handes how doe they hope to keep it O let them alone for that in the next place therefore they offer a Proposition for the Militia wherein they desire but two things Pag. 59. n o 73. of the Full Narration first the Sole Nomination of all Persons that shall be entrusted with all the Forces of this Kingdome either by Sea or Land without allowing the King so much as the Nomination of one whom he may Confide in or so much as the Power of exception to any one whom he hath great reason to distrust And secondly They desire this Power of Nomination without any limitation of Time or as one would say in plain English For ever And if they should not secure all that they have now they were much too blame for who shall take it from them Beleeve me I am somewhat afraid they intend such a Reformation of the State as they have done of the Church and then our Farmes and Copy-holds may prove as Antichristian as the Churches Landes if they are worth any thing For you know New Lords and New Lawes ever They may doe what they will they have all in their owne hands who shall gain-say them and not be a Malignant strait But wherefore doe they desire this say they Oh for the securing of these Kingdomes and a preservation of the Peace when it shall be setled I am sure the Kingdomes were secured and the Peace was preserved whilst this power was wholly in the Kings hands but since they have had but a fingering of it I know not how they have secur'd the Kingdomes unlesse it be in that sence which they use the word now and than when they lay a man fast and secure his Person that is make him safe and forth-comming when they have a mind to ruine him So they have secured it pretty well for they have brought it into such bondage and slavery which our Fathers never knew or could ever have beleeved a Parliament would have brought it But against whom would They secure it against Forraigne Enemies So the King has done and so he still can do Against the King because they dare not trust Him Why what reason is there in the World if the King and the Parliament be jealous and fearfull one of anothers power but the King should be secured against his Feares of the Parliament as well as the Parliament be secur'd against their Feares of the King To that end was the King it should appeare content to divide and share His Power with the Parliament a thing which was never yet knowne since the Conquest untill now and to give them leave to choose halfe those persons that should have the power of this Militia and to name the other halfe himselfe But this would not be accepted They must name all or none because Pag. 92. no. 136. of the Full Narration they say if the Persons should be severally named some by the King and some by them It is probable they would act according to their severall Interests and the Warre thereby would be the more easily revived Why but if it be onely probable They would doe so then it is probable too that they would not doe so for probabilities are incident to both sides and if it be but probable that men named by both Parties should act according to their severall Interests it may be probable that men named by both parties may have no such severall Interests but may conscientiously and honestly intend one and the same End the publique Peace of the Kingdome and the preservation of the just Prerogatives of the King How soever if it be so probable that men named on both sides will act according to their severall Interests and some doe what they can for the King who named them and the others doe what they can for the Parliament who named them Certainly it is more probable that men onely named by the Parliament will act according to that Interest of theirs and so doe all for the Parliament and nothing for the King whereby the Warre indeed is not like to be revived but the whole State of Monarchy to be ruined the Prince being brought in subjection to His People and having neither power to suppresse his Enemies or to succour his Friends And truly for my part if I must live in subjection as the State to which God hath call'd me I had rather live in subjection to One then to Foure hundred to One whom God hath made my Superiour then to foure hundred whom I my selfe and some others no wiser then I have made and must unmake them too I think before we shall be quiet for if they Rule and Command a little longer so as they have done I am afraid they will forget quite to Obey specially being never very well acquainted with the Rules thereof or having ever been desirous much to learne them Their third Proposition is concerning Ireland wherein they demand three things more 1. The declaring of the late Cessation made to be quite voyd and utterly unlawfull 2. The prosecution of the Warre in Ireland to be put into their handes to be managed by a Committee of both Kingdomes some whereof are to be English and some Scotch And 3. The Nomination of the Lievtenant of Ireland and all the Officers and Iustices of both Benches Truly all good men I think doe detest and abhorre that bloudy Rebellion in Ireland and although they streine reasonable well to set it out in its owne Colours when they call them bloudy Rebels Pag. 121. no. 174. of the Full Narration Antichristian Rebels though I could have wisht they had made no mention of their Covenant for feare the World hereafter be mistaken it looks so like their owne Men that have broke all the Lawes of God and Man their Faith their Allegiance all bonds of Charity c. Yet if they should have used more severe expressions of them and Imprecations upon them I think no good Subject but would have said Amen But then woe be to the Geese when the Foxe preaches as they use to say God help all good and honest Subjects when the greatest Rebels in the World professe against Rebellion and cry out upon it For as for those Rebels in Ireland they did nothing but what their Religion will avow They make no Conscience of keeping Faith with Heretiques and therefore by their owne rules it is a lesse sinne for them to breake their Oathes and their Allegiance But for our Rebels of England every thing which they doe their own Protestant Religion doth disclaime Did ever the Protestant Religion allow Subjects to take Armes against their owne Native King and yet these men will take them Did ever the Protestant Religion suffer men to violate their Faiths and break their Oathes which they have swore both to God and Men and yet these men will break them nay and think they doe God good service in the violation thereof For God's sake how comes it to passe
and if they doe not revenge the Horse against the Hind if they doe not lay the Pride of the Clergy low enough then never trust them Never was foolish Horse prouder of his golden Bit and Bosse then was the Common People at first of this gay bridle It was the simplest sight in the World to see them bring in their Boles nay their Bodkins their Tankards nay their very Thimbles to Guild-hall just as the Children of Israel did their Eare-rings to make themselves a Calfe For indeed what else have they now made themselves It is true the poor Hinde is falne they have had their desires in the ruine of the Clergy and of the Church but have they yet slipt the Bridle from their own necks hath not the Parliament rid them to the purpose now have they not hurried them through such boggs of Contributions and such bryars of Covenants that have scratcht and tore both their Fortunes and their very Soules have they not courst them over hedges that fence in their propridties and liberties and over Gates that opened them the free use and benefit of Lawes In stead of setling the pretended Troubles in the Water of life have they not cut a new River and carried the water clean another way so that one knowes not where to drink when he is a dry so that one knowes not where almost to have any Sacrament administred as it was wont have they not so long persecuted the poore Surplice in most Churches that they have scarce left any man a Shirt in the whole Parish It is to little purpose to perswade any man to that which every man doth feele And now the Horse would be glad to be case of his Rider if he could tell how The People would faine returne to their old wonted Lawes and Liberties if they could tell which way But alas it is too true which the old Proverb saies set a Begger on Horse back and he will ride put the power over the Lives and Liberties of the Common People into Necessitous and Indigent mens hands men that mean only to raise their owne Fortunes though it be upon the whole Kingdomes ruines And they will leave them bare and poor enough before ever they have done Honest simple men that were willing to believe that which they faine would have were apt to receive some hopes of slipping this Bridle at the last Treaty for Peace They did imagine that the Parliament intended a Peace if the King were willing as well as they pretended it But a man with halfe an eye might see they never meant it Alas they drive too good a trade at Westminster to break suddainly Men will talk much of some ground about London how much one Acre thereof is worth But I dare say two foot of ground at Westminster well occupied and well manur'd as some Parliament men have done hath yeelded some of the Farmers of all our Fortunes greater Commoditie and quicker Returne then all the Land in England which they have besides And will any wise man think they will ever forfeit their Lease for not-payment of a Pepper corne does any man Imagine they will loose that Commodity which they have got by Warre in three or foure yeares for not offering to talke a little of Peace for two or three dayes Truely they did nothing else so farre as I can see and if those Papers which are printed doe containe all their Propositions and all the true passages thereupon in all my life did I never see the Proverbe trulier verified A great Cry and but a little Wooll What a noyse is there made with Religion for one of their Propositions is concerning that I professe I began to look about at that I did verily beleeve either there was some Error in our Creed or in the Doctrine of our Sacraments or in our Book of Homilies or in our Book of nine and thirty Articles or in our Book of Common-Prayer or some where or other the profession whereof did much derogate from the purity of the Protestant Profession and I longed to see what poynt of Religion that was because having heard so much of the devotion and piety of the King I could not imagine that the Parliament and He could differ in that especially He having professed to maintaine the pure Protestant Religion so often as he hath done Now when all comes to all The great businesse of Religion what doe you think it is An abolishing of the Church-Government by Arch-Bishops Bishops c. and the bringing in of a New Government whereof They themselves are not yet agreed what that kind of Government shall be and as appeares by their owne Books although a man would have thought that nothing could have set Mr Prinne and Mr Burton together by the eares as of late about this poynt they both have been it is like they never will And is this such a great poynt of Religion to destroy that Order of Men that hath conveighe Religion unto us ever since there was any in this Island of ours Is it for God's Glory to dishonour his Ministers doe the Bishops hinder the growth of Reformation without whom this Church of England all the World knowes had never been Reformed Well any man may see plaine it is not the Lawne of the Bishops but the Land of the Bishops which these men are offended with and they have opened their mind pretty well for whereas in the first passing of that Act against Episcopacy they were contented all the Bishops Lands should revert and come unto the King the better to bayte him that he might catch thereat and so be the more willing for to passe the Bill In a later * See the Appendix no. IV. Declaration of both Kingdomes and so in the Treaty at Edinburgh They assigne those very Lands unto the Scots the payment of Publique Damages and in conclusion meane to reduce them at last into their owne private Purses If these men had desired to alter the Government of the Church and not desired to alienate the Lands of the Church truly I should have been so charitable as to think they might have done it out of Conscience as beleeving the Calling of a Bishop unlawfull but when I see the Alteration of the one is but made a shooing-horne to draw on the Alienation of the other for which there is no necessity for if the Office of a Bishop be Antichristian sure the Revenues are not the Presbyteriall Government or any other Government in the World may enjoy them as well as any private Lay-man I cannot but conclude that they never meant any Publique Reformation of the Church but onely the Raising of their own private Fortunes that they never lookt after any Godlinesse which is great gaine but after such gaine as might goe for great Godlinesse and if they can get that I dare say for them Religion may either sinke or swim They never care Well but admit they had got all the Church Land into their
that the King did so please the English in making the late Pacification in Scotland and does now so displease them in making the late Cessation in Ireland Is it because the Irish were Rebels surely so were They. Is it because the Scots only fought for their Liberties and their Religion surely so did They. But you will say their Religion is a false Religion So will they say of yours and so long as it is true in their Opinion and to their Conscience it is altogether as lawfull for them to fight for that Religion which they believe to be True though it be false as it is for our Rebells to fight for that Religion which is both believed to be and is also True But the plain truth is whither or no there was that necessity for the Pacification I will not meddle but sure enough of this Cessation there was the greatest necessity that ever could be for the Lords and Iustices of Ireland wrote most lamentable Letters to the King See the Letters of the Lords Justices pag. 194. no. 10. in the Appendix complaining that they wanted bread That they had not provision for one Month and not a Hundred barrells of Powder in all their store which would not last them above a Moneth and that the Parliament knowing of all these necessities never sent them in whole six Moneths but fourteen tunne of Cheese and three score and fifteen barrells of butter which would not serve that part of the Army which lay about Dublin for above seaven or eight daies and they humbly beseech the King to think of some expedient course as soon as may be to preserve His whole Kingdom from imminent and apparent ruine Now what could the King doe for them in such a case Send victualls or Monies or Ammunition He could not for He neither had them nor the use of His own Shipps to conveigh them if He had Send to the Parliament He might and to as much purpose as before those of Ireland did for they that could have the conscience to spend a Hundred thousand pounds of the mony which was collected for Ireland which was none of their owne Pag. 135. no. 177. of the Full Narration upon the maintaining of this their Rebellion here in England as they dare not deny themselves to have done it is somewhat unlikely they would part with any thing that was their own when nothing but charity could compell them thereunto Well but they say that by undeniable proofs it is most cleare Pag. 133. no. 177. in their Paper of the 22. of Feb. that these necessities alleadged for the grounds of the Cessation were made by the designe of the Popish and Prelaticall party in England and Ireland But me thinks if the proofes be so undeniable they should be demonstrable I could never meet with any thing that did look like a proof thereof in all those papers I confesse this had been somewhat if it had been true But the Rebels doe not offer so good proofe of that which they alleadge as that proof is which is offered for the contrary which notwithstanding they will not accept for to prove the want of necessary provision for reliefe of that miserable Kingdom there are diverse Letters produced by the Kings Commissioners from the Lords Iustices and the Councell of Ireland the Truth whereof they seem not willing to believe unlesse they may see the names of those men who did subscribe them and yet they will not promise indempnity to their persons if they should see them or that it should be no prejudice unto them if they should fall into their hands for upon those tearmes they might have seen them when they would But to prove that these necessities were contrived by the Popish and Prelaticall party both in England and in Ireland they produce not so much as any Letter either under many mens hands or one not bring the least evidence thereof other then their own Iealousies unworthy surmises and the consideration of circumstances Now I would have the World Iudge whether there be not more apparent proofe from Letters under mens hands that live upon the place and were lamentable witnesses and sufferers in the necessities of that Kingdome that there was no reliefe at all sent them from the Parliament Then there is from their simple affirmations that those releifes were disposed of by the Popish and Prelaticall party for the succour and assistance of the Rebells in their greatest wants And yet these Rebels of England will have us beleive any thing which they affirme upon their own words although they are Parties in the Cause and will not beleive us upon the Letters and subscriptions of the Lords and Councell of Ireland who certainly were the best Iudges therein Besides in all probabilities if the Popish and Prelaticall party had had such a hand in doing the Rebels service certainly they would have found some better comfort then they did in receiving of their Wages The Rebels could not chuse but be favourable to their Persons and their Estates and give them liberty to enjoy them in some measure But it is too apparent that although the cruelties of this Rebellion have fallen upon all the Kings good Subjects there in Ireland yet they have fallen thicker upon no condition of men then upon the Prelats some whereof have received sixteen or seaventeen wounds from the Rebels and bin left for dead others have bin rob'd and plundered to their very shirts and all or the most Part of them have bin driven out of That Kingdom into This for the very safegard of their Lives where they remaine in great distresse and necessities not having scarsly how to get them Bread And yet these men must have this Cessation made voyd and the farther prosecution of the Warre committed to their hands Truly I dare say if there were a Peace here the King would so farre accept of their Assistance in the rooting out of that Rebellion as is fit either for him to take or them to give I dare say they could propose no likely way of reducing those Rebels but the King would be willing strait to practice it But whilst they are in actuall Rebellion here against him whilst they manage one Warre here against him For him to entrust them with the managing of another Warre there for him Were such a piece of weaknesse as no man certainly can be perswaded to but he that will be perswaded to give a man two to one that is scarce able to play with him on even hands And as concerning their Nomination of the Lievtenant in Ireland and the Iudges of both Benches it seemes to me the greatest piece of Arrogance that was ever yet heard off Have they not enough that they are Kings themselves but they must make Kings too but I could be contented if men were arrogant onely if they were not absurd also For I demand The Nomination of the Lievtenant either it was in the Kings Power before they
desired it to be granted them or it was not If it was not in his power then they are absur'd to aske that which they know was not in the Kings Power to Give If it were then they are absur'd Pag. 136. no. 178. of the Full Narration not to admit the Marquesse of Ormond for a Lievtenant whom all the World knowes the King had Nominated before ever They desired this power of Nomination as in expresse termes they say they doe not in their Paper of the 22th February Now if such a simple man as I can see these Demands of the Parliament to be unreasonable sencelesse and ridiculous Surely those men that were Commissioners for the King and had more wit and understanding then I could see further into them No doubt but they saw that the concession and granting of them must needs inferre a totall Alteration and Change both in our Spirituall and in our Civill Government both in our Church and in our State and God deliver me and every honest man from living to behold that day Wee have by wofull Experience found what the want of Episcopall Government hath wrought in the Church already for no man knowes almost of what Religion his Neighbour is today or of what he himselfe shall be to morrow by our sad sufferings we have learnt what it is to see dayes when there is no King in Israel or as good as none when His Subjects seek to divest and spoile Him of His Rights and Power Before we could complaine if we thought the King broke any Law but now we doe not know our selves what is Law till we have broke it It is not as it was once in Saint Paul I had not knowne sinne but by the Law but it is now I had not knowne Law but by the sinne for every thing that a good man does in Conscience to God or Obedience to his King is therefore made a crime because he does it though it never had any such name before I but you will say if the Cause of the Parliament be such a bad Cause that they are absolute and direct Rebels against the King how come so many men to be of that side Truely I confesse the Cause is a good Cause to live in for if a man take that side he is likely to save his owne stake and he is like enough to get a good share in many other mens But give me a Cause to live in and to dye in too A Cause which if it yeeld me no profit whilst I live shall notwithstanding yeeld me pleasure when I dye and the comfort of this Consideration that I have not stayned my Conscience for any base and beggarly respects of this World but have kept it cleane both towards the Lord and towards his Annoynted as no doubt but every man is bound to doe And certainly there is more in it then every simple Country-fellow like my selfe imagines That on the Parliament side so many men of note and quality when They have their sences about them before they dye doe familiarly renounce this wicked and ungodly course and professe they undertooke it for meere gaine or some baser end as from Colonell Sandys who dyed at Worcester in the beginning of this Warre to Major Abercromie who dyed by us but a little while agoe many poore Soules afflicted which the sence of their Rebellion have done When on the Kings side there was never yet heard one man of any condition whatsoever though reduced to the greatest exigence and want that man could be that ever repented him of taking up Armes and spending his life in His Majesties Cause and Service I know it weighes much with many of my Neighbours That the Rebels use Country people kindly where they come and use to pay for what they have when the Kings Souldiers doe not And so they are ready to Judge of the goodnesse of the Cause by the purses of their Customers and truly this wrought a pretty good opinion of them once even in me my selfe but when I had considered a little better how these men come by that Money even by robbing and plundering the King and His good Subjects for otherwise they could never have a penny I beganne to think that as they were direct Theeves so we that took their Monies were but little better then Receivers and the curse of those poor People who are despoyled of their Estates to furnish them with monies must doubtlesse light upon us Besides alas what is the poore Horse the better when he hath been ridden into a sweat from head to foot and is searce able to stand for a little stroking and clapping on the shoulder What are the poore people of the Country the better for receiving some few pence from them when they must pay it out againe by whole pounds unto Them They doe but steale a Goose and stick up a Feather as we use to say For at last between faire meanes and foule they leave us nothing But all this while what is become of the Liberty of the Subject which made such a noyse at the beginning of these Warres In all the Twenty dayes Treaty not a word of that on their Side And when the Kings Commissioners desired to have the Kings Propositions Treated on which insisted much upon this poynt They could never have an Answer All this while what is become of the Lawes of the Land which every man thought at first these men did onely fight for In all the Twenty dayes Treaty not one word of the breach of any one Law of the Land with which they taxe the King but they rather invite Him to breake many if He would be perswaded unto it For there was scarce any one thing in all the Treaty which they desired of the King which was not directly against the known Lawes of the Land which they have all this time pretended to defend Nay when the King to shew how zealous He was of the preservation of the Lawes desired in His Propositions That nothing might be avowed but that every Act might be disclaimed on both Sides which was not according to the knowne Law They would never Treat of that Proposition or give any Answer to it All this while what is become of Fetching the King up unto His Parliament which was given out as the sole reason for the raising of so many severall Armies as have been raised In all the Twenty dayes Treaty not a syllable of that on their part Nay when the Kings Commissioners had proposed it unto them and desired to Treat with them concerning His Majesties speedy Returne to Westminster whereby an End might be put to these unhappy Distractions and Divisions They utterly refus'd to Treat with them therein and chose rather to break up the Treaty when they might have prolonged it if they had pleased for so they were earnestly desired to doe by our Commissioners then to allow That for the Subject matter of it And therefore resting well assured by these proceedings of theirs in the late Treaty that they of Westminster aime at nothing but their own Greatnesse and intend to rule perpetually both over the King and Kingdome purposing to change that auncient Government of Kings in the State as they have chang'd that other of Bishops in the Church I desire all my Countrymen to lay it to their hearts whether they had not better venture their lives once then be sure to loose both their Livelyhoods and Liberties for ever Whither they had not better help to make an end of the Warre then live and linger out their lives and Fortunes in the vaine expectation of a never intended Peace Whither they had not rather their Soveraigne should raigne then that their Servants should rule over them which is one of the pittifull complaints of Zion in her prayer to God in the fift of the Lamentations For this they may trust to that by the blessing of God who never exposes the person or the Cause of Kings to danger or miscarriage but for the Peoples sinne They may recover in a very short time both their Liberties Lawes and Lively-hoods and yet save their Lives And if the Countries here abouts would but rise and take up Armes as they should doe not only for the Kings sake but for their own if they did well consider it lesse then Three Months with Gods help would put an end to the Miseries of more then Three yeares that are past and prevent the Miseries of many yeares which are yet to come if some such course as this be not timely taken for out of doubt so long as God shall send either the King or any of His Children Life there will never be wanting those true-hearted Englishmen that will spend their bloud in preserving of their just Interests and Rights Which I doe as firmely believe they will recover either first or last as I doe any one thing in this World which is not Scripture FINIS