aegypt to oppose the Ambitious Designs of Antiochus Sirnam'd the Great King of Syria and of Philip * This was Philip Father to Perseus the last King of Macedonia King of Macedonia who design'd to have shar'd betwixt them this Young Prince's Kingdom Rhescuporis was carried to Alexandria where he was put to death for attempting to make his Escape though possibly this Crime was forg'd against him LXIX At the same time Vonones who being as I have said confin'd in Cilicia having corrupted his Guards under colour of going a Hunting 1 Besides that Hunting is good for Princes for the Health of their Bodies and being an Image of War it teaches them that Art by way of Diversion it is also of advantage to them to be Hunters because of the favourable Opportunities that this Exercise gives them when they are in the hands of their Enemies endeavour'd to make his Escape into Armenia and thence to the Albanians and the Heniochians and from thence to the King of the Scythians who was his Kinsman Leaving therefore the Sea-coasts he takes the By-ways of the Forests and with all the speed that his Horse could make posts towards the River Pyramus But the Country People having had notice of the King's Escape broke down the Bridges and the River being not Fordable he was taken and bound on the Banks of the River by Vibius Fronto General of the Horse and an Evocate k Evocati were Veteranes who were listed anew but without being obliged to the Military Offices so call'd quia militia deâ—uncti rursus aâ— ipsam revocâ—bantur named Remius who before had the Guard of him run him through the Body with his Sword as if it had been in revenge of his â—light which made it more credible that he was privy to his Escape and that he kill'd him to prevent his Discovery of it LXX Germanicus at his return from Aegypt found all the Orders which he had Establish'd amongst the Legions or in the Cities laid aside or revers'd 1 Nâ—w Ministers saith Anthony Perez are wont to do as New Engineers who to change the Design of those who went before them demolish the Works which they had begun and consume the Prince's Money in unnecessary Expences In the Aphorisms of his Relations which drew from him some hard words against Piso who was designing ill things against him At last Piso was preparing to quit Syria but the Sickness of Germanicus staid him and when he heard of his recovery and that Publick Thanks were return'd to the Gods for it he sent his Guards to disperse the People of Antioch who were solemnizing the Thanksgiving to force away the very Victims from before the Altars and to put an End to the Ceremonies After which he went to Seleucia l The Capital City of Mesâ—potamia seated on the Tygris to expect the Issue of the Relapse which Germanicus fell into whose suspicion that he was poyson'd by Piso much increas'd his Distemper 2 Commines had good reason to â—ay That Suspicions are the greatest Diseases of Princes and which much shortens their Lives Cardinal de Richeliâ—u paints Priâ—ces to the Life when he says that they believe their Suspicions as Oracles and do as Magiciaâ—s who make themselves drâ—nk in their false Science for an Event the knowledge whereof they owe to Chance In an Apology for his Conduct towards Queen Mary de Medicis There were found in the Floor and the Walls the Remains of Humane Carcasses dug-up Charms and Sorceries and Germanicus's Name engrav'd on Plates of Lead Bones half burnt and beâ—mear'd with Gore and other Witchcraâ—ts 3 There are many People who that they may pass for Men of great Sense believe nothing of all that which Historians and other Authors speak of Magicians and Sorcerers â—ut the Holy Scriptures and the Authority of the Church which Excommunicates and Anathematises them every Sunday in Parish-Churches will not suffer us to doubt of the Truth thereof And consequently Princes and Magistrates can never proceed with too much rigour against these publick Pests It is observ'd in the Iournal of the Reign of Henry III. that in the Reign of Charles IX impunity had multiply'd this Vermine to the Number of thirty thousand Persons However we must not believe that Sorcerers have all that Power to Hurt and Kill which some ascribe to them Henry III. lived still notwithstanding all the Wax-Images which they pricked in the Place of the Heart during the Masses of 40 hours which those of the League caus'd to be said in the Parish Churches of Paris The some Iournal 1589. by which Souls as it is believed are devoted to the Infernal Gods Some were also accus'd to have been sent by Piso to observe the Progress of his Distemper 4 The Curiosity of knowing the Progress of the Diseases of Princes is almost always fatal to those who inquire after it As nothing afflicts Princes more than the approaches of Death so nothing gives them greater Indignation against Great Men than a certain Imprudent Hastiness that discovers that they expect a New Reign M. the Duke de la Rochefocault makes a Reflection which agrees well with this Subject If saith he the Parties which the principal Persons of the Realm made some for the Queen and others for Monsieur did not discover themselves more it was because the King's recovery which seem'd to be in a fair Way made them fear lest he should be inform'd of their Practices and should look upon it as a Crime in them to be so careful before-hand to Establish their fortunes after his Death LXXI As these things came to the Ears of Germanicus they added both to his Fears and his Anger If my Chamber said he is beset If I must expire before my Enemy's
continuing her Voyage notwithstanding the Severities of the Winter and Storms at Sea arrived at last at Corfu an Island opposite to the Ports of Calabria She staid there a few days to quiet her Mind divided betwixt Grief and Impatience Upon the News of her coming Germanicus's Friends and the Soldiers that had served under him and many Strangers also some out of Duty and others following either for Company or Curiosity flocked from the Neighbouring Places to Brindâ—si a Or Brundusium an Archiepiscopal City in the Kingdom of Naples wâ—â—ch has a strong Castle and safe Harbour and lies upon the Adriatick Sea where she was expected as the nearest and safest Port. As soon as the Ships were discerned at Sea not only the Haven and Shores but the Walls Houses and other Places as far as could be seen were filled with Mourners enquiring oâ—ten whether they should receive her with Silence or Acclamation Neither were they determined which was properest when the Fleet came in not rowing briskly as they used to do but slowly and with Sorrow in their Countenances When she came with her two Children on Shore carrying her Husbands Urn and her Eyes fixt on the Ground there was an universal Lamentation so that you could not distinguish the Grief of Relations from Strangers nor the Mens from the Womens only theirs who met Agrippina being fresh exceeded those came with her which a long Affliction had spent II. Tiberius sent two Companies of his Guards to meet them ordering the Magistrates of Apulia Calabria and Campania to pay their last Respects to the Memory of his Son The Tribunes and Centurions therefore carried the Ashes the Banners were rolled up and with the reversed Fasces went before In all the Colonies as they passed the People in Mourning and the Nobles in their Purple Habits according to the Wealth of the Place burnt Perfumes and other things that add to Funeral Solemnities Those that lived out of the Road met them in great numbers and shewed their Grief 1 However magnificent and extraordinary the Funerals of a Prince are nothing does more Honour to his Memory than the Grief of the People that lament the loss of him The History of Portugal says That upon the Death of Iohn II. all the Kingdom went into Mourning and at Lisbon the Barbers were â—orbid Shaving any Person for 6 Months which was never done for any King before Dialogo quarto Varia Historia c. 11. not only by their Lamentations and Confused Cries but by their Sacrifices to the Infernal Gods Drusus went to Terracina with Germanicus his Children that were at Rome and Claudius his Brother The Year of the City 773. The Consuls M. Valerius and M. Aurelius who then entred on their Office with a great number of the People filled the way without observing any order 2 At the Funerals of Princes it is an infallible sign of great Affliction when the great Men and Magistrates decline those Honours that are due to their Rank Now the Masters of Ceremonies have more to do to regulate the Claims of Officers and to adjust the Disputes among Great Men than in all the other Parts of their Office So that Princes Funerals are oftner memorable for the Disorders that happen at them than for the Universal Affliction every one bewailing the loss of Germanicus as he saw good for there was no Flattery in this Mourning and all knew Tiberius rejoyced at Germanicus's Death tho' he pretended to be troubled for it III. Tiberius and his Mother forbore appearing in publick believing it a lessening to Majesty to grieve publickly 3 The Laws of Nature are the same to Princes as the rest of Mankind Grief for their Children and Princes of their Blood is not unbecoming them provided it does not degenerate into Weakness nor Excess Henry III. of France in my Opinion little regarded his Dignity when he assisted at the Interrment of Cardinal Biragne in the Habit of a Penitent and it looks as if he had forgot he was a King when he kissed the Bodies of Quelus and Maugiron his Favourites Iournal de son Regne 1578. or perhaps fearing lest the People by their Looks should discover their Dissimulation b Cabrera speaking of the Funerals of Don Carlos says That Cardinal Espinosa attended the Body only to the Church Door because he would not be at the Ceremony of the Service pretending himself indisposed tho' he might with more Truth have said it was because his being there would have displeased the King who was not sorry for his Death The 5th Chapter in the 8th Book of his History I find not in any Registers of the City or our Histories that Antonia had any particular share in this Solemnity tho' Agrippina Drusus and Claudius are named with other Relations It may be she was prevented by Sickness or so overcome with Affliction she had not the Courage to see the Funerals of her Son 4 Of all the Duties of Nature there is not any a good Mother is less obliged to observe than that of assisting at her Son's Funerals Upon such an Occasion she is too much afflicted to behold what will only encrease her Sorrow or to endeavour appearing unconcern'd when it will bring her natural affection in question tho' I should rather believe she was kept at home by Tiberius and Livia that they might seem all equallyâ—afflicted and to have it believed the Grandmother and Uncle kept in upon the Mothers Example 5 A Prince that is not afflicted but rather rejoices at the Death of one whom the People regret acts more wisely in not appearing at his Funerals for fear it be discover'd that his Sorrow is only â—eigned or that he is displeased at the Honour paid to the Memory of one he always Hated IV. The day the Ashes were laid in Augustus's Tomb there was sometimes a profound Silence and at others great Lamentation the Streets full of People and the Campus Martius of lighted Torches The Soldiers in Arms the Magistrates without their Habits the People ranked by their Tribes cryed out All was lost beyond Recovery and in this they were so bold you would have thought they had forgot their Governors c In the 18th chapter of 1 Kings 't is said Saul began to hate David mortally after the Women of Israel sang and played before him for his overcoming Goliah and their using these Words Saul hath killed his Thousands but David his Ten Thousands Why have they said he ascribed unto David Ten Thousand and to me that am their King only a Thousand and what can he have more save the Kingdom This Song was rather a Satyr against Saul than any thing else What Mortification was it to Henry III. to understand that the Preachers at Paris Preached as if they had no King but that it was through the Courage and Constancy of the Duke of Guise the Ark fell not into the Hands of the Philistines and that Heresie Triumphed not
over Religion Iournal du Regne d' Henry III. 1587. But nothing went nearer Tiberius than the great Affection of the People for Agrippina whom they called The Glory of their Country 6 Those Commendations the People give to one of Royal Birth whose Merit or Power create a Iealousie in the Prince always cost him dear for they not only lose him his Prince's Favour but make the Prince desire to get rid of one to whom the People give the Preference Witness Saul who would kill David because the Women of Israel were so indiscreet as to compare them The Acclamations of the Parisians in Favour of the Duke of Guise that Day he received the Blessed Sword Sixtus Quintus had sent him by a Bishop raised the Iealousie and Suspicion of Henry III. against him And not without Cause for the Ceremony was performed with as much Preparation and Pomp as a King's Coronation 1587. Besides Tiberius whose Maxim it was To moderate the Honours done to Women and even those to his Mother who had given him the Empire could not forbear being much displeased with Agrippina whom the People so much adored the only Blood of Augustus and the last Remains of ancient Probity and prayed the Gods her Children might survive their Enemies V. Some thought these Funerals not pompous enough and compared them with those Augustus made for Drusus Germanicus's Father For he went in the middle of Winter to Pavia and attended the Body to Rome upon the Herse were the Images of the Claudii and Livii d The Latin says Iuliorum but that is a transposing the Letters of Liviorum For at publick Funerals they carried only the Images of their Ancestors The Iulii were not related to Drusius but the Livii were by his Mother And it appears not that the Images of the Livii were omitted in that Ceremony His Funeral-Oration was spoke in the Place of Publick Assemblies he was praised in the Rostra e Rostra a goodly fair Edifice in which was an Orator's Pulpit deck'd and beautify'd with the Beaks of many Ships which the Romans took from the People of Antium in a memorable Sea-â—ight and from thence in Latin Rostra hath this Place taken its Name and all Honours done him that either our Ancestors or latter times have invented But Germanicus wanted those that are due to every noble Roman It signified little said they that his Body was burnt without Ceremony in a Foreign Country considering the Difficulty of bringing it so far home but he should have had the greater Honours afterwards in lieu of those this Accident deprived him His Brother went but one Day 's Iourny to meet the Body and his Uncle only to the Gates What is become of the Ancient Customs Why was not his Effigies f The word Effigies ought not to be used here says Fremont de Ablancourt because it is not spoken here of any thing set up and that word cannot properly be used but on such an occasion Nevertheless his Uncle uses this very word in his Translation The late Monsieur Ogier has the same word in his Funeral-Oration upon Lewis XIII when he speaks of the Monuments of the Kings at St. Dennis carried and Verses sung in Honour of his Memory Why was he not praised and lamented with the usual Ceremonies of Mourning 1 If Princes are not really concerned for the Death of those that have done important Service to the Publick they ought at least to seem so And that Tacitus means by these Words Doloris imitâ—menta When the Duke d' Alva died at Lisbon the Portuguese thought it strange that their new King Phillip II. should appear the next day in publick contrary to the Custom of their Kings who upon the Death of their Ministers and others of inferiour Rank that had faithfully served the Crown kept up some days And to make an odious Comparison some remembred that Emanuel his Mother's Brother lockt up himself for three days upon the Death of a famous Pilor Livre 9. de Histoire de l'Union du Portugal a la Castille VI. These Discourses were carried to Tiberius and to put a stop to them he declares by an Edict That many Illustrious Persons had died in the Service of the Commonwealth but none had been so passionately regretted This was commendable both in him and them if a Mean was observed That the same things were not becoming Princes and private Men 2 It is no wonder the Iudgments of the People are for the most part contrary to those of their Princes For the People not being able to discern right would have the Prince espouse their Passions and accommodate himself to their Humour and he on the contrary would have them leave the Government to him without judging what they understand not The People are not capable of knowing what is fitting or not fitting for the Prince when a weak Prince generally knows what is agreeable to or unbecoming his Dignity for a People that Command the World and those that Govern Petty Commonwealths That the Season for Sorrow is when Grief is fresh but after three Months 't was reasonable to lay it aside as Caesar did upon the Death of his only Daughter and Augustus after he had lost his Children 3 When the Prince would justifie an Action which he knows the People do or may interpret amiss he cannot do it better than by the Example of his immediate Predecessors for the later the Example is it makes the greater Impression on those to whom it is brought That it was not necessary to give ancienter Instances how the People had bore with Constancy the Defeat of their Armies g The loss of the Battels of Cremera and Allia both fought on the 17th of Iuly in different Years and four others that of Ticinum Techia Lago di Perugia and Cannae where so many Roman Knights were killed that Hannibal sent to Carthage two Bushels full of Rings an Account of the number of the Slain by that of their Rings the Death of their Generals h Of the Scipio's in Spain and so many others and the entire Extinction of many noble Families i All the Fabii who were 306 near Relations perished in one Ambuscade the Tuscans had said for them near the River Cremera but by good Fortune there was one staid at home because of his being very young who restored the Family That Princes are Mortal but the Commonwealth Eternal 4 Kingdoms says Ant. Perez are in respect of Kings the same as Species are to their Individuals The Philosophers say the Species are Eternal because naturally they never end though Individuals perish like Accidents Kings make not Kingdoms but Kingdoms make Kings Dans ses secondes Lettres that they should therefore return to their ordinary Employments and enjoy themselves at the Megalensian Games k Games instituted in Honour of the great Goddess called by the Romans Magna Mater Her Statue was brought in great
Treason Mathematical Demonstrations of Conspiracies and Cabals says Cardinal Ricâ—lieu are not to be expected those are not to be met with till the Event that is not till they are past Remedy Tome 5. des Memoires de son Ministre And consequently what appears by strong Conjectures should sometimes be thought sufficiently proved Chap. 5. de la seconde partie du Testament Politique that had no Commerce either with Macedonia or Thrace 8 If a great Man is potent in a Frontier Country and behaves himself so as to give cause to suspect his corresponding with the Neighbouring Princes the Prince is in the Right to secure his Person either by calling him to Court or arresting him there if he comes not out And tho' there be not sufficient Evidence against him yet there is no Injustice done him in preventing his return for it is not reasonable Princes should live in Fear and Uneasiness for any Subject nor that the Interest of a particular Person should be considered more than the publick Safety For since Thrace was divided betwixt Rhemetalces and Cotis's Children to whom Trebellienus Rufus was Tutor by reason of their Infancy being not accustomed 9 It is absolutely necessary a Governor should know the Customs Laws and Manners of the Countâ—y where he is sent otherwise he will commit a thousand Errors that will make him be hated or despised which will be in prejudice of his Prince's Authority Cardinal Richlieu says in the first Chapter of his Testament Politique that he was forced to put the Marshal de Vitry out of the Government of Provence tho' his Courage and Fidelity made him very â—it for it because being of an insolent haughty Temper he was not proper to govern a People jealous of their Liberties and Priviledges as the Provensals are And in Arragon they pretend the King of Spain cannot give them a Stranger for their Viceroy that is one that is no Native without breaking the Laws So they call their Liberties and Immunities in Defence whereof all the Kingdom rose for Antonio Perez against Philip II. 1591. to our Government the People were full of Discontents and complained of Rhematalces and Trebellienus that they never punished the Oppressions of the Country 10 A Governor that suffers the People to be insulted by Strangers whether he can remedy it or not may however be assured that upon the first occasion they will Rebel against him The Celaletes Odrusians and other Potent People of Thrace took Arms under divers Captains but for want of Experience 11 The Event of Rebellions is almost always unfortunate because of the Incapaciâ—y of those that Command For on such occasions the People who know not what is â—itting for that time commonly take him for their Captain who first offers came not to any formidable War Some wasted the Country others passed the Mountain Haemus i a Mountain of Thrace continually cold at the foot whereof are the pleasant Fields of Thessaly to raise those lived remote others Besieged Rhemetalces and the City of Philippopoli built by Philip of Macedonia XLI Velleius k He writ an Epitome of the Roman History in very elegant Latin but â—ull of gross Flattery that Commanded an Army near l The Army in Missia having advice of these Disorders sent some Horse and light Footmen against those pillaged the Country or got Recruits while he went himself to raise the Siege All ended prosperously the Foragers were slain and a Dissension arising among the Besiegers Rhemetalces made a seasonable Sally upon the arrival of the Legions This deserved not the name of an Army 12 A good and faithful Historian should relate things plainly and without Aggravation If Truth be the life of History those that write ought carefully to avoid Aggravation which has always a mixture of Lying Câ—mmines speaking of the Battle of Morat where the Duke of Burgundy was beat by the Swissers says Mâ—ny talkt of Millions and reported they know not what making Armies five times greater than they are This is a Fault very common with the greatest part of modern Historians or Battle in which a few unarmed Men were defeated without any Blood-shed on our side XLII The same year the Cities of Gallia began to Rebel by reason of the excessive Debts they had contracted The Incendiaries were Iulius Florus and Iulius Sacrovir both nobly descended whose Ancestors for their great Services were made Citizens of Rome an Honour at that time rare and only a reward for Virtue 1 Those Honours that are rarely conferred and only upon Persons of extraordinary Merit are great Rewards to those that have them M. de Marquemont Archbishop of Lions speaking of the Prince of Poland's arrival at Rome and the Difficulties they were under how to treat him says he received no publick Honours but thoughâ— himself well recompenced in being made a Canon of St. Peter and to be allowed in the Habit of a Canon to shew the Holy Relicks of that Church which was never done by any but Charles V. and another Emperor Dans une lettre du 5 Ianvier 1625. Tome 1. des Mem. du Mâ—nistere du Card. de Rich. By Conferences they gain'd those whose Poverty or Crimes had made desperate Florus was to raise the Low-Countrymen and Sacrovir the French In their Meetings they talkt Seditiously of their Taxes the Excess of Usury m They were 〈◊〉 to borrow Money of the Roman Bankers to pay their heavy Taxes which ruined them with Usâ—ry the Pride and Cruelty of their Governors and that since Germanicus's Death there were great Discontents in the Army And that if they considered the Strength of the French the Poverty of Italy the weakness of the People of Rome who understood nothing of War and that the Strength of our Armies consisted of Foreign Troops they would see this was a proper time to recover their Liberty XLIII There was scarce a City free from this Contagion but Tours and Angiers revolted first The latter was reduced to its Duty by Lieutenant Acilius Aviola who marched speedily thither with some of the Garison of Lyons And those of Tours by those Forces Visellius Varro Lieutenant of Lower Germany sent Aviola with the Succours he had from some of thâ— great Men of France who waited a more favourable opportunity to Rebel themselves Sacrovir fought bare-headed as he said to shew his Courage but the Prisoners said he did it to be better known and that the Romans might not draw upon him XLIV When Tiberius was consulted upon this Rebellion he slighted the Discovery but â—omented the VVar by Irresolution 2 The want of Resolution in Princes says Antonio Perez begets many Inconveniences Dans ses Râ—lations In great Affairs says Cardinal d'Ossat for avoiding a great Evil and obtaining great Good something must be attempted and a Resolution taken to get out of ill Circumstances the soonest and best that may be Lettre 127. Charles Colonna an
of Burgundy in Latin Augustâ—dâ—num and Hedâ—â— the Standard-Bearers striving who should make most haste the Common Soldiers said they would march Night and Day and if they could but see the Enemy would answer for Victory 5 When Soldiers have a great desire to fight a General should not let it cool for it is almost always a Presage of Victory Twelve miles from the City Sacrovir appear'd with his Troops in the open Field drawn up in a Line of Battle The Cuirassiers in the Front his own Troops in the Wings and those that were ill-arm'd in the Rear Among the Principal Officers Sacrovir was on Horse-back riding through their Ranks Magnifying the Exploits of the Gauls and how oft they had beat the Romans laying before them how honourable their Liberty would be if they were Conqueâ—ors and how insupportable their Slavery if Conquer'd 6 Those that fall into the hands of their Prince against whom they have rebell'd should expect to be treated with extreme Rigour Which makes Princes for ever lose those States they might recover if the Rebels despaired not of a sincere Pardon Which made the Hollanders persevere in their Resolution rather to drown themselves and their Country in the Sea than be Subject again to Philip II. concluding what his Resentment would be from the Cruelty of the Duke d'Alva his Minister XLVIII His Harangue was not long 7 Short Harangâ—es are best for Soldiers who can give no long attention nor weigh the Reasons are urg'd Nothing makes greater Impression upon them than this Imperatoria Brevitas whereby they retain all that is said to them Such was the Speech of Hen. IV. of France one day when he was going to give Battle I am King says he and yoâ— are Frenchmen and you cannot thâ—â— but Conquer nor pleasing for the Legions drew near in Battle Array and the Citizens and the Peasants unskill'd in War could neither see nor understand what they were to do On the contrary though Silius might have spared his pains through the Assurance he had of his Men yet told them That it was a shame for them who had conquer'd the Gâ—rmans to be brought against the French as if they were their Equals One band lately reduc'd the Rebels of Tours a few Troops of Horse those of Treves a small Number of theirs those of the Franche Comtâ— These of Autun are richer but weaker and more enervate with Pleasures Conquer them then and look after those that fly The Army answer'd with Acclamations and at the same time the Horse compass'd the Enemy and the Foot engag'd their Front The Wings made little Resistance except the Cuirassiers whose Armour was Proof against the Swords and Arrows which oblig'd our Soldiers to fall on with their Axes and Hatchets as if they were to make a Breach in a Wall Some knock'd them down with Poles and Forks and these Poor Men unable to help themselves 1 There arâ— no worse Arms than those a Man cannot stir in Saul having armed David with his Armour he put an Helmet of Brass on his Head put on his Coat of Mail and girded his Sword upon his Armour but when David had try'd these Arms that they were too heavy for him he said unto Saul He could not go with them and took only his staff in his hand and five smooth stones hâ— had chose out of the Broâ—k and put in his Scrip to conquer Goliah 1. Sam. 17. were left for Dead on the Ground Sacrovir retires first to Autun then for fear he should be deliver'd to the Romans goes with a few of his trustiest Friends to the next Village where he kill'd himself and the rest one another having first set fire to the Place that they might be burnt XLIX Then Tiberius writ the Senate an Account of the Beginning and Ending of the War neither adding nor lessening the Truth ascribing the good Success to the Courage and Fidelity of his Lieutenants and his Counsels And gave Reasons why neither He nor Drusus went to the War magnifying the Greatness of the Empire and that it was not fitting for Princes to leave Rome which governs the rest for the Rebellion of one or two Cities But now that the State had no longer cause to fear any thing he would go and settle that Province The Senate decreed Vows and Supplications for his Return with other Honours Cornelius Dolabella when he endeavour'd to exceed others fell into an absurd Flattery proposing Tiberius should return in Triumph from Campania Upon which he writ to them that after he had conquer'd warlike Nations and receiv'd or refus'd so many Triumphs in his Youth he wanted not Glory so much as to accept vain Honours 2 When Princes have acquir'd a solid Reputation they despise false Honours because their Glory needs it not and what their Flatterers give them serves only to blemish the Good Opinion of their true Merit Therefore Alexander threw into the River Hydaspes the History of the Victory he gain'd of Porus telling the Author when he read it to him it was very rash in him to insert false Exploits as if Alexander had not true ones sufficient to recommend him without Lying Prusias King of Bithynia was despis'd by the Senate of Rome for desiring an Harangue full of Flattery upon a Victory the Romans gain'd in Macedonia in his old Age for taking the Air near Rome L. About the same time he desir'd the Senate Sulpicius Quirinus 3 There is no Kindness more sincere than that Princes shew after the Death of those Ministers who have served them well The Portuguese accuse Philip II. of Ingratitude because he did not forbear according to the Custom of their Kings on the like Occasions appearing in Publick that Day the Duke d'Alva died that conquer'd the Kingdom of Portugal for him And Henry IV. was commended by all the Court of Rome and all the Princes of Italy for celebrating the Obsequies of Cardinal Toledo in the Church of Nostre Dâ—me in Paris and of Nostre Dame in Rouen he having chiefly promoted his Absolution And 't is a wonderful thing says the Wise Cardinal d'Ossat that out of Spain from whence came all the Opposition to so good a Work God should raise a Person of so great Authority to Procure Sollicite Direct Advance and Perfect what the Spaniards most deprecated Letters 24 and 80. might have publick Funerals He was not of the Noble and ancient Family of the Sulpicii but born at a Free City q In Latin 't is render'd Municipium called Indovina and having served Augustus well in the Wars r The Latin has it impiger militia acribus ministeriis was honoured with the Consulate and after with a Triumph for taking the Castles of the Homonadenses in Cilicia Then being Governor to C. Caesar in Armenia he made his Court to Tiberius at Rhodes 1 To be heartily loved by Princes we should court their Friendship in their
Cardinal Richlieu to apply your self to those great matters concern your State and despise the lesser as unworthy your Care and Thoughts You will not only be â—ar from receiving any Advantage from employing your self in things not considerable but on the contrary much Damage by diverting you from others that are better and also because little Thorns being more apt to prick than bigger which are more easily perceived it were impossible to prevent Discontents uâ—eless to your Affairs and very coâ—trary to your Health Chap. 5. de la premiere partie de son Testament Politique Something more is expected from a Prince and when every man assumes to himself the Praise of what is well done the blame of what succeeds not falls upon him alone Where shall I begin to Reform Shall it be your large and spacioâ—s Country Seats The multitude of your Servants of several Nations The Quantities of your Silver and Gold y The way Hâ—nry III. of Castile took to put down Excess in Entertainments desâ—rvâ—s to be mentioned here as a great instance of what a Prince may do that has Wit and Courage One day when his Table was ill served he was told The Grandees of his Kingdom lived much better and that there was nothing so Magnificent as the Entâ—rtainments they gave one another The same day he had notice the Archbishop of Toledo gave a Supper to several Lords he went in Disguise and saw the Magnificence of the Entertainment where nothing was wanting and what was worse he heard them relate their great Estates and the Pensions they held out of the King'â— Demeasâ—s The next morning he caused a Report to be spread That he was Sick and would make his Will upon which they all went to Court About Noon he came into the Room where he usually gave Audience and they waited â—or him and as soon as he sate down he directed his Discourse to the Archbishop and asked him how many Kings of Castille he had known and asked all the same Question Some said they had known three others four others five c. How can that be says the King when I have known twenty at my Age. And seeing them surprised at what he said he proceeded 'T is you my Lords are the Kings to the great Damage of this Kingdom and Dishoâ—our of your King but I will prevent your Reign continuing long and carrying the Merriment any farther you make of me The Archbishop threw himselâ— at his Feet and asked Pardon as did also the rest The King gave them their Lives but made them Prisoners till they restored the Castles they held of the Crown and all they had got from the last Kings An Action that gained him so much Glory and Authority that the great Men were never so humble and obedient Besides it brought him in suâ—h a Treasure that he left a great Sum behind him without over-charging his People Mariana Chap. 14. du Liv. 9. de son Histoire d'Espagne 'T is observable tâ—o the King did this at 15 or 16 years of Age. He was called Henry thâ— Inâ—irm because of his Sickly Countenance but deserved the Title of Henry tâ—e Brave and Valiant for his Courage Which Example plainly shews as Richlieu says Kings can do any thing when constant and resolute and that those things which seem the most difficult and almost impossible are so only because of the negligence and indifference of their Execuâ—ion Your painted Tables and brasen Statâ—es of exquisite Work The promisâ—uous Habits of Men and Women Or the Extravagances of the Women only in their Iewels for which our Money is carried away to Foreigners and Strangers I am not ignorant you blame these things at your Entertainments and a mean is wished for But if a Law should be made against them and punishments appointed those that complain now will cry out that the City is subverted the Destruction of the Nobility sought for and none free from those Crimes But we see old Maladies are not to be Cured without sharp and harsh Remedies 1 Desperate Diseases must have desperate Cures A corrupt Mind is not to be regulated with gentle Methods when inflamed by inordinate Appetites So many Laws framed by our Ancestors so many by Augustus have only given greater Establishment to our Luxury the former have been forgot the latter which is worse have been contemned 2 There is no Remedy when Vice is turned into Virtue Then we are to accommodate our selves to Hippocrateâ—'s Aphorism to administer no Remedies where Diseases are desperate For when we love what is not yet forbid we fear it may be but when we transgress the Laws and are not punished there is neither Fear nor Shame left 3 While Abuses are tolerated Men observe some Rules of Decency because they fear if they take too much liberty the Prince or Magistrate will Reform them But iâ— a Reformer wants Power to make himself Obeyed as it sometimes happens or wants Courage to punish the Great Men who are commonly the first that break new Regulations the Examples of such Impunity opens the Door to Contempt and from Contempt they go insensibly to Licentiousness Therefore a Prince should noâ— meddle with Reformation if he finds himself wanting in Power or of a Temper to be wrought upon by Intercessions or if he will Reform should take a Resolution to be inexorable as Sixâ—us V. was when any dared to break his Laws Why was Frugality formerly used because every Man moderated his Desires we had only one City and our Dominions not reaching out of Italy we had not the same Provocations by Foreign Conquests we learn the use of Foreign Commodities by Civil Wars our own z Patercuâ—us imputes the Luxury of Rome to the two Scipio's surnamed Aâ—ricans The 〈◊〉 says he openâ—d the way to the Roman Gâ—eatness â—ut the other to their Luxury For when Rome no longer sâ—ared Carthage which was burnt they leâ—t not their Virtue by degrees as before but run impeâ—â—ously into all Pleasures and Vices The antient Discipline was despited and gave way to new Customs and all the City turned presently from their Vigilance to Laziness from Warlike Exercises to Looseness and from Laboâ—â— to Idleness At last the publick Magnificence was succeeded with the wastful Expences of particular Men. Au Commencement du Liv. 2. de son Epitome That which the Ediles complain of is a small matter in comparison of others 4 Some People think all is lost if what offends them is not immediately Remedied but a Prince should not be drawn away by anothers Passion He is to forâ—see the Inconveniences may arise from the Refâ—rmation is desired and to consider well if he can undertake it with success so that he may satisfie more than he shall displease For so you see the Wisdoâ— of a Reâ—ormer But no man puts us in mind that Italy wants the support of other Countries that the Liâ—e of the People of Rome is tossed with the
or Dictator and yet by that Name 8 New Titles great Men take give them often a sorâ— of Title to uâ—urp States that belong not to them Paul Emiliâ—s observes very well that the Title of Prince of France which Charles Martel took instead of Stewaâ—d of the King's House was the â—â—rst â—â—ep to raise his Family to the Throne The Constable of Moâ—tmorâ—nâ—y shewed good Policy when he opposed the Guiseâ— that would have taken the Name and Arms of the House of Anjoâ— from which they were descended by Yoland of Anjoâ— their Great Grandfather of their Mother's side because this new Name would have strengthen'd their old staâ—e Preâ—ension so Cardinal d'Ossat calls it Letter 123. to Provence And for the same Reason when Hâ—nry 4. gave the young Duke of Guise that Government the Chancellor Chivergny protested in full Council against it and would have his Protestation registred in the Parliamâ—nts of Paris and Aâ—x before he would seal the Letters-Patents Memoirs de Chivergny 1594. The The Duke d'Oliverez first Minister of Spain soon repented making the Duke of Braganza General of the Portuguese which new Power together with the Right he had to the Crown was a Step to get it him had a Sovereignty e We may observe here the Dexterity of Aâ—gustus when he quitted the odious Name of Triumâ—â—â— he tool that of Consul Consulem se fereâ—s Aâ—â— 1. But when the Triâ—â—nes of the People oppos'd the Consuls and disâ—â—â—â—d their Authority by the Right they had to protest against the Procâ—â—dâ—ng of the Senate and by the Prerogative of their Dignity which made 〈…〉 Sacred and Inviolable Augustâ—s who saw the Consulate distinguish'd 〈◊〉 from other Consuls resolves to make himself Tribune by vertue 〈…〉 oppose the Resolutions of other Magistrates and none of 〈…〉 So 〈◊〉 out of two Offices that sprung fâ—om Liberty which he 〈…〉 to deâ—end ad tuâ—â—dam plebem Trâ—bunitio jure conâ—entum he made 〈…〉 and perpâ—tual Dictator as absolute as Iâ—lius Caesar but less 〈…〉 he plâ—ased the people with the Title of Tribune A 〈…〉 Years as Tacitus observes Aâ—n 1. above the other Magistrates He chose M. Agrippa for his Associate and after his Death Tiberius Nero that his Successor might be known thinking thereby to restrain the Unlawful Hopes of some others trusting to Nero's Modesty and his own Greatness Aâ—ter his Example Tiberius advanced Drusus while Germanicus liv'd he carried himself indifferently between them His Letters began with a Prayer to the Gods to prosper his Counsels for the Good of the Common-wealth then added a few Words and those truly of his Son's Behaviour That he had a Wife and three Children and of his own Age when Augustus called him to that Honour neither could it be said this was precipitately done but after he was tryed eight years had suppress'd Seditions ended the Wars triumphed and had been twice Consul LVIII As the Senate expected this Demand so their Flattery was the more Artificial but they could think of nothing more to decree than that their Princes Images Altars to the Gods Temples Arches and such customary Honours should be erected for him Only M. Silanus by dishonouring the Consulate thought to do Honour to the Princes and propos'd that Publick and Private Acts should be dated for the Future not from the Consuls but Tribunes And Q. Haterius moving the Decrees of that Day should be writ in Gold Letters was laugh'd at 1 The higher a Man is in Dignity the more shameful is Flattery in him but especially if he be in such a station as makes it his Duâ—y to preserve and maintain the Auâ—hority of the Laws It was pâ—easant to see Iames 〈◊〉 who called Henry III. of France the Saint of Saints harangued the Parliament and say he deserved Canonization better than any the Kings of France his Predecessors though he abandon'd the Government of his Kingdom to his Favourites Iournal de son Regne that an old Man to his shame should fall into such filthy Flattery LIX At this time the Government of Africa was continued to Iunius Blaesâ—s Servius Maluginensis a Priest of Iupiter desir'd that of Asia saying It was a Mistake to think the Priest of Iupiter might not go out of Italy there was no other Law for them than the Priests of Mars and Quirinus and if these had govern'd Provinces why not they That neither the Laws nor Ceremonials 2 The Clergy have always been ingenious in finding Reasons or rather Pretences to exempt themselves from their most indispensable Duties Residence was so strictly observed by the Roman Priests that Seneca says their Priests were like Exiles that could never quit the Place of their Punishment Quosdam exilia quosdam sacerdotia uno loco tenent De tranquillitate vitâ—â— Visus est sibi quis says Artemidorus ad firmamentâ—m templâ— Neptuni catena alligatus esse factus est sacerdos Neptuni oportâ—bat enim ipsum inseparabilem esse sacerdotem Lib. 5. de somniorum eventibus sommio 1. A Pagan looks upon his Priesthood as an indissolvable tie upon him that conâ—ines him for his Life to Neptune's Temple yet the Christian Priests and Prelaâ—es make no scruple of spending all their Lives in a manner from their Churches without doing the State any Service Filii hominum usquequo gravi corde were against it That the High Priest had often oâ—ficiated for the Priest of Iupiter when sick or employ'd in publick Affairs That after Cornelius Merula died there was no Man in his Place for 62 Years 3 A Fault is a Fault though it has lasted a long time and consequently a Prince should not lose an occasion to remedy it when he finds one and yet the Rites wasted not And if his Creation could be omitted so many years without interruption to the Sacrifices how much more easily may he be absent a Year with the Proconsulary Dignity Formerly they were forbid by the High Priests out of Ill-Will now Thanks to the Gods the High Priest was the best of Men 4 The Priesthood and Sovereignty are so far from being incompatible in the same Person that on the contrary one is a strengthning of the other so Tacitus observes of the Kings of the Iews amongst whom Honor sacerdotii firmamentum potentiae assumebaâ—ur Hist. 5. not subject to Emulation Malice or private Affection 5 There is no Quality more essentially necessary in a Pope than to be a Common Father All Popes have equally this Title but do not equally perform their Duty The Partiality they all have one for this Crown another for that never fails to produce ill Effects As it is impossible a Partial Pope should be Iust 't is likewise impossible those Princes should have any Reverence for him who suffer by his Partiality Besides those he favours often reap no other Fruit from it than War with their Neighbours What made the League betwixt Henry II. of France and Paul IV. but the loss of the
Iustice. Epist. 1. lib. 7. Neither was any Authority able to suppress the Seditions of the People protecting Villanies as much as the Rites of the Gods 1 As Princes are obliged to establish the true Worship of God they ought to be careful to banish false Appearances which are to the preâ—udice of States For we may truly say That Supperstition and Hypocrisie are often coverings to wicked Designs Chap. 1. de la seconde Partie du Testament Politique The Conspiracy of the Marchioness de Verneuil against Henry IV. of France was contrived by a Capuchin called Father Arcange under pretence of Confession which cover'd the frequent private Conversations he had with her and the Count a 〈◊〉 her Brother who pretended he had â—aken a Resolution to become a Capachin It was therefore ordain'd the Cities should send their Deputies with their Privileges Some voluntarily quitted them as Usurp'd others justified theirs on old Superstitions or an account of Services to the People of Rome The Pomp of that Day was great in shew when the Senate consider'd the Grants of their Ancestors the Agreements of Confederates the Decrees of the Kings before the Roman Power prevail'd there and the Religion of the Gods being at the Will of the Senate to confirm or alter them as formerly they had done LXII The Ephâ—sians appeared first setting forth That Diana and Apollo were not Born in the Island of Delos as was commonly believed that in their Country was the River Cenchiris and a Wood called Ortygia where Latona leaning on an Olive-Tree which yet remains there was delivered of these two Deities and that the Wood was Sacred by the Command of the Gods And that Apollo after he had killed the Cyclopes fled thither from Iupiter's Anger That Bacchils when he conquered the Amazons pardoned those that humbling themselves took hold on the Altar That Hercules added to the Rites of that Temple after he was Master of Lydia and their Priviledges were not lessened when under the Dominion of the Persians and afterwards the Macedonians preserved them LXIII Next the Magnesians insisted on the Constitutions of L. Scipio and L. Silla who conquered Antiochus and Mithridates and in acknowledgement of the Felicity and Valour of the Magnesians commanded Diana Lucofryne's Temple should be inviolable Then the People of Aphrodisium and Stratonica produced a Decree of Caesar the Dictator i During the Civil War betwixt him and Pompey and another since of Augustus for the Services done them and opposing an Invasion of the Parthians never departing from their Fidelity to the Romans Those worshipped Venus these Iupiter and Diana surnamed Trivia From Hierocesarea was brought greater Antiquity they having a Temple dedicated by K. Cyrus to Diana Persica and that Perpeâ—â—a Isauricus and many other Emperors had not only acknowledged this Temple for Sacred and Inviolable but the Country two miles about it The Cyprians pretended Franchises for three Temples whereof the ancientest was built by Aerias and conâ—ecrated to Venus Paphia k So nameâ— because this Temple was within the City of Pâ—phos now called Baâ—â—o the second dedicated by his Son Amathus to Venus Amathusia l There was in this Island a Place called Amatonte now Limisso but it is little more than a Village and the other to Iupiter Salaminius built by Teucer m He called this Temple of Iupiter Salamine in Honour of his Country when he fled from his Father Telamon LXIV The other Ambassadors had their Audiences too but the Senate growing weary with hearing so many and their Canvasings a Commission was given to the Consuls to examine their Titles and make a Report They made it very favourable for a Temple at Pergamuâ—â— dedicated to Esculapius n The Church of Orleâ—nâ— is the most â—amous and authentick Sanctâ—ary now in France and it may be in Europe The Priviledge the Bishops have upon their Entry to fâ—ee all the Criminals that 〈◊〉 thither from all Parts of the Kingdom except Traitoâ—s has been preserved by a Possession and uninterrâ—pted Enjoyment ever since S. Aignan and confirmed by the Consent of all the Kings of France and allowance of all the Couâ—ts and Magistrâ—â—es of the Kingdom that have never disputed this Right So the Learned Historian Adrian Valois has reason to wonder at the neglect of the People oâ— Orleans who â—east and celebrate by a general Procession the 8th of May because on that day they were deliveâ—ed â—rom a Siege of the English 1429. and seast not on the 14th of Iune the day their Ancestors drove out 〈◊〉 and the Huns that closely Beâ—ieged them Quem diem si quâ—ndo forte celebrare voluerint scianâ— anno 451. 18 Kal. Iulii qui est Iunii dies quarâ—â—â—â— decimus Hunnos urbe expulsos ac majores suos captivitaâ—e miserâ 〈◊〉 vinculis esse liberâ—tos Notitia Galliâ—rum â—it Genabum but that the Claims of the rest were grounded on obscure beginnings 1 There are a great many Priviledges and Exemptions of which we may say as a Doctor did of Constantine's Donation That it was read by the Blind heard by the Deaf and related by the Dumb. If according to Cardinal Perrâ—n all the Letters of the Pope's were forg'd by the Monks in â—â—â—â—lemaine's time there is great Reason to believe they are the Authors of the greatest part of their Registers by reason of their Antiquity Smyrna and Tenedos pretended both an Oracle of Apollo that commanded one of them to Dedicate a Temple to Venus Stratonicis the others a Statue and Temple to Neptune Those of Sardis and Miletum insisted on later Grants one of Alexander in Honour of Diana the other of Darius in Honour of Apollo The Cretensians desired the Image of Augustus might have some Priviledge Upon the whole the Senate made several Decrees whereby great Honours were allowed but Moderation 2 Princes should religiously forbear violating the Rights of the Church but when they degenerate and are abused they are obliged to apply necessary Remedies Theodorick King of Italy commanded the Magistrates to protect the Church and maintain it in its Rights without prejudice to his Authority Salvâ Civilitate says Cassiodore And it was in this Sense that Charles V. coming to be Crown'd Emperor in Italy answered the Pope's Legats that received him at Genoua That he would never Violate the Rights and Priviledges of the Church but so as to support those of the Empire without suffering the Church to change them Saaveâ—ra empresa 94. Don Iuan Antonio de Vera daâ—â— I'Epitome de sa Vie The Immunity the Ecclesiasticks have is good to Priviledge but not exempt them from their Duty it is to straiten the Circumference in which they are to live and not to give them head nor to suffer them to exceed those bounds of Modesty are requisite for their State prescribed to all commanding them to have the same in Tables of Brass and set them up in some publick Place in the Temples to