amonge y e saÌe one shal be the rueler and the other shal be rueled wherfore a people that wyll rayse theÌselfs into a kingdome or into any other bodie politique must euer appointe one to be chiefe rueler of the whole bodie which in kiÌgdoÌes is called a kiÌge After this kiÌde of order as out of the embryoÌ rieseth a bodie natural ruled by oÌe head euen so of a multitude of people arieseth a kyngedoÌe whiche is a bodie mistical gouÌned by oÌe maÌ as by an head And like as in a natural body as saieth the Philosopher the hart is y e first y e liueth hauig w tin it bloud which it distributeth among all y e other members whereby they are quickened doe lyue seÌblably in a bodye politik y e inteÌt of y e people is the first liuely thiÌg hauing w tin it bloud y t is to say politike prouision for the vtilitie welth of the same people which it dealeth furth imparteth aswel to the head as to al y e meÌbers of the same body wherby y e body is nourished mainteined Furthermore the lawe vnder the which a multitude of men is made a people representeth the seÌblance of synews iÌ y e body natural Because that lyke as by synewes the ioynyng of the bodie is made sounde so by the lawe which taketh the name a ligando y t is to witte of byndynge suche a misticall bodie is knytt and preserued together And the members bones of the same bodye whereby is represented y e soundenes of the wealth wherby that bodie is susteyned do by the lawes as the naturall bodie by synewes reteyne eueryone their proper fuÌctions And as the head of a bodi natural caÌ not chauÌge his sinewes nor caÌ not denie or witholde from his inferiour meÌbers their peculiar powers seueral nourishmÌtz of bloud no more caÌ a kiÌge which is y e head of a bodie politik chauÌge the lawes of y e bodie nor withdrawe from the same people their proper substaÌce against their wills and consentes in that behalfe Nowe you vnderstande most noble prince the fourme of institucion of a kiÌgdome politique wherebye you maye measure the power whiche the king therof maye exercise ouer the lawe and subiectes of the same For such a kinge ys made and ordeyned for y e defence of the lawe of his subiectes and of theire bodies and goodes whereunto he receaueth power of his people so y t hee can not gouern his people by any other power Wherfore to satisfy your request in y t you desire to be certified how it coÌmeth to pas that in y e powers of kings ther is so great diuersitie suerly in mine opinion the diuersitie of the institutioÌz or first ordinances of those dignities whiche I haue nowe declared is the onelye cause of this foresayde difference as of the premisses by the discourse of reason you maye easelye gather For thus y e kingdome of Englande oute of Brutes retinue of the Troians whiche he brought out of the coastes of Italie and Greece firste grewe to a politique regall dominion Thus also Scotland which somtime was subiect to Englande as a Dukedome thereof was aduauÌced to a politik and roiall kingdome Many other kiÌgdoÌs also had thus their first begiÌninge not onely of regal but also of politique gouernement Wherefore Diodorus Siculus in his seconde boke of olde histories thus writeth of the EgiptiaÌs The Egiptien kings liued first not after y e licentious maner of other rulers whose will pleasure is in steede of law but they kept theÌselfes as priuate persones in subiection of the lawes And this did they willingly beeing perswaded that by obeyinge the laws thei should bee blessed For of suche rulers as folowed theire owne lusts they supposed many thinges to be done whereby they were brought in daunger of diuers harmes and perylles And in his fowerth boke thus he writethe The Ethiopian kinge as sone as hee is created he ordereth his life accordiÌg to y e laws and doth al things after y e maner and custom of hys countrey assigninge neyther rewarde nor punishment to anye man otherthen the law made by his predecessours appointethe He reportethe likewise of the kinge of Saba in Arabia the happie and of certein other kinges whiche in olde time honorablye reigned SAnctus Augustinê° in libro xix de ciuitate dei capitulo xxiii dicit Quod populus eÌcetus hominuÌ iuris consensu et vtilitatis coÌmunione sociatus Nec tameÌ populus huiusmodi dum Acephelê° id est sine capite est corpus vocare meretur Quia vt in naturalibus capite detruncato residuuÌ noÌ corpê° sed truÌcuÌ appellamê° sicet in politicis sine capite coÌmunitas nullatenus corporatur Quo pÌmo politicÌ dicit philosophus quôd quaÌdocuÌque ex pluribê° coÌstituitur vnuÌ inter illa vnuÌ erit regeÌs et alia eruÌt recta Quare populuÌ se in regnum aliudue corpê° politicÌ erigere voleÌteÌ seÌê oport â vnuÌ pÌficere totius corporis illiê° regitiuuÌ queÌ regeÌ noÌinÌ solit â eÌ Hoc ordinÌ sicut ex embrione corpê° surgit phisi cuÌ vno capite regulatum sic ex populo erumpit regnum qd corpus extat misticuÌ vno hoiÌe vt capite gubernatuÌ Et sicut in naturali corêe vt dicit philosophus cor est primum viueÌs habeÌs in se saÌguineÌ queÌ emittit in oiÌa eius meÌbra vnde illa vegetaÌt â et viuuÌt sic iÌ corêe politico inteÌtio populi primuÌ viuiduÌ est habeÌs in se sanguineÌ vz êuisioneÌ politicaÌ vtilit â populi illiê° quaÌ in caput et in oiÌa meÌbra eiusdeÌ corêis ipsa traÌsmittit quo corpus illud alitur vegetatur Lex vero sub qua cetê° hominuÌ populus efficitur neruoruÌ corporis phisici tenet rationÌ qÌa sicut ê neruos coÌpago corporis solidatur sic per legem quae a ligando dicitur corpus huiusmodi misticum ligatur et seruatur in vnuÌ et eius dem corporis meÌbra ac ossa quae veritatis qua coÌmunitas illa sustentatur soliditateÌ denotaÌt per legem vt corpus naturale per neruos propria retinent iura Et vt non potest caput corporis phisici neruos suos coÌmutare neque meÌbris suis êpÌas vires et êpÌa saÌguinis alimÌta denegare nec rex qui caput corpor â politici eÌ mutar â potest leges corpor â illiê° nec eiusdeÌ populi substaÌtias êprias subtrahere reclamantibê° eis aut inuitis HeÌs ex hoc iaÌ priÌceps institutioÌis politici Regni formaÌ ex qua metiri poteris potesta teÌ quaÌ rex eiê° in leges ipsiê° aut subditos valeat exercer â Ad tutelaÌ naÌque legis subditoruÌ ac eoruÌ corpuÌ et bonoruÌ rex hmÌodi erectê° est et ad haÌc potestateÌ a populo effluxaÌ ipse heÌt quô ei noÌ licet potestate alia suo populo dnÌari Quare vt
iniuries of others Truelye suche a kynge maye well bee called not onelye feeble but eeuen verye feblenes it selfe nor is not to bee iudged free beeinge tyed with so manye bandes of feeblenes On the other syde that kynge is free and of myghte that is hable to defende his subiectes aswell agaynste straungers as agaynste his owne people and also theire gooddes and possessions not onelye from the violente and vnlawefull inuasionz of theire owne countreymenne and neighbours butte allso from his own oppression and extortion though such wilful lusts and necessities doe moue him to the contrarie For who can be more mighty or more free then he that is hable to conquere and subdue not onely others but also himselfe Whiche thinge a kynge whose gouernaunce is politike can doo and euer dothe Thus most woorthy prince it appearethe vnto you by the effecte of experience that your progenitours whyche were thus mynded to renounce theire politique gouernement coulde not thereby not onely not obtaine the might and power whiche they wished that is to saye increase therof but rather they shoulde haue endaungered and greatlye hasarded the wealthe aswell of themselues as also of theire kingdome Notwithstandinge these thinges nowe practised which as touchiÌg theffect of experience do seeme to blemishe the power of a king ruling all alone regally neuer proceeded of the default of their law but of y e carelesse demeanour and negligent lousenes of suche a ruler Wherefore that dignitie is not heareby in power imbased vnder the dignitie of a politique gouernour whiche bothe in my foresaid treatise of the nature of the law of nature I haue plainlye proued to bee in power equall But the premisses dooe moste euidentlye declare it to be a matter of much more difficultie for a king whose rule is onely regal to exercise his power and that bothe hee and hys people stande in muche lesse securitie And therefore it were not to bee wished of a wise kynge to chaunge a politike regiment intoo that gouernement whiche is onelye regall And accordinge to thys the foresaide Sainte Thomas wishethe that all the kingdomes of the worlde were ruled by politike gouernaunce SAnctê° Thomas in libro queÌ Regi Cipri de regimine priÌcipuÌ scripsit dicit qd â rex datur êpter regnuÌ etnoÌ regnuÌ êpter regeÌ quoÌ oÌnis potestas regia referri debet ad bonuÌ regni sui quod effectiuè coÌsistit in defencione eiusdem ab exteroruÌ incursibê° et in tuicione regnicolarum et bonorum suorum ab indigenarum iniurijs et rapinis Quare rex quihec peragere nequit impotens est necessario iudicandus Sed si ipse passionibus proprijs aut penuria ita oppressus est quod manus suas cohibere nequit a depilatione subditorum suoruÌ quô ipsemet eos depauperat nec viuere sinit et sustentari proprijs substantijs suis quanto tunc impotencior ille iudicaÌdus est quam si eos defendere ipse non sufficerent erga aliorum iniurias Reuera rex talis nedum impotens sed et ipsa impotentia dicendus est et non liber iudicari potest tantis iÌpotentiae nexubus vinculatus E regione rex liber et potens est qui incolas suos erga exteros et indigenas eoruÌ quo que bona et facultates nedum erga vicinorum et conciuium rapinas defendere sufficit sed erga proprium oppressionem et rapinam licet sibi passiones necessitatesque huiusmodi reluctentur Quis enim potentior liberiorue esse potest quam qui non solum alios sed et se ipsuÌ sufficit debellare quod potest et seÌper facit rex politicê regens populum suum quare experientiae effectu tibi constat priÌceps progenitores tuos qui sic politicum regimen abicere satagerunt non solum in hoc non potuisse nancisci potentiaÌ quaÌ optabant videlicet ampliorem sed et sui bonum similiter et bonum Regni sui per hoc ipsi discrimini exposuissent et êiculo graÌdiori Tamen hec quae iaÌ de experienciae effectu practicata potentiaÌ regis regaliter tantuÌ presidentis exprobrare videntur noÌ ex legis suae defectu êcesseruÌt sed ex incuria negligeÌtiaque taliter principaÌtis quare ipsa dignitateÌ illaÌ potentia noÌ minuuÌt a dignitate regis politicè regulaÌt â quos paris esse potentiae in predicto tractatu de natura legis naturae luculenter ostendi Sed poteÌciaÌ regis regaliter tantuÌ principantis difficilioris esse ex cercij ac minoris securitatis sibi populo suo illa clarissimè iam demonstrant quô optabile non foret regi prudenti regimen politicuÌ pro tantûm regali commutare vnde et sanctus Thomas supradictus optare censetur vt omniuÌ muÌdi regna politice regerentur ¶ The Prince breaketh the Chauncellour of his tale Cha. 38 BEare with mee I beseche you good Chancellour quod the Prince in that with my questioÌs I haue draweÌ you so farr from youre purpose For the thynges whiche by this occasion you haue discussed are to me righte profitable thoughe they haue soomewhate staied you and pulled you back from the ende of your intent Whereunto I pray you now make haste and first as you promised and as you haue begonne open vnto mee some other cases wherin the sentences of the lawes of Englande and of the Ciuile lawes do disagree TVnc priÌceps Parce obsecro Cancellarie quod te ad tantam a proposito tuo digressionem compuli questionibus meis michi nanque perutilia sunt quae hac occasionÌ exarasti licet te parumper retardauerint a meta intentionis tuae ad quam vt tu iaÌ celerius properes flagito et primo vt aliquos alios casus in quibus legum Angliae et Ciuilium discrepant sentenciae vt promisisti et cepisti mihi enarres ¶ The seconde case wherin the Ciuile lawes and the lawes of England disagree in theire iudgementes Chap. 39. ACcording to your request most noble priÌce quod y e Chancellour I will open vntoo you certeine other cases wherein the saide lawes disagree Howbeit whether of the same lawes in their iugements excelleth y e other y t will I leaue to your own determination The Ciuile law doth legittimate the childe borne beefore matrimonie aswell as y t which is borne after and geueth vntoo it succession in y e parents inheritance But to the childe borne out of matrimonye the lawe of Englande alloweth no succession affirmynge it to bee naturall onelye and not lawfull The CiuiliaÌs in this case auaunce theire law-alleginge that by meane thereof the sacrament or state of matrimonie comminge in place extinguishethe the former sinne whereby eles the sowles of twoe persones shoulde haue perished And it is to bee presumed say they that they were at they re first copulation bothe so mynded as the sacrameÌt ensuynge afterward declareth The churche also accepteth suche chyldren for legittimate These I trowe are
postulationi tuae quacÌtiorari cupis vnde hoc êuenit qd potestates regum taÌ diuÌsimo dè variaÌtur succinctius satisfacÌ Firme coniector qd â diuÌsitates institutionÌ dignitatuÌ illaruÌ quas êpalaui pre dcÌam discrepantiaÌ soluÌmodo operaÌtur ê ut rationis discursu tu ex pÌmissis poteris exhaurire Sic naÌque regnuÌ Angliae quod ex Bruti comitiua TroianoruÌ quaÌ ex Italiae et grecoruÌ finibê° êduxit in dominiuÌ politicuÌ et regale êrupit Sic et Scotia quod ei quoÌdaÌ vt ducatus obediuit in regnum creuit politicum et regale Alia quoque plurima regna neduÌ regaliter sed et politice regulaâi tali origine iê° sortit â suÌt Vnde Diodorê° Siculus in secundo libro historiaruÌ priÌscaruÌ de Egiptiis sic scribit SuaÌ primuÌ Egiptij reges vitam non alioruÌ regnantiuÌ quibus voluntas pro lege est traducebant licentia sed veluti priuati tenebaÌtur legibus neque id egrè ferebaÌt existimantes parendo legibus se beatos fore Nam ab his qui suis indulgerent cupiditatibus multa censebant fieri quibê° dampna periculaque subirent Et in quarto libro sic scribit AssuÌptê° in RegeÌ EthiopuÌ vitaÌ ducit statutaÌ legibus omniaque agit iuxta patrios mores neque pÌmio neque pena afficiens queÌ quaÌ preter per traditam a superioribus legem Consimiliter loquit â de rege Saba in felici Arabia et alijs quibusdam regibus qui priscis temporibus feliciter regnabant ¶ Here the prince compeÌdiously abbridgeth al that the ChauÌcelour afore hath discoursed at large ca. 14 TO whom the prynce thus aunswered You haue good ChauÌcelloure w t y e cleare light of your declaratioÌ quite driueÌ away y e cloudy mist wherewith the brightnes of my mind was darkned so that I do most euidently see that no nation dyd euer of theire owne voluntarie mind in corporat themselfes into a kingedome for anye other intent but only to the end that therby theye mighte with more safety then before mainteine themselfs and enioye theire goodes from suche misfortunes losses as theye stoode in feare of And of this intent shoulde suche a nation be vtterly defrauded if then their kinge mighte spoyle them of their goods whiche beefore was lawefull for no man to do And yet shoulde such a people bee much more iniured if they shoulde afterward be gouerned bye foreyne and straunge lawes yea and suche as they paradueÌture deadly hated abhorred And most of all if by those lawes theire substaunce should bee diminished for the safegarde whereof as allso for the defence of theire own bodies they of theire owne free will submitted themselfes to the gouernaunce of a kynge No suche power suerlye coulde haue proceeded froÌ them And yet if theye had not beene suche a kynge coulde haue had noe power ouer them Nowe on the other syde I perceaue it to stande muche otherwyse withe a kingedome whyche onely by the auctoritye of a kynge is incorporate For such a nation is no otherwyse subiecte vnto hym but that the same nation whyche by his pleasure is made his kingdome shoulde obeye hys lawes and bee ruled by y e same being nothiÌg els but his like pleasure Neither haue I yet good ChauÌcellour forgoten that whiche in your treatise of the nature of the law of nature you haue with pithie reasons clerklye prooued coÌcerning that the power of these .ij. kinges is equall Howebeit the power of y e one whereby hee is at libertie to deale wroÌgfully is not by suche liberty augmented and increased As to be of habilitie to decaye and die is no hability but in respect of the priuation and feblenes in the thinge it is rather to bee called a dishabilitie Because that as Boetius saieth habilitie and power is not but to good So y â to bee of habilitie or power to do euill as is the kinge that regaly dothe rule that withe muche more libertie then the kiÌg y t hath a politique dominioÌ ouer his people is rather a diminution then an increase of power For the holie spirites whiche are nowe established in glorie and can not siÌne doe in power farre excell and passe vs which haue a delyte and pleasure to runne headlonge into all kinde of wickednes Now therefore I haue but thys one onelye question to demaunde of you whether the lawe of Englande to the studie whereof you exhort me bee as good and effectuall for the gouernement of that kingdom as y e Ciuile lawe wherebye y e holie eÌpire is gouerned is thought sufficient for y e gouernemente of y e whole worlde Yf withe sounde reasons and apparaunte demonstrations you resolue me in this point I wil streighte yeelde me to the studie of the lawe wytheout further troubling you with my questions in this mater CVi princeps Effugasti CaÌcellârie declarationis tuae lumine tenebras quibus obducra erat acies mentis meae quo clarissime iaÌ conspicio quod non aliopacto gens aliqua proprio arbitrio vnquam se in regnum corporauit nisi vt per hoc se et sua quorum dispendia for midabant tutius quam antea possiderent quasi proposito gens huiusmodi frauderet â si ex inde facultates eorum eripere possit rex suus quod antea facere vlli hominum non licebat Et ad huc grauius multo populus talis lederetur si deinde peregrinis legibus etiam ipsis forsan exosis regerentur Et maxime si legibus illis eorum minoraretur substantia pro cuius vitaÌda iactura vt pro suorum tutela corporuÌ ipsi se regis iÌperio arbitrio proprio submiserunt Non potuit reuera potestas hmÌodi ab ipsis erupisse et tamen si non ab ipsis rex huiusmodi super ipsos nullaÌ optineret potestateÌ e regione aliter esse coÌcipio de regno quod regis soluÌ auctoritate et potentia incorporatuÌ est quia non alio pacto gens talis ei subiecta eÌ nisi vt eiê° legibê° qÌ suÌt illiê° placita geÌs ipÌa qÌ eodeÌ placito regnuÌ eius effecta est obteÌperaret et regenet â Neque CaÌcellarie a mea huc usque memoria elapsuÌ est qd â alias in tractatu de natura legis naturae horuÌ duoruÌ reguÌ equaleÌ esse poteÌtiaÌ doctis rationibus osteÌdisti dum potestas qua eoruÌ alter êperaÌ agere liber eÌ libertate huiusmodi noÌ augetur vt posse lauguescere moriue potentia non est sed propter priuationes in adiecto impotentia potius denominandum Quia vt dicit Boetius potentia non est nisi ad bonum qd ⪠posse male agere vt potest rex regaliter regnans liberius quam rex politicè dominans populosuo potius eius potestateÌ minuit quam augmeÌtat Nam sancti spiritus iam confirmati in gloria qui peccare nequeunt potentiores nobis sunt qui ad omne
he is bounde by his lawes to paye therefore eyther presentlye in hande or elles at a daye to bee limitted and sette by the higher officers of his house For by his lawes he maye take awaye none of his subiectes goodes witheoute due satisfaction for the same Neyther dothe the kinge there eyther by him selfe or by his seruauntes and officers leuie vppon his subiectes tallages subsidies or anye other burdeins or alter theire lawes or make newe laws without the expresse consente and agreemente of his whole royalme in his parliamente Wherefore euerye inhabiter of that royalme vseth enioyeth at his pleasure all the fruites that his land or cattall bearethe withe all the profites commodytyes whiche by his owne trauayle or by the labour of others he gaineth by land or by water not hindered by the iniurie or wronge deteinement of anye man but that hee shal bee allowed a reasonable recompence And hereby it commethe to passe that the men of that lande are ryche hauynge abundaunce of golde and siluer and other thinges necessarie for the mayntenaunce of mans lyfe Theye drynke no water oneles it bee so that soome for deuotion and vppon a zeale of penaunce do absteyne from other drinkes They eate plentyfullye of all kyndes of fleshe and fyshe They weare fine wollen cloth in al their apparell Theye haue allso abundaunce of bed coueryngs in their houses and of all other wollen stuffe They haue greate store of all hustlements and implements of houshold They are plentifullye furnished withe all instrumentes of husbandry al other thinges that are requisite to the accomplishement of a quiet and wealthie lyfe accordyng to their estates degrees Neither are they sued in y e law but onelye beefore ordinarye iudges wherebye the lawes of the lande theye are iustlye intreated Neyther are theye arrested or impleaded for theire moueables or possessioÌs or arreigned of ani offeÌce criminal be it neuÌ so great outragious but after the lawes of the lande and before the iudges aforesaide And thys are the fruites whiche gouernement politique and regall conioyned doothe beare and brynge fourthe Whereof nowe appeare euidentlye vnto yowe the experiences of the effectes of the lawe whiche some of your progenitoures trauayled to abolishe Before allso yowe sawe plainlye the effects of the other lawe whyche theye with suche earneste endeuoure laboured to aduaunce and place in steade of this lawe So that by the fruites of them bothe you maye knowe what theye are And did not ambition ryotte and wanton luste whiche youre said progenitoures esteemed aboue the wealthe of the realme moue them to this alteracion Consider therefore moste worthie prince and that earnestlye this that foloweth IN regno Angliae nullus perhendinat in alterius domo inuito domino si non in hospiciis publicis vbi tunc pro omnibus quae ibidem expeÌdit ipÌe plenariê soluet ante eiê° abinde recessum nec impunê quisque bona alterius capit sine voluntate proprietarij eoruÌdeÌ neque in regno illo prepeditur aliquis sibi de sale aut quibuscunque mercimoniis aliis ad propriuÌ arbitrium et de quocunque venditore prouidere Rex tnÌ necessaria domus suae per rationabile preciuÌ iuxta coÌstabulariorum villarum discretiones assidendum inuitis possessoribus ê officiarios suos capere potest sed nihillominus ipse precium illud in manibus vel ad dieÌ ê maiores officiarios domus suae limitaÌduÌ soluere ê leges suas obnoxius est quia nullius subditoruÌ suorum bona iuxta leges illas ipÌe deripere potest sine satisfactione debita ê eisdeÌ Neque rex ibideÌ ê se aut ministros suos tallagia subsidia aut qÌuis onera alia iÌponit legijs suis aut leges eoruÌ mutat vel nouas condit sine coÌcessione vel asseÌsu tociê° regni sui in parliameÌto suo expÌsso Quare incola oÌnis regni illius fructubus quos sibi parit terra sua et quos gignit pecus eius emolumeÌtis quoque oÌiÌbus qÌ industria êria vel aliena ipÌe terra marique lucratur ad libituÌ êpriuÌ vtitur nulliê° pÌpeditus iÌiuria vel rapina quin ad minê° iÌde debitas coÌseqÌtur emeÌdas vnde inhabitaÌtes terraÌ illaÌ locupletes sunt abuÌdaÌtes auro et argeÌto etcuÌctis necessarijs vitae AquaÌ ipÌi noÌ bibuÌt nisi qÌ ob deuotioÌis et peniteÌciae zeluÌ aliquaÌ do ab alijs potubê° se abstineÌt Omni genere carniuÌ et pisciuÌ ipÌi in copia vescuÌtur qÌbus patria illa noÌ modicè est referta pannis de lanis bonis ipsi induuÌtur in oiÌbus operimentis suis etiam abundaÌt in lectisterniis et quo libet suppellectili cui lana congruit in oiÌbus domibus suis nec non opulenti ipsi sunt in oÌnibus hustilimentis domus necessariis culturae et oÌnibus qÌ ad quietam et felicem vitaÌ exiguntur secunduÌ status suos Nec in placitum ipsi ducuntur nisi coram iudicibus ordinariis vbi illi per leges terrae iuste tractantur Nec allocuti siue implacitati sunt de mobilibus aut possessionibus suis vel arrettati de crimine aliquo qualiter cuÌque magno et enormi nisi secundum leges terrae illius et coram iudicibus antedictis Et hij sunt fructus quos parit regimeÌ politicum et regale ex quibus tibi iam apparent experienciae effectus legis quam quidam progenitorum tuorum abicere conati sunt Superius quoque tibi apparent effectus legis alterius quam tanto zelo loco legis istius ipsi nisi sunt inducere vt ex fructubus earum tu agnoscas eas et nonne ambicio luxus et libido quos predicti êgenitores tui regni bono preferebant eos ad hoc commercium concitabant Considera igitur princeps optime et iam alia que sequentur A comparison of the worthines of bothe the regiments Cap. 37. SAiÌt Thomas in his boke whiche he wrote to y e kiÌg of Cyprê° of y e regimeÌt of princes saieth y t y e king is geeueÌ for y e kingdome not the kingedome for the king Whereupon it foloweth that al kingelye power muste bee applyed to the wealthe of his kyngdome Whiche thynge in effecte consistethe in the defeÌce therof froÌ forreyne inuasions and in the maiÌtenaunce of his subiectes and their goodes from the iniuries and extortions of the inhabitauntes of the same Wherfore that kiÌg whiche is not hable to perfourme these things must of necessitie be iudged impotent and weake But if he bee so ouercome of hys owne affections and lustz or so oppressed wythe pouertie that hee canne not wytheholde hys handes from the pyllynge of hys subiectes whereby hymselfe impouerisheth them and sufferethe them not to lyue and to bee susteyned vppon theire owne substaunces howe muche more weake or feble is he iÌ this respect to be iudged then if hee weare not hable to defend them agaiÌst the
¶ A learned commendation of the politique lawes of Englande vvherin by moste pitthy reasons euident demonstrations they are plainelye proued farre to excell aswell the Ciuile lawes of the Empiere as also all other lawes of the world with a large discourse of the difference betwene the .ii. gouernements of kingdomes whereof the one is onely regall and the other consisteth of regall and polityque administration conioyned Written in latine aboue an hundred yeares past by the learned and right honorable maister Fortescue knight lorde Chauncellour of EnglaÌd in y e time of Kinge Henrye the .vi. And newly translated into Englishe by Robert Mulcaster Pio lectori IStius non minus pij quá eruditi opusculi exemplar nactus quuÌ antiquitatem venerandam vna cum eruditione ac pietate coniunxcrim Non potui optime lector aut patrie tam ingratus aut antiquitatis tam in officiosus cultor esse vt te illius lectione diutius fraudarem Continet enim in se vt cetera taceam politicarum et ciuilium nostre Anglie legum quibus preclara et florentissima hec respublica sub illustrissimo et nuÌquam satis laudato principe nostro Rege Henrico octauo eiusque progenitoribus regibus Anglie hactenus felicissime fuerit erecta instituta gubernata doctissimum encomion Vnde easdem nostras leges non solum romanorum Cesarum sed et omnium aliarum nationum constitutiones multis parasangis prudentia iustitia equitate precellere facile prespiciâs Eme ergo lege et fruere ac labores nostros boni consule Vale. To the right woorshipfull Ihon VValshe Esquier one of the Queene her learned Iusticers of her highnes Court of Commen plees Robert Mulcaster wisheth long lyfe and health IT happened mee of late right woorshipfull syr to light vpon this little Treatise whiche I incontinent desired to renne ouer because yt semed to discourse vpon some poyntes of the lawes of our Countrye wherof I my selfe then was nowe am a Student When I had ouer ronne it my desire to read it became nothing counteruailable with the gladnes that I hadde reade it for my desire to reade it came vpon hope to fynd some profitable lessons for my study but my gladnes after reading sprang of y e excellency of thargumeÌt wheron I did not dreame neither to fynd so riche a Treasure in so simple an habite And because I wished all menne to haue parte of my delight me thought it good to translate it into Englishe forth of Lattine in whiche toung it was fyrste written The aucthour of the book was one maister Fortescue knight Seriaunt at the law and for his Skill and vertues preferred by kinge Henry the .vi. to be Chauncellour of this realme The entrie of the booke it selfe sheweth where and vppon what occasion it was written It was written in Berry in Fraunce where Prince Edwarde sonne to Henry the vi afterward slaine at Tewkesbury by Edward the .iiii. dyd then remayne with his mother Queene Margaret in the house of Renate her father duke of Angeow and king of Cicile during the tyme that Edward the fourth reigned in this Realme and Henry the .vi. was fledd into Scotland The occasyon was this The Chauncellour beiÌg fledde into Fraunce with the yong Prince perceiuing his delight to be all bent to Chyualrye as a thing of greatest neede consydering he ment by force the restitucioÌ of his father and thereby his own to the kingdome of England tooke occasion for that his hope was to see the Prince reigne heare to moue him to a diuision of his affaires as he armed him selfe against y e enemy so to adourne him selfe againste his being kinge with skill of lawes whiche doe preserue eche state so in peace that it maye if neede be warre and so garde it in warre that it may haue peace in eie Th argument is this that the skill of the Countrie lawes is neadefull for the Prince althoughe not so deepe as the purposed professours yet so full as to their honour may ought to fall in Princes And for that the Prince should think y e thing to be a Princely knowledge he taketh occasioÌ by comparing the gouernement of this Realme w t others and the lawes of this lande with the Ciuill with whome it is of all men lightly compared and the betternesse of poyntes wherein they bothe trauayle and prouisions by the one wiselyer foreseene then by the other to proue the singularitie of this state whiche it behoued the Prince to learne seyng hee was lyke to succeade hys father and to vnderstaÌd the lawes whiche maketh the state to bee so singuler The particularies I referre to the booke wherof thus much I doe and no lesse coulde well saye Why I dyd choose your woorship to be protectour of my laboures I shall not neede tedyously to touche it shal be suffycient to saye that in choise of manye I pycked you alone not doubting your lyking in allowynge seeing myne eleccion in dedycatynge and so commyttinge to thalmightye the good preseruacion of your worship I humblye take my leaue this xii of October Robert Mulcaster The introduction into the matter DVring y e cruell rage of y e late mortall warrez w tin the royalme of EnglaÌde wheÌ the most vertuous and godly king Henry the sixt w t Queene Margaret his wife y e kiÌgz daughter of Iherusalem and Scicile their onely sonne Edwarde prince of Wales were forced to fly the land the kiÌg himself afterward in the same ciuil tumult falling into the blody hands of his deadly enemies his own subiectz was of them coÌmitted to prisoÌ wher he a loÌg tyme remained in straite captiuitie the queene y e priÌce her sonne thus banished out of their countrey making their abode in y e duchy of Berry a dominion of y e foresaid kiÌg of Ierus The Prince shortlye after growing to mannes state applied him selfe wholy to the feates of armes muche delytinge to ryde vpon wilde and vnbroken horses not sparing w t spurres to break their fiercenes He practysed also sometymes w t the pyke sometimes w t y e sworde other warlyke weapons after the maner guyse of warriors accordinge to the vse of martial discipline to assaile strike his companioÌs I mean y e yong meÌ y e attended vpoÌ hys êson Which thing wheÌ a certein auÌcieÌt knight being chauÌcellour to y e forsaide kiÌg of EnglaÌd saw who also in y e miserable tyme did there remain in exile hee spake thus to y e priÌce SEuieÌte duduÌ in regno Anglie nephandissima rabie illa qua piissimus ibidem rex H. sextus cum Margareta Regina consorte sua filia regis Iherusalem et Scicilie ac eorum vnigenito Edwardo principe Wallie inde propulsi suÌt sub qua et demum rex ipse H. a subditis suis depreheÌsus carceris diutinuÌ passus est horrorem duÌ regina ipsa cum sobole patria sic extorrens in ducatu BerrenÌ
predicti Regis Iherusalem dnÌio morabaÌtur Princeps ille mox vt factus est adultus militari totum se contulit disciplinae et sepe ferocibus et quasi indomitis insedens caballis eos calcaribus ⪠vrgens quandoque lancea quandoque mucrone aliis quoque instrumentis bellicis sodales suos iuuenes sibi seruientes bellantiuÌ more inuadere ferireque iuxta martis gimnasij rudimenta delectabatur Quod cernens miles quidam grandaeuus predicti regis Angliae Cancellarius qui etiam ibidem sub hac clade exulabat PrincipeÌ sic affatur ¶ First he moueth the Prince to the knowledge of the lawe Chap. 1 YOur singuler towardenes most gracious priÌce maketh me right gladde when I beholde how ernestlye you dooe embrace martiall feates For it is conuenieÌt for youre grace to be thus delyted not onlye for that you are a souldyour but muche rather for that you shal be a kiÌg For yt is the offyce and duytie of a Kyng to fight the batailes of his people and also rightlye to iudge them as in the viii chapiter of the firste booke of Kinges you are plainelye taught Wherfore I would wish your grace to be w t as ernest zeal geueÌ to y e studie of y e lawz as you ar to y e knowledge of arms because that like as warres by force of chiualrye are ended euen so iudgementes by the lawes are determined which thing Iustinian the Emperour well and wisely and aduisedly pondering in the beginninge of the preface of his book saith thus It behoueth the emperiall maiesty not onli to be garded with armez but also to be armed with lawes to the end y t he mai be able rightly to execute y e gouernemÌt of bothe times aswell of warre as of peace Howbe it for youre more earnest endeuoir to the study of the law the exhortatioÌ of the chiefest lawmaker Moyses sometyme capytaine of the Synagoge ought to be of much more force with you then the woordes of Iustinian wheras in the xvii chapiter of the book of Deuteronomie hee doothe by the auctority of god straitlye charge the kinges of Israell to be readers of y e lawe al the daies of theire lyfe sayeng thus When the kyng shall sitte vppon the princelye seate of hys kingdome hee shall write him out thys lawe in a booke takynge the copye thereof of the priestes the Leuites and he shal haue it with him and hee shall read it al the dayes of hys life that he may learne to feare the lorde his god to keepe his commaundementes and ordinaunces written in this lawe And Helynandus expouÌdyng the same saith thus A Prince therefore must not be ignorant of y e law neither is it tollerable y t hee vnder the pretence of warrefare shoulde be vnskilfull in the lawe And a littel after he is coÌmauÌded sayeth hee to receyue the coppye of the lawe of the priestes the Leuites that is to saye of catholik and learned men Thus muche he For the booke of Deuteronomie is the booke of the lawes wherwith the Kynges of Israell were bounde to rule and gouerne they re Subiectes Thys booke doth Moyses commaunde kinges too reade that they may learne to feare God and keepe his commaundementes which are writen in the lawe Beholde the effecte of the lawe is to feare God Whereunto man cannot attayne onelesse he firste knowe the will of God whiche is written in the lawe For the principall poynte of all seruyce is to knowe the wyll and pleasure of the lord or maister to whome seruyce ys due Howbeit the lawmaker Moyses first iÌ this charge mencioneth the effecte of the lawe that is the feare of God and nexte he allureth vs to the keepinge of the cause thereof that is to saye of Goddes commaundementes For in the mynde and intent of the exhorter the effect goethe before the cause But what feare is thys whyche the lawes do propouÌ to y e obseruerz therof Surely it is not that fear wherof it is written that perfect charitie or loue expellethe feare Yet thys same feare thoughe it bee bond seruile oftentimes prouoketh kinges to the reading of the lawes but it procedeth not out of the law But that feare wherof Moyses here speaketh whiche also procedeth out of the lawes is the selfe same feare that the prophet speaketh of saynge The feare of the lorde is holy endureth for euer euer This is such a louiÌg feare as natural children beare to their deare pareÌtz commenly termed the reuerence of y e child toward his parents Whereunto there is no punishement due as a thinge wrought by loue For this feare proceedeth out of the lawes which teach to do the wil of god so that it deserueth no punishement But the glorye of the Lorde is vppon them that feare hym and he doth glorify them Yea thys feare is eeuen that same feare whereof Iob after that he had dyuerslye searched for wisedome sayeth thus Beeholde the feare of the lord is perfecte wisedome and to forsake euill is vnderstandinge That the forsakinge of euill is the vnderstandinge of the feare of god this do the lawes teache whereby it foloweth that the same fear procedeth out of them Gaudeo vero se renissime Princeps super nobilissima indole tua videns quanta auiditate militares tu amplecteris actus conuenit naÌque tibi taliter delectari nedum quia miles es sed amplius quia rex futurus es Regis neÌpe officiuÌ pugnare est bella populi sui et eos rectissime iudicare vt primo regum cap. viii clarissime tu doceris Quare vt armorum vtinam et legum studiis simili zelo te dedituÌ coÌteÌplarer Cum vt armis bella ita legibus iudicia peragantur que Iustinianus Augustus equissima librans mente in initio prohemii libri sui institutionum ait ImperatoriaÌ magestatem non solum armis decoratam sed et legibus oportet esse armatam vt vtrumque tempus bellorum et pacis recte possit gubernari TuÌ vt ad legum studia seruide tu aÌheles Maximus legis lator ille Moyses olim Synagoge dux multo forcius Cesare te iÌuitat dum regibus Israel diuina autoritate ipse precipiat eorum leges legere omnibus diebus vite sue sic dicens Postquam sederit rex in solio regni sui describet sibi Deuteronomij Leges in volumine accipiens exeÌplar a sacerdotibus Leuitice tribus habebit secuÌ legetque illud omnibus diebus vite sue vt discat timere dnÌm deuÌ suuÌ custodire verba ceremonias eius que in lege scripta suÌt Deutero ca. xvij quod exponens HelynaÌdus dicit Princeps ergo noÌ debet iuris ignarus esse nec pretextu militiae legeÌ permittitur ignorare Et post pauca a sacerdotibus Leuitice tribus assumere iubetur exemplar legis id est a viris catholicis et litteratis Hec ille Liber quippe Deute est
liber legum quibus Reges Israell subditum sibi populum regere tenebantur Hunc librum legere iubet Moyses Reges vt discant timere deuÌ custodire mandata eius quae in lege scripta sunt Ecce timere deuÌ effectus est legis quem non consequi valet homo nisi prius sciat voluntatem dei quae in lege scripta est Nam principium omnis famulatus est scire voluntatem dnÌi cui seruitur Legis tnÌ lator Moyses primô in hoc edicto effectum legis videlicet timorem Dei coÌmemorat Deinde ad custodiaÌ causae eius videlicet mandatorum dei ipse inuitat NaÌ effectus prior est quaÌ causa in animo exhortaÌtis Sed quis est timor iste quem promittunt leges obseruatoribus suis vere non eÌ timor ille de quo scribitur Quod perfecta caritas foras mittit timorem Timor tamen ille licet seruilis sepe ad legendum leges reges concitat sed non est ipse proles legis Timor vero de quo hic loquitur Moises quem et pariunt leges est ille de quo dicit propheta Timor domini sanctus permanet in seculum seculi Hic filialis est et non nouit penam vt ille qui per charitatem expellitur Nam iste a legibus proficiscitur que doceÌt facere voluÌtateÌ dei quo ipse penaÌ noÌ meretur Sed gloria dnÌi est super metuentes euÌ quos et ipse glorificat Timor auteÌ iste timor ille est de quo Iob postquaÌ multifarie sapieÌtiaÌ inuestigat sic ait Ecce timor domini ipsa est sapientia recedere a malo intelligentia Iob ca. xxviij Recedere a malo quôd intelligeÌtia timoris dei est leges docent quo timoreÌ hunc ipse parturiunt ¶ The Princes replie to the Chauncellours motion Chap. 2. THe Prince hearynge this and stedfastly be holding y e old man spake thus to him I know good Chauncelloure that the booke of Deutronomie whereof you speake is a booke of holye scripture The lawes also and ordinances therein contained are holy of the lords makinge and published by Moyses Wherefore the readinge of them is a plesant act of holye contemplacion But that law to the knowledge whereof you counsell me is humayne made by menne and intreating of worldlye matters Wherefore though Moyses bynde the Kinges of Israell to the readynge of goddes law yet that thereby hee forcethe all other Kynges to do the like in their own lawes that standethe by no good reason seeynge that of both the readinges the cause is not like HEc vt audiuit priÌceps erecto in senem vultu sic locutus est Scio Cancellarie quod liber Deut. quem tu commemoras sacrae scripturae volumeÌ est leges quoque cerimoniae in eo coÌscriptae etiam sacrae suÌt a dnÌo editae per Moisen promulgatae quare eas legere saÌctae coÌteÌplacionis dulcedo est Sed lex ad cuius scienciaÌ me inuitas humana est ab hoiÌbus aedita tractans terrena quo licet Moyses ad Deut. lecturam reges Israel astrinxerit euÌ per hoc reges alios ad coÌssiÌlâer facieÌduÌ in suis legibus coÌcitasse oÌneÌ effugit rationeÌ cuÌ vtriusque lectur â noÌ sit eadem causa ¶ Here the Chauncelour Fortifieth his assertion Cap. 3. I perceaue ê the ChauÌcellour by youre aunswere most worthy prince howe earnestly you haue considered weighed the qualitie of my exhortacioÌ So that heareby you doe much encourage me both more plainly more largely also more deepelye to discourse y e same Wherefore you shal vnderstande that not only gods lawes but also mans are holye forsomuche as the lawe is diffined by these woordes The lawe is a holy sanction or decree coÌmauÌding things that be honest and forbiddinge y e contraries Now y e thing must needs be holy which by diffinicioÌ is determined to be holye Right also by description is called the arte of y t whiche is good streight so y t in this cespect a man may wel cal vs Sacerdotes that is to saye geeuers or teachers of holy things for so by interpretacion doothe Sacerdos signifie Forsomuche then as the lawes are holye it foloweth that the ministers and setters furth of theÌ may right wel be called Sacerdotes that iz geuers teachers of holy things Further more all lawes published by men haue also theire auctoritie frome godde For as the Apostell sayethe Al power is from the lord god Wherefore the lawes that are made by maÌ which thereunto hath receaued power from the lorde are also ordeined of god as also appeareth by this saiyng of the auctour of al causes Whatsoeuer the seconde cause doth the saÌe dothe y e first cause by a higher and more excellent meane Wherefore Iosaphat the king of Iuda saiethe to his iudges The iudgements whiche ye execute are the iudgements of god in y e ninetinth chapter of the seconde booke of Chronicles Wherby you are taughte that to learne laws though they be maÌs lawes is toe learne holy lawes and the ordynaÌces of goode so that the studie of them is not with out a pleasant sweetenes of holy coÌsolacioÌ And yet such sweete pleasure was not the cause as you suppose werefore Moyses coÌmaunded the kings of Israel to reade the lawes of Deuteronomie For thys cause moueth not kynges no more to the reading of y e boke of Deuteronomie thenne of anye of the other bookes of Moyses in which aswel as iÌ y e booke of Deuteronomie is plentiful store of godly lessons holy instruccioÌs Wherin to be deuoutly occupied is a holy thing Wherfore that there was non other cause of this commaundement theÌ for that y e lawes whereby the king of Israel is bound to rule his people are more precisely coÌteined in y e booke of Deutronomie theÌ in y e other bokes of y e old testameÌt y e circuÌstances of the same coÌmauÌdement do manifestly infourme vs. For whiche cause you ought moste worthy prince no lesse theÌ the kings of Israell to bee mooued and prouoked to be a diligent trauailer in the studie of those lawes wherebye hereafter yowe shal rule your people For that which was spoken to the kinge of Israell muste be vnderstande to be figuratiuely spoken to euerye kinge hauinge dominion ouer godly people And haue I not then wel and holsomelye propounded vnto you the commaundemeÌt geeuen to the kynges of Israell concernynge the learnynge of theire lawe Forasmuche as not onely his example but also hys like autoritie hath taught yowe and bounde you to the like dooinge in the lawes of the kyngedome whiche god willinge you shall inherit AT CaÌcellariê° Scio inquit ê hec qÌ iaÌ dicis princeps clarissimÌ quaÌta aduÌteÌtia exhortatioÌis mee tu poÌderas qualitat â quo me noÌ infime coÌciÌtas suê inceptis neduÌ clariê° sed et êfuÌdiê° quodamodo tecuÌdisceptare
tuÌc per Danos ideÌ regnuÌ paruÌ ê dnÌatuÌ est et iteruÌ ê Saxones sed finaliter per Normannos quorum propago regnum illud optinet in presenti Et in omnibus nationuÌ harum et regum earuÌ teÌporibus regnuÌ illud eisdeÌ quibus iaÌ regitur consuetudinibus continue regulatuÌ est Quae si optimae noÌ extitissent aliqui reguÌ illoruÌ iustitia ratione vel affectione concitati eas mutassent aut oÌnino deleuisseÌt et maxiÌme Romani qui legibê° suis quasi totuÌ orbis reliquum iudicabant Similiter et alij reguÌ predictorum qui solum gladio regnuÌ Angliae possiderunt quo et poteÌtia simili ipsi leges eius exinanisse valuerunt Neque vero tantorum temporuÌ curriculis leges Ciuiles in quaÌtum Romanorum inueteratae sunt neque venetoruÌ leges quae super alias antiquitate diuulgantur quoruÌtum insula in initio Britonum inhabitata non fuit sicut nec Roma coÌdita nec vllorum mundi regnorum deicolarum leges tanto aeuo inolitae sunt quare non bonas immo non optimas esse anglorum consuetudines sicut non dicere ita nec suspicari fas est ¶ Here he sheweth with what grauitie statuts are made in Englande Cap. 18. NOw whether the statuts of England bee good or not that onely remainethe to be discussed For they procede not onely from the princes pleasure as do the lawes of those kingdomes that are ruled onelye by regal gouernement where sometymes y e statuts do so procure the singular commoditie of the maker that theye redounde to the hinderaunce and dammage of his subiectes Sometymes allso by the neglygence and ouersight of such priÌces their sleighte regard respecting onelye their own coÌmodities thei are so vnaduisedly made that they are more woorthy to haue the name of disorders then of well ordered lawes But statutes cannot thus passe in Englande forsomuch as they are made not onlye by the Princes pleasure but also by the asseÌt of the whole royalme so that of necessitie they must procure the wealth of the people and in noe wise tende to theire hynderaunce And it cannot otherwise bee thoughte but that they are replenished with muche wytte and wysedome seeynge they are ordayned not by the deuyse of one man alone or of a hundrethe wise counsellers onelye but of mo then three hundreth chosen menne much agreeinge with the number of the auncient senatoures of Roome as they that know the fashion of the Parliament of Englande and the order and maner of callyng the same together are hable more distinctly to declare And if it fortune these statutes beeinge deuysed with suche greate solemnitie and witte not to fal out so effectuallye as the intent of the makers dyd wyshe they may be quicklye refourmed but not wythout the assent of the commens and states of the realme by whose autoritie they were first deuysed Thus moste woorthy Prince you do plainlye vnderstande all the kyndes of the lawes of Englande And touching theire qualities as whether they be good or not you shal bee able to measure that aswel by your owne witte as by comparinge them with other lawes And when ye shall finde none in the whole worlde of lyke excellency you must of force grant them to bee not onely good but also on youre behalfe most to bee embraced STatuta tunc Anglorum bona sint nec ne solum restat explorandum Non enim emanant illa a principis solum voluÌtate vt leges in regnis quae tantum regaliter gubernaÌtur vbi quaÌdoque statuta ita coÌstitueÌtis êcuraÌt coÌmoduÌ singulare qd â in eiê° subditoruÌ ipÌa reduÌdaÌt dispeÌdiuÌ et iacturam QuaÌdoque etiaÌ iÌ aduertentia principuÌ huiusmodi et sibi consulentium inertia ipsa tam inconsultè eduÌtur quod corruptelarum nomina potius quam legum illa merentur Sed non sic Angliae statuta oriri possunt dum nedum priÌcipis voluÌtate sed et totius regni assensu ipsa conduÌtur quo populi le suram illa efficere nequeunt vel noÌ eorum comodum procurare Prudentia etiam sapientia necessario ipsa esse referta putandum est duÌnon vnius aut ceÌtum solum consultorum virorum prudentia sed plusquam trecentorum electorum hominum quali numero oliÌ senatus Romano rum regebatur ipsa edita suÌt vt hij qui parliamenti Angliae formaÌ coÌuocationis quoque eius ordinem modum noueruÌt hec distinctius referre noruÌt Et si statuta hec tanta soleÌnitate prudentia edita efficaciae tantae quantae coÌditoruÌ cupiebat intentio non esse coÌtingant coÌcito reformari ipsa possunt et noÌ sine coÌmunitatis proceruÌ regni illius asseÌsu quali ipsa primitus emanarunt pateÌt igitur iaÌ tibi princeps leguÌ angloruÌ species oeÌs earum quoque qualitates vt si bonae ipsae sint metiri tupoteris prudentia tua comparatione etiam aliarum legum cum nullam tantae prestantiae in orbe reperies eas nedum bonas sed tibi optabilissimas fore necessario confiteberis ¶ Heare he deuyseth a meane howe to knowe the diuersitie betwene the Ciuile lawes and the lawes of England Chap. 19. ONe only doubt wherw t your mind is troubled remaineth now behiÌde vndiscussed And y t is this Whether as y t ciuile lawz so likwise y e lawz of Englande bee fruytfull and effectuall these for the royalme of England as the other for the Empiere and whether they may worthely bee iudged fytte and meete Comparisons most noble prince as I remember I harde you ones saye are compted odious Wherefore I am lothe to meddle w t them But whether they bee bothe of lyke worthines or that the one deseruethe an higher commendation then the other heareof you may gather a pythier argument out of those pointes wherein theire sentences do differ then by my declaracion For wher both the lawez doo agree the prayse of them ys equall But in cases where they disagree the worthyer lawe is moste prayse-woorthye Wherefore wee will nowe propound some such cases to the intent you maye indifferentlye ponder and weye whether of these doothe moste iustlye and better define the same And first wee will putte furthe exaumples of cases of much weight SOlum iam vnuÌ de his quibus agitatur animus tu us restat explanaÌduÌ vz an vt Ciuiles ita et ang leges frugi sint et efficaces isti Angliae regno vt illae imperio etiam et accomode iudicari me reantur Comparationes vero priÌceps vt te aliquan do dixisse recolo odiosae reputantur quo eas aggredi non delector tu an equalis sint ambae leges meriti vnaue altera celsius preconium mereatur non ex meo iuditio sed ex his in quibus earum differunt sententiae efficatius carpere poteris argumentum Nam vbi coÌueniunt Leges ambae aequalis laudis ipsae sunt sed
tantum priÌcipantes qÌ lege ciuili et poâissimè predicta legis illius maxima regulant plebem suam quó ipsi ad eorum libitum iura mutant noua condunt penas in fligunt et onera imponunt subditis suis êpriis quoque arbitriis conteÌdeÌt ium cum velint dirimunt lites Quare moliti suÌt ipsi progânitores tui hoc iugum politicum abiicer â vt consimiliter et ipsi in subiectum populum regaliter tantum dominari sed potius debachari queant noÌ atteÌdentes quod equalis est vtriusque regis potencia vt in predicto tractatu de natura legis naturoe docetur et qd noÌ iugum sed libertas est politicê regere populum securitas quoque maxima neduÌ plebi sed et ipsi regi alleuiacio etiaÌ non minima solicitudinis suae quae vt tibi apertius pateaÌt vtriusque regiminis experientiam per cunctare a regimine tantuÌ regali qualiter rex Franciae principatur in subditos suos exordium sumerrito deiÌde a regalis ât politicae regiminis effectu qualiter rex Angliae dominatur in sibi subiectos populos experientiam quere The inconueniences that happen in the royalme âf FrauÌce throughe regall gouernement alone Cap. 35. CAll to remeÌbrauÌce most worthye prince after what sorte you saw y e wealthie villages and townes as touchynge ââore of corne in the royalme of Fraunce while you were there a so iourner pestered with the kynges men at armes their horses so that skant in any of y e great townes there you could gett any lodgynge Wheare of y e inhabiters you learned y t those men thoughe they continue in one village a monethe or ii do not nor will paye any thynge at all either for their owne charges or for the charges of their horses But which is worse y ây coÌpelled y e iÌhabitz of y e vilages and town dwellers whether they caÌe to prouide of their owne proper costes out of the villages adioyninge wyne flesh for them and other thiÌgs y t thei needed at dearer prices then they might haue bought the same at home And if any refused thus to do they were anoÌ by plaine stafford lawe forced to do it And when they had spent all the victualies fewell and horse meat in one towne then those men went to an other towne wastynge the same in lyke maner not payeyng one pennye for any necessaries either for themselfs or ells for their coÌcubines and harlottes whereof they euer carryed caried aboute withe them great abundaunce nor for hoseÌ or shewes and other lyke euen to the least poiÌt or lace but they compelled the townesmen wheare theye carried to beare all theire expenses And thus were al the villages and vnwalled townes of that lande vsed so that there is not the least village there free from this miserable calamitie but that it is once or twyse euery yeare beggered by this kynde of pilling Furthermore the kyng suffereth no man to eate salte within his kingdome excepte he buy it of the kinge at suche price as pleaseth him to assesse And if any pore man had rather eate his meate freshe then to buy salt so excessiuely deare hee is imiÌmediatly coÌpelled to buy so much of y e kinges salte at the kings price as shall suffice so many persones as he keepeth in his house Moreouer all the inhabyters of that royalme geeue yearelye to the kynge the fowerthe parte of all the wynes y t theire grouÌdes bearethe and euerye vintener the fowerth penney of the price of the wine that hee sellethe And beesides all this euery village and borroughe payethe yearelye to the kyng great summes of moneye assessed vppon them for the wages of men at armes so that the charges of the kings army which is euer verye great is mainteyned by the poore people of y e villages boroughes towns of y e roialme And yet moreouer euerye village findethe continuallye twoo Crossebowes at the leaste and some mo wythe all furnyture and habyliments requisite for the kynges seruyce in hys warres as ofte as it pleasethe hym to muster them whyche hee dothe verye ofte And these thynges not considered other exceedynge greate talleges are yearelye assessed vppon euerye vyllage of the same royalme to the kynges vse whereof theye are no yeare released The people beeinge wyth these and diuers other calamities plagued and oppressed do liue in greate mysery driÌkiÌg water daily Neyther do y e inferiour sort tast any other licor sauiÌg only at soleÌpne feasts Theire shamewes are made of hempe muche lyke to sacke clothe Woollen clothe theye weare none excepte it bee verye course and that onelye in theire coates vnder theire sayde vpper garmentes Neyther vse they anye hosen butte from the knee vpwarde the residue of theire legges go naked Theire women go barefoote sauing on holye dayes Neyther menne nor women eate anye fleshe there but onelye larde of bacon wythe a small quantity whereof they fatten theire potage and brothes As for rosted or sodden meate of fleshe they tast none except it be of y e inwards sometimes heads of beastes y e be killed for geÌtlemeÌ merchaÌtz But the menne at armes they deuour and consume al their pullein so y e theye haue skant the egges left to eate for speciall deintiez And if theye fortune at anye time to growe somewhat wealthie in substaÌce so that any of them be compted ryche hee is by by charged to the kinges subsidie more deepely theÌ any of his neighboures so that within short time he is made equall in pouertie with the rest of his beggerlye neighboures And this as I suppose is the state of the common and rascall people of that nation But gentlemen and nobles are not so oppressed and ouercharched wyth exaccions Butte yf anye of them chauÌce to bee accused of anye cryme thoughe it be by hys enemies hee is not euer wonte to bee cyted or called beefore an ordynarye iudge But manye tymes it hathe beene seene that hee hathe in that beehalfe been talked wythe in the kynges chamber or elswhere in some priuate place and sometymes onelye bye a pourseuaunte or messenger And immedyatlye as soone as the princes conscience hathe throughe the reporte of others iudged him guiltie he is witheout anye fassion of iudgement put in a sacke and in the night season by the Marshals seruaÌts hurled iÌto a riuer so drowned After which sort you haue harde of manye mo put to deathe then that haue bene by ordinary processe of the lawe condempned Howe be it the princes plesure as saye the Ciuile lawes hathe the force of a lawe Also whyle yowe weare abydynge in FrauÌce and nighe to the same kyngedome you heard of other greate enormityes lyke vnto these and some much worse then these detestable damnable done no otherwise but vnder y e colour of that lawe whiche here to rehearse woulde continue oure talke too longe a time Now therefore let vs se what
discreete and determinate perfectnes deepe vnder staÌdinge of the same beeynge lefte to his iudges So also oughte all princes to bee wel seene in the holye scriptures of god as sayethe vincentius Beluacensis in his booke of the morall institution of princes Forasmuche as the scripture aboue mentioned sayethe that vayne are all theye in whom is not the knowledge of god and for that in the sixteen the chapter of the prouerbes it is thus written Let prophecye or the woorde of god be in the lyppes of the kynge and then hys mouthe shall not go wroÌge in iudgement And yet is not a kinge bounde to haue profounde knowledge and determinate vnderstaÌding in y e holy scriptures as it becommethe a professoure of dyuinitye For it shal be ynoughe for hiÌ suêficially to tast y e senteÌces therof as also of his lawes Thus did Charles the great Lewes his sonne and Robert sometime kinge of Fraunce whoe wrote thys sequence Sancti spiritus adsit nobis gratia and diuers other princes as the foresayde VinceÌcius in the fiftenethe chapter of his booke aforesayd plainly shewethe Wherfore y e doctors of y e lawes do say y t an eÌperour beareth al his lawes in y e box of his brest not for y t he knoweth all y e lawes reallye in deede but for that he vnderstandeth the principles of theÌ lykewise theire fourme theire nature in whiche respect he is iudged to bee skilfull in all hys lawes Whiche also he maye alter chaunge and repeale So that in him are potentiallye all his lawes as Eue was in Adam before she was made Butte now good Chauncellour seeynge I perceaue mye selfe sufficientlye perswaded to the studie of the lawes of England whiche thing in y e beginninge of this worke you promised to perfourme I wil no loÌger trouble you in this behalfe But thus I instaÌtly desire you y t ye wil iÌstruct me in y e priÌciples of y e law as you once began to doe And that you will teache me to knowe and vnderstande the fourm and nature thereof For thys lawe shall bee euermore peculiar to me amonge al other lawes of the worlde amonge the whiche I see it shiene as lucifer amoÌge the starrs And forsomuch as I doubt not but youre intent whereby you were moued to this conference is fully satisfiyd bothe tyme and reason requirethe that we make an ende of our talke yeeldynge therfore laudes and thankes to him whiche beganne furthered and hathe fynished the same Whom we call Alpha et O who also be praysed of euerye lyuinge creature Amen Finis PRiÌceps Leges illas neduÌ bonas sed et optimas esse caÌcellarie ex êsecutioÌe tua in hoc dialogo certissime depÌheÌdi Et si qÌ ex eis meliorari deposcant id citissime fieri posse parliamentoruÌ ibi dem formulae nos erudiunt Quo realiter poteÌtialiterue regnum illud semper prestantissimis legibus gubernatur nec tuas in hac concionatione doctrinas futuris Angliae regibus inutiles fore conijtio duÌ noÌ dilectet regere legibus quae non delectant Fastidet namque artificem ineptio instrumenti et militem ignauum reddit debilitas laÌciae et mucronis Sed sicut ad pugnaÌ animatur miles cuÌ neduÌ sibi ênasiÌt arma sed et magis cuÌ in actibê° bellicis ipÌe sit exêtus dicente Vegetio de re militari qd â sciencia rei bellicae dimicandi audaciam nutrit Quia nemo facere metuit quod se bene di dicisse confidit Sic et rex omnis ad iustitiam animatur dum leges quibus ipsa fiet nedum iustissimas esse agnoscit sed et earum ille expertus sit formam et naturam quas tantum in vniuersali inclusiuè et incoÌfuso principi scire sufficiet remanen te suis iudicibus earum discreta determinataque peritia et scientia altiori Sic equideÌ et scripturarum diuinaruÌ peritiam vt dicit Vincentius Beluacensis in libro de morali institutioÌe priÌcipum Omnis princeps habere deberet cum dicat scriptura superius memorata qd â vanae sunt oeÌs in quibus noÌ est scientia dei et êuerbi .xvi. scribatur Diuinatio id est diuina seÌtentia vel sermo diuinus sit in labiis regis et tunc in iuditio non errabit os eius Non tamen profundè determinatèue intelligere tenetur PriÌceps scripturas sacras vt decet sacrae theologiae êfessor sufficit naÌque ei earuÌ in coÌfusô degusta re sententias qualiter et peritiaÌ legis suae Sic et feceâuÌt Carolus Magâus Lodouicê° filius eiê° et Robertê° quoÌdaÌ rex FraÌciae qui hanc scripsit seqÌntiaÌ SaÌcti spiritê° ad sit nobis gratia et quaÌ plures alij vt iÌ .xv. ca. lib. pÌdicti Vincentius pÌdictê° luculenter docet Vnde et doctores leguÌ dicuÌt qd â imperator gerit oiÌa iura sua in scrinio pectoris sui noÌ qÌa oÌiÌa iura ipÌe noscit realiter et in actu sed duÌ priÌcipia eoruÌ ipÌe êcepit formaÌ similiter et naturaÌ oiÌa iura sua ipse iÌtelliger â ceÌsetur qÌ etiaÌ traÌsformare ille potest mutare et cassare quo iÌ eo poteÌtialiter suÌt oÌnia iura sua vt in AdaÌ erat Eua antequaÌ plasmaretur Sed quia CaÌcellarie ad leguÌ Angliae disciplinatuÌ mihi iaÌ conspicio suffici enter esse suasum quod et in huiê° operis exordio facere êmisisti NoÌ te aÌplius huius pÌtextu solicitare conabor sed obnixê de posco vt in legis huius principijs vt quoÌdam incepisti me erudias doceÌs quodamodo eius agnoscere formaÌ et naturam quia lex ista mihi semê peculiaris erit iÌter ceteras legê orbis inter quas ipsaÌ lucere coÌspicio vt lucifer inter stellas Et duÌ intentioni tuae qua ad collationeÌ hanc concitatus es iaÌ satisfactuÌ esse noÌ aÌbigo tempus postulat et ratio vt nostris colloquiis terminuÌ coÌferamus reddeÌtes ex eis laudes ei et gratias qui ea incepit prosecutê° est et finiuit Alpha et O queÌ dicimê° queÌ et laudet oÌnis spiritus Amen ¶ The table AN Introduction to the matter Fo. 3. The Chanceller moueth the Prince to the knowlege of the lawe Fo. 4. The Princes replie to y e motion 7 The ChauÌcellour fortifieth his assertion 8 The Chauncellour proueth that a Prince by the lawe may bee made happye and blessed 10 Ignorance of the lawe causeth contempte therof 14 The Chauncellour briefly repeteth the effect of his perswasion 17 The Prince yeldoth hym self to the studye of the lawes though he bee yet disquieted w t certein doubtes 19 So muche knowledge as is necessarie for a prince is soone had 20 A kinge whose gouernement is politique cannot chaunge hys lawes 25 The Prince demaundeth a question 27 The aunswere is omitted for that in an other woorke it is handled at large 28 How kingdomes ruled by royaâââouernement onely first beganne 28 Howe kingedoÌes of politique gouernance were first begonne 30 The Prince compendâââsly abridgeth all that the Chauncellour before hath discoursed at large 33 All lawes are the lawe of Nature custoÌs or statutes 36 The lawe of Nature in all Countryes is one 37 The customes of Englande are of moste auncient antiquitie practised and receaued of v. seuerall Nations from one to another by successe 38 With what grauitie statutes are made in Englande 39 A meane to know the diuersitie betweene the Ciuile lawes and the lawes of Englande 41 The first case wherein the Ciuile lawes the lawes of England differ 42 InconuenieÌces that commeth of that law which no otherwise theÌ by witnesses admitteth trials 43 Of the crueltie of Rackinges 46 The Ciuile lawe ofte failethe in doinge of iustice 50 Howe counties are deuided and Sherifes chosen 51 How Iurers ãâ¦ã chosen sworne 54 How Iurers ãâ¦ã to be enformed by euydences and witnesses 57 Howe causes criminall are determined in England 61 The Prince granteth the lawes of England to be more commodious for the subiects then y e Ciuile lawes in the case disputed 63 Why Inquestes are not made by Iuries of .xii. men in other realmes aswel as in Englande 65 The Prince coÌmendeth the lawes of England of theire proceeding by Iuries 69 The Prince doubteth whether this proceding by Iuries be repugnant to Gods lawe or not 70 That the proceeding by a Iurie ãâã not repugnant to the law of God 72 Why certeine kinges of Englande haue had no delyghte in their own lawes 76 The Chaunceller openeth the cause which the Prince demaundeth 77 The commodities that proceede of y e ioynt gouernement politique regall in the realm of England 83 A comparison of y e worthines of both the regiments 86 The prince breaketh thââââuncellour of his tale 89 The second case wherein the Ciuile lawes and the lawes of England disagree in theirs iudgements 89 Speciall causes whye base borne children are not legittimate in England by matrimonye ensuynge 93 The prince alloweth the lawe whych doth not legittimate children borne before matrymonye 98 The thirde case wherein the lawes aforesayde disagree 98 The prince approuethe the lawe whereby y e issue foloweth the wombe 102 The fowerthe case wherein y e said lawes varye 104 The prince commendethe the education of noble mens children beinge orphanes 106 Other cases wherin the foresayde lawes differ 108 The prince regardethe not a case rehearsed 109 The Chaunceller sheweth why the lawes of Englande are not taughte in the vniuersities 110 The disposition ãâã general study of the lawes of Englande ãâã that the same in nuÌber passeth certein vniuersities 113 Of the state and degree of a serieaÌt at lawe and howe he is created 116 After what maner a Iustice is created and of his habite and conuersacion 121 The prince fyndethe faute wythe delayes that are made in the kyngs courte 125 That delaies whiche happen in the kyngs courts are necessarie and reasonable 126 That the lawes of Englande are ryghte good the knoweledge thereof expediente for kyngs and that it shal suffice them to haue but a superficial knowledge of the same 129 Imprinted at London in Fletestrete within Temple Barre at the signe of the hand and starre by Rychard Tottill 1567.