in the world who publickly imbraced professed countenanced propagated the faith and Gospel of Iesus Christ and abolished Pagan Idolatry in their Dominions And of later times as our English Realm brought forth King Henry the 8th the first Christian King in the world who by Acts of Parliament abolished the Popes usurped power and jurisdiction out of his Dominions King Edward the sixth his son the first Christian King and Queen Elizabeth the first Christian Queen we read of in the world who totally abolished suppressed Popery banished it their kingdoms and established the publike Profession of the Protestant Religion by publike Statutes made in their Parliaments So during the reigns of our Saxon Kings after they turned Christians this Realm of England procreated more devout holy pious just and righteous Kings eminent for their piety justice excellent Ecclesiastical and Civil Laws transcendent bounty to the Church Clergy and Martyrdom for the defence of Religion and their Country against Pagan Invaders than any one Kingdom throughout the World There being no less then 15 or 16 of our Saxon Kings and 13 Queens within 200 years space who out of piety devotion and contempt of the world according to the piety of that age out of date in this voluntarily renounced their earthly Crowns and Kingdomâ— and became professed Monks Nuns to obtain an incorruptible Crown and Kingdom in Heaven 12 Kings crowned with Martyrdom being slain by Pagan invaders 10 of them being canonized for transcendent Saints and enrolled for such in all Martyrologies Liturgies of the Church which I doubt few of our new Republican Saints will be Yea the piety of our Kings in that age was generally so surpassing Ut mirum tunc fuerat Regem non Sanctum videre as John Capgrave informs us Whence Wernerus a forein Chronologer in his Fasciculus temporum records Plures se invenisse sanctos Reges in Anglia quam in alia mundi Provincia quanâ—umcunque populosa And Abbot Ailred long before him gives this memorable testimony of the Sanctity Martyrdom Iustice and study of the peoples publike we al before the private shining forth in our Saxon Kings more than in any other kings throughout the world Verum prae cunctis civitatibus Regnisve terrarum de sanctitate Regum suorum Anglia gloriatur quorum alii coronati martyrio de terreno ad caeleste Regnum migraverunt alii exilium patriae praeferentes mori pro Christo peregre deligerunt nonnulli posito diademate disciplicinis se monasticis subdederunt quidam in justitia et sanctitate regnantes prodesse subditis quam praeesse maluerunt whose footsteps with the pretending self-denying antimonarchical domineâ—ring Saints over us would now imitate inter quos istud Sydus eximium gloriosus Rex Edwardus emicuit quem cernimus in divitiis egenum in deliciis sobrium in purpura humilem sub corona aurea seculi contemptorem So as the Prophesies of Psal. 72 2 6. Isay. 42 4 10 12. c. 49.1 23. c. 51 5. c. 60 9 10 11. c. 66.19 seem to be principally intended and verified of our Kings Isle above alâ—others in the world No wonder then that these ages of theirs afford us notwithstanding all the wars tumults combustions therein sundry memorable Presidents of great Parliamentary Councils Synods Civil and Ecclesiastical excelleut Laws aud Canons made in royal Charters confirmed by them with divers memorable Mouuments both of our Parliamentary Councils Kings Princes Nobles Peoples constant care diligence prudence fortitude in defending preserving vindicating and perpetuating to posterity the good old Laws Liberties Franchises Rights Customs Government publike justice and Propriety of the Nation to suppress abolish all ill Law tyrannical unjust Proceedings Oppressions Exactions Imposts Grievances Taxes repugnant thereunto to advance Religion Piety Learning the free course of Iustice and the peoples welfare Which I have here in a Chronological method for the most part faithfully collected out of our antientest best Historians and Antiquaries of all sorts where they ly confused scattered and many of them being almost quite buried in oblivion and so far forgotten that they were never so much as once remembred or inâ—isted on either in our late Parliaments aud Great Courts of Iustice in any late publike Arguments or Debates touching the violation or preservation of the fundamental Laws Liberties Properties Rights Franchises of the Nation now almost quite forgotten and trampled under foot after all our late contests for their defence I have throughout these Collections strictly confined my self to the very words and expressions of those Historians I cite coupling their relations together where they accord in one citing them severally where they vary and could not aptly be conjoyned transcribing their most pertinent passages in the language they penned them omitted by our vulgar English Chronologers and annexing some brief observations to them for Explanation or Information where there is occasion The whole undertaking I here humbly submit to the favourable acceptation and censure of every judicious Reader who if upon his perusal thereof shall esteem it worthy of such an Encomium as William Thorne a Monk of Canterbury hath by way of Prologue praefixed to his own Chronicle Valens labor laude dignus per quem ignota noscuntur occulta ad noticiam patescunt praeterita in lucem praesentia in experientiam futura temporibus non omittantur quia labilis est humana memoria necesse constat scriptis inseri memoranda ne humanae fragilitatis contingens oblivio fieret posteris inopinata confusio It will somewhat incourage me to proceed from these remote obscure times to ages next ensuing in the like or some other Chronological method But if any out of disaffection to the work or diversity from me in opinion shall deem these Collections useless or superfluous I hope they will give me leave to make the selfsame Apology for my self and them as our most judidious Historian William of Malmesbury long since made for himself and his Historical collections Et quidem erunt multi fortassis in diversis Regionibus Anglâ—ae qui quaedam aliter ac ego dixi se dicant audisse vel legisse Veruntamen si recto aguntur judicio non ideo me censorio expungent stilo Ego enim veram Legem secutus Historiae nihil unquam posui nisi quod à sidelibus relatoribus vel scriptoribus addidici Porro quoquo modo haec se habeant privatim ipse mihi sub ope Christi gratulor quod continuam Anglorum Historiam ordinaveram vel solus vel primus at least wise in this kind Si quis igitur post me scribendi de talibus munus attentaverit mihi debeat collectionis gratiam sibi habeat electionis materiam Quod superest munus meum dignanter suscipite ut gaudeam grato â—ognitoris arbitrio qui non erravi eligendi judicio Thus craving the Benefit of thy Prayers for Gods Blesâ—sing on these my
HISTORIARCHOS OR The Exact Recorder Being The most faithfull Remembrancer of the most Remarkable transactions of Estate and of all the English Lawes and the just Motives of them for the Proprieties Rights and Liberties of the English Subjects As most elabourately they are Collected for the benefit of them out of the Antiquities of the Saxon and Danish Kings unto the Coronation of WILLIAM the Conqueror and continued unto the present Government Of RICHARD now Lord Protector By WILLIAM PRYNNE Esquire and Bencher of Lincolne Inne LONDON Printed for Francis Coles dwelling at the Signe of the halfe-Bowle in the Old Baily 1659. To the Ingenuous Unprejudiced READER I Here present thee with The Third part of a seasonable Legal and Historical Vindication of the good old Fundamental Liberties Franchises Rights Properties Laws Government of all English Freemen with A Chronological Collection of their Strenuous Defences by Wars and otherwise of all the Great Parliamentary Councils Synods chief Laws Charters and other Proceedings in them the great fatal Publick Revolutions Invasions Wars National Sinnes occasioning them and the exemplary Judgements of God upon Tyrants Oppressors Perjured persons Rebells Traytors Regicides Usurpers under our Saxon and Danish Kings since the year of Christ 600. till the Coronation of King William the Norman anno 1066. with some Short Observations of mine own here and there subjoined for the Readers benefit and instruction A work neither unseasonable for nor unsutable unserviceable to our present times worthy the serious perusal of all who profess themselvs trons of the Publique Fundamental Rights Liber-Paties Laws Properties Government of the English Nation or studious of our old Parliamentary Councils Acts Laws Charters Proceedings or of our English History From which intelligent wise Christian Readers by observing the Providences Iudgements Proceedings of God towards our ancestors and others for their national personal crying bloody sins in former ages may probably conjecture what Tragical Judgements Events our whole Nation in general many transcendent Delinquents in particular have now just cause to fear and expect for their exorbitant iniquities equalling or exceeding any in those former ages unless their speedy real sincere repentance reformation and Gods infinite mercy ward them off True it is that the infallible certainty of future contingent judgements and events national or personal are known only to God himself who changeth the times seasons removeth Kings and setteth up Kings pulleth down one and setteth up another roots up pulls down destroyes builds plants Nations Kingdomes Cities Families Persons at his pleasure doing whatsoever pleaseth him both in heaven earth the Sea all deep places and amongst all the Inhabitants of the earth and none can stay his hands nor say unto him What dost thou Yet notwithstanding wise intelligent Christians by a serious tâ—utination and comparing of the Iudgements of God expresly threatned against and usually inflicted upon Nations or Persons for such and such transgressions in precedent generations may probably conjecture predict what severe exemplary punishments our late present transcendent wickednesses outragious crimes are like to draw down upon our impenitent secure perjured sinfull Nation and the hairy scalps of all those Grand Offenders who go on still in their exorbitant trespasses though they deem themselves advanced above the reach of any Powers or Tribunalls which may pull them down and execute justice on them answerable to their bloody crimes and violences there being an higher than the highest who is both able and resolved to execute vengeance on them in his due season as well as on all Notorious grand Offenders in former ages though never so many if their repentance prevent it not It was Davids profession to God though a victorious King General and Man of War My flesh trembleth for fear of thee and I am afraid of thy judgements O that this were the present temper of our secure Nation and all the sinners warriours and Grandees in it in this fearless stupid age wherein though we commit wickedness with both hands our tongues doings are against the Lord to provoke the eyes of his glory and we all proclaim our sins like Sodome and hide them not yet Gods judgements are far above out of our sight and we all say in our hearts like those secure Atheists mentioned in the Psalmist we shall never be moved we shall never be in adversity God hath forgotten he hideth his face he will never see nor require it Yea notwithstanding all Gods threats curses against his late severe punishments of our National personal sins We blesse our selves and say in our hearts we shall have peace though we walk in the imaginations of own hearts to add drunkennesse to thirst quite forgetting what follows thereupon The Lord will not spare such men but the anger of the Lord and his jealously shall smoke against them and all the curses that are written in his book shall lie upon them the Lord shall blot out their names from under heaven Let therefore the contemplation of the National Personal judgements of God upon our Ancestors here recorded for those crimes of w ch we are now as deeply guilty as they were then awaken us from our present Lethargy lest we be sodainly destroyed and that without remedy and teach us all this Gospel lâ—sson Rom. 11.20 21. Be not high minded but fear for if God spared not the naturall branches heretofore or of late take heed lest he also spare not thee Rumor de Veteri faciet futura timeri The fourth Section of the third chapter which begins this third part should have been printed with the Second part as a branch thereof above two years since but that the Stationer then kept it back for fear it should swell that Part overbigg for his present Sale whereby the bulk of this Third Part is now augmented beyond its first intended proportion which all Readers may do well to binde up with the two former parts to which it hath special relation more particularly to the ten Propositions in the First Part to which the Proposition figures in the margin refer The most of that large tract of 450. years space I have here Chronologically run through was spent either in bloody intestine wars between our Saxon Kings themselves or the Welsh Britons warring upon and against each other or else in defensive Wars both by Land and Sea against the invading bloody plundering Danes Norwegians Scots Normans and other Foreign Nations During which Mâ—litary seasons Religion Devotion Piety Law Iustice Parliamentary Councills Synods and just Government are usually cast aside and quite trampled under foot yet it is very observable for the perpetual honour of our Kingdomâ— and Kings thatâ— as during the reign of our antient Bâ—itish Kings before the Saxon race here seated our Kingdome of Brittain produced Lucius the first Christian King Helena the first Christian Queen and Constantine the great her son the first Christian Emperour
publications for the common liberty weale and Benefit of the Nation I commend both them and thee to Gods tuition and benediction WILLIAM PRYNNE Lincolns Inne December 6. 1656. A Seasonable Legal and Historical Vindication of the good old Fundamental Liberties Rights and Laws of England Chapter 3. Section 4. Comprehending a brief Collection of all the most observable Parliamentary Councils Synods Conventions Publique Contests Debates Wars Historical Proceedings Passages Records relating to the fundamental Liberties Franchises Rights Customs and Government of the People under our English Saxon Kings from the year of our Lord 600 till the death of King Edmund Ironside and reign of Cnute the Danish King Anno Dom. 1017. with some brief Observations on and from the same IN the former Section I have presented you with a general brief Account of our first English Saxon Christian Kings limited Power and Prerogative being obliged to govern their English-Saxon Subjects not arbitrarily but justly according to their known Laws and totally disabled to alter repeal any old or enact any new Laws to impose any publique Taxes Tallages Imposts Customs whatsoever on their people upon any real or pretended necessity to mâ—ke any War Peace or to alienate the Lands or ancient Revenues of their Crowns to any pious publique or private uses whatsoever without the common consent of their Nobles and Wisemen in general Parliamentary Councils together with a Summary of the Laws of Ethelbert the first Christian Saxon King wholly pretermitting the Names Acts Kingdoms of our first Pagan Saxon Usurpers rather than lawfull Kings who though many and great in their generations were veâ—y speedily brought to nothing their Kingdoms begun erected by blood conquest and meer power of the Sword standing not long unshaken by civil wars among themselves each King envying his equals greatness and seeking to inlarge his own Dominions upon the next In which Combustions few or none of them came to the Grave in due time but were either slain in war or treacherously murdered in Peace or expelled their Realms by or forced to resign their Crowns to others after all their former prosperous successes and reigns wholly spent in Wars Troubles Seditions Rebellions Rapines affording nothing worthy memory for their peoples good the Kingdoms settlement or imitation of Posterity Whence Henry Huntindon in the close of the 2 Book of his Histories p. 320 hath this Observation concerning them very seasonable for our present times Vide igitur Lector perpende quanta Nomina quam cito ad nihilum devenerint Attende quaeso stude cum nihil hic duâ—et ut adjuiras tibi regnum substantiam illam quae non deficiet Nomen illud honorem qui non pertransibit monimentum illud claritatem quae nullis saeculis veterascet Hoc praemeditare summae prudentiae est acquirere summae caliditatis adipisci summae faelicitaâ—is I shall now in this Section proceed in my intended Chonological Method to their next succeeding Christian Saxon Kings reigns in England till the reign of King Cnute the Dane Anno Domini 1017. It is recorded of Aethelbert the first Christian Saxon King of Kent that keeping the Feaâ—t of our Saviours Nativity at Canterbury with his Queen Ead bald his Son Arch-Bishop Augustine and the Nobles of the Land he there held a Parliamâ—ntary Council with them on the 5. of Ianuary in the year of our Lord 605. Which Thomas Sprot thus expresseth in the Language of his age rather than of that Convocato ibidem communi Concilio tam Cleri quam Populi die quinto â—anuarii he did then and there Omnium singulorum approbatione consensu as he relates or cum consensu Venerabâ—lis Archie â—iscopi Augustini Ac Principum meorum cum Aedbaldi filii mei aliorumque Nobilium optimatum meorum Consilio as his Charters reciâ—e give grant and confirm to the Church of St. Peter and Paul in Canterbury for ever sundry Lands pretious Utensils Privileges and Immunities by his Charters made and ratified in this Council In which it is most probable he likewise made those Iudicial Decrees and Laws with the advice of his Wise men for the beneâ—it of his people in his own Country Saxon Language Which our venerable Beda William of Malmesbury Huntandon Bromton and others mention only in the general and Bishop Enulph hath registred to posterity in his famous manuscript intituled Textus Rosfensis of which I have given you some account before Section 3. p. 50 51 52. on which you may reflect In the year of Christ 627 Paulinus perswading Edwin King of Northumberland to bâ—come a Christian to avod eternal torments and to be made a partaker of the Kongdom of Heaven The King answered That he was both willing and â—ught to receive the faith which he taught but he ought first to confer with his Friends Princes and Counsellors concerning it thâ—â— so if they concurred in juâ—gement with â—im â—â—ey might all be bapâ—ized together Assembling therefore his Wisemen and advising with them he â—emanded severally of them all What that Doctrine which they never heard of till then and that new worship of God which was preached by Paulinus seemed to tâ—em To whom Coyfi the chief of the Priests presently answered Do thou consider O King what that Religion is which is now preached to us I profess unto thee that which I have most certainly learned that the Religion we have hitherto imbraced hath no virtue at all in it whereupon it remains that if those new things which are now preached unto us shall appear to thee upon examination to be better and stronger than our Religion let us hasten to embrace them without any delay To whose wise perswasions and words Another of the Kings Nobles giving his Assent spake something concerning the brevity and incertainty of this life and of their ignorance and incertainty of that life which is to come concluding That if this new Doctrine brought any thing to them more certain than that they formerly imbraced it ought to be deservedly followed The rest of the Elders and Kings Counsellors prosecuting the like things by Divine admonition Coyfi added that he desired to hear Paulinus preaching concerning God more diligently than before which when he had done by the Kings command he cryed out having heard his preaching I heretofore understood that what we worshipped was nothing because by how much the more diligently I sought the truth in that worship the less I found it But now I openly professe that in this preaching the truth shines forth which is able to give unto us the gifts of eternal life salvation and happiness Whereupon O King I advise thee that the Temples and Altars we have consecrated without any fruit or benefit we should now presenâ—ly execrate and burn Upon â—his without more debate the King openly gave his assent to the preaching of Paulinus renouncing Idolatry confessed â—hat he did imbrace the faith of
Christ. And when the King demanded of Coysâ— his Priest who ought â—irst to prophane and destroy the Altars Temples of the Idols with the rails and bounds wherewith they were inclosed He answered I who have worshipped them through foolishness And presently renouncing his Superstition he demanded Arms and an Horse of the King which by their old Law Priests might not use which being granted him he mounted the Horse with a Sword and Lance in his Hand and riding to the Idols thus armed the people deeming him to be mad prophaned the Temple and commanded his Companions to destroy and burn it with the Idols and all the Hedges about it which they did Whereupon the King with his Nobles and very many of the people embraced the Christian Religion and were baptized by Paulinus in the Church of St. Peter at York which the King there speedily commanded to be built of Wood and afterwards enlarged ordaining Paulinus Bishop of that place who converted baptized him and his people as Beda and others more largely record the History From which memorable president we may observe these particulars 1. That the King himself could not then alter the established Laws or received Religion of this Realm though false nor introduce new Laws or set up the true Religion without the concurrent Assent of his Nobles and Wisemen in a general Parliamentary Council 2. That the Princes Chief Priests Nobles anâ— Aeâ—dermen of the Realm were the Parliament Members in that Age. 3. That every one of them in these Councils had freedom of Vote and Debate and gave their voices severally for the bringing in of Christianity and deâ—truction of Idolatry William of Malmesbury gives this Character of this Kings Government after he became a Christian and of the vicissitude of humane affairs worthy our present observation he being suddenly slain in battle together with his Son after all his former conquests and felicity Nullus tunc Praedo Publicus nullus latro domesticus insidiator conjugalis pudoris procul Expâ—lator alienae Haereditatis exul Magnum id in ejus â—audibus noâ—tra aetate â—plendidum Itaque Imperii sui ad eos limites incrementa perducta sunt ut Iustitia Pax libenâ—èr in muâ—uos amplexus concurrerent osculorum gratiam grata vicissitudine libantes faeliciter tunc Anglorum Respublica procedere potuisset nisi mors immatura â—emporalis beatitudinis Noverca turpi fortunae ludo virum abstulislet Patriae Aetatis enim 48. Regni 17. Rebellantibus Regulis quos â—ub jugâ—m miserat Ceadwalla Britonum Penda Merciorum cum Filio interemptus miâ—erabile varietatis humanae fuit exemplum nulli prudentiâ inferior qui nè Christianam fidem nisi diligentissimè inspectaâ—â raâ—ione voluit suscipere susceptaeque nihil existimare comparabile Anno 673 Theodor Archbishop of Canterbury held a great Council at Hertford presentibus Episcopis Angliae ac Regibus Magnatibus universis the Bishops of England and Kings to wit King Lotharius and Easwine and all the Nobles being present at it In this Council they made ten Canons or Laws which they all subscribed and raâ—ified with their hands the 7th whereof was That a Synod or Parliamentary Assembly should be assembled twice or because divers causes hindred Placuit omnibus in commune they all agreed in common that in the Calends of August in a place called Clovâ—shoâ—n a Synod should be congregated at least once every year The rest of them you may peruse in the marginal Authors at leisure being meeâ—ly Ecclesiastical and not so pertinent to my Discourse Ceadwalla King of the West-Saxons In the year of our Lord 680. granted to Bishop Wilfrid certain Lands with their appurtenances called Pagaliam cum consensu devotâ conâ—irmatione omnium Optimatum meorum with the consent and devout confirmation of all his Nobles assembled in a Parliamentary Council the grant of his Crown Lands to him being not valid to bind his Successours without his Nobles concurrent confirmation William â—f Malmesbury writes of him That though before his conversion unto Christianity he addicted himself to wars and to plunder and spoil his neighbouring Kings yet he conscientiously dedicated the tenth of all his spoils to God Inter haec arduum memoratu est quantum etiam ante Baptismum inservierit pietati ut omnes manubias quas jure praedatorio in suos usus transcripserat Deo Decimaret In quo et si approbamus affectum improbamus exemplum juxta illud Qui oâ—fert sacrificium de substantia Pauperis quasi qui immolat â—ilium in conspectu patris If all the Plundering warring Saints of this Age would imitate his example in giving the Tenths of all their spoils and plunders to God his Ministers instead of spoiling them of their Tithes and antient Church-Revenues men would deem them as good Saints as this plundering conquering Saxon King of whom it is likewise storied that before he turned Christian intending to invade the Isle of Wight and unite it to his Kingdom he vowed to give the 4 th part of the Iland and Prey to Christ if he should vanquish it Whereupon he conquering the Isle slew the Natives in it being Pagans with a Tragical slaughter and in performance of his vow gave to Bishop Wilfrid and his Clerks for their maintenance and encouragement the possession of 300 â—-Hides of Land being the fourth part thereof When our new Conquerours shall be so bountifull in bestowing the fourth or but the â—enth part of all the pretended conquered Lands they have gotten on Christs Church and Ministers instead of invading and purchasing the Churches antient Lands Glâ—bes Tithes and Inheriâ—ance they may demerit the Name and praise of Saints as well as Ceadwalla who before he came to the Crown as he was unjustly banished from his Country through the envy of others only for his vertues and worthiness which first caused him to take up armes and invade the South-Saxons two of whose Kings he slew successively in the field after which he twice invaded and afflicted Kent with grievous wars taking advantage of their civil discords wherein he shed abundance of Christian blood So when he had reigned but two years space after all his victories out of meer devotion he voluntarily left his Crown Kingdom Conquests and went in Pilgrimage to Rome where he was baptized to bewail and expiate the guilt of all his former wars bloodshed plunders rapines perplexing his Conscience and there died The first Charter and grant I find extant of any Lands given to the Church after those of Ethelbert King of Kent forecited is that of King Eadbaldus his Son and successour Anno Dom. 616 who being by Gods mercy through the admonition of Archbishop Lawrence converted from the pravity of his life for the Salvation of his soul and hope of a future reward gave to Christ-Church in Canterbury and to the family serving God in that Church his Lands called
where both the Archbishops Brithwald and Wilfrid with the rest of the Bishops Nobles and these two Kings were present wherein Donationes omnes confirmatae sunt all these their Donations and Charters were confirmed and likewise in another Synod at London An. 712. A most prâ—gnant eâ—idence that these kings Charters and Donations though ratified by the Pope himself were not valid nor obligatory to their successors or people without their common consent to and confirmation of them in a general Parliamentary Council of the Prelates Nobles Clergy and Laity even by the Popes and these kings own confessions and practice in that age In the year of our Lord 716. Ethelbald king of Mâ—rcians by his Charter gave to God the blessed Virgin Saint Bartholomew Kenulphus the whole Isle of Croyland to build a Monastery and confirmed it to them for ever free from all Rent and secular services inde Charâ—am suam in praesenâ—ia Episcoporum Procerumque Regni sui securam statuit all his Bishops and Nobles of his Realm assenting to and ratifying this Charter of his both with the subscriptions of their namâ—s aâ—d sign of the Cross as well as the King that so it might be firm and irrevocable being his demesâ—e Lands which Charter is at large recorded in the History of Ingulphus About the year of Christ 720. some fabulously write that king Ina took Guala daughter of Cadwalladeâ— last king of the Britons to wife with whom he received Wales and Cornwal and the blessed Crown of Britain Whereupon all the English that then were took them wives of the Britons race and all the Britons took them wives of the illustrious blood of the English and Saxons which was done Per commune Concilium et assensum omnium Episcoporum ac Principuruâ— Procerum Comitâ—m et omnium Sapientum Seniorum et populorum totius Regni aâ—â—embâ—ed â—oâ—â—â—her in a General Parliamentary Council Et per praeceptum Regis Inae whereby they became one Nation and People Afâ—er which they all called that the Realm of England which before was called the Realm of Britain and they all ever after stood together united in one for common profit of the Crown of the Realm and with a unanimous consent most fiercely fought against the Danes and Norwegians and waged most cruel wars with them for the preservation of their Country Lands and Liberties An. 705. King Ina by his Royal Charter granted and confirmed many Lands to the Abbey of Glastonbury endowing that Abbey and the Lands thereto belonging with many large and great Privileges exempting them from all Episcâ—pal Iurisdiction and from all regal exactions and services which are accustomed to be excepted and reserved to wit from Expedition and building and repairing of Castles or Bridges from which they should inviolably remain free and exempted and from all the promulgations and perâ—urbations of Arch-Bishops and Bishops which privileges were formerly granted and confirmed by the ancient Charters of his Predecessors Kenewalcus Kentwin Ceadwalla and Baldred This Charter of his was made and ratified by the consent and subscription not only of king Ina himself but also of Queen Edelâ—urâ—â— â— king Baldrâ—d Adelard the Queens Bâ—oâ—herâ— consentientibus etiam omnibus Britanniâ—â— Regibus Archiepiscopis Episcopis Ducibus atque Abbatibus all the Kings Archbishoâ—s Bishops Dukes and Abbots of Britain consenting likewise thereunto â— many of which subscribed their names unto it being assembled in a Parliamentary Council for that end King Ina In the year 727. travelling to Rome built thâ—re a school for the English to be inâ—tructed in the faith granâ—ing towards the maintenance of the English Scholâ—rs there a penny out of every house within hâ—s Realm called Romescot or Peterpence to be paid towards it every year All which Things and Tax That they might continue firm for perpetuiâ—y Statutum eâ—t generaâ—â—â—ecreâ—o c. were confirmed by a general decree of a Parliamentary Council of â—is Realm then held for that purpose of which before more largely In the year of our Lord 742. There was a Great Parliamentary Council held at Clovesho or Clyffe where Ethelbald King of Mercia sate President with Cuthbert Archbishop of Canterbury the rest of the Bishops sitting together with them diligently examined things necessary concerning Religion and studiously searched out of the anâ—ient Creeds and institutions of the holy Fathers how things were ordered according to the rule of equity in the beginâ—ing of the Churches birth in England whiles they were inquiring after these things and the antient privileges of the Church at last there came to their hands the Liberty and Privileges which King Withred had graâ—ted to the Churches in Kent which being read before all by King Ethelbalds command they were all very well pleased therewith and said unanimously That there could not be found any so noble and so prudent a Decree as this formerly made touching Ecclesiastical Discipline and therefore Hoc ab omnibus firmari sanxerunt decreed that it should be confirmed by them all Whereupon King Ethelbald for the salvation of his soul and stability of his kingdom confirmed and subscribed with his own munificent hand That the Liberty Honour Authority and security of Christs Church in all things should be denied by no person but that it should be free from all secular services with all the lands pertaining thereunto except Expedition and building of Bridge and Castle And like as the said King Withred himself ordained those privileges should be observed by him and his so he and this Council commanded they shall continue irrefragably and immutably in all things And if any of our Successors Kings Bishops or Princes shall attempt to infringe this wholsom Decree let him render an account to Almighty God in that terrible day But if any Earl Priests Clerk Deacon or Monk shall resist this Decree let him be deprived of his degree and sequestred from the participation of the body blood of the Lord and alienated from the kingdom of God unless he shall amend with due satisfaction what he hath unjustly done through the evil of Pride Anno 747. There was another Parliamentary Council held at Clovesho or Clyâ—fe under king Ethelbald where the king himself with Cuthbeâ—t Archbishop of Canterbury eleven other Bishops cum Principibus et Ducibus with the Princes and Dukes were present In this Council were some Ecclesiastical Laws and Canons made the last whereof was for Prayers to be publikely made for Kings and Princes incessantly that the People might live a Godly and peaceable life under their pious protection In this Council king Ethelbald renewed and enlarged his former Grant of Privileges to the Churches recited at large in the Marginal Authors the sum whereof is this Plerumque contingere solet pro incertâ futurotum temporum vicissitudine ut ea quae prius multorum fidelium personarum testimonio consilioque roborata fuissent ut fraudulenter
per contumaciam plurimorum machinamentis simulationis sine ullâ consideratione rationis periculosâ— dissipata essent nisi auctoritate Literarum testimonio Cyrographorum aeternae memoriae inserta sint Quapropter Ego Ethelbaldus Rex Merciorum pro amore caelestis patriae hanâ— donationem me vivente concedo Ut omnia Monasteria Ecclesiae Regni mei A publicis vectigalibus ab omnibus operibus oneribusque absolvantur nisi in instructionibus Arcium vel Ponâ—ium quae nulli unquam possint laxari as Ingulph renders it or as other Copies nisi sola quae communiter fruenda sint omnique populo edicto Râ—gis facienda jubentur id est instructionibus Pontium vel necessariis defensionibus Arcium contra â—ostes non sunt renuenda Sed nec hoc praetermittendum est cum necessarium constat Ecclesiis Dei. Praeterea habeant famuli Dei propriam Libertatem in proficuis Sylvarum in fructu Agrorum in captura piscium nec munuscula praebeant Regi vel Principibus nisi voluntaria sed liberi Domino serviant in contemplatione pacificâ per totum regnum meum usque in aevum Sed cunctas rribulationes quae nocere vel impedire possint in Domo Dei omnibus Principibus sub meâ potestate degentibus demittere auferre praecipio Quatenus sublimitas Regni mei prosperis successibus polleat in â—erris meritorum manipuli multipliciter maturescant in coelis Qui vero haec benigna mentis intentione at que in-laesâ cogitatione custodierit aeternâ claritate coronetur ornetur glorificetur Si quis hoc quod absit cujuslibet personae tyrannica cupiditate instinctus contrà hanc donationis charâ—ulam saeculari potentiâ fretus venire nititur sit sub Anathemate Iudae Proditoris Domini nostri Jesu Christi Ad confirmandum verò hoc nostrae beneficentiae munus Hi Teâ—â—es adfuerunt Nostri Magistrarus Optimates et Duces fidelissimique amici concesserunt et scripseruut Then follow the subscriptions of the King Bishops and Nobles with Ego his statutis consentiens subscripsi confirmandoque signum crucis aravi In this Council amongst other Synodal Decrees subscribed by the Bishops It was decreed That the Feasts of St. Gregory the Pope and St. Augustine the English Apostle should be perpetually observed with greatest solemnity King Ethelbald with his Nobles being there present and approving it In the year of Grace 752. Cuthred king of the West-Saxons being unable to endure the proud Exactions and insolencies of king Ethelbald for vindicaâ—â—on of his own and his peoples Liberty from his oppressions raised an Army and fought a bloody Battâ—l wiâ—h him at Beorford where through Gods assiâ—â—ance who giveth grace to the Humble and resisteth the Proud he routed him and his whole Army and after An. 755. slew him in a second battel he disdaining to fly by the Treachery of Bernred his Captain the chief Author of his death King Cuthred deceasing Sigibert his kinsman who succeeded him growing insolent and proud by his Preâ—ecessors great successes became intollerable to his Subiects treating them very ill in every kind Depraving or altering the Laws of his Ancestors for his own private Luere and exercising exactions and cruelties upon his Subjects setting aside all Laws Whereupon his â—aithfull Counsellor Earl Cumbra ovingly admonishing him to govern his people more mildly and justly that so he might become amiable to God and men he was so incensed with him that he commanded him most wickedly to be slain and became more cruel and Tyrannical to his people than befâ—re The Peâ—râ— and Commons hereupon seeing their Laws and Liberties thus violated and their Estates and Lives every day in danger being incensed into fury assembâ—â—ng themselves together did all unamimously rise up in Arms against him and upon mature prudent deliberation by the unanimous consent of all expelled him the Kingdom for his Tyranny and mis-governmenr Upon which Sigebert flying into the woods for shelter like a forlorn person was there slain by Cumbra his Swine-herd in revenge of his Masters murder Florentius Wigorniensis relates that after his expulsion from the Realm by the Nobles for the multitude of his unjust deeds Kenulphus allotted him the County of Hampshire for his maintenance until he slew Earl Cumbra such was the Charity and Humanity of those times even to an expelled deposed Tyrannical King now quite out of date with whom Ethelwerdus Hist. l. 2. c. 17. and Polychronicon l. 5. c. 24. accord Some of our Historians especially Eâ—helwerdus and Wigorniensis relate that Kenulphus usurped the Crown by meer force of Arms first drawing the Nobles and People to rise up against and expell Sigebert for his exorbitant actions and the multitude of his unjust deeds and then usurping the Throne being not of the blood Royal as Malmesbury relates though of a Noble family But they all unanimously record that he came to a miserable end upon this occasion When he had reigned 31 years with honour and good success being puffed up therewith and fearing lest Kinearâ—us Sigiberts Brother who began to be potent should revenge his Brothers death upon him and dispossess him or his posterity of the Crown he banished and compelled him to depart his Kingdom Who thereupon giving way to the time voluntarily sled out of his Dominions But soon after secretly drawing together through private Conventicles a band of desperate men he found an opportunity to fall upon Kenulphus when he went with a few followers to visit his Paramore at Merton where he besetting the House round slew the King with all his followers The fame of which Act coming to his Nobles and Souldiers not far from the place They upon Exhortation of Esric the chiefest of them not to let pass the death of their Lord unrevenged to their notorious and perpetual infamy furiously â—ncountred Keneardus and his Complices and notwithstanding all their fair promises of Mony preferments to them and all intreaties after a sharp bloody incounter put them all to the sword with the loss of some of their own lives Ecce quomodo Dei Iustitia non solum futuro saeculo verum etiam in isto digna meritis manifesto judicio recompensat c. Add Henry Huntindon Roger Hoveden Iohn Bromton Malmesbury and others as a Corollary to this History of Sigibert and Kenulphus Which all Traitors Tyrants and Usurpers treading in their exorbitant footsâ—eps may do well advisedly to consider In the year of our Lord 758. The people of the Realm of Mâ—rcia rising up against their King Bernred because he governed them not by just Laws but by Tyranny aâ—â—embled all together in one as well Noble as Ignoble and Offa being their Captain tâ—ey expelled him out of the Kingdom and thenâ— by the unanimous consent of all as well Clergy as people they crowned Offa King This Bernred as Malmesbuâ—y Speeâ— and Simeon Dunelmensis write treacherously murâ—hered King Ethelbald his Soveraign
whose General he was and thereupon usurping his Throne and turning a Tyrant as most Usurpers do was in the very â—irst year of his usurped reign expelled the Realm and soon after slain by Offa and so dignum sinem insidiarum tulit being Author necis of his Sovereign King Ethelbald à suis tutoribus fraudulentèr interfectus as our Hisâ—orians observe A good Memento for other Traitors and Usurpers treading in his footsteps Qui Regnum Tyrannus invasit per modicum tempus in parvà laetitiâ— jocunditate tenens Regnum cum vitâ perdidit as Wigorniensis writes of him The English complaining to King Offa in the year 775. of the great exactions in forein parts under Charls the Emperour they being then at variance so as their trading and merchandize was every where prohibited in both their Realms thereupon King Offa by gifts sent to the Emperour obtained this Grant and Privilege from him for his Subjects That all Pilgrims passing through his Dominions to Rome for piety and devotion sake alone should have free and peaceable passage without any molestation or Tribute That all Merchants and others in the company of Pilgrims passing only for gain not devotion should pay only a certain established Tribute in sitting places That all English Merchants and Traders should have lawfull protection by his command within his Realm and if in any place they were vexed with unjust oppression that upon complaint to him or his Iudges they should have full justice done unto them In the year 780. Aethelred or Adelred king of Northumberland was deposed by his Subjects after he had reigned 3 years and quite driven out of his Realm by his Nobles who the next year after assaulted and burnt a certain Consull or Earl being their justice in his â—wn house plus aequo saevientem for tyrannizing beyond the Bounds of Law and Right I shall not insist upon the manifold Insurrections of these Northumberlanders against their kings nor their disloyal depositions expulsions Murders of most of them upon pretended oppressions and Exorbitancies in Government rather than â—eal nor on the strange general bloody frequent depredations wars devastations Plagues Judgements Invasions by Danes Normans Scots and others inflicted justly on them for the same by Divine Justice more than on all other parts of this Iland since I have touched some of them before and shall glance at more of them hereafter all which the studious may read at leisure in Maslmesbury Huntindon Hoveden Aethelwerdus Matthew Westminster Bromton Florentius Wigorniensis Simeon Dunelmensis Radulphus de Diceto Polychronicon Holinshed Speed and others Only I shall give you the sum of them about this age in the words of Simâ—on Dunelmensis and Richardus Hagulstaldensis Crudelis exinde Barbarorum manus innumeris navibus in Angliâ—m transvecta omnia quaqua versum depopulans Northunhymbrorum autem provincias atrocius devastans omnes Ecclesias omnia Monasteria ferro incendio delevit adeò ut nullum pene Christianitatis signum post se discedens reliquerit Monachi qui loci reverentia confidentes remanserunt de Ecclesià extracti alii in mare sub hostibus submersi alii Captivi abducti alii detruncati alii aliis tormentis miserabiliter affecti omnes simul interiêrunt Et indè prosiliens slammà et ferro in exterminium omnia duxit c. After which sad successive devastations for sundry years by the Danes they were so totally depopulated and extirpated by Famine Sword and Pestilence by the Normans An. 1069. that the whole Country was reduced into a desolate Wilderness without an inhabitant and lay untilled for nine years space bestiarum tanâ—um latronum latibula being only Dens of Beasts and Theeves And how many times it hath been wasted de populated with fire and sword since this by the Scots and what barbarous cruelties they have exercised therein you may read in the Continuation of Simeon Dunelmensis by the Prior of Hagustald col 264. in Historia Ricardi Prioris Hagustaldensis de Gestis Regis Stephani bello Standardi col 315 316. and other Chronicles since that time The Lord in Mercy divert the like judgements from that Northern part and the whole kingdom now for the like transgressions of a later date In the year of Christ 787. as most account Pope Adrian sent Legates into England to confirm the faith which Augustine had preached who being honourably received both by the Kings Clergy and People thereupon held a great Parliamentary Council at Calchut Chalchuthe or Cealtide as Henry Huntindon stiles it In this Council Offa king of Mercians and Kenulphus king of West-Saxons â— with all their â—cclesiastical aâ—d seculaâ— Princes Nobles Elders Bishops Abbotsâ— were prâ—sent who all subscriâ—eâ— and consented to the Ecclesiaestical and Temporal Laws and Canons therein made and published being 20 in Number The principle whereof relaâ—ing to my Theam I have formerly recited In this Parliamentary Council King Offa caused Egfrid his eldest son to be solemnly crowned King who from thenceforth reigned with him And in it Iambertus or Lambert Archbishop of Canterbury much against his will resigned part of his Arch-Bishoprick to the Arch-bishop of Litchfield by the command and power of King Offa who envying the â—ower and Pride of the Archbishop of Canterb. deprived him in this Council notwithstanding all Iamberts appeals to Pope Adrian of all Lands and Iurisdiction within his Realm of Mercia erecting a new Arch-bishoprick at Litchfield to which he subjected all the Bishops of Mercia being then six in number â—ill by another Council they were reunited to Canterbury after the decease of Offa. About the year 788. there being some difference amongst Historians in the year there was a great Council held at Ade and after that anoâ—her Council kept at Wincenhale or Pincanhale in Northumberland now called Finkely Sir Henry Spelman conceives that these Councils were principally summoned to prevent the incursions of the Danes who in the year 787â— came inâ—o Britain with 3 ships to discover the Coasts and prey upon it slew King Bricticus his Provost and after that many thousand thousands of the English at sundry times After this there was another Parliamentary Council or Synod held at Aclea or Aclithâ— at which time Duke Sigga by wicked Treason slew his Sovereign Alfwold king of Northumberland and was not long afterwards slain himself by the Danes who miserably wasted and destroyed that rebellious kingdom of Northumberland with fire and sword as a condigu puâ—ishment for their treasons Rebellions and Regicides of their Kings Anno 792. there was a Council held at a place called Fincale where the Archbishop with his Suffragan Bishops and many others were present What the occasion of it was appears not only our Historians relate That Osred king of Northumberland was this year chased out of his Kingdom by his rebellious subjects when he had reigned but one year and
Ethelred son of Mollo substituted King in his place Whereupon Osred gathering forces together to expel Ethelred which had expulsed him out of his Realm was in his march into it again taken prisoner and slain by this Usurper at Tymmouth Upon occasion of which Insurrections and Wars I conceive this Council was most probably summoned Soon after this usurping Regicide Ethelred was slain himself even by those seditious Subjects who expelled and slew Osred to advance him to the Throne The common fate of bloody Usurpers especially in this kingdom of Northumberland as our Historians observe King Offa in the year 793. called a Provincial Parliamentary Council where Archbishop Humbert and his Suffragans with all the Primates and Nobles were present wherein he treated with them about founding the Monastery of St. Albane the first Martyr in the place where his Corps was found endowing it with lands and Privileges Placuit omnibus Regis propositum Whereupon they concluded the King should go to Rome in person and procure from the Pope the Canonization of St. Albane and a Confirmation of Privileges to the Abbey he intended to build He repairing to Rome accordingly the Pope commending his Devotion gave him his full aâ—â—ent both to found a Monastery and endow it with all such Privileges as he desired enjoyning him that returning to his Country ex Consilio Episcoporum Optimatum suorum by advice of his Biâ—hops and 〈…〉 to the Monastery of St. Albane what Possessions or Privileges he would which he 〈◊〉 grant or confirm to it by his special Charter first and afterwards he would confirm his original with his Privilege and Bull. The king hereupon receiving the Popes Benediction returned home and held two great Councils for the setliug of the Lands Privileges and Liberties of St. Albanes The one at Celâ—yth where were present 9 Kings 15 Bishops and 20 Dukes as Iohn Stow relates in his Chronicle who all subscribed and ratified his Charter of Lands and Privileges granted to St. Albane The other Council was held at Verolam which Matthew Westminster thus expresseth Congregato apud Verolamium Episcoporum Optimatum Concilio unanimi omnium consensu voluntate beato Albano Amplas contulit terras possessiones innumeras Quas multiplici Libertatum privilegio insignivit Monachorum vero conventum ex Domibus bene Religiosis ad Tumbam Martyris congregavit Abbatem eis Nomine Willegodum praefecit cui cum ipso Monasterio Iura Râ—galia concessit This king then reigning over 20 Shires at the same time by the unanimous assent of the Bishops and Nobles gave out of all those Counties to the English School at Rome Peter-Pence in English called Romescot Yet he privileged the Church of St. Albane with so great Liberty that this Church alone should be quit of the Apostolical Custom and Tribute called Romescot when as neither the King nor Archbishop nor any Bishop Abbot or Prior or any other in the Realm was exempted frow this payment And likewise granted that the Church of St. Albane should faithfully collect the said Romescot from all the County of Herâ—ford wherein the said Church is situated and receive the money collected to that Churches own use And that the Abbot thereof or a Monk constituted his Archdeacon under him should exercise Episcopal Authority over all the Priests Laymen within the possessions belonging to the Abbey and that he should make subjection to no Archbishop Bishop or Legate but only to the Pope himself So as that Church hath omnia jura Regalia and the Abbot thereof for the time being Pontificalia ornamenta And that by the great Charter of this king then made with the unanimous consent of all his Bishops and Nobles in this great Council What Lands he gave to the Monastery of St. Augustines and Christ-church in Canterbury and the Archbishops there you may read at large in the Chronicles of William Thorne col 1775. and Evidentiae Ecclesiae Christi Cantuariensis col 2203 2219. King Offa deceasing An. 797. his Son Egfrid so soon as he was settled in his Fathers kingdom imitating the pious footsteps of his Father devoutly conferred many Lands and possessions on the Church of St. Albanes and confirmed them by his Charter anâ— Privilege with all those other Lands Privileges and Royal Liberties which his Father had conferred on the said Church to enjoy them in the freest manner Of ejus Donatio ut perpetuae firmitatis Robur obtineret juxta morem Romanae Ecclesiae omnium Episcoporum Comitum et Baronum totius imperii sui assembled in a general Council of â—he Realm Subscriptionem signum crucis apposuit Causing all his Bâ—shops Earls and Barons of his whole Realm to subscribe and ratifie his Charter and Donation with the sign of the Cross after the manner of the Roman Church That it might be of perpetual force and validity Moreover declining his Fathers covetousness in all things whatever he for the exaltation of his Kingdom had diminished out of the possessions of divers Monasteries he out of a pious devotion restored and confirmed with his Privilege or Charter to all who desired it This pious King Egfrid as our Historians observe and let others note it who gain their Kingdoms Powers Possessions by Bloodshed and Treason was taken away by sudden death on the 141 day after his Fathers decease which gave great cause of grief to all the people of his Realm not for his own sins which is not to be supposed but because his Father pro Regni sui confirmaâ—ione sanguine◠〈◊〉 effudit for the confirmation of his Ringdom shed much blood For he came to the Croâ—n by the slaâ—ghter of King Bernred forementioned deposed and slain by him for his usurpation Tyranny and Mis-government then he invaded and slew with his own hand Alrick King of Kent routed his forces and reduced that kingdom under his own After this marching from South to North even beyond Humber he made Havock of all that stood in his way Whence returning in Triumph he set upon the West-Saxons and vanquished them forced their king Kenwolf to fly into Wales to the Britons for aid then enâ—red into Wales routed their King Marmodius for breaking his Truce made a great slaughter of the Britons after ten years prosperous wars to conquer others returned victoriously into his own territories After his return thither to compleat his bloody Tragedies Ethelbert King of East-Angles coming upon solemn invitation to his Court in great state to marry his Daughter was there treacherously murdered by his Wife Quendreda's solicitation and practice with his privity and consent who caused a deep pit to be digged in his Bed-chamber under his Chair of State or Bed into which he falling was there treacherously murdered and his head â—ut off by Gaymbertus who presented it all bloody to King Offa who to colour the business seeming to be sorrowfull â—or this murder shut himself up in his Chamber
and there fasted 8 days space but then sending a great Army into the Kingdom of this murtherea Prince seised on united it to his own Empire But Gods exemplary vengeance pursued this hainous bloody Treachery notwithstanding all his seigned magnified Saintship and works of Charity and Piety for within one year after this bloody fact committed both Queendreda Offa and their Son Egfrid the only joy and pride of his Parents all died and his very kingdom it self was translated from the Mercians to the West-Saxons whom he had conquered and oppressed O that all men of blood and unjust invaders of others Crowns Realms Possessions by war bloodshed and Treachery would seriously consider this President with all others of this nature both at home and abroad collected to their hands by Sir Walter Raughly in his excellent Preface before his famous History of the World About the year of Christ 797. Cynwolfe or Kenulph King of West-Saxons held a Council wherein he with his Bishops una cum caterva Satraparum and likewise with a great company of his Nobles there assembled writ a Letter to Lullus Bishop of Mentz touching some matters of Religion then in Debâ—â—e In the year 798. the third of King Kenulph his reign there was a great Parliamentary Synod assemat Pinchamhalch wherein Eanbaldus or Embaldus Archbishop of York sate President with very many wise and great Men by whose Wisdom and Iustice the Kingdom of Northumberland was then much advanced and renowned Who after they had debated many things concerning the benefit of holy Church and profit of all the Provinces of the People of Northumberland the observation of Easter and of Divine and secular Laws the increase of Gode service and the honours and necessities of the servants of God rehearsed and ratified the faith oâ— the 5 first General Councils concerning the Trinity in brief and pithy expressions sit now to be revived in these times of Heresie and Blasphemy The same year there was another Great Council held at â—acancâ—ld wherein Kenulph King of Mercians sate President Athelardus Archbishop of Canterbury 17 other Bishops sundry Abbots Arch-deacons and other fit persons being there likewise presenâ— Wherein by the command of Popâ— Leo it was decreed That from thenceforth no Laymen should exercise Dominion over the Lords Inheritance and Churches but that they should be governed by Holy Canons and the Rules of their first founders and possessors under pain of Excommunication and that Christ-church in Canterbury should be restored to its antient Metropolitan Iurisdiction Which all the Prelates and Abbots confirmed with their Subscriptions And this year this King consecrated the Church of Winchelcumbe endowing it with great gifts and possessions in a kind of Parliamentary Assembly of 13 Bishops and 10 Dukes where he manumitted and set free at the high Altar Edbert King of Kent surnamed Pren whom he had taken prisoner in Battel Moreover Eanbaldus Archbishop of York this year assembled a Synod at Finchale most likely for the assistance of Eardulfus King of Northumberland against Duke Wadus and other Conspirators who rose up against him whom he vanquished and utterly routed after a long and bloody battle at Bilingeho where many were slain on both sides which History Matthew Westminster couples with this Synod An. 798. King Kenulph in the year 799. By the consent of his Bishops and Priâ—ces at the request of Athelardus Archbiâ—hop of Canterbury restored to Christ-Church in Canterbury four parcels of Land which king Offa had formerly taken from it and gave to his Servants free from all secular service and Regal Tribute ratifying this restitution by his Charter signed with the Cross that it might remain inviolable by their concurrent assent There was a Proviâ—ciaâ— Council held at Clovesâ—o or Clyffe In the year of our Lord 800. by Kenulf king of Mercians Athelwerdus Archbishop of Canterbury and all the Bishops Dukes Abbots â—â—juscunque dignitatis viâ—os and men of all sorts of â—ignity where after some inquity how the Catholique Faith was kept and Christian Religion practiced amongst them The Lands which king Ofâ—a and â—ing Kenulph had forcibly taken away from Christ-Church with the Nunnery of Cotham and the Hides of Land called Burnam were Synodali Iudicio by the Iudgâ—meâ—t of the Council restored to Christ-Church Et omnium voce Decretum est and It was decreed by the voice of all the Council upon sight of the Books and Deeds there produced before them by the Archbishop that it was just Cotham should be restored to Christ-Church being given to it by King Aethelbald by his Charter of which it had for a long time unjustly been spoiled notwithstanding the frequent complaints made by Archbishop Bregwin and Iambert in every of their Synods In hoc Concilio annuente ipso Rege Athelardus recuperavit dignitates possessioâ—es quas Offa Râ—x Merciorum abstulerat Iamberto writes Gervasius After which the Archbishop in this Council made this Exchange with Cynedritha then Abbess of Cotham that she and her successors should enjoy all the Lands and Nunnery of Cotham in lieu whereof she should give to him one hundred and ten Hydes of Land in Kent lying in Fleot Tenaham and Creges together with all the writings thereto belonging which exchange was made before confirmed and attested by this Noble Synod that so no Controversie might arise betweâ—n them their Heirs and Successors or King Offa 's in future times concerning the same but that they might peaceably inâ—oy them without interruption for ever And moreover the Archbishop gave unto Cynedrytha the Monastery called Pretanege which king Egfâ—id gave to him his heirs Which proves the Great Councils and Synods in that age to be Parliaments and that they judicially restored Lands uâ—jusâ—ly taken away by Kings upon complaint examiâ—aâ—ion anâ— due proof made therâ—of as well as inquired oâ— errors and abuses in Religion In â—his Council â— conceive iâ— was that Kenulph with his Bishops Dukes et omni sub nostra Ditione Dignatis gradu compâ—ed and 〈◊〉 Letter to Pope Leo the third promising obedience to his commands reâ—uestingâ— that the ancienâ— Canons might be observed and the Iurisdiction and Power of the See of Canterbury which King Ofâ—a and Pope Adrian had diminished and divided â—â—to two Provinces or Archbishâ—pricks might be restored and united again thereto to avoid Scisms and craving the Popes answer to these their request which he returned in a special Letter to the King restoring to Athelardus and his successors the Bishopricks substracted from his Province with the Metropolitan Iurisdiction over them as amply as before Hereupon in the year 802. or thereabouts there was another Parliamentary Council assembled at Clovesho wherein the Archbishoprick of Litchfield was dissolvâ—d the See of Canterbury restored to its former plenary Metropolitical Iurisdiction according to Pope Leo his Decree By the advice and Decree of the whole Council which commanded in the
to wit the Monasterie called West-Burgh the Lands whereof with the Books the Bishop then had as Aethelfrick had before commanded that they should be restored to the Church of Worcester This Bishop with 50 Mass Priests and 160 other Priests Deacons Monks and Abbots whose names are recorded in the Manuscript swore that this Land and Monastery were impropriated to his possession and Church which Oath with all these fellow swearers he was ordered to take at Westminster and did it accordingly after 30 nights respite Whereupon It was ordained and decreed by the Archbishop all the Council consenting with him that the Bishop should enjoy the Monastery Lands and Books to him and his Church and so that sute was ended and this Decree pronounced thereupon Qua propter si quis hunc agrum ab illâ Ecclesiâ in Ceastre nititur evellere contra Decreta sanctorum Canonum sciat se facere quia sancti Canones decernunt Quicquâ—â— Sancta Synodus universalis cum Catholico Archiepiscopo suo adjudicaverit nullo modo fractum vel irritum esse faciendum Haec auâ—em gesta sunt Hi sunt Testes Confirmatores hujus rei quorum nomina hic infrâ— notantur â— die tertio Calend Novembrium Ego Beornulf Rex Merciorum hanc chartulam Synodalis decreti signo sanctae Christi Crucis confirmavi Then follows the Archbishops Subscription and confirmation in like words with the subscriptions of sundry Bishops Abbots Dâ—kes and Nobles being 32 in number all ratifying this Dâ—cree An. 833. Egbert King of West-Saxons Athelwulfe his Son Witlasius king of Mercians both the Archbishops Abbots cum Proceribus majoribus totius Angliae with the greatest Nobles of all England were all assembled together at London in a National Parliamentary Council pro consilio câ—piendo contra Danicos Pirâ—tas Littora Angliae assidne infestantes to take Counsel what to do against the Danish Pirates dayly infesting the Sea-Coasts of England In this Council the Charter of Witlasius king of Mercians to the Abbey of Croyland where he was hid and secured from his enemies was made and ratified wherein he granted them many rich giâ—ts of Plate Gold Silver Land and the Privilege of a Sanctuary for all offenders flying to it for shelter which grant could not be valid without a Parliamentary confirmation for he being elected Kiâ—g omnium consensu after the slaughters of Bernulf and Ludican two invading Tyrants cut off in a short time qui contra faâ— purpuram induerent regno vehementet oppresso totam militiam ejus quae quondam plurima extiterat victoriosissima sua imprudentia perdiderant as Ingulphus writes was enforced to hold his kingdom from Egbert king of West-Saxons under a Tribute And thereupon conferring divers Lands by his Charter to this Abbey for ever to be held of him his heirs and Successors Kings of Mercia in perpetual and pure Frankalmoigne quietae solutae ab omnibus oneribus secularibus exactionibus vectigalibus universis quocunque nomine censeantur That his grant might be sound and valid he was necessitated to have it conâ—irmed in â—â—is Parliamentary Council by the consent of King Egbert and his Son and of all the Bishops Abbotsâ— et Proceribus Majoribus Angliae and the greater Nobles of England theâ—e present most of them subscribing and ratifying this Charter with the sign of the Cross and their names About the year of Grace 838. there was a Parliamentary Councâ—â— held at Kingston in which Egbert king of the West-Saâ—ons and his Son Aethelwulfe Ceolnoth Archbishop of Canterbury with the rest of the Bishops and Nobles of England were present Amongst many things there acted and spoken Archbishop Ceolnoth shâ—wed before the whole Council That the foresaid Kings Egbert and Aeâ—helwulfe had given to Christchurch the Mannor called Malinges in Suâ—â—ex free from all secular service and Regal Tributes excepting only these three Expediâ—ion building of Bridge and Castle which foresaid Mannor and Lands King Baldred gâ—ve to Christchurch Sed quia ille Rex cunctis Principibus non placuit noluerunt donum ejus permanere ratum But because this King pleased not all his Nobles they would not that this his gift should continue firm To which Sir Henry Spelman adds this Marginal Note Rex non potuit distrahere patrimonium Regni sine assensu Procerum Wherefore the foresaid Kings in this Parliamentary Council with â—heir Nobles assent at the request of the said Archbishop regranted and confirmed it to Christchurch with this Anathema annexed against the infringers of this grant If any shall presume to violate it on the behalf of God and of us Kings Bishops Abbots and all Christians let him be separated from God and let his portion be with the Devil and his Angols Polydor Virgil records that King Athelwulfe in the year 847. going in pilgrimage to Rome repaired the English School there lately burned down and in imitation of King Ina made that part of his Kingdom which Egbert his Father had added Tributary towards it Legeque sancivit and enacted by a Law made in a Parliamentary Council that those who received 30 pence rent every year out of their possessions or had more houses should pay for those houses they inhabited every of them a pennâ— a peece to the Popâ— for the maintenance of this School at the Feast of Peter and Paul or at least of St. Peters bonds which Law some writes he though falsely ascribr to his Son Alfred which act others refer to the years 855 or 857 and that more truly Abbot Ingulphus in his Hist. of the Abby of Croyland records that Bertulf usurping the Crown by the treacherous murder of his Cosen St. Westan tantâ ferebatur ad regnandum ambitione passing by the Abbey of â—royland most wickedly and violently took away all the Iewels Plate and ornaments of the Church which his Bâ—other Withlasius and other Kings had given to it together with all â—he mony he could find in the Monastery and hiring Souldiers therewith against the Danes then wasting the Country about London he was vanquished and put to flight by the Pagans Whereupon this King soon after holding a great Council at Benningdon An. 850. with the Prelates and Nobles of his whole Realm of Mercia there assembled about the Danes invasions how to raiâ—e forces and monies to resist them as is most probable by our Historians Abbot Siward and the Monks of Croyland therein complained before them all by Askillus their fellow Monk of certain injuries malitiously doâ—e unto them by their Adversaries who lying in waâ—t in the uttermost banks of their Rivers did seise upon their servants being such as fled thither for Sanctuary in case at any time they went out of their precincts never so little way either to fish or bring back their stragling Sheep Oxen or other Cattle as infringers of their Sanctuary and subjected them to the publick Laws to their condâ—mnation and destruction to
foresaid Frier Askillus had run from hand to hand of the Prelates and Nobles of the whole Council and one advised one thing another another Lord Ceolnoth Archbishop of Canterbury cried out with a loud voice that he was healed of his disease and perfectly recovered by the merits of the most holy Confessor of Christ most blessed Guthlac whose businesses were then handling in their hands likewise many other most potent men in the said Council cryed out as well Prelates as Nobles that they had been sick of that disease but now by Gods Grace and the merits of most holy Guthlac they felt no pain in any of their Members through the said malady And all of them presently bound their Consciences with a most strict vow to visit the most sacred Tomb of most holy Guthlac at Croyland with devout pilgrimage so soon as they could Wherefore our Lord King Bertulf commanded the Bishop of London who was then accounted the best Notary and most eloquent speaker who being moreover touched with the same disease now predicated with greatest joy that he was healed to tâ—ke the Privileges of Croyland into his hands and that he should insist to honour his Physicitian S. Guthlac with his hand writing prout consilium statueret as the Council should ordain which also was done Therefore in the Subscriptions of the Kings Charter afore-mentioned the Archbishop of Canterbury Ceolnoth confesseth himself whole and sound St. Swithin Bishop of Winchester rejoyceth concerning the Lords Miracles Alstan Bishop of Sherburn and Orkenwald of Lichenfeld give thanks for the successes of the Church and Rethunus Bishop of Leicester professeth himself a Servant to St. Guthlac so long as he lived Uuniversique Concilii Optimates And all the Nobles of the Council with a most ardent affection yeelded obedience to the Kings benevolent affection towards St. Guthlac In all things From all which precedent passages in these two Councils it is apparent First That the Parliamentary Councils of that Age consisted only of the King spiritual and temporal Lords and Peers without any Knights of Shires or Burgesses of which we find no mention in this or any other former or succeeding Councils in the Saxons times though sometimes Wise-men of inferior quality both of the Clergie and Laity were particularly summoned to them without any popular election by the Kings special direction for their advice 2ly That all Divine and Ecclesiastical matters touching God Religion and the Church and all affairs of the Realm of publique concernment relating to war or peace were debated consulted of setled in Parliamentary Councils 3ly That the businesses of God and the Church were therein usually first debated and setled before the affairs of the kingdom of which they ought to have precedency 4ly That all private grievances injuries and oppressions done by the King his Officers or other private persons to the Church or other men were usually complained of and redressed in Parliamentary Councils by the advice and judgement of the King and Peers and that either upon the parties Petition setting forth his grievances or a relation made thereof by the King or some other Prelate or Nobleman before the whole Council 5ly That what could not be redressed in one great Council was in the next succeeding Council revived and redressed according to the merits of the cause 6ly That no Peer nor Member of the great Council might absent himself in those times but upon just and lawfull excuse which he ought humbly to signifie to the King and Council by a special Messenger and Letter as Abbot Siward did here 7ly That all Members of the Council had free liberty of Debate and Vote in all businesses complained of or proposed â—o them and a negative as well as an affirmative voice 8ly That all businesses then were propounded and debated before all the Council and resolved by them all not in private Committees 9ly That our Kings in those days in Cases of necessity could not lawfully â—eise their subjects monies and plate against their wills to raise Soldiers to resist invading forein Enemies but only borrow them by their free consents and held themselves bound to restore or recompence the monies lent or taken by them in such exigencies with thankfull acknowledgment 10. That our Kings in that age could not grant away their Crown lands create or inlarge Sanctuarieâ— or exempt any Abbies from Taxes and publique payments or impose any publique Taxes on their Subjects but by Charters or grants made and ratified in and by their great Councils Anno 854. King Aethelulf gave the tenth part of his Realm to God and his Saints free from all secular services exactions and Tributes by this Charter made and confirmed by the advice and free assent of all the Bishops and Nobles throughout the Realm then assembled in a Great Council to oppose the invading plundering Danes Regnante in perpetuum domino nostro Jesu Christo in nostris temporibus bellorum incendia direptiones opum nostrarum vastantium crudelissimas hostium barbarorum paganorumque gentium multiplices tribulationes aâ—â—ligentium usque ad internecionem cernimus tempoâ—a incumbere periculosa Quamobrem ego Aethelulfus Rex Occidentalium Saxonum cum Consilio Episcoporum ac Principum meorum Consilium salubre arque uniforme reme i un aâ—â—irmavi ut aliquam portioneâ— Terrae meae Deo beatae Mariae omnibus sanctisâ— Iure perpetuo possidendam concedam Decimam scilicet parâ—em terrae meae uâ— sit tuta muâ—eribus et libera ab omnibus servitiis secularibus nec non Regalibus Tributis Majoribus et Monoribus seu Taxationibus qâ—ae nos Wiâ—teredden appeâ—lamus Sitque omnium rerum libera pro remissione animarum peccatorum meoâ—um ad â—erviendum soli Deo sine expeditione et pontis constructione arcis munitione uâ— eo diligentiâ—s â—ro nobis preces ad Deum â—â—ne cessatione fundant quo eorum servitutem in aliquo le vigamus The Copies in our Historians vary in some expressions and in the date of this Charter some placing it in Anno 855. others Anno 865. This Charter as Ingulphus records was made at Winchester Novemb. 3. Anno. 855. praesentibus subscribentibus Archiepiscopis Angliae universis nec non Burredo Merciae Edmundi East-Anglorum rege Abbatum Abbatissarum Ducum Comitum Procerumque totius terrae aliorumque fidelium infinita multitudine Dignitates vero sua nomina subscripserunt After which for a greater Confirmation the King offered the Written Charter up to God upon the Altar of St. Peter where the Bishops received it and after sent it into all their Diocesses to be published and hereupon the Bishops of Sherburne and Winchester with the Abbots and religious persons on whom the said benefits were bestowed decreed That on every Wednesday in every Church all the Friers and Nuns should sing 50 Psalms and every Priest 2 Masses one for the King and an other for his Captains It is observable
first That the Parliamentary Council wherein this Charter was made and ratified by common consent and this exemption and tenth granted was principally called to resist the invading plundering Danes 2ly That this King and Council in those times of Invasion and necessiâ—y were so far from taking away the Lands and Tithes of the Church for defence of the Realm or from imposing new unnâ—ual Taxes and Contributions on the Clergy for that end that they granted them more Lands and Tithes than formerly and exempted them from all former ordinary Taxes and Contributions that they might more cheerfully and frequently pour â—orâ—h prayers to God for them as the best means of defence and security against these forein invading enemies Mr. Selden recites another Charter of this King of the same year different from it in month and place out of the Chartularies of Abbington Abbey to the same effect made by Parliamentary consent of that time per consilium saâ—ubre cum Episcopis Comiâ—ibus ac cunctâ—s Optimatibus meis which Charâ—er is sâ—bscribed by this King and his two Sons with some Bishops and Abbots ratified with their signs of the Cross and this annexed curse Si quis verò minuere velmutare nostram donationem praesumpserit noscat se ante tribunal Christi redditurum rationem nisi prius satisfactione emendaverit usual in such Charters Afâ—er which this King going to Rome carried Alfred his youngest Son thither with him whom he most loved to be educated by Pope Leo where continuing a year he caused him to be crowned King by the Pope and returning into his Country married Iudith the King of France his Daughter bringing Alfred and her with him into England In the Kings absence in forein parts Alstan Bishop of Sherburne Eandulfe Earl of Somerset and certain other Nobles making a Conspiracie with Ethelbald the Kings eldest Son concluded he should never be received into the Kingdom upon his return from Rome for two Causes One for that he had caused his youngest son Alfred to be crowned King at Rome excluding thereby as it were his eldest Son and others from the Right of the Kingdom Another for that contemning all the wâ—men of England he had married thâ— Daâ—ghâ—er of the Kiâ—g of Fraâ—ceâ— an alien et contra morem et Statuta Regum West-Saxonum and against the use and Statuâ—es of the Kings of the West-Saxons called Juâ—ith the King of France his Daughter wâ—om he lately espâ—used Queen and caused her to sit by his side at the Table as he â—easted For the West-Saxons permitâ—ed not the Kings Wife to sit by the King at the Table nor yet â—o be calâ—ed Queen but the Kings Wife Which Infamy arose 〈◊〉 Eadburga Daughter of King Oâ—fa Queen of the sâ—me Natâ—on who destroyed her Husband King Brithrâ—â—ic with poison and sitting by the King was wont to accuse all â—he Nobles of the Realm to him who thereupon depâ—ived them of lâ—fe or banished them the Realmâ— whom she câ—uld not accusâ— she used to kill wâ—th poison Thereforeâ— for this mis-doing of the Qâ—â—en they all conjured and swore that they would never permit a King to reign over them who should be guilty in the premises Wâ—eâ—eupon King Aethelulfe returning peaceably from Rome his Son Aethelbald with his Complices attempted to bring their conceived wickedness to effect in excluding him from his own Realm and Crown But Almighty God would not permit it for lest peradventure a more than civil war should arise betwâ—â—n the Father and tâ—e Son the Conspiracie of all the Bishops and Nobles ceased though the King Clemency who divided the Kingdom of the West-Saxons formerly undivided with his Son so that the East paâ—t of the Realm should go to his Son Ethelbald and the West-part remain to the Father And when tota Regni Nobiliras all the Nobility of the Realm and the whole Naâ—ion of the West-Saxons would havâ— fought for the King thrust his Son Ethelbald from the right of the Kingdom and 〈◊〉 him and his Complices out of the Realm qui tantum facinus perpeâ—rare ausi sunt Regem à regno â—ropâ—io reâ—ellerent which Wigorniensis Anno 855. â—â—leâ— Facinus et inauditum omnibus saeculis ante infortunium if the Father would have permitted them to do it He out of the nobleness of his mind satisfiâ—d his Sons desire so that where the Father ought to have reigned by the just judgement of God there the obstinâ—te and wicked Son reigned The King Aethelulfe before the death of Egbert his father was ordained Bishop of Winchester but his Father dying he was made King by the Prelatesâ— Nobles and People much against his will cum non esset alius de Regio genere qui regnare debuisset because there was none other of the Royal Race who ought to reign Haeredibus aliis deficientibus poâ—â—modum necessitate compulsus gubernacula Regni in se suscepit as Bromton and others expresse it At his death Anno 857. he did by his will lest his Sons should fall out between themselves after his decease give the kingdom of Kent with Sussex and Essâ—x to Ethelbert his second son and left the kingdom of the West-Saxons to his eldest son Aethelbald then he devised certain sums of Money to his Daughter Kindred Nobles and a constant annuity for ever for meat dâ—ink and cloths to one poor man or pilgrim out of every 10 Hides of his Land 300 marks of mony to be sent yearly to Rome to be spent there in Oyl for Lamps Almes which sums I never find paid by his Successors as he prescribed by his Will and Charter too because not confirmed by his great Parliamentary Councils of Prelates and Nobles as his forcited Charter and Peter-pence likewise granted by him were upon this occasion as some record that he being in Rome and seeing there outlawed men doing penance in bonds of Iron purchased of the Pope thaâ— Englishmen after that time should never out of their Country do penance in Bonds About the year of our Lord 867. Osbrith King of Northumberland as Bromton records residing at York as he returned from hunting went into the house of one of his Nobles called Bruern Bocard to eat who was then gone to the Sea-coasts to defend it the Ports against Theeves and Pirates as he was accustomed His Lady being extraordinarily beautifull entertained him very honorably at dinner The K. enamored with her beauty after dinner taking her by the hand leads her into her Chamber saying he would speak with her in private and there violently ravished her against her will which done he presently returned to York but the Lady abode at her house weeping and lamenting the deeds of the King whereby she lost her former colour and beauty Her Husband returning and finding her in this sad condition inquired the cause thereof wherewiâ—h she fully acâ—uainting him he thereupon cheered her up with comfortable words saying that he would not love
her the lesse for it since her weakness was unable to resist the Kings power and vowed by Gods assistance speedily to avenge himself her of the King for this indignity Whereupon being a Noble and very potent man of great Parentage he called all his kinsmen and the chief Nobles of his Familie to him with all speed and acquainted them with this dishonour done to him by the king saying he would by all means be avenged thereof and by their Counsel and Consent they went all together to York to the king who when he saw Bruern called him courteously to him But he guarded with his kinred and friends presently defying the King resigned up to him his Homage Fealty Lands and what ever he held of him saying that he would never hold any thing of him hereafter as of his Lord And so without more words or greater stay instantly departed and taking leave of his friends went speedily into Denmark and complained to Codrinus king thereof of the Indignity done by King Osbrith to him and his Lady imploring his aid and assistance speedily to revenge it he being extracted out of his Royal blood The king and Danes hereupon being exceeding glad that they had this inducâ—ng cause to invade England presently gathered together a great Army to revenge this Injury done to Bruern being of his Blood appointing his two Brothers Inguar and Hubba most valiant Souldiers to be their Generals who providing Ships and other Necessaries transported an innumerable Army into England and landed them in the Nothern parts This being the true Cause why the Danes at this time invaded England in this manner In the mean time the Parents Kindred and Friends of Bruern expelled and rejected King Osbrith for this â—njury done to him and his Lady râ—fusing to hold their Lands of or to obey him any longer as their Soveraign and advanced one Ella to be King though none of the Royal bloud Our other Historians who mention not this fact of Osbrith and occasion of these Danes arival to revenge it write that the Danes upon their Landing marched to the City of York wasting all the Country before them with fire and Sword unto Tinmouth At that time they write by the Devils instinct there was a very great discord raised between the Northumberlanders Sicut â—emper populo qui odium incurrerit evenire solet For the Northumberlanders at that time had expelled their lawfull King Osbrith out of the Realm and advanced one Ella a Tyrant not of the Royal bloud to the Regal Soveraignty of the Kingdomâ— By reason of which division the Danes taking York ran up and down the Country filling all places with bloud and Grief wasting and burning all the Churches and Monasteries far and near leaving nothing standing but the Walls and ruines of thom pillaging depopulating and laying waste the whole Country In which great necessity and distress the Northumberlanders reconciling their two Kings Osbrith and Ella one to another gathered a great Army together against the Danes which their two Kings and â—ight Earls marched with to York where 〈…〉 long fight with various success both the said Kings with most of the Northumberlanders were all slain â— Aâ—ril 11. Anno 867. The City of York consumed with fire and the whole Kingdom made tributarie to the Danes Simeon Dunelmensis relates that both these kings had violently sacrilegiously taken away certain Lands from S. Cuthberts Church in Durham for Osbrit had by a sacrilegious attempt taken away Wircewood and Tillemouth and Ella Billingham Heclif and Wigeclif Creca from S. Cuthbert tandem cum maximâ parte suorum ambo praefati Reges occubuerunt Injurias quas Ecclesiae sancti Cuthberti aliquando irrogaverant vitâ privati regno persolverunt Which the Author of the History of St. Cuthbert observes and records more largely as a punishment of their sacrilegious Rapine The Danes hereupon made Egbert king of Northumberland as a Tributary and Viceroy under them Sic Northumbria bellico jure obtenta barbarorum dominium multo post tempore pro conscientiâ libertatis Ingemuit writes Malmesbury de Gestis Regum Angliae l. 2. c. 3. p. 42. These rebellious Northumberlanders about 7 years after uno conspirantes consilio expelled Egbert the Realm by unanimous consent together with Archbishop Wilfer making one Richius King in his Place the Danes both then and long after possessing and wasting their Country and slaughtering them with fire and sword as the Marginal Historians record more than any other parts of the Iland by a just divine punishment for their manifold Treasons Seditions Factions Rebellions against and Murders of their Soveraigns In the year 868. a great Army of these victorious plundering Danes marched out of the Kingdome of Northumberland to Nottingham which they took and there wintered Whereupon Beorred or Brâ—thred King of Mercians omnesque ejusdem gentis Optimates and all the Nobles of that Nation assembled together Where the King Consilium habuit cum suis Comitibus comilitonibus omni populo â—iâ—i subjecto Qualiter inimicos bellicâ virtute exuperaretâ— sive de Regno expelleret held a Council with his Earls and fellow Souldiers and all the people subject to him how he might vanquish these Enemies with military power or drive them out of the Realm By whose advice he sent Messengers to Ethelâ—ed King of the West-Saxons and to his Brother Elfrid humbly requesting them that they would assist and joyn with him against the Danish Army which they easily condescening to gathered a very great Army together out of all parts and joyning all together with Beorred and his forces marched to Nottingham unanimously with a a resolution to give the Danes battel who sheltering themselves under the works of the Castle and Town refused to fight with them whereupon they besieged them in the Town but being unable to break the Walls they concluded a Peace at last with the Danes upon condition that they should relinquish the Town and march back again inâ—o Northumberland which they did where their Army continued the whole year following in about York debacchaâ—s insaniens occidens perdens perolurimos viros muliâ—res Abbot Ingulphus records that during the siege of Nottingham King Beorred as he stiles him at the request of Earl Algar the younger who was veâ—y gracious with him and the other Kingsâ— causâ suae nobilis militiae granted a Charter of Confirmation not only of all the Lands Advowsons Possessions which this Earl with other particular persons and Kings had given to the Abby of Croyland but likewise of all their former Privileges confirming all their Ilands Marishes Churches Chapels Mannors Mansions Cottages Woods Lands Meadows therein specified to God and Saint Guthlac for ever Libera Soluta emancipata ab omni onere â—erreno servitio seculari in Eleemâ—synam aeternam perpetuo possidendam Which Charter hath â—â—is memorable exordium expressing the motives
tortured them to discover where their Treasures were broke up all the Tombs pillaged and burnt the Abby with all the Edifices thereof leaving it a meer ruinous heap then marching on laying all the Country waste before them with fire and Sword sparing neither person age nor sex they cast down burnt destroyed and levelled to the Ground the goodly Monasteries of Bradney Peterborough Huntingdon Ely with sundry others murthering as well all the Monks as Nuns therein which their merciless Swords after they had first polluted them To avoid whose barbarous rape Ebba Abbess of Coldingham and her Nuns by her example and perswasion cut off their upper Lips and Noses to deform themselves to their lascivious eyes which bloody Spectacle preserved their Chastity from their Lust but not their Monasterie or bodies from their Cruelty they burning them and their Nunnery to Ashes After which the same year Inguar and Hubba marched against St. Edmund who in the year 855. was chosen King of the East-Saxons Ab omnibus Regionis illius magnatibus et populis by all the Noblesâ— and People of that Realm being sprung from the antient Royal blood of the Saxons and compelled to take the Government on him much against his will being then but 13 years old and consecrated King by Bishop Humbert in the Royal Town called Bury The reason of their malice to this King as some of our Historians write was this that he was maliciously accused to have murthered their Father Lothbroc driven by a sudden storm in a small boat into England as he was hawking at Fowl by this Kings Faulkoner who having murthered himself out of meer malice was by judgement of the Knights and Lawyers banished the Realm and put alone into Lothbrocs Boat without Oâ—re or Sails for murthering him and so sent to Sea being driven in it into Denmark to excuse himself he maliciouslie accused the King of this Murther to these his Sons Who thereupon invaded England with an Army to revenge their Fathers death And the Reason why they at this time so extraordinarily prevailed aâ—d over-run the Land was the Civil Discords Wars and Emulations amongst the Saxon kings who either out of Malice or Ambition to advance their own Dominion or base unworthy fears would rather induce these common Enemies to over-run them than assist one another against them which William of Malmesburie thus expresseth Meminerit interea lector quod interim Reges Merciorum et Northanimbrorum captata occasione â—dventus Danorum quorum bellis Ethelredus iâ—sudabat a servitio West-Saxonum respirantes dominaâ—ionem suam penè asseruerant Ardebant ergo cunctae saevis popularibus provinciae unusquisque Regum inimicos magis in suis sedibus sustinere quam compatrioâ—is Laborantibus opem porrigere curabat Ita dum maluit vindicare quam praevenire injuriam socordiâ suâ exanguem reddiderunt Patriam Dani sine obstaculo succressere dum et provincialibus timor incresceret et proxima quaeq victoria per additamentum Captiâ—orum instrumentum sequentis fieret c. Northanimbri jamdudâ—m civilibus dissentionibus â—luctuantes adventante hoste correxerunt discordiam Itaque Osbirthum Regem quem expulerant in solium reformaâ—tes magnosque moliti paratus obviam procâ—dunt sed facilè pulsi infra Urbem Eboracum se includunt quâ mox à victoribus succensâ cum laxos crines effusior flamma produceret tota depascens maenia ipsi quoque conflagrati patriam ossibus texêre suis Mercii non semel obtriti obsidatu miserias suas levaverunt At vero Ethelredus multis laboribus infractus obiit Orientalium Anglorum pagi cum urbibus et vicis à praedonibus possessi Rex eorum sanctus Edmundus ab eisdem interemptust Anno Dominicae Incarnationis 870. 12 Calendas Decembris temporaneae mortis compendio regnum emit aeternum The manner of King Edmunds Martyrdom Historians thus relate An. 870. Hinguar King of the Danes invading King Edmunds Realm with a great Power sent a Messenger to King Edmund to demand the half of his Treasure and Wealth and that he should hold his Realm under him threatning otherwise to waste his Kingdom and extirpaâ—e him and his Pâ—ople Sed nimis fraudulentèr Hinguar thesauros exigebat qui Clementissimi Regis caput potius quam pecuntas sitiebat writes Matthew Westminster Where upon Bishop Humbeâ—t advising him to fly â—rom the Danes who approached with their forces towards him to save his life The King wisheâ— Would to God that I might preserve the lives of my Subjects for whom I desire to lay down my life for this is my chiâ—fest wish that I may not survive my faithfull Subjects and most dear friends which this Cruâ—l Pirate hath thâ—evishly slain neither will I stain my glory by slâ—ght who never yet sustained the reproaches of Waâ—re The Heavenly King also is my Witness that no fear of the Barbarians shall separate me from the Love of Christ whether living or dead Then turning to the Messenger of Hinguar he said Thou art worthy to suffer the punishment of death being wâ—t with the blood of my people But imitating the example of my Christ If it should so happen I am not afraid willingly to die for them Return therefore speedily to thy Master and carry my answers to him Although thou takest away my Treasures and riches whiâ—h the Divine Clemency hath given me by thy power yet thou shalt never subject me to thy infidelity for it is an honest thing to defend perpetual liberty together with purity of Religion for which also if there be need we think it not unprofitable to die Therfore as thy proud cruâ—lâ—y hath begun after the servants slaughter cut thou the Kings throatâ— because the King of Kings seeing these things will translate me into Heaven there to reign eternally The Messenger departing the King commanded his Souldiers to run to their Arms aâ—firmingâ— that it was a worthy thing to fight both for their Faith and Country leâ—t they shouâ—d prove deâ—erâ—ers of their Realm and betrayers of the people And being incouraged by Bishop Humbert his Nobles and fellow Souldiers he marched against the Enemy and near Thedford fought a bloody battel with the Danes from morning to night the place being all dyed red with the blood of the slain Aâ— which grievoâ—â—â—ight King Edmund was much grieved not only for the great slaughter of his own Soâ—ldiors â—ightâ—ing for their Country native liberty the faith of Iesus Christ so alreâ—dy â—rouned with Mâ—rtyrdome But likewise for the death of the Barbarous Infidels sent down to Hell in great numbers which he overmuch lamented After which battel retiring to Hegelsdun with his forces that were left he immutably resolved in his mind never to fight battel with the Enemies more saying only this that it was necessary that he alone should die for the People and not the whole Nation perish Soon after Hinguars Army being recruted by the access of Hubba to
him with ten thousand men he marched to Hegelsdun and surrounded it that none might escape thence Whereupon King Edmund flying to the Church and casting down his temporal Armes humbly prayed the Father Son and Holy Ghost to give him constancy in his passion Then the Danish Souldiers seising on him brought him from the Church before Hinguar by whose command he was tyed to a tree hard by cruelly whipped a long time then shot through with Darts wherewith his Body was stuck full after which being taken from the tree his Head was cut off from his Body with a bloody sword by the Barbarous Executioner appointed for that purpose and so he died a most glorious Martyr for his Kingdom Country Subjects and Religion to whose memory a famous Monastery was after built Of which William of Malmesbury de Gestis Regum l. 2. c. 13. p. 89. gives this Relation Quibus Artibus Edmundus ita sibi omnis Britanniae de vinxit incolas ut beatum se in primis astruat qui Coenobium illius vel nummo vel valenti illustraret Ipsi quoque Reges aliorum Domini servos se illius gloriantuâ— coronam ei regiam misâ—itant magno si uti volunt redimentes commercio Exactores vectigalium qui alibi Bacchantur fas nefasque juxta metientes ibi supplices cira 〈…〉 sancti 〈◊〉 â—â—ondiâ— litigationes sistunt experti multorum paenam qui perseverandum putarunt which I wiâ—h our Tax-Exactors and Exciâ—ers wouâ—d now remember Whiles the Danes were thus wasting the Kingdoms of Northumberland and the East-Saxons with Fier and Sword and martyring King Edmund Beorred king of Mercians was buâ—â—ed in warring against the Britains who infested the Western parts of his Realm But hearing the Danes had invaded the Eastern part of his Kingdom he came to London and gathering a great Army â—ogether marching wiâ—h iâ— through the Eastern quarters of his Realm he applyed the whole Isle of Ely to his Exchequor taking into his hands all the lands formerly bâ—longing to the Monastery oâ— Medehamsted lying between Stamford Huntindon and Wisebeck assigning the Lands more remote lying scattered through the Country to his Souldiersâ— The like he did with the Lands of the Monastery of St. Pega of Rikirk retaining certain of thâ—m to himself and giving some of them to his Souldiers And the like did he with the Lands of all other Monasteries destroyed totally by the Danes whose Lands by Law eschâ—ated to the Crown and those Lords whose predeceâ—â—ors foundeâ— and endowed â—hem by the slaughter and chasing away of all the Monks Nuns burning of the Monasteries whose Lands thereupon were reâ—umed and confiâ—cated to the Kings Exchequer Et cum caetera Monasteria per Danorum feâ—ocitatem funditus destructa Regali fisco fuerant ascripta denuo et assumpta omnibus Monachis eoruâ— necatis perditis seu penitus fugatis as Ingulphus informs us of the Reaâ—on yet many of the Monks of Croyland escaping the Danes fury and returning soon after thither again electing a new Abbot and repairing their Monastery by degrees as well as that exigency would permit thereupon they enjoyed the sight of the whole Abby and the Isle of Croylanâ— with the self same Liberties and Privileges they had from the bâ—ginning dischardged from all secular services during all the time of this their desolation the Danish wars till the time of its restoration after that till Ingulphus time as he records Nothwithstanding because many of the Monks were slain and the Abby burnt down demolished by the Danes King â—eorred thereupon seised some of their lands into his own hands gave other of their Lands more remote from the Abby to his stipendiary Soldiers And although venerable Abbot Godric took very much paines frequently demanding restitution of them both from King Beorred his Souldiers and very ofâ—en shewed the Charters of the Donors the confirmations of foâ—mer Kings together with his own proper Charter to this Kings yet he received always nothing but empty words from him them whereupon he at last utterly despaired of their restitution Perceiving therefore the overmuch malice of the times et Militiam Regis Terrarum cupidissimam and the Kings Militia and Soldiers most covetous of Lands he resolved with himself in conclusion to passe by these Royal Donations Surdo Temporeâ— in a deaf time being over-glad rejoycing that the Kings grace had granted the whole Island lying round about the Monastery unto it free and discharged from all Regal exactions much more specially to him then at that time which had not happened to many othâ—r Monasteries There departed therefore at that time from the Monastery of Croyland these possessions which never returned to this present day The Mannor of Spalding given to Earl Adelwuâ—fe with all its appurtinances The Mannor of Deeping given to Langâ—er a Knight or Souldier and the Kings Baker with all its appurtenances The Mannor of Croxton given to Fernod a Knight or Souldier the Kings Ensign-bearer with all its appurtenances The Mannors of Kerketon and Kimerby in Lindesy with all their appurtenances given to Earl Turgot but Bukenhale and Halington then appropriated to the Exchequer were afterwards restored to the said Monastery by the Industry of Turketulus Abbot of Croyland and the gift of most pious King Edred the Restorer of themâ— with 12 other Mannors named by Ingulf belonging to Croyland quas Rex Beorredus Fisco suo aâ—sumserat Which King Beorred had then assumed in his Exchequor After which K. Beorred passing with his Army into Lindesey Latissimas Terras Monâ—sterio Bardney totally ruined by the Danes Dudum Pertinentes â—isco suo accepit remotas vero in diversis patriâ—s divisas â—acentes Militibus suis dedit But mark the issue At last the Danes returning into Mercia Anno 874. wasting and spoiling all the Country with fire and sword and destroying all Churches and Monasteries King Beorred when he beheld all the Land of England in every corner thereof wasted with the slaughters and rapines of these Barbarians vel de victoriâ desperans vel â—ot laborum Labyrinthum fastidiens either despairing of victory or loathing the labyrinth of so many troubles left the Kingdom and went to Rome where he died few days after and was there buried in the English School and his Wife following after him died in her way to Rome Some write he was driven out of his kingdom by the Danes Hereupon the Danes Anno 874. substituted in his place in the Realm of Mercia one Ceolwulfus a servant of King Beorreds an Englishman by Nation sed Barbarus impietate but a Barbarian in impiety For he swore fealty and gave pledges to the Danes Quod tributa imposita eis â—idelitèr persolveret that he would faithfully pay unto them the Tributes they imposed and that whensoever they would redemand the Kingdom committed to him He would resign it without any Resistance under pain of losing his
Head Whereupon he as Ingulphus records going round about the Land paucos Rusticos relictos excoriavit Mercatores absorbuit Viduas Orphanos oppressit religiosos omnes tanquam conscios thesaurorum innumeris tormentis afflixit plucked oâ—f the Skins of the few Countrymen that were left swallowed up the Merchants oppressed the Widows and Orphans and afflicted all Religious Persons as conscious of hidâ—en Treasures with innumerable torments whence amongst very many evils he did Impoposing a Tribute of a thousand pounds uâ—on Godric the venerable Abbot of Croyland and his miserable Freers he almost undid the Monastery of Croyland For no man after that by reason of the overmuch Poverty of the place would come to conversion Yea Abbot Godric being unable to sustain his professed Monks dispersed many of the Monks amongst their Parents and other Friends of the Monastery through all the Country very few remaining with him in the Monastery â—nd protracting their life in greatest want Then all the Chalices of the said Monastery except 3. anâ— all the silver Vessels besides the Crucible of King Withlasius and other Jewels very precious being changed into Mony or sold for Mony were scarce able to satisfie the unsatiable covetousness of Ceolwulfe the Vice-roy who at last by his Lords the Danes most just in this after all his Rapines and Oppressions of the People by unjust Taxes and imposts was deposed and stripped naked of all his ill-gotten Treasure even to his very Privities and so ended his life most miserably And the Kingdom also of the Mercians at this very time King Alfred prevailing against the Danes was united to the Kingdom oâ— the West-Saxons and remained so united ever after when it had continued a Kingdom from the first year of Penda the first King thereof to the last times of this miserable Viceroy Ceolwulph about 230 years Of which Kingdom William of Malmesbury thus concludes Ita Principatus Merciorum qui per tumidam gentilis viri insaniam subitó efsloruit tunc per miseram semiviri ignaviam omninó emarcuit Anno Dom. 875. though Speed post-dates its period in the year 886. Whence it is observable that unjust Rapines Taxes Oppressions speedily suddenly destroy both Kings and Kingdoms The next year following Anno 876. Halden king of the Danes seising upon the seditions kingdom of Northumberland sibi eam suisque Ministris distrâ—buit illamque ab exercitu suo coli fecit auobus Annis totally dispossessing the seditious murtherous Northumberlanders thereof who but a little before had expelled both their King and Archbishop out of their Realm This Halden and his Souldiers miserably wasted and destroyed the Churches of God in those parts for which the wrath of God suddenly fâ—ll upon Halden who was not only struck with madnesse of mind but with such a most loathsome disease in his body which much tormented him that the intollerable stink tâ—ereof made him so odious loathsome to â—is whole Army that being contemned and cast out by them all he fled away from Tine only with three Ships and soon after perished with all his Plundering Sacrilegious Followers The Danes elected Guthred king in his stead possessing this seditions Realm of Northumberland till diâ—posseâ—â—ed of it by king Edmund An. 944. who then annexed it to his kingdom Our Noble Saxon King Alfred the first anointed king of England as glorious for his most excellent Laws transcendent Justice and civil Government as for his Martial Exploits Victories and for his incomparable Piety and extraordinary bounty to the Clergy and Learned men comming to the Crown Anno Dom. 87â— in the years 873 874 and sundry years following by common consent of his Wise men commanded long Ships and Gallies to be built throughout the Realm and furnished with Mariners to guard the Seas and eucounter the Danish Ships and Pirates which then infested and wasted the Realm from time to time whose forces he often encountred as well by Sea as by Land with various success At last having obtained the Monarchy of all England and received their Homages and Oaths of Fealty to him he appointed special Guardians to guard the Seas and Sea-costs in all places Whereby he very much freed the Land from the Danes devastâ—tions Abouâ— the year 887. even in the midst of his wars when Laws use to be silent he compiled a body of Ecclesiastical and Canon Laws out of the sacred Scriptures and tâ—e Laws which his pious predecessors Ina Ofâ—a and Ethelbert had religiously made and observed antiquating some of them retaining reforming others of them and adding some new Laws of his own by the advice and counsel of his wisemen of the most prudent of his Subjects the observation of which Laws was enjoyned by the consent of them all Wherein certain fines and penalties were prescribed for most particular offences which might not be alâ—ered or exceâ—ded Amongst other Laws as Andrew Horn and others record this King and his Wisemen ordained That a Parliament twice every year and oftner in time of Peace should be called together at London that therein they might make Laws and Ordinances to keep the People of God from sin that they might live in peacâ— and receive right and Iustice by certain customs and Holy Iudgements and not be ruled in an arbitrary manner but by stable known Laws And it was then agreedâ— that the King should have the Soveraignty of all the Land unto the midst of the Sea invironing the Land as belonging of Right to the Soveraign Jurisdiction of the Crown This King by appointing Hundreds and Tithings throughout the Realm with Constables and Tithing men who were to take sureties or pledges for the good behaviour of all within their Jurisdictions or else the hundred to answer all offences injuries therein committed both to the party and king caused such a general peace throughout the Realm and such security from Robbers and plunderers even in those times of war That he would hang up golden bracelets in the High-ways and none durst touch them and a Girâ— might have travelled safely laden with Gold from one end of the Realm to the other without any violence Matthew Westminster and Florence of Worcester record That he spent a great part of his time in Compoâ—â—tione leâ—um Quibus Milvorum Rapacitatem Reprimeretur â—â—mplex 〈…〉 And amongst many other mâ—morable acts of his Juâ—â—ice as he frequently examined the Iudgements and Proceedings of his Iudges and Iustices severely checking them when they gave any illegal Iudgement against Law and Right meerly out of Ignorance of which they were to purge themselves by Oath that they could judge no better so he severely punished them when they thus offended out of Corruption Partiality and Malice Andrew Horâ— in his Mirrour of Iustices records That he hanged up no less than 44 of his Iudges and Iustices in one year as Murtherers and Capital Offenders princicipally for their false Iudgements in condemning
Guthurn the Dane reconfirmed the Civil and Ecclesiastical Laws formerly made and ratified by his Father King Alfred and Guthurn But Guthurn dying in the year 890 full eleven years before this Edward was king could not possibly ratifie these Laws at the time of this Accord being 16 years after his decease as the Title and Prologue to those Laws in Mr. Lambard and Spelman erroneously affirm wherefore I conceive that this confirmation of these Laws was rather made in the year 921. when all our Historians record that after king Edward Anno 910. had sent an army into Northumberland against the perfidious and rebellious Danes slain and taken many of them Prisoners and miserably wasted their Country for 4 days space for breaking their former Agreement with him after his Sister Aegelfled An. 919. had forced the Danes at York to agree and swear that they would submit to her and her Brothers pleasure in all things and after Edward had vanquished the other Danes Scotch and Welsh in many Battles thereupon in the year 921. the king of Scots with alâ— his Nation Stredded king of Wales with all his people et Regnaldus or Reginaldus Reginald King of the Danes with all the English and Danes inhabiting Northumberland of which Reginald then was King comming to King Edward An. 921. submitted themselves unto him elected him for their Father and Lord and made a firm Covenant with him â— And therefore I conjecture that Guthurnus in the Title and Preface of these Laws is either mistaken or else mis-written for Reginaldus then King of these Northern Danes who had no King in the year 906 that I can read of in our Historians Abbot Ethelred gives this Encomium of this Kings transcendent modesty and justice Rex Edwardus vir mansuetus et pius omnibus amabilis et affabilis adeò omnium in se provocabat affectum ut Scotti Cumbri Walenses Northumbri et qui remanserant Daci eum non tà m in Dominum ac Regem quam in Patrem eum omni devotione eligerent Tanta dehinc Modestia regebat Subditos tanta Justitia inter proximum et proximum iudicabat ut contra veritatem non dico nihil velle sed nec posse videretur unde fertur quibusdam iratus dixisse dico vobis si possem vicem vobis redidissem Quid non posset Rex iu Subditos Dominus in Servos Potens in infirmos Dux in milites Sed quicquid non dictabat aequitas quicquid veritati repugnabat quicquid non permittebat Justitia quicquid Regiam mansuetudinem non decebat Sibi credebat impossibile I wish all our modern domineering Grandees would imitate his presidential Royal Example Yet I read of one injurious Act done by him After the decease of his renowned Sister Elfleda Queen of Mercia Anno 920. he dis-inherited her only Daughter Alfwen or Elwyn his own Neece of the Dominion of all Mercia who held that Kingdom after her Mother seising and Garrisoning Tamesworth and Nottingham first and then disseising her of all Mercia uniting it to his own Realms and removing her thence into West-Sex Magis â—eurans an utilitâ—r vel inutilitèr Quan an justè vel injustâ— Writes Henry Huntingâ—oâ— which inâ—rious action Si violanda sit fides regni caâ—sâ violandae will not excuse The Chronicle of Bromton records that King Edward as he inlarged the bounds of his Kingdom more than his Father So Leges condidit he likewise made Laws to goveâ—n it which are there registred to Posterity in two parcels as made at several times but in what year of his Reign this was it informs us not The first of these Laws declaring his zeal to publick Justice according to the Laws then in Force is this Edwardus Rex mandat et praecipit omnibus Praefectis et Amicis suis ut Justa â—udicia judicent quam rectiora possint Et in judicialâ— Libro stant â— nec parcant nec dissimulent â—pro aliquâ Re Populi Rectum et jus publicum recitaâ—e et unumquodque placitum terminum habeat quando peragatur quod tunc recitabitur The first Chapter of the second part of his Laws intimates that they were made by his Wâ—se men assembled in a Parliamentary Council at Exeter witness the contents thereof Edwardus Rex admonuit Omnes Sapientes quando fuerunt Exoniae ut investigarent simul et quaererent quomodo pax eorum melior esse possit quà m anteà fuit quia visumest ei quod hoc impletum sit aliter quam deceret et quam ante â—praecepisset Inquisivit itaque qui ad emendationem velint redire et in societate permanero quâ ipse sit et amare quod amat et nolle quod nolit in Mari in Terrâ Hoc est tunc Ne Quisquam rectum difforceat alicui Siquis hoc faciat emendet sicut supra dictum est In his first Laws then either made or rehearsed prima vice 30 s. secundâ fimilitèr ad tertiam vicem 120 s. Regi The last Chapter being the VIII in Bromtons translation but the XI in the Saxon Coppy is this Volo ut omnis Praepositus habeat Gemotum an Hundred Court semper ad quatuor hebdomadas et efficiat ut omnis homo rectum habeat et omne placitum capiat terminum quando perveniat ad finem Siquis hoc excipiat emendet sicut antè dictum est King Edward deceasing Aethelstan his eldest Son designed by his Fathers Will to succeed him was elected King at Winchester in the year 924. Magno Optimatum consensu et omnium favore and soâ—emnly Crowned at Kingston only one Alfred and some factious ones opposed his election pretending he was illegitimate and born of a Concubine whereupon they would have set up his Brotheâ— Edwin being legitimate and next heir as they pretended whom the Generality of the Nobles rejected nondum ad regnandum propter teneros Annos Idonâ—o Aethelstan after his Coronation knowing his Brother to be born in lawfull Matrimony and fearing Ne per ipsum quandoque Regni solio privaretur lest he should be some time or other deprived of his kingdom by him hated him extremely and at the sollicitation of some Parasites whereof his Cup-bearer was the chief to be rid of him and this his fear he caused young Edwin attended only with one Page to be put into an old broken Boat in the midst of the Sea without Sail Oare or Pilate that so his death might be imputed to the waves out off which Boat the young Prince in discontent cast himself head-long into the Sea or rather the Page threw him head-long over-board and so was he drownedâ— But the Page recovering his body by rowing with his hands and feet brought it to Land where it was inâ—erred The King was hereat so â—roubed with a real or feigned contrition for this barbarous bloudy fact that he did seven years voluntary penance for this his fratricide and adjudged his Cup-bearer to
a cruel death who gave him this ill advice and to pacifie his Brothers â—host and his own Conscience built two new Monasteries at Middleton and Michelresse and there was scarce any old Monastery in England which he adorned not either with buildings or Ornaments or Books or Landâ— to expâ—ate this his bloody crime In this king Aethelstans reign In the year 927. There were fiery Beams and Meteors seen throughout all the Northern parts of England soon after which Athelstan resolved utterly to extirpate the perfidious Nation of the Danes and treacherous Scots which had violated their Agreement made with his Father whereupon he marched with a great Army by Land and Navy by Sea into Northumberland and Scotland wasted and harrowed the Country without resistance forced Guithfrith King of Northumberland out of his kingdom uniting it to his own Realm vanquished and overcame Howel king of Wales Constantine king of Scots Anlafe the Dane and others in a set battel drove them out of their Realms and forced them to submit to him Who upon their submission knowing the chance of war to be variable and pitying the Cases of these down-cast Princes restor'd them presently to their former estates with this Princely Speech That it was more honour to make a King than to be a King yet these petty Kings Princes rebelling afterwards siding with Anlafe against him were all rouâ—ed by Athelstanâ— King Constantine of Scotland with five more of these Kings 12 Dukes and most of their Army slain in one battel principally by the valor of Turketulus and the Londoners An. 837 Whereupon the petty Kings of Wales contracted to pay him a yearly tribute of 20 pound weight of Gold and 300 of Silver and 25000 head of Cattel with a certain number of Hawks and Hounds which no King of England ever exacted or received from them before William of Malmesâ—ury who exceeds in his praises writes that it was truly reported of him amongst the English Quod nemo Legalius vel literatius rempublicam administraverit That no king governed the Commoâ—weâ—lâ—h more legally or learnedly than he being as Ingulphus records guided and directed by Turketulus his Chancellour a man of great integrity honesty and piety of profâ—und judgement whose decrees upon debate were irrefragâ—ble This king Athelstan for the better administration of Jusâ—ice enacted sundry excellent civil and ecclesiasâ—ical Laws recorded in Bromt. Lamb. Spelm. The first of these his Laws were made and enacted in the famous â—ounâ—il of Grately about the year 928 in which the king himself Wulfehelm Archbishop of Canteâ—bury and the rest of the Bishops and all the Nobles and Wisemen which King Ethelstan could assemble were present who all ordained and confirmed these Laws in this great Council as the last Chapter 〈◊〉 inâ—orms us in â—hese words Totum hoc institutum est et confirmatum In magno Synodo apud Grateleyam cui Archiepiâ—copâ—◠〈…〉 et omnes Optimates et Sapientes quos Adelstanus Rex potuit Congregare Or Cumâ—â— Optimates et Sapientes ab Aetheâ—â—tano evocaâ—â— frequentissimi as another Copy renders itâ— which proves that all the Members of this Council were summoned to it by this kings writ and not elected by the peoples sufâ—rages And although the Archbishops Bishops and other Clergy men were the chief advisers of the Ecclesiastical Lâ—ws made in this Council as this Prologue to them attests Ego Aethelstanus Rex ex prudenti â—lâ—â—elmae Archiepiscopi aliorumque Episcoporum et Servorum Dei consilio mando yet they were all enacted and confirmed by all the Nobles and Wisemen in the Council as the premises evidence In this Council the king commandedâ— by his Laws all his Officers that they should demand and exact from his Subjects such things and duties only as they might justly and lawfully receive adding this memorable reason for it Nunquam enim erit populo bene consultum nec digne Deo conserâ—abitur ubi Lucrum impium et magis falsum diligitur Ideo â—eâ—ent omnes amici Dei quoâ— miquum en enervare quod â—ustum est elevare non paâ—i ut propâ—er falsum et pecuniae quaestum se forisfaciant homines erâ—â—â—ere â—apientem Deum cui displicet omnis injustitia Which I wish all our unrighteous covetous â—â—x-maâ—â—ers Excisers and Exacters would now seriously consider Afâ—er which it follows Chrisâ—ianis autem omnibus necesâ—arium est ut rectum diligant ut iniqua condemnent et saltem sacris Ordinibus erecti justum semper erigant et prava deponant Hinc debent Episcopi cum saeculi Judicibus interesse Judiciis ne permittant si possint ut illinc aliqua pravitatum germina pullulaverint And to avoid all arbitrary proceedings oppressions and Injustice in all things this Council by positive Laws ascertains all fines amerciaments imprisonments and corporal punishments for criminal offences from which the Iudges might not vary And withall defines what Armes every man should â—ind in those times of war against the Danes and other Enemies by his positive Law Lex 21. Sax. 16. Omnis homo habebit duos homines cum bonis equis de omni Carucâ King Ethelstane after this Council at Grately what years is not expressed assembled several other Parliamentary Councils at Exeter Fevresham and Thunderfeld wherein he and his Wisemen by common consent confirmed the Laws made at Grately altering some of them in certain particulars and adding some new Laws unto them as you may read at large in Bromâ—on and as the first Chapâ—er and this Prologue to those Laws assure us ` Haec sunt Judicia quae Sapientes Exonâ—ae consilio Adelstani Regis instituerunt iterum 〈◊〉 Fevresham â— et tertia vice apud Thundresfeldiam ubi hoc definitum simul et confiâ—matum est et hoc imprimis est ut observentur omâ—ia Judicia quae apud Gratelâ—yam imposita fuerint praeter mercatum Civitatis et Diei Dominicae The Cause of making these new Laws and confirming the old was a Complaint to the King in the Council at Exeter that the Peace and Laws made at Grateley were not so well kept as they should be and that Theâ—ves and Malefactors abounded as this Prologue manifests Ego Adelstanus Rex notifico vobis sicut dictum est Michi quod pax nostra pejus observata est quam Michi placet vel apud Grateleyam fuerit institutum Et Sapientes Michi dicunt quod hocdiutius pertuli quà m debueram Nunc inveni cum illis Sapientibus qui apud Exoniam fuerint mecum in sancto Natali Domini quod parati sunt omnino quando velim cum seipsis uxoribus pecunia omni re suâ ire quo tunc voluero nisi malefactores requiescant eo tenore quo nunquam deinceps in patriam istam redeant c. In the Council of Fevresham in Kent the King by some of his Wise-Counsellors sent thither to it propounded some things for the weal
exhibuisset Which intimates that this King consulted with an assembly of his Nobles a-about his Sisters Marriage to the King of France as a mater of Parliamentary consideration Ingulphus Hist. p. 876 877 878. records that Turketulus was his Chancellor and chief Counsellour who affected not Honors and Riches refuâ—ed many Bishopricks offered him by the King Tanquam â—endiculas Satanae ad animas evertendas and would never accept of any Bishishoprick all his life being Content only with his own Lands and Wages That all his Decrees were so just and legal that they remained irrevocable when once made That he was a great Souldier and fought most valiantly against the Danes and often gloried and said He was most happy in this that he had never murdered nor maimed any one Cum pugnare â—ro patria maximè contra Paganos licite quisque possit He esteeming the slaughter of such Pagan Enemies in defence â—f his Country lawfull and no murther nor maim King Aethelstan deceasing without iâ—â—ue his Brother Edmund succeeded him An. 940. who upon the false suggestions of some of his Souldiers and Courtiers dedeprived Dunstan whom he had made his Chancellour and one of his privy Conâ—cil year ranked amongst the Royal Palatines and Princes of his Realm of all his dignities and Offices The very next day after being like to break his Neck as he rod a hunting over a steep Rock had not his horse miraculously stopped at the Rocks brink in his full carier he immediatly sent for Dunstan and to repair the injury done him rod presently â—o Glastonbury and made him Abbot thereof Presently after Anlaâ—fe King of Norwey whom Aethelstan had driven out of the Kingdom of Northumberland came with a great Navy and Army to York being called in by the persidious and rebellious Northumberlanders who instantly revolted to him and elected him for theâ—r King Whereupon he marching Southward wiâ—h a puissant Army purposing to subjugate the Realm of England to himself King Edmund gathering his forces together encountred him and after a bloody battel fought a whole day between them at Leicester with great loss on both sides Odo Archbishop of Canterbury and Welstan Archbishop of York perceiving the danger on both parts and the Destruction of the Realm made this Agreement between them that Anlaffe should quietly enjoy the whole Northeast part of England lying North of Watlingstreet and Edmund all the Souâ—hern part thereof during their joynt Lives and the Survivor of them enjoy the whole Realm after the others decease Bâ—t Anlaffe soon after wasting the Church of St. Balter and burning Tivinagham with fire was presently seised on by Gods avenging Iudgement and miserably ended his life About the year 940. Hoel Dha Prince of all Wales sent for six Laymen eminent for authority and knowledge out of every Kemut or hundred of his Realm and all the Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors of his Realm digniâ—ied with a Pastoral staff who continuing all togâ—ther in prayer fasting and consultation all the Lent did in this Welsh Paâ—liament make and enact many Civil and Ecclesiastical Laws which they divided into 3 parts and books â—or the better Government of the Realm and Church which you may read in Spelman In the 22 Law whereof they thus determine Tres autem sunt homâ—nes quorum nullus potest per Legem impignoraâ—e contra aliquod Iudicium Primus est Rex ubi non poterit secundum Legem in Lite stare coram judice â—uo agendo vel respondendo per dignitatem naturalem vel per dignitatem terrae ut Optimas vel alius So that by the Laws of those times nor only the Kings of England but even the petty Kings of Wales were by their very Natural and Royal Dignities exempted from all personall Tryals and Iudgements against them in any Courts of Iustice seeing they had no Peers to be tryed by In the year 940 Reingwald or Reginald the Dane comming with a great Navy into Northumberland slew most of the best Inhabitants of that Realm or drove them out of it He likewise seized upon all the Lands of St. Cutbert and gave his Lands to two of â—is Souldiers one of them called Scula who afflicted the miserable Inhabitants with Grievous aud intollerable Tributes whence even unto this day the Yorkshire-men as often at they are compelled to pay Tributum Regale A Royal Tribute endeavour to impose a pecuniary Mulct on the Land which this Scula possessed for the easing of themselves Scilicet Legem deputant quod Paganus per Tyrannidem fecerat qui non legitimo Regi Anglorum sed barbaro et aliegenae Regis Anglorum hosti militabat Nec tamen quamvis multum in hoc Laboraverint Pravam Consuetudinem huc usque Sancto Cuthberto resistente Introducere potuerunt writes Simeon Dunelmensis The other part of those Lands one Onlasbald seised upon who was much more cruel and oppressive to all men than Scula extraordinarily vexing the Bishop Congregation and People of Saint Cutbert and particularly seising upon the Land belonging to the Bishoprick Whereupon the Bishop oft endeavouring by perswasion to draw him to God and entreating him to lay aside the obstinate rigor of his mind and refrain himself from the unlawfull Invasion of the Churches Lands else if he conâ—temned his admonitions God and St. Cutbert would severely avenge the Injuries done by him to them and others He with a diabolical mind contemning his admonitions and Threats swore by his Heathen Gods that he would from thenceforth be a more bitter Enemie towards St. Cuthbert and them all than ever he was before Whereupon the Bishop with all his Monks falling prostrare on the earth earnestly prayed to God and his holy Confessor to annul those proud Tyrants Threats who was then comming into the place where they were praying having one foot within the Door and the other without in which posture he stood there immovably fixed as if both his feet had been nayled being able neither to go out nor come in but standing immovable till being long thus tortured he there gave up his miâ—erable soul in the place with which example all others being terrified would no further presume by any means to invade the Land nor any thing else belonging of right to the Church Anno 941. the Rebellious o Northumberlanders preferring disloyalty before the Fealty which they owed unto Magnificent Edmund King of England elected Anlaff King of the Norâ—eyans for â—heir King Son to the former Anlaff who perishing suddenly for his Sacrilege as aforesaid he and Reginald the Son of Garthfrith after their Baptism breaking their faith and Agreement with King Edmuâ—d by invading his Dominions Edmund thereupon by force of Armes expelled them both out of the Realm of Northumberland and united it to his own kingdom and wrested Lincoln Nottingham Derby Leicester and Stamford out of the hands oâ— the Usurping insolent oppressing Danes with all Mercia subduing and reducing the
secretly about him ript up the Kings bowels and slew him with it which the Knights and Souldiers perceiving rushed all upon the Thief and with their Swords and Knives chopped all his flâ—sh and bones into small pieces Some â—istorians write that he slew some of the Kings followers likewise and wounded more of them and so escaped in the midst of the Tumult Sicque clarum regalis Convivii principium nebulosus rerum Gestarum exitus terminavit Communi ergo decretum Concilio It was thereupon decreed by a Common Council that his Body should be interred in Glastonbury Abby Abbot Ethelred gives this Encomium of him Erat autem patâ—is Edwardi in omnibus imitabitor homo simplex rectus et timens Deum et usque ad sinem vitae suae permanens in innocentiâ suâ Edred his Brother succeeded him the same year in the Throne and was crowned King at Kingston by Odo Archbishop of Canterbury Edwin and Edgar King Edmunds Sons being put by because of their Infancy quia tepugnante legiâ—iâ—â â—tate paâ—ri succedere non valebant as Matthew Westminster renders the reason No sooner was he crowned but entring into Northumberland with a great army he subdued the rebellious Northumberlanders who refused to bear the yoak of his government reducing them all under his obedience Wherupon Wulstan Arcâ—bishop of York and all the Nobles of the Northumberlanders swore fealty to King Edred which they did not long observe After which King Edred enâ—red with Banners displayed into Scoâ—land whereupon the Scots strucken with a fear without any resistance or war swore homage and fealty to him as to their true Lord as well as the Northumberlanders which Oath they soon violated For no sooner was Edred returned with his Army into the Southern parts but Anlaff who was chasâ—d out of Northumberland returning thither again with a great Fleet was joyfully received by the Norâ—humberlanâ—â—râ— â—nd restored by them to the Throne of the Kingdom which he kept by force near four years But in the fourth year the Northumberlanders using their accustomed treachery aud disloyalty chased away their King Anlaff and received Hirc or Eâ—icus sâ—n of Harald â—or their king who held the kingdom but a short time for the People of the Country not long enduring any king as they haâ— lightly received Hirc for their kingâ— so in the third â—ear of hiâ— Reign they as lightly rejected himâ— and calling king Eâ—red to them of their own accord receiâ—ed him again for their Soveraign and sâ—t him in 〈…〉 others relate That king Edred Anno 948 was so incensed with the Northumberlanders for their treachery towards him in chusing Hirc for their king against their Oath of Allegiance sworn to him that he wasted all Norshumberland with fire and sword and famine et penè ex hominibus delevit But some of the Northumberlanders in his return from thence sallying out of York with their forces cut off some of the Rear of his Army ar Cesterford wherwith king Edred was so enraged that he resolved presently to return et totam illam terram penitus desere and ututterly to destroy all that Country Which the Northumberlanders hearing they were so terrified that they rejected their new King Hirc and received Edred for their Soveraign satisfying the King with Honors and the Damages and Wrongs they had done unto him with Gifts and no small Sums of Mony These treacherous Rebellious Northumberlanders after Edred and Hirc had no particular King at all to rule over them but only Dukes whose names and successions with their Treachery towards and Rebellions against them you may read at leisure in Roger Hoveden who subjoyns the History of them immediately to this relation This King Edred about the year 951. close imprisoned Wulstan Archbishop of York in Withaubrig and suspended him from his Archbishoprick near a whole year for certain causes of which he had been frequently accused to him but especially for countenancing and harbouring the rebellious perjured Northumberlanders and the Danes a Heathen people who not only sought to destroy his Native Country but also to root out Christian Religion for which he deserved a thousand deaths and exciting them both against his Soveraign King Edred contrary to their Oath and for killing the Citizens of Thetford in a tumultuous manner in revenge of the death of Abbot Adelm whom they had causelesly murdered Norwithstanding all which about a year after he was enlarged and restored to his Bishoprick Malmesbury and Abbot Ethâ—lred record of king Edred that he made his Palace altogether a School of Virtues obeying Dunstans Counsels in all things et Justissimis Legibus subdiâ—os Regens and governed his Subjects by most just Laws I read only of one Great Parliamentary Council held under King Edred and that was at London in the year 948. in the Feast of the Virgin Maries Nativity Cui Universi Magnates Regni per Regium edictum Summoniti tam Archiepiscopi Episcopi Abbates quam Caeteri totius Regni Proceres Optimates Londini convenissent ad tractandum de negotiis publicis totius Regni as Ingulphus and others record In which Parliamentary Council when all the publike affairs were finished which as it seems concerned the making and carrying on of that war against the Rebellious Treacherous Northumberlanders who brake their faith with King Edred and set up a King of the Danish race as aforesaid the King in the presence and by the consent of them all restored granted and re-confirmed by his Charter dictated by Abbot Turketulus heretofore his Chancellour all the Lands and Liberties formerly granted by Kings and others to the Abbey of Croyland with sundry Mannors then given to it by Turketulus himself wherein amongst other Liberties he granted to the Monks quod sint quiâ—ti soluti ab omni Scotto Geldo auxiliis Vicecomitum Hydagio ab Secta in Schiris Wapuntakis Hundredis Thrichingis omnibus omnibus aliis curis saeculi oneribus universis This Charter was subscribed and ratified with the sign of the Cross by all the Archbishops Bishops Abbots aâ—d Nobles who gave both their Counsels and Assents thereto as their subscriptiâ—ns testifie that â—o it might be firm and perpetual In the beginning of which Charter this King to shew that he held his Crown only from and under God thus stiles himself Ego Edredus Rex terrenus sub imperiali potentia Regis saeculorum aeternique Principis Magnae Britanniae gerens Imperium c. About the year of Christ 950 Nogui a Welsh King being overmuch incensed with one Arcoit wasted his Lands and with too much fury violated the Sanctuary to which he sled Whereupon Pater Bishop of Landaâ—fe assembled all the Clerks of his Diocess in a Synod to punish this Sacrilege and breach of Sanctuary Which the King hearing of desired pardon of the Bishop and whole Synod for these offences in the Church of Mainnon restoring all
the things of the Church he had taken away with satisfaction and effusion of Tears Whereupon to obtain pardon and absolution for the penance they enjoyned him he gave the parish of Guidcon with all the Lands Liberties and Commons apperâ—aining thereunâ—o to God and the Bishops of Landaffe for ever to be held in Frankalmoighne Some five years after Anno 955. Ily a Deacon slaying one Merduter and slying into a Church for Sanctuary thereupon his kinsâ—olk and some of king Nogui his family forcibly entring into the Church flew Ili before the Altar sprinkling his blood both upon the Altar and Walls of the Church Whereupon Pater Bishop of Landaffe assembled a Synod of all the Priests Deacons and Ecclesiastical persons within his Diocess to excommunicate the Delinquents which King Nogui and his Nobles hearing of fearing the Malediction of the Church the weight whereof they duâ—st not undergoe sent for the Bishop and upon conâ—ultation by advice of the Doctors of both sides delivered up the Murderers into the Bishops hands who sent them to the Monastery of St. Teliavi where they were kept 6 Moneths in Iron Chains Aftâ—r which they were excommuuicated Synodo quoque Judicanâ—e definiâ—um est unusquisque eorum suum agrum suamque totam substantiam insuper pretium animae suae id est septem Libras Argenti redderet Ecclesiae quam maculaverat determinantibus omnibus Divino Judicio c. The Bishop rising up in the midâ—â— of them holding the Gospel in his hand said to Nogui lay thy hand upon this Gospel Whereupon Nogui laying his hand upon it said Sit haec terra cum incolis suis in sempiterna consecraâ—ione Deo c. Patri Episcopo omnibus Episcopis Landaviae Libera ab omni Laicali servitio nisi tantum in oratione quoâ—idianâ in perpetuo It seems the petty Welsh Kings and their Courtiers were all subject in those dayes to the Censures and excommunications of their Synods for their Sacrilege and other unrighteous Actions infringing the Churches Liberties That their Synods had a Iudiciary Power and that they could not convey Lands to the Church but by the Consent and Iudgement of their Synods which attested and ratified the same as you may read in Spelman Who likewise informs us of another Welsh Synod held at Landaffâ— about the year 988. wherein Arithmail Son of Nogui King of Guenti slaying his Brother Elised was for this execrable Fratricide excommunicated by Gucan Bishop of Landaâ—fe and all the Synod who thereupon submitting to the penance therein enjoyned him gave certain Lands for ever in Frankalmoighne to God and all the Bishops of Landaffe to purchase his absolution King Edred deceasing to the great grief of all hiâ— Subâ—ects his Nephew Edwin formerly put by the Crown for his Nonage was thereupon though young crowned King at Kingston by Archbishop Odo An. 955. but in the second year of his reign 957. the Mercians anâ— Northumberians wholly cast off their obedience to him and conspiring alltogether by unanimous consent rejecting him from being their King elected his Brother Edgar for their Sovereign Lord Deo dictante annuente populo VVhereupon the kingdom was divided between them by the bounds of the River of Thames VVhat was the true Cause of this deposition and rejection of Edwin is very doâ—btfull William of Malmesbury Hovedeu Matthew Westminster Dunelmensis Bromton Henry de Knighton Abbot Ethelred Hygden Florence of Worcester and most of our old Historians being Monks and over-much devoted to their Arch-Patron Dunstan record That the true Causes thereof were First His ill lascivious Life and Incontinency with Alfgiva his Concubine as they write and near kinswoman from whom Archbishop Odo divorced him and likewise with sundry other Concubines which he entertained in his Court whom Odo excommunicated and banished thence 2. His Indiscret and Tyrannical Gvernment contrary to his Laws 1. In slighting depressing and destroying the Nobles and Wisemen of the Realm who disgusted his lascivious Courses and in favouring ignorant unjust vicious persons and following their most wicked Counsels 2. In banishing Abbot Dunstan and seising upon all his Goods only for Justice sake because he reprehended him foâ— his exorbitant vicious Courses being then the chief swaying Grandee and head of the Monkish faction 3. In forcibly thrusting out by Armed Souldiers all the Regular Monks throughout England and casting them forth of the Monasteries there being then no Regular Monks in any Monasteries but only in Glastonbury and Malmesbury as the Chronicles of Winchester and others record then seizing upon all their wealth and bestowing their Lands and Monasteries on secular and maried Priests and afflicting these Monks in sundry other kinds But Henry Arch-Deacon of Huntington an antient judicious impartial old Historian flourishing in the year 1148â— mentions none of these particulars in his life but gives this honorable Testimony of his Government thaâ— it was both prosperous â—lourishing and laudable Rex Edwi non illaudabiliter Regni infulam tenuit Anno Râ—gni sui Quiuto cum in principio Regnum ejus decentissimè â—loreret prospera et laetabunda exordia mors immatura perrupit And therefore Archbibishop Parker Bishop Godwin Speed and others conceive that the true cause why the Mercians and Noâ—thumbrians those only not the rest of his subjects and kingdom rejected him and sâ—t up his Brother Edgar whose lasciviousness was more excessive and vices more extorbitant in some degrees than Edwins which yet our former Monkish Historians blanch or excuse was the Malice of Dunstan and Odo the Pillars and Oracles of the Monkish Clergy who stirred up the Merciaus and seditious rebellious Northumbrians against him to set up Edgar in his stead who was totally devoted to them and Dunstan by whose Counâ—els he was afterwards wholy guided and built no less than 47 new Monasteries for the Monks besides all those he repaired inâ—ending to build three more had he lived to make them 50 compleat and likewise cast out the secular and maried Priests out of all Monasteries and Churches unless they would become Monks reâ—lenishing all Monasteries Churches with Monks alone They likewise inform us that the true causes of kings Edwins banishing Dunstan ejecting the Monks and seising their Lands and Treasures was That Dunstâ—n had so bewitched Edmund Edward Athelstan and Aedred his Predecessors with the love of Monkery as that they noâ— only took vioâ—ently from maried Priests â—heir livings to erect monasteries but also lavishly wasted much oâ— their own Royal Treasures Lands and Revenues upon them which they should have rather employed in resisting the common Enemies of God and their Country the Danes whereupon Edwin perceiâ—ing that all the wealth of the Land was crept into Monasteries not only refrained to bestow more on them but recalled divers of those prodigal Gifts his Predecessors had granted them which the Monks refusing to renâ—er upon demand he seizeâ— upon them by armed Officers as having indeed cheated
his Predecessors and defrauded the Kingdom of them They adde hereunto that King Edrid had committed all his chief Houshold-stuff Plate Records and tâ—e Treasures of all the Realm with all the Magazines he had gotten to Dunstans custody and laid â—hem up in â—he Monastery at Glastonbury yea he committed his Kingdom body and Soul unto him So as all was wholly in Dunstans power who alone managed all the publick affairs of the Realm and exercised Regal Authority And when King Edred in his sicknesse demanded all his Housholdstuff Jewels Monies and Treasures from him Dunstan pretending to fetch them before he returned with them Dustan heard a voice as our Monkish Writers fable that Edred was dead in the Lord and thereupon detained them in his and his Monks custody being unwilling to part with them to young King Edwin his Successor whereupon he seised on them by force as of righâ— belonging to him and expelled Dunstan with his Monks And so much the rather because Dunstan presumed most impudently and violently to rush into his Bed-chamber and pull him out forcibly thence on the very day of his Coronation contrary to all Christian and Princely â—odesty from the embraces of his beautifull and beloved Alfgina which some Monks and these Historians report to be his lawfull wife â—not his Concubine and not content therewith he excited Odo Archbishop of Canterbury publickly to divorce her from him some say for consanguinity only and others for other Reasons Whereupon the king betaking himself to his Concubines Odo suspended him from the Church excommunicated all his Concubines caused one of them whom the king best affected to be violently fetched out of the Court with armed Men branded her in the forehead with an hot Iron and then banished her into Ireland After which she returning into England Odo apprehended her the second time and cut off her Sinews at the Hock-bone All which intollerable Affronts so incensed Edwin that he banished and spoyled Dunstan with his Monks as aforesaid and threatned Odo with severe punishments none others in the Realm but these daring then to oppose him hereupon they formerly and then bearing the greatest sway by way of revenge and to preveut Edwins further fury against them stirred up the Mercians and Northumbrians to reject him and that in a tumultuous manner by force of Arme in which Uproar Edgar gained possession of half his Kingdom Matthew Parker and Sir Henry Spelman out of him subjoyns that by these civil dissentions raised between King Edwin and his Brother Edgar they much weakned the forces of the Realm in many set Battels fought between them till at last Edgar getting the better Convocato ad Branfordiam Regni concilio Fratris Edwini acta et decreta rescendit Assemblong a Council at Brandford he repealed all the Acts and Decrees of his Brother King Edwin restored to the Churches and Monasteries the Treasures he had taken from them recalled Dunstan from his former banishment and made him first Bishop of Worcester then of London and last of all of Canterbury Henry de Knyghton a Canon of the Abbey of Leicester relates out of the History of Leicester Abbey That Edwin being expulsed and shamefully thrust out of his kingdom for his evil life and exorbitant actions done against the Church the Monarchy of England continued void above a year Whereupon many murders and wickednesses were committed and infinite mischiefs happened amonst the people for want of Government until holy men both of the Clergy and People deeply affected therewith humbled themselves and uncessantly repented of their sins and prayed day and night to God that he would hear them and mercifully relieve them in so great necessity giving them such a King who might govern the Realm of England in such sort as might redound to the honour of God and profit of the Realm That God beholding their prayers from on high in the night silence this voice was heard from God That they should crown Edgar King though but then a youth who rejoyced with this Divine Oracle most likely by the Monks and Dunstans Legerdemain the Divine Oracle that uttered it speedily advanced Edgar to be King being but 16 years old and so he was elected and crowned King by a divine Oracle which never hapned to any King of England in former times Upon Edgars Coronation and Dunstans restitution An. 959. K. Edwin reigning in a decayed Estate living in little Esteem and wiâ—hout being desired for very grieâ— thereof as some write he died after he had for 4 years space Libidinosiè simul Tyrannicè lustfully and also Tyrannically depressed the Realm of England Others aâ—firm that he was deprived both of his Life and Kingdom by the Rebellion of his Subjects But his Monkish Oâ—posiâ—es record that he was taken away by an untimely Death by Gods Iust Iudgement in the year of our Lord 959. Whereupon his Brother Edgar ab omni populo electus being elected king by all the people united the kingdom into one and obtained the intire Monarchy of the Realm the kings of Cumberland Scotland and Wales â— voluntarily submitting and doing homage to him without any effusion of blood or war King Edgar About the year of our Lord 963. contrived the death of Earl Ethelwald who as some Authors aver against his trust had cheated him of Elfrida only Daughter of Ordgarus Duke of Devonshire the Paragon of her Sex by disparaging her beauty to the king and marrying her to himself After which the king being extraordinarily ravished with the true reporr and sight of her transcendent beauty thereupon as Bromtons Chronicle relates statim post octo dies Rex Parliamentum suum apud Sarisberiam convocavit Ubi cunctis suis Proceribus congregatis de custodia terrae Northumbriae qualiter contra ingressum Danorum melius posset custodiri tractaverunt inter quos Ethelwolfus ad Custodiam Eboraci patriae adjacentis in illo erat Concilio deputatus A clear Evidence That Matters of defence against Common Enemies and Guardians of the Sea-coasts against the Danes Invasions were then debated and setled by the King and his Nobles in Parl. then usually summoned by our Kings for that end Hereupon Earl Ethelwolfe travelling through the Forrest of Werewell towards his new VVardship was there cruelly assaulâ—ed and murdered by some unknown armed perâ—ons there placed in ambuscado by the king as was commonly reported and as some relate by king Edgar himself who shot him through with an Arrow as they were there hunting together The slain Earls Bastard-Son being â—here present beholding his dead Corps the king demanded of him how such a hunting pleased him who answered very well my Lord and King for that which pleaseâ—h you ought not to displease me which answer â—o pacified this kings swelling mind that he loved no person more entirely all his life than this Young man Tyrannici facti offensam in Patrem sedulitate Regiâ in filium allevans writes
if our Monkish Historians may bee credited frustrated this design For though the Queen and her Complices out of their transcendent malice which O that some of late times had not overmuch imitated Inimicitias quas viventi ingesserunt in mortuum protelantes sepelierunt â—um fine Regio honore apud Warhamâ— ut sicut vitam ejus extinxerant ita et nomen ejus extinguerent hic vero compertum est contra divinam providentiam non sufficere pravum cor hominis et inscrutabile Quem enim perfidi terris abjicerant Deus coelo gloriosè suscepit et memoriae aeternae insignivit eum Dominus cujus mentionem Proditores obnubulare studuerant But mark the sad sequel of this prodigious Regicide Proditione Gentis suae perfidae thus registred by Henry Huntindon an impartial Historian Inde Dominus iterum ad iram provocatus est et plus solito irritatus Genti pessimae malum inextricabile conferre cogitavit et quod facere paraverat non distulit Veneruntque Dani et operuerunt Angliam quasinubes coeli To which William of Malmsbury subjoyns Creditumque et celebritèr vulgatumâ— quod propter Elfridae in Edwardum insolentiam multo post tempore tota patria servitutem infremuisset Barbaricam Take the summ of his Reign Murther Saintship in these words of Abbot Ethelred Translato ad coelestia Regna Rege Eadgaroâ— in reâ—no terreno filius ejus Edwardus successit Qui injuste ab impâ—â—s interfectus tum 〈…〉 tum ob mortis 〈◊〉 tatem Sancti Nomen et Meritum Deo donante promeruit being afterward translated to Shaftsbury and there honourably enshrined King Edward being thus treacherously murdered on the 17th day of April Anno 978. when he had reigned only 3. years and 8. moneths by hereditary Succession thereupon on the 8. of May 979. his half-brother Ethelred was crowned King at Kingston by both the Archbishops Dunstan and Oswald and ten Bishops more in the presence of the Nobles much against Dunstans will And although Ethelred so much lamented his Brothers murder being then but a child of ten years old not active to promote this Treacherous plot and so detesting it that his Mother Elfrida in a rage whipped him for it with candles for want of a rod which made him abhor candles all his life yet Dunstan full of a propheticall Spirit at the very time of his Coronation told him that he and his Posterity together with the whole kingdom should suffer grievous tribulation all his reign using these words then unto him Beâ—ause thou hast aspired to the Kingdom by the death of thy Brother whom thy Mother murdered therefore hear the word of the Lord Thus saith the Lord The Sword and Bloud shall not depart from thy House nor from the Nation but shall rage against thee all the days of thy Life slaying thy séed until thy Kingdom shall be translated to another Realm and Nation whose Customs and Language that Nation over which thou reignest knoweth not quâ— eos in ulâ—imâ—m redâ—gat servitutem who shaâ—â— reduce them into the extremest Bondage for conspiring with thy ignominious Mother against the Bloud of thy Brother Neither shaâ—â— thy fin nor the sin of thy Mother Nor the sin of those who were privy to her wicked Counsell that they might stretch out an hand against the Lords anointed to slay him be expiated but by a long Revenge and much effusion of bloud Which accordingly came to pass and let all others whom it concerns most nearly with our whole English Nation now seriously reminde it This Prophecie was presently after seconded with a prodigious Cloud spread and seen over all England sundry nights which appeared sometimes bloudy other times fiery and then changing it self into divers sort of flashings and colours vanished about the morning The very next year following the barbarous Danes invaded England burnt Southampton killing and carrying away Prisoners almost all the Inhabitants thereof after which they infested and wasted the Isle of Teneth and City of West-Chester invading England every year with new forces til they had laid the whole kingdom desolate expelled King Ethelred with his Queen and Children into foreign patts and possessed themselves both of the Crown aud Realm as absolute Soveraigns And here before I proceed further I cannot but take special Notice of Gods admirable retaliating Justice inflicted upon some of our Saxon usurping Regicides and their Posterities worthy our saddest contemplation King Edgar as I touched before injuriously usurped upon his elder Brother King Edwyn and by force of arms deprived him of half his Crown and kingdom at first and of his whole Realm if not life too at last But within few years after by Gods avenging hand his best beloved eldest Son and heir King Edward to whom he bequeathed the Crown at his death was first opposed in his Succession and soon after most treacheâ—ously butchered by his own Queen and younger Son who invaded the Crown by his slaughter King Edgar treacherously slew Earl Ethelwold as you have read to espouse his wife Elfreda Crown her for his best beloved Queen who no doubt was consenting to if not the contriver of his murder as he was hunting in Worel Forest. And she to requite this murder kills his own Son and heir King Edward as he came from hunting in a Forest not very far distant from the same place Elfere Earl of Mercia the Queens chief Counseller and Instrument to murther and dethrone King Edward whom he stabbed to death with his own hands as Malmesbury records though to expiate this crime he soon after honourably translated his Corps from Warham to Shaftsbury-Minster yet by Gods avenging wrath about a year after his whole body was eaten up of Lice and Worms so that he died most miserably Queen Alfrida the chief Plotter of this murder soon after the fact was struck with such horror of conscience for this bloudy Regicide that to pacifie the pangs thereof and expiate the guilt of his crying bloud she built two Monasteries at Almesbury and Warwel and casting off her royal robes and State entred into the later of them where she afflicted her self with sackcloth fasting weeping and severe penance unto the day of her death bewailing this bloudy crime all the remainder of her life The whole English Nation who were either consenters to or overgreat connivers at their Soveraigns Murther which they never publikely questioned nor revenged were not only stricken consumed with all sorts of Plagues and strange diseases but uncessantly invaded oppressed spoiled captivated conquered murderated and almost quite extirpated by the barbarous Danes who usurped the Soveraignty over them for three Generations being made a spectacle of divine Justice both to Angels and Man As for King Ethelred himself though then an infant he purchased nothing else by his Brothers blood but a Crown of Thorns and Cares living in perpetual warrs cares fears wants distresses being crossed in all his designs warrs by
soon after maried the Kings daughter Edith whereby he had the better opportunity to betray the King and kingdom with less suspition King Ethelred though often vexed with the wars and invasions of these forein Enemies yet he had a care to make good Laws for the benefit peace and safety of his people whereupon having thus made Peace with the Danes An. 1007. he summoned and held a Great Parliamentary Council at Aenham on the Feast of Easter at the exhortation of Aelfeag Archbishop of Canterbury and Wulstan Archbishop of Yorke who together with the rest of the Bishops and all the Nobles of England were present at it Regis Aethelredi Edicto concrepante acciâ—i sunt convenire Where they all 〈…〉 de catholicae cultu Religionis reparando deque etiam rei statu publicae reparando vel consulendo plura et non pauca utpote divinitus â—inspirati ratiocinando sermocinabantur In this Council they debated resolved on divers things and enacted many wholesom Laws and Edicts for the reformation and setling of Religion and Churchmen the advancement of Gods worship the Government of the Church and State the advancement of civil Justice and honesty and defence of the Realm by Land and Sea beginning with the things of God and the Church in the first place which you may read at large in Sir Henry Spelman Some Laws whereof I shall here transcribe being very pertinent to my subject Cap. 5. Sapientes decernunt Ut Leges quique coram Deo eâ— hominibus aequas â—â—atuant et tueantur iniquas autem omnino deleant justitiam pauperi atque diviti pari exhibentes lance et pacem insuper et concordiam piè in hoc seculo coram Deo et hominibus retinentes Cap. 6. Sapientes etiam decernunt Ut nemo Christianum et inâ—ontem pretio tradat extra patriam praesertim in Pagani alicujus servitium Cap. 7. Sapientes etiam decernunt Ut pro delicto modico nemo Christianum morti adjudicet sed in misericordia potius Leges administret ad utilitatem populi et non pro modico eum perdat qui est opus manuum Dei et mercimonium ejus magno comparatum pretio De quolibet autem Crimine acuratius decernito sententiam praebens juxta factum mercedem juxta meritum ita scilicet ut secundum divinam clementiam levis sit poena et secundum humanam fragilitatem tolerabilis Cap. 9. Nemo dehinc in posterum Ecclesiae servitium imponat nec clientelam Ecclesiae injuriis afficiat nec Ministrum Ecclesiae ejiciat inconsulto Episcopo Cap. 21. Veâ—ba et opâ—ra rectè quisque disponat er Jusjurandum pactamque fidem cautè teneat Omnem etiam Injustitiam è patriae finibus quâ poterit industriâ quisque ejiciat et perjuria formidanda Cap. 22. Urbium Oppidorum Arcium atque Pontium instauratio sedulo fiat prout opus fuerit restaurentur renoventur vallis et fossis muniantur et circumvallentur Militaris etiam et Navalis Profectio uti imperatum est ob universalem utique necessitatem Cap. 23. De Navali Expeditione sub Paschate Cavendum etiam est ut celerius post Paschatis festum Navalis expeditio Annuo sit parata Si quis Navem in Reipublicae expeditionem designatum vitiaverit damnum integrè restituito et pacem Regis violatam compensato Si verò eam ita prorsus corruperit ut deinceps nihili habeatur plenam luito injuriam et laesam praeterea Majestatem So one translation out of the Saxon Copy reads it but another thus Naves per singuloâ— annos ob patriae defensionem et munitionem praeparentur poâ—ique sacrosanctum Paâ—cha cum cunctis utensilibus competentibus fimul congregentur Qua etiam poena digni sunt qui Navium detrimentum in aliquibus perficiunt notum cunctis esse cupimus Quicunque aliquam ex Navibus per quampiam inetriam vel per incuriam vel negligentiam corruperit et tamen recuperabilis sit Is navis corruptelam vel fracturam ejusdem per solidam prius recuperet Regique deinde ea quae pro ejuâ—dem munitionis fractura sibimet pertinet ritè persolvat Cap. 24. De Militiam deâ—ractante Si quis de Profectione militari cui Rex intererit sine licentia se substraxerit in detrimentum currat omnium fortunarum These three last Lawes most clearly demonstrate that the Militia and Military affairs of this age with all their Provisions of Arms Ships for defence of the Realm by Land and Sea against the invading Danes and other Enemies with their Military Laws and all other apurtenances thereto belonging were ordered and setled in their General Councils by common consent Cap. 26. Si quis vitae Regis insidiabitur sui ipsius vitae dispendio et quas habet rebus omnibus poenas luito Sin negaverit et purgatione qua licuerit expetierit solemniori eam faciat juramento vel Ordalio triplici juxta legem Anglorum et in Danorum lege prout ipsa statuit Cap. 27. Si quis Christi legibus sive Regis se nefariè opposuerit capitis plectitor aestimatione vel mulctâ aliâ pro delicti qualitate Et si is contrarius rebellare armis nititur et sic occiditur inultus jaceat Cap. 29. Scrutari oportet diligentius unumquemque modis omnibus quonam pacto illud ante omnia efferatur Consilium quod populo habeat utilissimum et ut recta Christi religio â—xime provehatur injustumque quodlibet funditus extirpetur Haec enim in rem â—uerinâ— totius patriae ut injustitia conculcetur et Institia coram Deo et hominibus diligatur Cap. 32. Ut quisquis fuerit potentior in hoc seculo vel per scelera evectus in altiorem gradum ita gravius emendabit peccata sua et pro singulis malefactis poenas luet graviores Haec itaque Legalia Statuta vel Decreta in Nostro Conventu Synodali â— Rege nostro magnopere edicta cuncti tunc temporis Optimates se observaturos fideliter spondebant The Invasions and Oppressions of the Danes excited both the King his Prelates and Nobles in this Great General Council not only to provide for their necessary defence against them by Land and Sea but likewise to enact good Laws for the advancement of Gods worship and service the good Government of the Republick the advancement of Justice and Righteousnesse the suppression of all Oppressions Injustice wickedness and preservation of the Just Rights and Liberties both of the Church and People as the most effectual means to unite and preserve them against the Common Enemy and to remove Gods wrath and judgements from them as the other Statutes and Decrees of this Council more fully resolve which you may peruse at leisure About the same year as I conjecture or not long after King Ethelred having some breaâ—hing time from wars by his Peace concluded with the perfidious Danes hâ—ld three other great Parliamentary
Councils the first at VVoodstock the second at Venetyngum the third at Haba wherein He and his Wisemen made and published many excellent Civil and Ecclesiastical Laws for the Good Government Peace VVelfare and happiness of his People recorded at large in Bromton Lambard and Spelman where you may read them I shall insert only 3 of them at Venetingum VVantige as some take it Cap. 4. Habeantur placita in singulis VVapentakis ut exeant seniores 12 Thayni Praepositus cum eâ—s jurent super sanctuarium quod eis dabitur in manus Quod neminem innocentem velint accusare vel noxium concelare Cap. 23. Aâ— Bilynggesgate si advenisset una navicula unus obolus Thelonii dabatur si major habet siglas 1 d. si adveniat Ceol vel ulcus ibi jaceat 4 d. ad Thelonium dentur De navi plena lignorum unum lignum ad Theloneum detur In ebdomada panum Theloneum detur 3 diebus die Dominica die Martis die Iovis Qui ad Pontem veniat cum Bato ubi piscis inest unus ob dabatur in Theloueum de majori Nave 1. d. Homines de Rothomago qui veniebant cum vino vel craspisce Flandrenses Pontrienses Normannia Francia monstrabant res suas extolneabant Hogge Leodium Nivella qui per terras ibant ostenâ—ionem dabant et Theoloneum Et homines Imperatoris qui veniebant cum navibus suis bonarum legum digni tenebantur sicut nos emere in suas naves Et non licâ—bat eis aliquod Forcheapum facere burhmannis dare Theoloneum suum Et in sancto natali Domini duos Grisingos panâ—os unum Brunum 10 libras Piperis cirotecas 5 hominum et duos cabillinos colennos aceto plâ—nos totidem in Pasca de Dosseris cum Gallinis â—na Gallina Thelon de uno Dosseto cum Ovis 5 Ova Theolon Si veniat ad Mercatum mongestre Sinere qui mangonant in Caseo Butiro 14 diebus ante Natale Domini 1. d. 7 diebus post Natale Domini Unam alium denarium ad Theloneum Cap. 24. Si Portireu vel Tungravia vel alius Praepositus compellat aliquâ—m quod Theolon supertenuerit â—omo respondeatâ— quod nullum Theloneum concelaverit quod juste debuit juret hoc se sexto sit quietus Si appâ—llet quo a Theolonium dederit inveniat cui dedit qu etus â—â—t Sâ—â—unc homâ—nem invenire non posset cui dedit reddat ipsum Theloneum et persolvat 5 l. Regi Si Cacepollum advoceâ— quod â—i Theoloneum dedit ille neget perneget ad dei â—udâ—cium et in nulla alia lada These are the first Lawsâ— to my remembrance wherein there is any mention of Toll Tribute or Custom paid by any Natives or Foreiners for goods or merchandise imported or sold or any forfeitures or penâ—lty imposed for concealing or non-payment thereof which it seems were imposed about this time by common consent in a Parliamentary Council for the better maintenance of the Navy and defence of the Realm against the Danes the end for which I cite them The King having thus in the Great Councils of Aenham and Wantige by consent of his Nobles and Wisemen provided a Navy to be annually set out for the defence of the Realm in pursuance thereof the self-same year as our Historians joyntly attest commanded one ship to be built and furnished out of every 310 Hides or Ploughlands and a Buckler Helmet out of every 9 Ploughlands throughout his Realm The ships being accordingly provided the King victualled and placed chosen Souldiers in them and assembled them all together to the port of Sandwich that they might defend the Coasts of the kingdom from the irruptions of Foreiners An. 1009. Puppes praedictae congregatae sunt apud Sandwic viri optime armati Nec fuit tantus numerus Navium tempore alicujus in Britannia writes Henry Huntindon But yet God â—rusâ—rated and blasted all their designs beyond expectation For about or a little before this time Brithiricus a slippery ambitious proud man brother to perfidious Duke Edric injuriously accused Wulnoth a Noble young man of Southsex to the King whose servant he was who thereupon banished him Wulnoth upon this fled away lest he should be apprehended and having gotten 20 Ships exercised frequent Piracies upon the Sea Coasts The Kings Navy being thereof informed and that any man who would might easily take him Brithtric hereupon to get praise to himself took 80 of the Kings Ships with him and promised to bring Wulnoth alive or dead to the King VVhen he had prosperously sailed a long time in pursute of him a most violent tempest suddenly arising shattered and bruised all the ships driving them one against another and forced them to run ashore upon the dry land with great loss where Wulnoth presently coming upon them fired and burnt them all The rest of the Navy discontented with this sad news returned to London The Army likewise then raised was dispersed Et sic omnis labor Anglorum cassatus est writes Huntindon or as Wigorniensis and others express it Sicque totius populi maximus labor perâ—t to their great grief and disappointment Upoâ— this disaster in the time of Harvest Earl Turkel a Danâ— arived with a great new Fleet of Danes and â—n innumerable Army at Sandwich whom another great Navy of Danes under the command of Hemmingus Erglafâ— Tenetland followed in the Moneth of August These all joyning together marched to Canterbury assaulted made a breach therein and were likely to take it Whereupon the Citizens and Inhabitants of East-Kent were inforced to purchase a firm peace wiâ—h them ar the sum of 3000 pounds which being paid they returning to their ships pillaged the Isle of Wight with the Counties of Sussex and Southampton near the Sea-Coasts burning the Villages and carrying away great booties thence King Ethelred upon this raised and collected a great Army out of all England placing forces in all Counties near the Sea to hinder the Danes landing and plundring Notwithstanding they desisted not but exercised rapines in all places where they could conveniently land At last when they had straggled further off from their Ships than they accustomed and thought to have returned laden with spoils the King with many thousands of Souldiers intercepting their passage resolved to die or to conquer them But perfidious Duke Edric by his treacherous and perplexed orations endeavored to perswade the King and Souldiers not then to give the Enemies battel but to suffer them to escape at that time Suasit persuasit And thus like a Traitor to his Country as he ever had been he then delivered the Danes out of the Englishmens hands and suffered them to depart with their booty without resistance The Danes aâ—ter this taking up their VVinter quarters in the River of Thames maintained themselves with the spoils they
Civibus magna ope conantibus dum unusqâ—â—sque sudâ—â—es suos Principi ostentare et pro eo pulchrum putaret emori Hostium pars prostrata pars in flumine Thamesi necuta Hereupon Swain despairing to take the City marched with his torn shattered Army first to Wallingford plundering and demolishing all things they met with in their wayâ— after â—heir wonted manner and at last they came to Bath where Ethelmere Earl of the West Country with all his people came and submitted to him giving him hostages for their loyalty Having thus finished all things according to his desire he returned with his Hostages to his Navy being both called and reputed King by all the People of England London excepted si Rex jure queat vocari qui fere cuncta Tyrannice faciebat â—ite Florence oâ— Worceste Simeon Dâ—nelmensis verâ— caâ—eâ—oâ—sly Nec adhuc flecterentur Londinenses tota jam Anglia in clientelam ejus inclinata nisi Ethelredus praesentia eos destitueret sua as Malmesbury observes King Ethelred being a man given to sloathfullness and through consciousness of his own demerits very fearful deeming no man faithfull to him by reason of the tragical death of his Brother Edwaod for which he felt this Divine revenge not daring to raise an Army not fight the Enemy wiâ—h it when raised Ne Nobiles Regni quos injuste exhaeredaverat lest the Nobles of the Reaâ—m whom he had unjuâ—â—ly dis-inherited should desert and deliver him up to the Enemy declining the necessity of war and of a new siege most unâ—orthily deserted the Londoners his faithfull valiant Subjects and Proâ—ectors in the midst of their dangers Enemies â—lying away secretly fâ—oÌ„ them to Hamshire by secret journies from wâ—ence he sailed to the Isle of Wight Hereupon the Londoners Laudandi prorsus viâ—i quos Mars ipse collata non sperneret hasta si Ducem habuissent Cuâ—us dum vel sola umbra protegerentur totius pugnae aleam ipsam obsidionem etiam non paucis mensibus luserunt Seeing themselves thus unworthily deserted by their Soveraign in their extremities moved by the example of the rest of their Countrymen submitted themselves likewise to King Swain sending Hostages to and making their peace wiâ—h him the rather for that they feared Swains fury was so much incensed against them for his former shamefull repulses by them that if they submitted not to â—â—m of their own accords he would not only spoil them of all their goods but likewise command either all their eyes to be pulled out or their hands and feet to be cut off iâ— he subdued them by force Iohn Speed against the current of other Historians informs us That Swain after his repulse from London having received a certain sum of money went back into Denmark for want of victuals and to recruit his shattered Army whence returning soon after he was immediatly met by the English where betwixt them was struck a sore battel which had been with good success had not the Treason of some hindred it in turning to the Danes King Ethelred therefore seeing himself and the Land betrayed on this manner to those few true English that were left used this Speech as followeth If there wanted in me a fatherly care either for the defence of the Kingdom or adâ—inisâ—ration of Justice in the Commonwealth or in you the carriage of Souldiers for defence of your Native Country then truly silent would I be for ever and bear those calamities with a more dejected mind but as the case stands be it as it is I for my part am resolved to rush into the midst of the Enemy and to lose my life for my kingdom and Crown And you I am sure hold it a worthy death that is purchased for the Liberties of your selves and kindred and therein I pray you let us all die for I see both God and destiny against us and the name of the English Nation brought almost to the last period for we are overcome not by weapons and hostile warr but by Treason and domâ—stick falshood our Navy betrayed into the Danes hands our battel weakned by the revolt of our Captains our designs betrayed to them by our own Counsellers and they also inforcing composition of dishonourable Peace I my self disesteemed and in scorn termed Ethelred the unready Your valour and loyalty betrayed by your own Leaders and all our poverty yearly augmented by the payment of their Danegelt which how to reâ—ress God only knoweth and we are to seek For if we pay money for peace and that confirmed by Oath these Enemies soon break it as a people that neiâ—her regard God nor man contrary to equity and the Laws of Warâ— and of Nations and so fâ—r off is all hope of better success as we have cause to fear the losse of our kingdom you the extinction of the English Nations revenue Therefore seeing our enemies are at hand and their hands at our throats let us by fore-sight and counsel save our own lives or else by courage sheath our swords in their bowels either of which I am willing to enter into to secure our Estate and Nation from an irrecoverable Ruine After which Speech he and his Army retreated and gave way to the prevailing Enemy Swain herepon setling all things according to his own will when as he knew that no man durst resist him commanded himself to be called King of England Dum non fuit alius qui pro jure regni decertare vel se regem confiteri aâ—sus fuisset as Matt. Westminster and others write Such a strange fear and stupidity was then fallen upon Ethelred and the whole English Nation After this Ethelred privily departed from London to Hampton and from thence to the Isle of Weight as aforesaid where advising with the Abbots and Bishops there assembled in Council what course was best to steer he spake thus unto them the History whereof I shall fully relate in William of Malmesbury his words Ibi Abbates et Episcoposâ— Qui nec in tali necessitate Dominum suum deserendum putarent in hanc convenit sententiam Videâ—ent quam in angusto res essent suae et suorum se perfidia Ducum avito extorrem solio et opis egentem aâ—iâ—nae in cujus manu alâ—orum â—olebat salus pendere quondam Monarcham et Potentem modo miserum et exulem dolendum sibi hanc commutationem quia facilius toleres oâ—es non habuisse quam habitas amisisse Pudendam Anglis eo magis quod deserti Ducis exempluâ— processurum sit in orbem terrarum Iâ—â—os amore sui sine sumptibus voluntariam sube untes fugam domos et facultates suas praedonibus exposuisse in arcto esse victum omnibus vestitum deesse pluribus probare se fidem illorum â— sed non reperire salutem adeo jam subjugata terra observari littora ut nusquam sine periculo sit exitus Quapropter considerent in mâ—dium quid
censerent faciendum Si maneant plus a Civibus cavendum quam ab Hostibus forsitan enim crucibus suis novi domini gratiam mercarentur eâ— cerâ—è occidi ab hoâ—te â—iâ—uâ—atur fortunae prodi a Cive addicetur Ignaviae Si ad exteras gentes â—â—giunt gloriae fore dispendium si ad notas metuendum ne cum fortuna colerent animum Plaerosque enim probos et illustres viros hac occasione caesos experiendum tamen sortem et tentandum pectus Richardi Ducis Normannorum qui si Sororem et Nepotes non ingrato animo susceperit se quoque non aspernanter protecturum Vadabitur enim mihi meam salutem conjugi et liberis impensus favor Quod si ille adversum pedem contulerit non deerit mihi animus plaâ—è non deerit hic gloriosè occumbere quà m illic ignominiosè vivere Hereupon he sends Emma his Queen and her children in the moneth of August into Normandy accompanied with the Bishop of Durham and Abbot of Burgh where they are joyfully received by Duke Richard who invites Ethelred himself to honour his Court with his presence who thereupon in Ianuary following passeth over into Normandy and there solaceth his miseries with the curteous entertainment he there found King Swane in the mean time provokes invaded England with ruines and slaughters playes the absolute Tyrant commands Provisions to be abundantly provided for his Army and Navy et Tributum fere importabile solvi praecepit and likewiâ—e commanded an insupportable Tribute to be paid And the like in all things Earl Turkell the Dane commanded to be paid to his Navy lying at Greenwich hired by King Ethelred to defend the English from Foreiners yet both of them as often as they pleased preyed upon and pillaged the Country besides first polling the inhabitants of their goods and then banishing them Provincialium substantiae prius abreptae mox proscriptiones factae In this sad oppressed condition under their New Soveraign to whom they had submitted themselves both Nobles and people knew not what to do Haesitabatur totis urbibus quid fieret si pararetur rebellio assertorem non haberent si eligeretur subjectio placido rectore carerenâ— Ita privatae et publicae opes ad naves cum obsidibus deportabantur Quo evidenter apparet Swanum naturalem et legitimum non esse Dominum sed atrocissimum Tyrannum â—s Malmesbury Matthew Westminster and others record But God who is propitious to people in their greatest extremities suffered not England to lye long fluctuating in so many calamities For this barbarous Tyrant Swane after innumerable evils and cruelties perpetrated in England and elsewhere added this to the heap of his further damnation that he Exacted a great Tribute out of the Town of St. Edmondsbury Anno 1014. which none ever before presumed to doe since it was given to the Church wherein the body of the precious Martyr St. Edmond lieth intombed all the lands thereof being exempted from Tributes Beginning to vex the possessions of the Church and threatning to burn the Town and destroy all the Monks unless they speedily paid him the Tribute he exacted and using reproachfull speeches against St. Edmond as having no holiness in him he was suddenly struck dead and ended his life on the Feast of the Purification of the blessed Virgin Anno 1014. Our Monkish Historians record That on the Evening of the day whereon he held a general Court at Geâ—gnesburgh â—eiâ—erating his menaces against the Town and ready to put them in execution for not paying the Tribute demanded he saw St. Edmond comming alone armed against him whiles he was invironed in the midst of his Danish Troops whereupon he presently cried out with great affright and a lowd voice Help O fellow Souldiers help behold St. Edmond comes to slay me and whiles he was thus speaking being grievously wounded with a spear by the Saint he fell off from his horse and continued in great torment till night and so ended his life with a miserable death Swane being dead the whole Navy and Nation of the Danes Elected and made Cnute his son their King and Lord Majores Natu totius Angliae The Nobles and Senators of all England â—iking nothing â—eâ—s than bondage especially under such new tyrannizing forein Intruders thinking it now or never the time to shake ofâ— their new yoak pronounced their Natural Lord to be dearer to them than any Foreiner Si 〈◊〉 se quam consueverat ageret Whereupon with unanimous consent and great joy and speed they sent mâ—ssengers into Normandy to Ethelred to inform him Nullum eo libentius se in Regem recepturos si ipse vel rectius gubernare vel mitius eos tractare vellet quam prius tractaverat and to hasten his return unto them Who thereupon presently sent over his son Edward qui fidem Principum favorâ—mque vulgi praesens specularetur who together with his Embassadors assured both the Nobles and Commons of the English Nation That he would for time to come be their mild and devout Lord consent to their wills in all things acquiesce in their Counsels and if he had offended in any kinde he would reform it according as they should think â—it and with a ready mind pardon whatsoever had beed contemptuously or disgraceâ—ully spoken or acted by them agaiâ—st him or his if they would all unanimously receive him again as their King into the Kingdom To which they all gave a favourable and satisfactory answer Whereupon a plenary reconciliation was ratified between them on both sides both bâ— words and comâ—act Moreover The Nobles unanimously and fréely agreed and voted That they would never more admit a Danish King into England to reign over them Theâ—e things concâ—uded King Ethelred speedily returns into England where he was honourably and joyfully received by the English And that he might seem to caâ—t off his former sloathfulness he hastned to raise an Army against Cnute who remaining with hiâ— Navy in Lindesey made an agreement with the inhabitants exacting men and horses from them that he might surprise Ethelred at unawares and threatning grievously to punish all such as revolted from him But Cnute being taken in his own craft Ethelred marching thither with a strong army before he was proâ—ided to receive him fled from thence with his Hostages Army and Navy to Sandwich whereupon Ethelred depopulated all Lindesey wasting the Country wiâ—h fire and sword slaying all the Inhabitants as Traitors to him and â—heir Naâ—ive Country Cnute â— by way of revenge humano et divino Iure contempto in insontes grassatus cuts oâ—f the hands and ears and â—â—its the Noses of all the most Noble and beautiful Hostages throughout England given to his father and so dismissing them sailed into Denmark to settle his affairs and augment his forces resolving to return the year following After his departure King Ethelred this very yearâ— Super haec omnia mala Classi quae
foreplotted the Treason aforesaid and suborned them to execute it After their publick confession thereof he caused them all to be first drawn and then hanged for it Others write that Edric himself or his Son by his command murdered him at Oxford on St. Andâ—ews night as he was easing nature in an house of Office stabbing him into the bowels with a two-edged knife through the hole of the privy in which one of them lay in wait to murder him leaving the knife sticking in his bowels and him dead in the place And some write that he placed an Image in his Chamber with a bow and arrow ready bent which Edmond admiring at touching the spring which held the bow thus bent the arrow thereupon pierced slew him in the place That before his death was known Edric went to Edmonds wife and taking away her two young Sons from her brought and delivered them to Cnute and then saluted him saying GOD SAVE THEE SOLE KING OF ENGLAND Whereupon Cnute demanding Why he saluted him in this manner He then informed him of King Edmoâ—ds death and how he had murdered him of purpose to make him sole King of England Speed adds That he cut off his Soveraigns head â— presenting it to Cnute with these â—awning salutations All hail thou sole Monarch of England for here behold the head of thy Copartner which for thy sake I have adventured to cut off which no antient Historian mentions Upon this Cnute though ambitious enough in Soveraignty yet out of a Princely disposition sore grieved at such a disloyal treacherous act presently replyed to him I for reward of so great and meritorious a service done for me willâ— this day advance thee above all the Nobles of the Realm After which he caused his head to be cut off then fixed on an higâ— poll and placed on the highest Tower of London for the birds to prey upon Others more agreeable to the truth relate That Cnute in the first year of his reign depriving this Arch-Traitor Edric of the Dukedom of Mercia which he had many years enjoyed thereupon Edric in the feast of Christs Nativity repaired to Cnute at his Palace in London to expostulate with him about it where checking the King over-harshly he upbraided him with the many benefits he had received from him amongst which he mentioned two wherewith he specially provoked him to anger saying Most dear King you ought not to speak harshly to me nor suffer any evil to be done unto me for you had never enjoyed the Realm of England but by my means For out of love to thee I have first betrayed King Ethelred after that I deserted Edmond my proper and natural Lord and afterwards I foreplotted his death and murdered my just and true liege Lord out of my fidelity towards thee to bring the whole kingdom unto thee and dost thou so lightly vilify so great love conferred on thee for which I never received any benefit or profit from thee At which speeches Cnute changing his countenance expressing his fury by its redness presently pronounced this sentence against him saying And thou shalt deservedly die thou most perfidious Traitor seeing by thy own confession thou art guilty of Treason both against God and me who hast slain thine own Soveraign and natural King and my dear confederate Brother His bloud be upon thy head because thou hast stretched out thy hand against the Lords anointed And lest a tumult should be raised among the people he commanded him to be there presently strangled in his palace and his body to be cast through a window into the river of Thames to be devoâ—red of the fishes as some or hanged upon London walls unburied to be devoured by birds as others story At which time Duke Norman son of Duke Leofwin Captain of Edrics guard Aethelward son of Duke Agelmar and Brihtricus son of Alphege Earl of Devonshire with many others of Edrics followers were likewise slain without offence together with Edric because Cnute feared he should one time or other be circumvented by the treacheries of this old perfidious Traitor hearing his former natural Lords Ethelred and Edmond had frequently been betrayed by him quorum diutina proditione alterum vexavit alterum interfecit there being no trust to be reposed in such a Traytor to his Soveraigns Thus this inveterate Arch-Traitor to his Natural Country Kings and bloudy Regicide by Gods divine Justice received the just punishment of all his Treasons at the last instead of expected great rewards from that hand he least suspected Whence Matthew Westminster relating both the Histories of the manner of Edrics death concludes thus Sed sive sic sive aliter vitam finierit Proditor Edricus non multum ad rem pertinet quia hoc liquido constat Quod ille qui multos circumvenerat tandem est justo Deâ— Iudicio circumventus et proditionis suae meruit subire talionem And let all those who have or shall imitare him in his Treasons against his native Country Kings and Regicide seriously meditate on his tragical end and expect the self same retribution in conclusion though they escape as many years as he then did before final execution A third sort of Authors as Marianus Scotus Wigorniensis Roger Hoveden and Simeon Dunelmensis make no mention of King Edmonds murder by Edric his subordination but only that he died at London not Oxford about the Feast of St. Andrew as if he had died of a naturall death but the generality of Writers agree he was murdered at Oxford ambiguum quo casu extinctus writes Malmesbury the common fame being he was murdered by Edric as aforesaid And Bromton who recites all three opinions concludes thus Sed primus modus videliceâ— quod rex Edmundus ad requiem naturae sedens proditione dicti Edrici occisus fuit verior aliis et auâ—enticior habetur The Author of the Encomium of Emma concurring with Marianus subjoynes this Observaâ—ion touching his short reign and speedy death That God c. minding his own doctrine That a kingdom divided in it self caunot long stand and pitying the English took away Edmond lest if the Kings had continued long together they should have both lived in danger and the Realm in continual trouble His reign continued onely seven moneths in which time he fought seven or eight battels in defence of his Country People and their Liberties besides his single Duel with Câ—ute and by his untimely death the English Saxon Monarchy was devolved to the Danes who by Treachery and the Sword for three descents deprived the English Saxons of the Crown and Kingdom through divine retaliation as they had unjustly by treachery and the Sword dispossess'd and disinherited the Britons thereof about 450 yeares before as Henry Huntindon Bromton Radulphus Cistrensis Mr. Foxâ— Speed and others observe The Sinnes of the Saxons grown now to the full writes Speed and their dreggs as it were sunk to the
bottom they were emptied by the Danes from their own vessels and their bottles broken that had vented their red and bloudy wines in lieu whereof the Lord gave them the cup of wrath whose dreggs he had formerly by their own hands wrung out upon other Nations For the Saxons that had enlarged their Kingdomes by the bloud of the Britons and built their nests high upon the Cedars of others as the Prophet speaketh Habbak 2. committed an evil covâ—tousness to their own habitations and were stricken by the same measure that they had measured to others when as the Danes often attempting the Lands invasion and the subversion of the Eâ—glish Estate made way with their Swords through all the Provinces of the Realm and lastly advanced the Crown upon their own helmets which they wore only for three Successions CHAP. IV. Comprising a Summary Collection of all the Parliamentary Great Councils Synods Historical Passages Proceedings Lawes relating to the Fundamental Liberties Franchisâ—s Rights Government of the People and other remarkables under our Danish Kings Cnute Harold and Harde-Cnute from the year of our Lord 1017. till the first year of King Edward the Confessor Anno 1042. With some brief Observations on the same IMmediately after the murder of King Edmond Ironside King Cnute the Dane Anno 1017. taking possession of the whole Realm of England was solemnly crowned King at London by Living Archbishop of Canterbury succeeding in the Realm of England Non successione haereditaria sed Armorum violentia as William Thorne observes Injuste quidem Regnum ingressus sed magna civilitate et fortitudine vâ—tam componens writes William of Malmsbury Whereupon the better to forâ—ifie his Military Title with a seeming publick Election by the Nobles and Nation in a Parliamentary Council and their open disclaimer and renunciation of any Right or Title either in King Edmonds Sons or Brethren to the English Crown to settle it in perpetuity on himself and his posterity he commanded all the Bishops Dukes Princes and Nobles of the English Nation to be assembled together at London in a Parliamentary Council Where when they were all met together in his presence he most craftily demanded of them as if he were ignorant Who were the Witnesses between him and Edmond Ironside when they made their agreement and division of the Kingdom between them What manner of conference there then was between him and Edmond concerning his Brethren and Sons Whether it was agreed that it should be lawfull for Edmonds Brethren or Children to reign in the kingdom of the West-Saxons after his death by any special reservation or agreement between them in case Edmond should die in his life-time Whom he had designed to be his Heir Whom he had appointed to be guardians to his Sons during their infancy And what he had commanded concerning his Brothers Alfred and Edward To which they all answering both falsly and flatteringly said That they did most certainly know King Edmond neither living nor dying had commended or given no part of his kingdom to his Brethren and they did likewise know that it was King Edmonds will that Cnute should be the Gardian and Protector of his Sons and of the Realm untill they were of age to reign calling God himself to witnesse the truth hereof O the strange temporizing falsity treachery perjury of men in all ages But though they thus called God to witness yet they gave a false testimony and fraudulently lyed preferring a lye before the truth being forgetfull of justice unmindfull of nature unjust witnesses rising up against Innocency and betrayers of their own bloud and Country when as they all well knew that Edmond had designed his Brethren to be his heirs and appointed them to be Guardians of his children thinking by this their false testimony to please King Cnute to make him more mild and gracious to them and that they should receive great rewards from him for the same After their answers to those Interrogatories to ingratiate themselves further with Cnute though they were sworn before to Edmond and his Heirs and were Native Englishmen yet they there all took a solemn â—ath of Allegiance to Cnute swearing to himâ— That they would and did chuse him for their King humbly obey him et Exercitui Uectigalia dare and would give Tribâ—tes to his Army And having received a pledge â—rom Cnutes naked hands with Oathes from the Princes and Nobles of the Danes Cnute reciprocal Oaths from them and all the people they ratified a mutual Covenant and League of Peace with reciprocal Oaths between both Nations reconciling and abandoning all publick enmities between them They likewise swore that they would cast off banish and wholly reject King Edmonds Brothers Sons and Family In pursuance whereof they there presently Fratres et filios Edmondi Regis omnino despexerunt â—osque Reges esse negaverunâ— unum autem ex ipsis praedictis Clitonibus Edwinum egregium et reverendissimum Edmundi Regis germanum Ibidem cum consilio pessimo exulem esse debere coustituerunt as Râ—ger de Hoveden Abbot Ethelred Wigorniâ—nsis and others at large record the Story The discord treacherous falshood disloyal proceedings of the English Nation then towards one another the English royal line is thus elegantly set forth by Abbot Ailred a lively Character of our age Externisque malis accessit civilis dâ—scordia adeò ut quis cui crederâ—t quis cui mentis suae secreta commitâ—eret nesciretur Plena erat proditoribus Insula nusquam tuta fides nuâ—quam â—ine â—uâ—piâ—â—one â—mor Sermo sine simulatione Tandem eousque Proditio Civilis et astuâ—ia Processit hostilis ut de 〈◊〉 Rege Magna pars Insâ—lae legitimis abdicatis haeredibus Cnutoni qui Regnum invaserat manus darent peremptoque iâ—victissimo Regâ— Edmundo paterni honoris simul â—t lâ—boris haerede etiam Filios ejus adâ—uc in cunis agentes barbaris miâ—terent occidendos King Cnute hearing this their palpable flattery and conâ—emptuous rejection of Edwin and the Saxon regal Line went joyfully into his Chamber and calling perfidious Duke Edric to him demanded of him how he might deceive Prince Edwin so as to have him murthered Who thereupon informed him how and by whom his murder might be accomplished by promised rewards of money and preferments which was accordingly effected soon after by Cnutes procurement and command This Edric likewise perswaded Cnute to slay Prince Edward and Edmond King Edmonds sons Whereupon Statuit Cnuto mirabiliter in animo suo omne genus Gentis Regni Anglorum perdere vel exilio perenni eliminare ut regnum Angliae filiis suis jure hâ—roditario râ—servare curaret writes Matthew Westminster p. 402. But because it might seem a great disgrace to him to murder these infant Princes in England he afterwards sent them over Sea to King Swane to slay them in Denmark who abhorring the fact instead thereof sent them to Solomon King of Hungary
or Orencester not Winchester the 4th year of his reign wherin by the Counsel of Queen Emma and of his Bishops and Barons he placed Monks in the Monasterie of Bederichesiorthe where St. Edmund was interred and endowed the Monastery of St. Edmond with so many farmes and other goods as made it one of the richest in all England as those Historians witness Whose Name and date the ignorant comâ—iler oâ— this Manuscript mistook whose Antiquitie and reputation is very suspiâ—ious as Sir Henry Spelman informs us First because Sir Henry could never gain the sight of it from Sir Edward Cook though he oft-times promised to lend it him to peruse for his satisfaction And that which dares not abide the sight and test of such a judicious learned Antiquary when desired may justly be deemed an Imposture 2ly Sir Henry Spelman conceives the Author of this Manuscript writ not before the end of King Henry the 3d if so soon seeing he calls the Great Council of the Realm so frequently a Parliament which Title was not given it in Manuscripts or Historians till the end of King Henry the 3d. or aâ—ter his reign And Wigorniensis Matthew Westminster Hoveden and Simeon Dunelmensis all stile it onely CONCILIUM not Parliamentum 3ly Because he certainly mistakes in his Chronology in making Aegelnoth Archbishop of Canterbury in the reign of King Hardecnute when as he died and Eadsi was made Archbishop thereof two years before Hardicnuâ—es reign which Eadsi crown'd him King as Matt. Westminster An. 1038. together with Matthew Parker and Godwin attest And therefore he might as grosly mistake in other things 4ly It appears by the recital it self that it was writ above 130 years at least after this Council under Cnute because it recites it preceeded the Decrees made so long after under Pope Eugenius An. 1150. 5ly The form of the Prologue Haec sunt Statuta c. coupled with ad suum convocans Parliamentum in suo publico Parliamento and aliis Episcopis ipsorum Suffraganeis prove it not to be written before King Edward the first his reign when such phrases came first in vse Sir Edward Cooke himself informing us in his Epistle that in Cnute his reign such State-Assemblies were stiled Uenerandum Concilium Sapientum sic enim apuâ— majores Parliamentum illud Latine redditur 6ly Becauâ—e it â—ubjoins cum quamplurimis gregarâ—s militibus ac cum populi multitudine copiosa as if â—hey had been personally present in this Parliamentary Council as well as the Archbishops Bishops Abbots Dukes and Nobles of which there is not one syllable in our four antient Historians which mention this Council at Cirencester Neither can these Gregarii milites be intended Knights of shires nor populi multitudine copiosa Commoners or Burgesses elected to serve in Parliament by and for the people as Sir Edward Cooke and others fancy there being no mâ—ntion of any such chosen Kngihâ—s of Counties Citizens Burgesses or Commons in that or succeeding ages till about the reign of King Hâ—nry the 3d. but only ordinary Souldiers and the Vulgar sort of people admitted to be present in the Council at the reading and passing of the Charter to St. Edmond as they are now admitted into the Lords House together with the Knights and Burgesses at the beginnings and ending of our Parliaments and upon publike Trials Conferences and Occasions at which times there are more common people ten to one usually present to see and hear what is acted who are no members then there are Members of the Commons House which never sate together with the Lords for ought appears much less in this Parliament as some confidently inferr â—rom this Spurious Aâ—tiquity which Sir Edward Cooke little versed in Antiquities and oft mistaken in them so much magnifies and insists on In the year of Christ 1021. King Cnute uppon occasions and offences taken by him banished Duke Turkell to whom he had formerly committed East England with Edgitha his wife and Hirc Duke of Northumberland out of England Turkell no sooner arived in Denmark but he was there slain by the Dukes of the Country by divine vengeance he being a chief inciter of the death of St. Alphege The English Danes An. 1022. in Colloquio apud Oxoniam celebrato de Legibus Regi Edwardi prâ—mitenendis coucorâ—es facti sunt Unde â—isdem Legibus jubente Rege Cnutone ab Anglica lingua in Latinam translatis tà m in Dania quà m in Angliaâ— propter earum aequitatem à Rege praefato observari jubentur as Mat. Westminster relates Anno 1022. So as he imposed no New Laws on them nor revived old but only by common consent in a Parliamentary Council both of English and Danes King Cnute in the year 1023. did so carefully endeavour to reform all things wherein himâ—elf or his Ancestors had offended as he seemed to wipe away Prioris Injustitiae Naevum the Blot of his former Injustice as well with God as with men And by the exhortation of Queen Emma studying to reconcile all the English to himself he bestowed many Gifts upon them et insuper bonas Leges omnibus et placentes promisit and moreover promised good and pleasing Lawes to all The best means to win and knit the peoples hearts Anno 1024. Cnute leading an Army of English and Danes against the Swedes whereof he lost many in the first battel the next day when he appointed again to fight with them Earl Godwin General of the Enlish Militia without King Cnutes privity resolved with his English forces alone to invade the Swedish Enemies in the night Whereupon using this Speech to his Souldiers ut pristinae gloriae memores robur suum oculis novi Domini assererent c. they alâ— valiantly assaulted the Enemies at unawares put them all to flight slew an innumerable multitude of them and compelled the Kings of that Nation Ulf and Eglaf to yield to terms of Peace Cnute preparing to fight very early the next morning thought the English had been either fled away or revoâ—ted to the Enemies but marching to the Enemies tents and finding nothing but the bloud and carcasses of those the English had slain he thereupon ever after had the English in great esteem who by this their Victory Comitatum Duci sibi laudem paraverunt writes Malmsbury Cnute returning joyfull of this Victory into England and bestowing an Earldom on Godwin for this Service In the year 1027. Cnute hearing that the Norwegians disesteemed Olaus their King by reason of his simplicity bribed his Nobles with great sums of gold and silver to reject Olaus and elect him for their King which they promising to do the next year he failed into Norwey with 50 ships thrust Olaus out of his kingdom by consent of his Nobles and subdued his Realm to himself wheâ—ce returning into England An. 1029. Hâ—conem Danicum Comitem quasi Legationis causa in Exilium misit
meis omnibus ut in proprio meo lucrentur et inde mihi serviant Et nemo cogatur ad firmae adjutorium aliquid dare nisi sponte sua velit Et si quis aliquem inde gravabit Werae suae reus sit orga Regem Lex 97. Si quis ex hac vita decedat sine distributione rerum suarum vel per incustodiamâ— vel per mortem improvisam non usurpet dominus ejus de pecunia nisi quantum ad justam Relevationem pertinet quae Anglicè vocatur Hereget sed sit secundnm dictionem ejus ipsa pecunia recte divisa uxori pueris et propinquis unicuique secundum modum qui ad eum pertinet Et sint Relevationes ità minutae sicut modus est Comitis sicut ad eum perâ—inet hoc est octo equi quatuor sellati quatuor insellati et galeae quatuor et loricae quatuor cum octo lanceis et totidem scutis et gladii quatuorâ— et CC. marcae auri Postea Thayni regis qui ei proximus sit quatuor equi duo sellati et duo insellati et duo gladii et quatuor laâ—ceae et totidem scuta et galea cum lorica sua et 50. marcae auri Et mediocris Thayni equus cum apparatu suo et arma sua vel suum Halsfang in Westsaxia in Mircenis ij l. in Estanglia ij l. Et si notus sit Regi equi duo unus cum sella et alius sine sella et unus gladius et duae lanceae et totidem scuta et 50 marcae auri Et qui minus potest det duas libras Lex 104. Et qui fugiat à Domino vel socio suo pro timiditate in Expedâ—tione navali vel terrestri per dat omne quod suum est et suam â—psius vitam et manus mittat Dominus ad terram quam ei antea dederat Et si terram haereditariam habeat ipsa in manum regis transeat Lex 105. Et qui in bello aâ—te Dominum suum ceciderit sâ—t hoc in terra sit alibi sint relevatitones condonatae et haâ— beâ—nt haeredes ejus terram sicut et pecuniam suam et rectè dividant inter se. Lex 107. Et volo ut omnis homo pacem habeat eundo ad Gemoâ—um vâ—l rediens de Gemoto id est placito nisi sit fur probatus Lex 110. Qui leges istas apostabit quas Rex modo nobis omnibus indulsit sit Dacus sit Anglus Werae suae reus sit erga regâ—m Et si secundo faciat reddat bis Weram suam Si quis addat tertio râ—us sit omnium quae habebit In the rest of his Lawes all corporal and pecuniary penalties and fines for all sorts of Offences and Crimes are reduced to a certainty and none left arbitrary and by Lex 104 105. it is evident that the Military Laws as wel as the Civil Ecclesiastical were made in and by advice and direction of the Great Councils The Chronicle of Bromton informs us that King Cnute per Chartam suam à se et haeredibus suis dedit quà m cito post in Parliamento suo apud Wintoniam when and where â—hose Laws were made coram omnibus Regni sui Magnatibus confirmavit gave and confirmed the Manors of Hornyng Ludham and Netershede to the Monastery of Cowholm in Northfolke And that one Maynard riding towards this Parliamentary Council brake his neck who had so incensed the King against Wulfriâ— and the Monks of this Monastery that he threatned to put â—hem to death What lands and privileges he gave by his Charters to St. Cuthberts Church in Durham Christs-Church in Canterbury and other Monasteries the Marginal Authors will inform us About the year 1034. King Cnute having obtained the Soveraign Dominion of England Scotland Norwey a great part of Sweden and of all Denmarke principally by the Sword through the flattery of his followers who stiled him a King of all Kings most mighty Soveraign and the like who had under his subjection Dominion not only the People and Land but the Sea likewise also by reason of his Great Dominions was so much elevated with pride of heart that he once commanded the royal Throne of his Empire to be placed on the Sea shore near the water as the Sea was flowing in upon it and then stepping up into his Throne sitting in it he spake thus to the Sea in an imperious manner as if he were absolute Sovereign of it Tu meae ditionis es c. Thou art under my Dominion and part of my Empire and the land on which I sit is mine neither is there any one in it who dares resist my command without punishment Therefore I now command thee that thou ascend and come not up upon my land nor yet presume to wet my royal robes nor the feet or Members of thy Soveraign But the Sea notwithstanding this Inhibition ascending after its accustomed manner and nature and no wayes obeying his commands wet both his feet legs and royal Robes without any revernce Whereupon the King leaping hastily out of his Throne almost over-late and retiring from the waves used these words Lâ—t all the Inhabitants of the world know that the power of Kings is but vain and frivolous and that no man is worthy the name of a King but he alone to whose beck both Heaven Earth and the Sea obey by everlasting Laws Henry de Knyghton superaddes thereto as part of his Speech which most others omit I am a Wretch and a Captive able to do nothing possessing nothing wiâ—hout his gift I commend I recommend my self to him and let him be the Gardian of debiliâ—y Amen After which King Cnute never wore his Crown upon his head but put it upon the head of the Crucifix at Winchester as most accord to the praise of the great King thereby giving a great example of humility to Kings and Conquerors who in the height of all their power can not command the Sea or least wave not to flow or wash them Henry de Knyghton conceives this to be before his pilgrimage to Rome others expresly record it was after his return from thence whose computation I here follow and therefore place it in this year In the year of our Lord 1035. King Cnute a little before his death made this partition of his kingdoms amongst his Sons Swane his son by Q. Algiva or as some affirm of a Priests wife suborned by Algiva as her own he made King of Norwey his Son Harde-Cnute by Queen Emma he caused to be crowned King of Denmark as Wigorniensis Hoveden and others write yet some gainsay it that he made his Son Harold King of England and soon after died at Shaftesbury November 12. 1035. and was buried at Winchester Immediatly after his decease the Nobles met at Oxford about the election of a new Kingâ— which our Historians thus
express Convenerunt apud Oxoniam ad Colloquium as Mat. Westm. or Placitum magnum as Huntindon and others stile it Proceres Regni Vt de novo Rege creando tractarent ibidem All the Nobles of the Realm assembled in a great Parliamentary Council or Court at Oxford that they might consult about the electiction of a New King which they would not have done had Harold been made King of England before by Cnute in his life time â— Leofric Earl of Chester and the rest of the Nobles on the Northside of the Thames with all the Danish Princes and Londoners who by conversing with the Danes amongst them were corrupted wiâ—h their vices and addicted to their party elected Harold Son of Cnute by his Concubine Algiva whom â—ome aver to be the son of a Tayler for their King But Godwin Earl of Kent with the Princes of the Western part of England contradicting them would rather have elected Harde-Cnute son of Cnute by Queen Emma or one of the Sons of King Eâ—helred and Emma then in Normandy After great strife and debate between the Nobles about the Election because Harold was there personally present but Harde-Cnute then in Denmark and Alfred and Edward in Normandy Harolds party prevailed against Earl Godwins qui tandem vi numero minor cessit violentiae Whereupon Harold was presently crowned King at Oxford by Elnothus Archbishop of Canterbury though at first he was very unwilling to perform that service For it is reported of him that he having the regal Scepter and Crown in his custody refused with an Oath to consecrate any other for King so long as Queen Emma her children were living for said she Cnute committed them to my trust and assurance and to them will I give my faith and allegiance This Scepter and Crown therefore I here lay down upon the Altar neither do I deny nor deliver them to you but I require by the Apostolick Authority all Bishops that none of them presume to take the same away neither that they consecrate him King therewith as for your self if you dare you may usurp that which I have committed to God on this Table Notwithstanding this great thunderclap being allayed with the showers of Golden promises of his just good and religious government intended though present experience manifested the contrary he was crowned by him Anno Anno. 1035. Henry Huntindon and others write That they elected him King only to keep the kingdom for his Brother Harde-Cnute then in Denmark Harold and the Nobles of West-Sex who opposed his election upon advice taken resolved that Qneen Emma wife of the deceased King should keep West-Sex and Winchester for the use of her Son Harde Cnute and that Earl Godwin should be their Captain in military affairs Roger Hoveden and others record That Harold being elected King by the consent of the major part of the Nobles of England obtained the royal dignity and began to reign quia justus haeres because he was a lawfull heir yet he reigned not so powerfully as Cnute quia justior haeres expectabatur Harde Cnutus because a juâ—ter heir Haâ—de Cnute was expected By reason of this disagreement amongst the Nobles to please both parties the kingdom of England was therupon divided by Lot Harold enjoying the Northern part thereof and Harde-Cnutes friends retaining the Southern part of it for his use No sooner was Harold crowned King but to secure himself the better in his Throne he presently posted to Winchester with his forces where tyrannically and forcibly taking away all the Treasures and goods which Cnute had left to Queen Emma his Mother-in-law he banished her out of England into Flanders some write she was thus banished by the secret Counsel and treachery of Earl Godwin whom she had made General of her forces for her preservation who proved unconstant and a Traytor to her and her children where in this her distresse she was honourably entertained by Earl Baldwin In the year 1036. Alfred eldest Son of King Ethelred comming over to claim his right in the Crown was with his Norman associates betrayed and murdered by the treachery of Earl Godwin of which I finde these several different relations in our Historians Matthew Westminster Ranulphus Cistrensis and others out of them record that Alfred being in Normandy and hearing of the death of Cnute came into England with 23. chosen ships full of Souldiers ut paternum regnum de Iure sibi debitum vel pacificè vel si necessitas cogeret armatorum praesidio obtineret that he might obtain his fathers kingdom of right due unto him either peaceably or if necessity compelled by force of arms Who ariving with his forces at Sandwich Port came as far as Canterbury When Godwin Earl of Kent knew of his comming he went to meet him and receiving him in his fidelity the very next night following compleated â—he part of the Traytor Iudas upon him and his fellow-Souldiers For after kisses of peace given and joyful banquets in the silence of the midnight when as Alfred and his companions had given their Members to sleep they were all taken unarmed in their beds suspecting no harm by a multitude of armed men rushing in upon them and their hands being tyed behind their backs they were compelled to sit down in order one by another Where sitting in this manner nine of them were always beheaded but the tenth dismissed and his life reserved for a â—ime These things were acted at Gildeford a royal Town But when it seemed to be Traitor Godwin that there were more yet remaining alive of them than was profitable he coÌ„manded them to be tithed over again as before and so very few of them remained alive But young Alfred every way worthy of royal honour he sent bound to the City of London to King Harold that therby he might find greater favor with him with those few of his followers who remained undecimated So soon as the King saw young Alfred he caused him â—o be sent to the Isle of Ely and there to have his eyes pulled out of the pain whereof he soon after died but he slew all his Souldiers too perniciously Florentius Wigorniensis Roger de Hoveden Simeou Dunelmensis Radulphus de Diceto Mr. Fox and others relate That the innocent Princes Alfred and Edward sons of King Ethelred came out of Normandy where they had long resided with their Uncle Richard into England accompanied with many Norman Souldiers transporâ—ed in a few ships to conferr with their Mother Emma â—hen residing at Winchester Which some potent men especially Earl Godwin â—s was reported took very unworthily and grievously because licet injustum â—sset although it were unjust they were more devoted to Harold than to Alfred Whereupou Harold perswaded King Harde-Cnute and the Lords not to suffer those Normans to be within the Realm for jeopardy but rather to punish them for example by which means he got authority to order the matter himself Wherefore he met
them on Guild-down and there seised upon Prince Alfred and retained him in close Prison when he was hastning towards London to conferr with King Harold as he had commanded And apprehending all his followers he ransacked some of them others of them he put in chains and afterwards put out their eyes some of them he tormented and punished by pulling off the skin from their heads and cutting off their hands and feet many of them he likewise commanded to be sold and slew 600 men of them at Gildeford with various and cruel deaths whose Souls are believed now to rejoyce with the Saints in Paradice seeing â—heir bodies were so cruelly slain in the fields without any fault which Queen Emma hearing of sent back her son Edward who remained with her with greatest haste into Normandy After which by the command of Earl Godwin and some others Prince Alfred being bound most straitly in chains was carried Prisoner to the Isle of Ely by ship where he no sooner arived but his eyes were most cruelly pulled out and so being led to the Monastery was delivered to the Monks to be kept where he soon after died and was there interred Some add that after Alfreds eyes were put out his belly was opened and one end of his bowels drawn out and fastened to a stake and his body pricked with sharp needles or poyneyards forced about till all his intrails were extracted in which most savage torture he ended his innocent life Ranulphus Cistrensis in his Polychronicon l. 6. c. 21. relates that Godwin used this strange cruelty towards those Normans that came over with Alfred whom he twice decimateâ— at Gildeford that he â—ipped up their bellies and fastned the ends of their guts to stakes that were reared and pyght in the ground and laid the bodies about the stakes till the last end of the guts came out The Author of the Book called Encomium Emmae and Speed out of him writes That Harold was no sooner established King but that he sought meanes how to rid Queen Emma secretly out of the way and maliciously purposing took counsel how he might train into his Hay the sons of Queen Emma that so all occasions of danger against him might at once for all be cut off Many projects propounded this lastly took effect that a Letter should be counterfeited in Queen Emma's name unto her sons Edward and Alfred â—o instigate them to attempt the Crown usurped by Harold against their right The Tenor of which Letter you may read in Speed This Letter being cunningly carried digested by Alfred as savoâ—ing of no falshood he returned answer he would come shortly over to attend his Mothers designs which Harold being informed of forelayes the coasts to apprehand him Upon his comming on shore in England Earl Godwin met him and binding his assurance with his corporal Oath became his Leige-man and guide to Queen Emma but being wrought firm for Harold treacherously led these Strangers a contrary way and lodging them at Guildford in several Companies there tithed and murthered them as aforesaid Henry Huntindon the Chroâ—icle of Bromton William Caxton in his Chronicle and another Historian mentioned by Mr. Fox record that this murther was after the death of King Harde-Cnute When the Earls and Barons of England by common assent and counsel sent into Normandy for these two Brethren Alfred and Edward intending to crown Alfred the elder Brother and to make him King of England and to this the Earls and Barons made their Oath But Earl Godwin of West-Sax sought to slay these two brethren so soon as they came into England to the intent he might make Harold his own son by Cnutes daughter or sister maried to him King as some of these affirm Others of them relate that he intended only to destroy Alfred being an Englishman by the Father but a Norman by the Mother whom he foresaw to be a person of such honour and courage that he would disdain to mary his daughter or to be swayed by him and then to mary his daughter Godith to Edward the younger Brother and to make him King as being of a more milde and simple disposition apt to be ruled by him Hereupon Godwin went to Southampton to meet with the two Brothers at their landing It fell out that the Messengers sent into Normandy found only Alfred there Edward being then gone into Hungarie to speak with his Cosen Edward the Outlaw Ironsides son When Alfred heard these Messengers tydings he thanked God and in all hast sped him to England ariving at Southampton with some of his Mothers kinred and many of his fellow-Souldiers of like age who were Normans Whereupon Godwin intimated to the Nobles of England That Alfred had brought over too great a company of Normans with him and had likewise promised the lands of the Englishmen to them and therefore it would not be safe to instirpate such a valiant and crafty Nation amongst them That these ought to undergoe exemplary punishment lest others by reason of their alliance to the King should presume to intrude themselves amongst the English And then posting to Southampton welcomed and received Alfred with much joy pretending to conduct him â—afe to London where the Barons waited for to make him King and expected his comming and so they passed forth together towards London But when they came to Guild-down Godwin said to Alfredâ— Lock round about thee on thy right hand and left and behold what a kingdom shall be subjugated to thy Dominion Upon which Alfred giving thanks to God presently promiâ—ed that if iâ— happened he should be crowned King He would constitute such Laws as should be pleasing and acceptable both to God and Man Which words were no sooner uttered but the Traytor Godwin commanded all his men to apprehend Alfred and to slay all the Normans that came with him in his company and after that to carry Alfred into the Isle of Ely and there to put out both his eys and to pull out his bowels which they accordingly executed as aforesaid And so died this innocent Alfâ—ed right heir to the Crown through the Treason of wicked Godwin When the Lords of England heard thereof and how Alfred that should have been their Kingâ— was put to deathâ— through the false Treason of Godwin against their wills 〈◊〉 were â—onderâ—ull sorrowâ—ull and wrâ—th and swore before God and Man that he should die a worser Death than did Edric which destroyed his Lord Edmond Ironside and would immediately have put him to death but that the Traytor fled and escaped into Denmark and there continued 4. yeares and more and lost all his Lands Rents Goods and Chattels in England confiscated in the mean time for this his Treason These Historians though they somewhat vary in the time and occasion of Prince Alfreds death yet they all agree in the substance of his and of his Norman Souldiers and Campanions treacherous barbarous murders by the joynt or separate
vix aliquis id possit persolvere Quapropter omnibus qui prius adventum ejus desiderabant magnopere factus est exosus summopere Anno 1041. Harde-Cnute King of England Huscarlas missit per omnes regni sui Provincias Or Ministros suos per omnes fines regni destinavit sent his Officers through all the Counties parts of the Realm to exact and collect the Tribute which he had imposed without sparing any and to furnish his Mariners with all necessaries from thence Two of which Oâ—ficers Faeder and Turstin exacting this Importable Tribute with great rigour and cruelty from the Inhabitants of the County and City of Worcester were thereupon tumultuously slain by them in a Monastery whither they fled for Sanctuary on the 4 th day of May. The King being very much incensed therewith sent Godwin with all the rest of the Earls of England and almost all his Officers and whole army thither â—o avenge their deaths commanding them to slay all the men if they could to pillage and burn the whole City and County who coming thither the 2. of November wasted the City and County for 4. dayes space but took or slew few of the City or County because they having notice of their coming fled all away to an Iland in the midst of Severn called Beverage which â—hey fortified and so long manfully defended against their Enemies til they had recovered their peace and obtained leave quietly to return to their homes Whereupon on the fifth day they burnt the City every one returning with great booties and thereupon the Kings wrath was pacified but his reputation much ecclipsed and the affections of the people lost by that cruelty and Tax Which it seems was imposed by his own arbitrary power without any Grant or common consent in a Parliamentary Council Unde cunctis qui prius ejus adventum optaverant in Angliam exosus effectus est writes Mat. Westminster Contumeliam famae amori suo detrimentum ingessit adds Malmsbury This whole Tribute amounted but to 32137 l. which came not to the moity of one Moneths Contribution or Excise in our dayes Iohn Speed and some others write That Earl Godwin devising how the Crown might be worn by him or his to separate the hearts of the Subjects from the Prince thaen which there can be no greater wound unto both caused the King to impose heavy Tributes upon the English only to pay the Danes in his Fléet appointing every common Souldier and Mariner to receive 8. Marks in money and every Officer and Master 12. amounting to the summ of 32147 l. for the payment whereof there was so great a grudge that two of his Collectors were slain by the Citizens of Worcester which caused their City to be burnt and part of the County to be spoiled by the Kings command and their Bishop Alfred expulsed the See til with money he had purchased his peace But observe Gods Justice on this Exactor and Tax-imposing King soon after his cruelty at Worcester as he was revelling and carrouzing amidst his cups at Lambheth at a solemn Mariage-feast between a Danish Lord and Gotha an English Lady he suddenly fell down dead to the ground without speech or breath â—ot being lamented nor desired by reason of his unwonted Taxes excesse and riot Yea so far were all â—orts from bewailing him that in regard of their freedom from the Danish yoak which they attained ever since among the Common people the 8. of Iune the very day of his death is annually celebrated with open pastimes in the street as the old Romans kept their Fugalia for chasing out their King which time is now called Hoc-tide or Herextide signifying a time of scorning or contempt which fell upon the Danes by his death when he had voluptuously and oppressingly reigned over the English not full two years wanting ten dayes thereof Now here take special notice of Gods exemplary justice upon King Cnute the Danish Usurper and Invader of other mens Crowns and Kingdoms by treachery bloud war treason the murders of Edmund Ironside Pr. Edwin and Alfred and exile of the Royal posterity His base Son Harold dispossessed his Legitimate Son Harde-Cnute of the Crown of England contrary to his will and contract banished and spoiled his own Queen Emma of her Treasure and Jewels oppressed the people with Taxes and was soon cut 〈◊〉 by death without any issue Harde-Cnute after his death digs up his Brother Harolds corps beheads and then throws it into the common sink Thames incurs Gods and his Peoples hatred by his Oppressions Taxes Luxurie and is taken away suddenly in the midst of his age without issue before he had reigned two years His Son Swane to whom he bequeathed the Kingdom of Norwey which he got by treachery bribery force and the expulsion murder oâ— their rightfull pious King Olaus was expelled both out of Norwey and Denmark too by Magnus the Sonne of Olaus the English Army sent by Harde-Cnute to re-establish him in the Kingdom of Norwey routed in the field and so forced home thence with dishonour leaving Magnus in possession not only of Norwey but Denmark which he conquered and made Tributary to him Thus were all his three Sons within 8 years space after Cnutes death quite stript of all their three Kingdoms acquired by war blood conquest treachery and the English and Norwegian royal lines restored to their rights and Crowns again What persons then in their right sences would impiously spend much treasure levied on the oppressed people by violence rapin uncessant Taxes Excises or shed much human Christian blood to purchase other mens Crowns Kingdoms which are not only full of cares and troubles but so unstable short and momentary in their fruition as is most evident by the Danish Intruders CHAP. V. Containing a Brief Historicall Collection of all the Parliamentary Councils State-Assemblies Historicall Passages and Proceedings that concern the Fundamentall Liberties Priviledges Rights Properties Laws and Government of the Nation under the reign of King Edward the Confessor from the year of our Lord 1042. to 1066. wherein he died KING Harde-Cnute being sodainly taken out of this world without issue by divine Justice on the 6 day of Iune Anno 1042. thereupon the Earls and Barons of England immediately â—fter his death assembled together in a Great Council about the election of a New King Wherein OMNES ANGLORUM MAGNATES ad invicâ—m tractantes DE COMMVNI CONCILIO ET JURAMENTO STATUERUNT QUOD NUNQUAM TEMPORIBUS FUTURIS ALIQUIS DACUS SUPER EOS IN ANGLIA REGNARET hoc maximâ— pro contemptibus quos Angli à Danis saepiuâ— accâ—perunt c. as the Chronicle of Bromton others informe us All the Nobles of the English treating together decreed by common advice which they ratified with an oath THAT IN TIMES TO COME NEVER ANY DAâ—E or person of the Danish blood SHOULD REIGN OR BE KING OVER THEM IN ENGLAND ANY MORE
alia Apostolica mandata cum referrent nobis Legati interea revelavit beatus Petrusâ— c voluntatem suam esse ut restituerem locum qui dâ—itur Westmonaâ—terium c. Cumque mihi hanc visionem meisque retulisset Apostolicae literae aequalia praecepta detulâ—ssent contuli voluntatem meam cum voluntate Dei TOTIUS REGNI ELECTIONE dedi me ad restructioneÌ„ ejusdem loci Itaque DECIMARI praecepi omnem substantiam meam tam in auâ—o argento quà m in pâ—cudibus omni genere possessionum destruens veteremâ— novam à fundamento basilicam construxi From which passages and charters which I have coupled all together for their coherence in matter though differing somewhat in time I shall observe 1. That parliamentary great Councils in that age were summoned by the King upon all extraordinary occasions 2. That the Prelates Nobles and Barons of the Realm were the onely members of the grâ—at parliamentary Councils summoned onely by the Kings writs without any Knights of Burgesses that we read of elected by the people 3. That the Kings of Engl. in that age could not depart out of the Realm no not to pay their solemn vows to God nor appoint Vice-royes Guardians Officers Judges Commanders to govern or defend the Realm in their absence without the advice and consent of their Nobles in parliamentary Councils nor yet endow Monaâ—teries with any Crown-lands or Royal priviledges by their charters unless by consent and confâ—rmation of their Nobles and themselves in Parliament 4. That the Nobles and grand Councils of Engl. had then a negative voyce not onely to conclude against the King in his resolutions and intentions buâ— even in his sacred and religious vows when prejudicial dangerous mischievous to the Realm the publick peace safety 5. That Kings ought to submit to the just petitions advice desires of their Nobles Councils and people in all things which concern their safety tranquility though contrary not only to their private resolutions but vows 6. That the Nobles and Subjects of that age were very zealous both of the safety of their Kings persons the kingdoms peace and security and the hereditary succession of the Crown 7. That the Kings absence out of the Realm or death without any hereditary issue or heir is exceeding perillous and mischievous to the Realm yea the cause of many seditions tumults perturbations and ruins 8. That the sacred vows of Kings prejudicial to the Realm may and ought to be violated and dispensed with and that by the resolution of two Popes three Roman Synods and two parliamentary Councils 9. That God doth many times not onely preserve the right heirs to the Crown from the hands of bloody Tyrants and Usurpers who seek their life but likewise miraculously and unexpectedly restore them to the Crown again without war or bloodshed after many years seclusion from it by intruding armed usurpers as he did K. Edw. here after 25 years invasion of his right Aurelius Ambroâ—ius after 21 years long before 10. That right heirs to the Crown when so miraculously restored and reinthroned in their Kingdomes ought to be extraordinarily affected with and thankful bountiful and devout to God for it and their subjects likewise both in wordâ— and deeds as King Edward his Nobles and Subjects were King Henry the Emperour An. 1049. when the forementioned parliamentary Council was held about the Kings pilgrimage and Embassy to Rome warring upon Baldwin Earl of Flanders for burning his palace sent to King Edward intreating him not to suffer Baldwin to â—scape in case he should flie to sea Whereupon the King went with a great fleet to Sandwich which he there continued so long till the Emperour received from Baldwin whatever he desired Henry Huntindon and the Chronicle of Bromton relate that two Princes of the Danes Lothin and Hirling the yeare before having there taken an inestimable booty and great store of gold and silver they sailed by sea about the coast of Essâ—x pillaged it and sailing thence into Flanders there sold their prizes and returned from whence they came Which probably occasioned the kings drawing his fleet this year unto Sandwich for defence of the coast as well as the Emperours Embassy Whiles the Kings fleet lay at Sandwich Swane Earl Godwins son who formerly fled into Denmark because he could not marry Abbâ—sse Elgina â— whom he had defloured teturning into England with eight shipâ— gave out in speeches that he would from henceforth faithfully remain with the King Whereupon Earl Beorn promised him to procure from the King that his Earldome should be restored to him The Emperour and Earl Baldwin being agreed Earl Godwin and Beorne by the Kings license sailed to Pemeuse with 42 ships the rest of the Navy the King discharged and sent home retaining onely a few ships with him But being soon after informed that Osgad Clapa whom he had banished lay in Vlve with 29. ships he recalled as many of the dismissed ships as he could to encounter him Osgad having received his wife sailed with 6 of his ships inâ—o Dâ—nmark the other 23 ships sailed towards Essex having taken a great booty about the promontory of Edelfe they were all cast away in a great storm but two w ch were taken in the parts beyond the sea all the men in them put to the sword In the mean time Swane dealt very deceitâ—ully with Earle Beorne intreating him to go with him to Sandwich to make his peace with the King who considering his consanguinity went to him attended onely with three men Swane treacherously sending him to Bosâ—nham where his ships rode at anchor carried him on ship-board bound him in chains and at last slew and cast him into a pit After which two of his ships being taken by those of Hastings and brought to the King at Sandwich and 4 more of his ships being dismissed he sailed with two ships onely into Ireland till Ailred Bish. of Worcest reduced and reconciled him unto the King The same year in the moneth of Aug. the Irish pirats with 36 ships arriving in the mouth of Severn by the help of Griffin King of Sâ—uthwales burnt and pillaged many villages and put the inhabitants to the sword against whom Ailred Bish. of Worcest with few of the inhabitants of Worcester and Hereford speedily marched but the Welshmen amongst them who had promised fidelity to them â—ending presently to their K. Griffin intreating him with all possible speed to fall upon the English thereupon he and the Irish pirats assaulting the English unexpectedly early in the morning slew many of them and routed the rest King Edward in the year 1051. released the English From the heavy tribute or Danegeld which Florentius Wigorniensis and Simeon Dunelmensis thus expresse Rex Edvardus Absolvit Anglos A gravi veâ—â—igali 38. anno ex quo pater ejus Rex Athelredus Danicos solidarios solvi mandavit c. quod eis pater suus propter
and Franchises granted by the glorious King Edward 3. That they prescribe the due payment of Tithes to God and his Ministers as well personal as praedial under Ecclesiastical and temporal penalties being granted and consented unto a Rege et Baronibus et Populo 4. That the Causes and pleas of the Church ought first to be heard ended in Courts and Councils before any other Iustitia enim est ut Deus ubique prae caeteris honoretur 5. That they thus define Danegild Danegaldi redditio propter Piratas primitus Statuta est Patriam enim infestantes vastationi ejus pro posse suo insistebant Ad eorum quidem insolentiam reprimendam Statutum est Danegaldum annuatim reddi scilicet duodecim denarios de unaquaque Hida totius Patriae ad conducendos eos qui Piratarum eruptioni Resistendo obviarent To which Hoveden Knyghton Lambard and others subjoyn De hoc quoque Danegaldo omnis ecclesia libera est quieta omnis terra quae in proprio dominico Ecclesiae erat ubicunque jacebat nihil prorsus in tali redemptione persolvens quia magis in Ecclesiae confidebant orationibus quam in armorum defensionibus usque tempora Willielmi junioris qui Ruffus vocabatur donec eodem a Baronibus Angliae auxilium requirente ad Normanniam requirendam retinendam de Roberto suo fratre cognomine Cortehose Ierusalem proficiscente Concessum est et non Lege sancitum neque confirmatum sed hac necessitatis causa ex unaquaque hida sibi dari quatuor solidos Ecclesia non excepta Dum vero collectio census fieret proclamabat Ecclesia suam reposcens libertatem sed nil profecit By which it is apparent 1. That this grievous Tax of Danegeld was first granâ—ed and appointed by a publike Law in a Parliamentary Council to hire men to resist the eruption of the Pyrates and Enemies That it amounted but to 12 d. a year upon every Ploughland That the Church and Demesne Lands of the Church where ever they lay were exempted from it till William Rufus his time who first exacted it from the Clergy upon a pretended necessity and raiâ—ed it from 12 d. to 4 s. a Ploughland by grant of the Barons without any Law to enact or confirm it for fear of drawing it into consequence 6ly That these Laws thus describe the Duty and Office of a King The King because he is the Vicar of the highest King is constituted for this end that he may rule the earthly kingdom and the Lords people and above all things that he may reverence his holy Church and defend it from injuries pluck away evil doers from it and utterly to dâ—stroy and disperse them Which unless he shall doe the name of a King agreeth not unto him the Prophet Pope John witnessing Nomen Regis perdit qui quod Regis est non faciat he loseth the name of a King who dischargeth not the duty of a King Pepin and Charls his Son being not yet Kings but Princes under the French King hearing this definitive Sentence as well truly as prudently pronounâ—ed concerning the name of a King by William the bastard King of England foolishly writ to Pope John demanding this queâ—â—ion of him Whether the Kings of France ought so to continue being content only with the name of a King Who answered That it is convenient to call them Kings who do watch over defend and govern the Church of God and his people imitating King David the Psalmograph saying He shall not dwell in my House which worketh pride c. After which it followeth in Mr. Fox and some others but not in Hoveden and Knyghton â— Moreover the King by his right and by his Office ought to defend and conserve fully and wholly in all ampleness without diminution all the Lands Honours Dignities Rights and Liberties of the Crown of his Kingdom And further to reduce into their pristine state all such things as have been dispersed wasted and lost which appertain to his kingdom Also the whole and universal Land with all Ilands about the same in Norwey and Denmark be appertaining to the Crown of his kingdom and be of the appurtenances and dignity of the King making one Monarchy and one Kingdom which sometimes was called the Kingdom of Britain and now the Kingdom of England such bounds and limits as is abovesaid be appointed and limited to the name of this kingdom A King abovâ— all things ought to fear God to â—ove and observe his commandements and cause them to be observed through his whole kingdom He ought also to keep cherish maintain and govern the holy Church within his kingdom with all integrity and Liberty according to the constitution of his ancestors and predecessors and to defend the same against all Enemies so that God above all things be honoured and ever before his eyes He ought also to set up Good Laws aud Customs such as be wholesom and approved Such as be otherwise to repeal them and thrust them out of his kingdom Item he ought to doe Iudgement and Iustice in his kingdom by the counsel of his Realm All these things ought a King in his own person to do taking his Oath upon the Evangelist swearing in the presence of the whole State of the Realm as well of the Temporalty 〈◊〉 of the Spiritualty before he be crowned of the Archbishops and Bishopâ— Three Servants the King ought to havâ— under his feet as Vassals Fleshly Lust Avarice and Grâ—edy desire whom if he keep under as his Seruants and Slaves he shall reign well and honourably in his Kingdom All things are to be done with good advisement and premeditation and that properly belongeth to a King For hasty rashness bringeth all things to ruine according to the saying of the Gospel Every kingdom divided in it self shall be desolate c. A clear evidence that our Saxon Kingâ— had no arbitrary nor tyrannical power to condemn banish imprison oppresse or Tax their Subjects in any kinde against their Laws Liberties Properties And thus much touching King Edwards Laws Qui ob vitae integritatem Regnandi Iustitiam clementiam Legumque sive à se latarum sive ex veteribus sumptarum Equitatem inter Sanctos relatus est as Matthew Parker records of him In the year of Christ 1053. as many or 1054. as others compute it that old perjured Traytor Earl Godwin came to a most soddein shamefull exemplary death by divine justice which the marginal Historians thus relate and Abbot Ailred thus prefaceth Inserendum arbitror quâ—modo Godwinum proditionum suarum donatum stipendiis divini judicii ultrix ira consumpserit detestandique facinoris quod in Regem fratremque ejus coÌ„miserat populo spectante ipsam quam meruerat poenam exolverat This Godwin being the Kings Father-in-law abusing his simplicity multa in regno contra jus et fas pro potestate faciebat did many things in the
Realm against Law and right by his power and often attempted to incline the Kings minde to his Injustice At last his subtilty proceeded so farr that by fraud deceit and circumvention he banished out of the land almost all the Kings kinred and friends whom he had either brought with him or called out of Normandy as well Bishops as Clerks and Laymen of other dignities believing that all things would succeed according to his desires if the King deprived of all his friends should make use only of his Counsels But Edward dissembling all things in regard of time place and out of religion addicted himself wholly to divine duties sometimes predicting That divine Iustice would at some time or other revenge so great malice of the Earl and telling Godwin himself so much Whereupon on a certain day when the King was celebrating the Feast of Easter at Winchester as most or at Windsor as some or Hodiam as others relate which feast was famous among the people the King sitting at his royal Table at dinner the Kings Cup-bearer Harold Godwins own Son as some record bringing the Kings cup filled with Wine towards the Table striking one of his feet very hard against a stumbling block on the pavement fell almost to the ground but his other foot going straight on recovered him again and set him upright so that he had no harm nor shed any of the wine Upon which many discoursing touching this event and rejoycing that one foot helped the other Earl Godwin who customarily sate next to the King at Table being his Father-in-law laughing thereat said by way of merriment Here a brother helped a brother as some or So is a Brother helping to a Brother and one assisting another in necessity as others report his words To whom the King upon this occasion ironically answering said Thus my Brother Alfred might have assisted me had it not been for Godwins Treachery who would not permit him Which Speech of the Kings Godwin taking over-grievously was sore afraid and with a very pale and sad countenance replied I know O King I know it hath been often reported to thee that I have sought to betray thee and that thou O King dost as yet accuse and suspect me concerning the death of thy Brother Alfred neither yet doest thou think that those are to be discredited who call me either his or thy Traytor or betrayer But let thy God who is true and just and knoweth all secrets judge between us and let him never suffer this piece of bread I now hold in my hand to pass down my throat without choaking me if I be guilty of any Treason at all against thee or had ever so much as a thought to betray thee Or if I be guilty of thy Brothers death or if ever thy brother by me or my counsel was nearer to death or remoter from life And so may I safely swallow down this morsel of bread in my hand as I am guiltlesse of these facts When he had thus spoken the King blessed the piece of bread whereupon Godwin putting it into his mouth swallowed it down to the midst of his throat where it stuck so fast that he could neither get it down nor cast it up by any means till through the cooperation of divine vengeance he was so choaked with it that his breath was quite stopped his eyes turned upside down his arms grew stiff being conscious to himself of what he thus abjured and so he fell down dead under the Table Deus autem justus et verax audivit vâ—cem Proditoris et mox eodem pane strangulatus mortem praegustavit aeternam writes Radulphus de Diceto The King seeing him pale and dead and that divine judgement and vengeance had thus passed upon him said to those who stood by Dragg out of this dog this Traytor and bury him in the high way for he is unworthy of Christian burial Whereupon his Sonnes there present beholding this Spectacle drew him from under the Table into a Bedchamber ubi debitum proditoris sortitus est finem and immediately after they buried him privily in the old Monastery at Winchester without honour or solemnity Abbot Ingulphus thus briefly relates the story of this his death Anno Domini 1053. cum Godwinus Comes in mensa Regis de nâ—ce sui fratris impeteretur ille post multa Sacramenta tandem per buccellam dâ—glutiendam abjuravit buccella gustata continuo suffocatus interiit As this judgement of God upon Earl Godwin for murdering Prince Alfred right heir to the Crown and the Normans who accompanied him 17 years after the fact was most exemplary so Gods justice upon his posterity is remarkable which to omit their forementioned exiles troubles are thus epitomized by Will. Malmâ—b Godwin in his younger years had the Sister of Cnute for his wifeâ— on whom he begat a Son who having passed the first years of his childhood whiles he was riding on a horse given to him by his Grandfather in a proud childish bravado giving him the spurr and â—ains the horse carried him into the swift stream of the River of Thames where he was drowned His Mother also was slain with the stroke of a thunderbolt receiving the punishment of her cruelty who was reported to buy whole droves of slaves especially beautifull maides in England and to send them into Denmark that she might heap up riches by their deformed sale After her death he maried another wife on whom he begot Harold Swane Wulnoth Tosti Girth and Leofwin Harold after Edward was King for some Moneths and being conquered by William at Hastings lost both his life and kingdom with his two younger Brothers there slain in battel Wulnoth sent into Normandy by King Edward because his father had given him for an hostage was there detained a Prisoner without any release during all King Edwards life and being sent back into England in Williams reign continued in bonds at Sarisbury till his old age Swane of a perverse wit treacherous against his King revolted oftentimes both from his Father and his Brother Harold and becomming a Pyrate polluted the vertues of his ancestors with his maritime Robberies and murder At last going barefoot to Ierusalem in pilgrimage out of conscience to expiate the wilfull murder of his Cosen Breuno and as some say his Brother in his return thence he was circumvented and slain by the Saracens Tosti being advanced by King Edward to the Earldom of Northumberland after the death of Earl Syward ruled the County near two years which being expired he stirred up the Northumbrians to a Rebellion with the asperity of his manners for finding him solitary they chased him out of the Country not thinking â—it to slay him by reason of his Dukedom but they beheaded all his men both English and Danes and spoiled him of all his horses arms and houshold-stuff whereupon being deprived of his Earldom he went with his wife and children into Flanders and at
Earl much benefited the King and people whiles he lived Algarus his son succeeding him in the Earldom of Mercia in the year 1058. was banished the second time by Kiâ—g Edward but by the assistance of Griffin King of Wales and help of the Norwâ—y fleet which beyond expectation came to assist him he suddenly recovered his Earldom again by force of which he conceived himself unjustly deprived against Law Griâ—fin King of Wales having contrary to his former league and agreement invaded infested England slain the Bishop of Hereford burnt the City â—arrowed the Country and twice assisted Earl Algarus against King Edward thereupon Anno 1063. Duke Harold by King Edwards command marched hostilely into Wales with his forces to infest Griffin who having notice of his comming took Ship and hardly escaped his hands Hereupon Harold raised a greater Army and likewise provided Ships and furniture after this his brother Tosti and he joyning their forces together by the Kings command began to depopulate Wales and invaded it both by Sea and Land whereupon the Welshmen compelled by necessity gave them Hostages and promised That they would thenceforth pay a Tribute to K. Edward as their Soveraign and banish their King Griffin whom they expelled accordingly that year and An. 1064. they cut off their King Griffins head and sent it unto Harold who presently transmitted it to K. Edward whereupon the King made Griffiâ—s Brothers Blethagent and Redwallo Kings over the Welshmen to whom he gave that land who sware Fealty to King Edward and Harold et ad imperium illorum mari terraque se fore paratos ac omnia quae prius de terra illa Regibus anterioribus fuâ—rant pensa obedienâ—er se pensuros responderunt as Wigorniensis Hoveden Simeon Dunelmensis and others record their Oath The next year Tosti Earl of Northumberland moved with envy against his Brother Harold in the Kings own presence at Winsore took Harold by the hair as he was drinking wine to the King and violently struck the Cup out of his hand using him most dishonourably all the Kings Houshold admiring at it Upon which Harold provoked to revenge taking Tosti between his arms and lifting him up on high threw and dashed him violently against the pavement At which sight the Souldiers round about ran in on all â—ides and parting the began fray perforce between these Brothers and stout Warriers severed them one from the other But the King upon this predicted that the destruction of these two Brothers was now near at hand and that their deadly feud was not long to be deferred For all the sons of the Traytor Earl Godwin were so ungracious covetous oppressive and so extremely unjust that if they had seen any fair Manner or Mansion place they would procure the owner thereof to be slain in the night withall his posterity and kinred that so they might get possession thereof for themselves Who notwithstanding which their soft and honied speeches although they were but swords did so circumvent the over-credulous simplicity of King Edward that after many enormous wickednesses committed by them he made them Râ—gni Iusticiarios Regni Rectores Dispositores both Justices Rulers and Disposers of the kingdom and likewise Generals and Admirals of his forces both by Land and Sea The many acts of Injustice committed by the sway of power and passion by Earl Godwin and his sons proportionate greatness and the Kings weakness did much blacken that bright time of Peace and made a good man not by acting but induring ill held to be a bad King Tosti after this contest and quarrel with his brother Harold departing in a rage from the Kings Court and comming to the City of Hereford where his Brother Harold had provided a great intertainment for the King slew and cut all his Servants in pieces and put either a legg arm or some other member of their bodies thus mangled into every vessel of wine meade bear and other sorts of liquors he there found wherin they lay steeping stopping up the Vessels again Which done he sent word to the King that when he came to his Farm at Hereford he should find his flesh well powdâ—red and that he would provide him sweetmeats The King being informed of this his barbarous villany and scoff commanded that he should be banished for this detestable wickedness which he abhorred Soon after Tosti departing into Northumberland about the 5. of October divers Gentlemen and others of that Country assembling together came with about 200â— armed men to York where Tosti then resided both to revenge the execrable murder of some Noble Northumberlanders servants to Goâ—patriâ— whom Queen Egitha in the cauâ—e of her brother Tosti had commanded treacherously to be slain on the 4th day of the precedent Christmass and of Gamel the son of Orâ—e and Ulfe son of Delfin whom Tosti the year before had commanded to be treacherously murdered in his chamber at York under pretext of making a Peace with them necnon pro immanitate Tributi quod de tota Northimbria injuste acceperat as also for the excessiveness of the Tribute which he had unjustly received out of all Northumberland without their common consent and grant These chasing the Earl himself out of the Country pro contuitu Ducatus occidendum non rati slew and cut off the heads of all his Servants and Courtiers as well English as Danes being above 200. on the North part of the river of Humber then breaking up his Treasury they took away all his Treasures Horses Armes houshold-stuff and all things that were his The rumor whereof being brought to the King and the Country in an uproar almost all the Northumberlanders met together and elected constituted Morchar Earl Algarus son for their Earl in the place of Tosti who marched with them into Lincolnshire Nottinghamshire and Derbyshire wasted and pillaged those Counties slew many of the Inhabitants and carryed many thousands of them away captive leaving those Counties much impoverished many years after Hereupon Harold was sent against them to revenge those injuries to prevent further mischiefs and to mediate a reconciliation between them and Tosti Upon this the Northumberlanders met Harold first at Northampton and afterwards at Oxford and although they were more in number than he yet being desirous of quietness and peace they excused the fact unto him saying Se homines liberè natos liberè educatos nullius Ducis ferociam pati pâ—sse A majoribus didicisse aut Libertatem aut Mortem c. That they being men freely born freely educated could not suffer the cruelty of any Duke That they had learned of their ancestors either to enjoy Liberty or death Therefore if the King would have them his Subjects he must set another Earl over them even Morchar who had had experience how sweetly they knâ—w to obey if they were sweetly handled But all of them unanimously refused any reconciliation at all with Tosti
whom they Outlawed together with all those who had incited him to make an unjust Law and impose an illegal Tribute upon them Harold hearing these things and minding more the Peace of the Country than his brothers profit recalled his Army and the Kiug having heard their answer confirmed Morchar for their Duke Tosti hateful to all men by the assistance of Earl Edwin was expelled out of England by the Northumberlanders and driven with his wife and children into Flanders whence returning about two years after and joyning with the Danes he entred with the Danes into Northumberland miserably harrowed the whole Country slaughtered the inhabitants and at last was there slain with most of his Souldiers by his own brother King Harold Anno 1066. King Edward as Abbot Ingulphus living in that age records Anno 1065. being burdened with old age perceiving Prince Edgar Atheling his Cosen Edwards son lately dead to be unfit for the royal throne tam corde quam corpore as well in respect of minde as body and that Earl Godwins many and wicked progeny did daily increase upon the earth set his mind upon his Cosen William Duke of Normandy et eum sibi succederâ— in Regnum Angliae voce stabili sancivit and decreed by a stable vote that he should succeed him in the Realm oâ— England For Duke William was then superiour in every battel and a triumpher against the King of France and his fame was publickly blazed abroad amongst all the Earls of Normandy who were next him being invincible in the exercise of Arms Iudex justissimus in causarum judiciâ— a most just Iudge in the judging of causes and most religious and most devout in the service of God Hereupon King Edward sent Robeâ—t Archbishop of Canterbury to him as his Legate a Lâ—tere or special Embassador illumque designatum sui regni Successorem tam debito cognationis quam merito virtutis suae Archipraesulis relaâ—u insinuavit and intimated unto him by the relation of his Archbishop that he had designed him to be the Successor of his Realm as well by the debt of kinred as by the merit of Virtue Moreover Harold the Major of the Kings Court comming into Normandy not only swore that he would conserve the Kingdom of England for Duke William afâ—er the Kings death but likewise promised upon Oath that he would take the daughter of Duke William for his wife and upon these promises returned home magnificently rewarded After which â—e subjoins Edwardi pâ—issimi Regis cujus cognatione et consanguinitate inclytus Rex noster Willelmus fundat conscientiam suam regnâ—m Angliae invadendi caeteris Regibus de Danorum sanguine quasi nullius authoritatis ad allegandum interim intermissis William of Malmsbury who flourished in oâ— near that very age thus seconds him After the death of Edward his son Edgar was Neque promptus mâ—nu neque probus ingenio Rex itaque defuncto cognato quia spes prioris erat soluta suffragii Willielmo comiti Normanniae successionem Angliae dedit Erat ille hoc munâ—re dignus praesâ—ans animi juvenis qui in supremum fastigium alacri labore excreverat Praeterea proxime consanguineus filius Roberti filius Richardi seâ—undi quem fratrem fuisse Emmae matris Edwardi non semel est quod diximus Ferunt quidam ipsum Haroldum a Rege in hoc Normanniam missum alii secretioris coâ—silii conscii invitum venti violentia illuc actum quo se tueretur invenisse commenâ—um quod quia propius vero videtur exponam Harold comming to his farm at Boseam going for his recreation into a fisher-boat and putting forth into the Sea in sport was by a sudden contrary storm arising driven with his companions into the Village of Ponthieu in France where he was stripped and bound hand and foot by the rude Country people and carried Prisoner to Guido their Earl who detained him in Prison to gain a ransom from him Whereupon Harold being of a subtil wit studying how to relieve himself by large promises procured a Messenger to inform Duke William that he was sent by the King into Normandy that what lesser Messengers had but muâ—tered touching his Succession to the Crown of England he might perform by his presence especially that he was detained in bonds by Earl Guido wherby he was hindered to deliver his message notwithstanding his appeal to him which was a great diminution to his honor and if his captivity were to be redeemed with monie he would willingly give it to him and not to Guido Upon which he was by Duke Williams command released brought by Guidâ— into Normandy and there nobly feasted by the Duke where by his valour and policy he gained great reputation with Duke William and that he might more indear himself in his favour he there voluntarily of his own accord confirmed to him the Castle of Dover which belonged to him of right and the Kingdom of England after King Edwards decease whereupon the Duke espoused him to his daughter Adeliza then a child and bestowed her whole ample portion upon Harold and then honourably dismissed him Matthew Westminster Anno 1057. relating this Story of Harolds driving into Ponthieu by storm against his will as hapning in that year and that to ingratiate himself with Duke William Post mortem Regis Edwardi ei Regnum Angliae Sacramento firmavit subjoyns thereâ—o Tradunt autem aliter alii quod videlicet Haroldus a Rege Edwardo fuerat ad hoc in Normanniam missus ut Ducem Gulihelmum in Angliam conducerâ—t qnem idem Rex Edwardus Haeredem sibi constituere cogitavit Roger de Hoved. Annal. pars prior p. 499. Radulph de Diceto Abbr. Chron. col 480 481. Eadmerus Hist. Novorum l. 1. p. 4 5. Sim. Dunel Hist. col 195. Io. Bromton in his Chronicle col 947. Hygden in his Polychron l. 6. c. 27. with others record the matter somewhat different from our other Historians That Harold after his Fathers death craving leave of King Edward to goe into Normandy to free and bring into England his Brother Wulnoth Nephew Hake there detained Hostages the King would not permit him to goe as senâ— by him but yet left him free to do what he pleased of himself therein Adding Praesentio tamen te ad nihil aliud tendere nisi in detrimentum totius Anglici regni et opprobrium tui nec enim ita novi Comitem mentis expertem ut eos aliquatenus velit concedere tibi si non praescierit in hoc magnum proficuum sui Harold notwithstanding taking ship to go into Normandy upon this occasion was driven by storm into Ponthieu and there imprisoned as aforesaid and by Duke Williams means and threats after two denials released who honourably entertaining him for some dayes to advance his own designs by him at last opened his minde thus to him Dicebat itaque Regem Edwardum quando secum invene olim juvenis in Normannia demoraretur
sibi interposita fide sua pollicitum fuisse quod si Rex Angliae foret Ius regni in illum Iure Haereditario transferret subdens ait tu quoque si mihi te in hoc ipso adminiculaturum sposponderis et insuper castellum Dofris cum puteâ— aquae ad opus meum te facturum sororemque tuam uni de Principibus meis dederis in uxorem te ad mâ— tâ—mpore quo nobis conveniet destinaturum nec non filiam meam in câ—njugem accepturum promiseris tunc et modo nepotem tuum et cum in Angliam venero regnaturus fratrem tuum incolumem recipies in quo regno si tuo favore confirmatus fuero spondeo quod omne quod à me rationabiliter tibi postulaveris obtinebis Hereupon Harold perceiving danger on every side and not knowing how to escape unless he condescended to Williams will in all things he thereupon consented to his requests But he that all things might be ratified bringing forth the reliques of Saints brought Harold to this That he should swear upon them that he would actually perform all things which they had agreed between them These things thus done Harold receiving his Nephew returned into his Country where he related to the King upon his demand what had happened and what hee had done Who said Did I not tell thee I knew William and that many mischiefs might happen to this kingdom in thy journey I foresee in this thy deed that great calamities will come upon our Nation which I beseech God of his infinite mercy to grant that they may not happen in my dayes Mr. Fox relating this story more briefly concludes thus Whereby it may be â—athered That King Edward was right willing that Duke William should reign after him and also it seemeth not unlike but that he had given him his promise thereunto before The same Hoveden Annalium pars posterior p. 608 609 610. reciting the Laws of King Edward confirmed by King William after he got the Crown records these passages intermixed with them That King Edward retained his Cosen Edwards son Edgar with him and nourished him for his Son and because he thought to make him his Heir he named him Adeling which we call a Little Lord. But King Edward so soon as he knew the wickednesse of his Nation and especially the pride of the Sons of Godwin of Harold who after invaded the Kingdom Estigurt Lefwin and others of his Brothers imagining that what he had purposed concerning Edgar could not possibly be stable Adoptavit Willielmum Ducem Normannorum in regnum adopted William Duke of Normandy to succeed him in the Râ—alm William I say the bastard the son of Robert his Uncle a valiant warlike and stout man Who afteâ—wardâ— by Gods assistance by vanquishing the foresaid Harold son of Godwin victoriously obtained the Reâ—lm oâ— England To which he subjoyns That Edward wanting issue sent Râ—bert Archbishop of Canterbury to his Cosen William Duke of Normandy de Regno eum constituit Haeredem and made him heir of the Kingdom yea after him he sent Earl Harold and He invaded the Realm He further Records That when King William would have altered the Laws of England presented to him upon Oath in the 4th year of his reign but in one point Universi compatriotae qui leges edixerant tristes effecti c. tandem cum prosecuti sunt deprecantes quatenus pro anima Regis Edwardi qui ei post diem suum concesserat Coronam et Regnum et cujus erant Leges that he would not alter the Laws herein whereupon he consented to their request Thomas of Walsingham thus registers the fact Edwardus Rex Anglorum prolis successione carens olim miserat Duci Robertum Archiepiscopum Cantuar. statuens illum haeredem Regni a Deo sibi attributi Sed et Haroldum ipse postmodum destinavit qui fuit maximus Comitum regni sui in honore dominatione et divitiis ut ei de Corona sua fidelitatem faceret ac Christiano more Sacramentis confirmaret Qui dum ob hoc negotii venire contenderet velificato freto Porti Pontnium appulit ubi in manus Widonis Abbatis villae S. Abvile Comitis incidit quem idem Comes captum cum suis conâ—estim in custodiam trusit Quod ut Dux comperit missis Legatis violenter illum extorsit quem aliquandiu secum moratâ— facto fidelitate de regno pluribus Sacramentis cum muneribus multis Regi remisit Denique Rex Edwardus completo termino foelicis vitae c. migravit a saeculo Cujus regnum Haroldus continuo invasit ex fidelitate pejuratus quam Duci Iuraverat Ad quem Legatos direxit protinus hortans ut ab hac vesania resipisceret fidem quam Iuramento sposponderat cum digna subjectione servareâ— Sed ille hoc non solum audire contempsit veruâ— omnem ab illo Anglorum gentem infideliter avertit c. Chronicon Iohannis Bromton Col. 945. relates That King Edward purposed to make Edgar whom he had nourished as his Son heir of England Sed ut quidam aiunt Rex gentis suae mâ—litiam et praecipuè superbiam Haroldi filii Godwini â—t aliorum divina demonstratione praevidens percepit quod proposiâ—um suum quoad ipsum Edgarum cognatum suum de regno post eum obtinendo minime potuit adimplere unde Willielmo cognato suo Normannorum Duci Regnum post eum optinendum per solennes nuncios assignavit And Col. 957. he adds Some say that King Edward before his death had appointed William to succeed him according tâ— the promise which the said King had made him when he was a young man living in Normandy that he should succeed him in the Kingdom concerning which as some write he had sent solemn Messengers to him into Normandy The like is affirmed almost in the saâ—e words by Henry de Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae l. 1. c 15. col 2238. and by Fabian Câ—xton Cambden Holinshed Grafton Speed Daniel Stow Vestegan and other modern Historians Matthew Paris in the beginning of his History of England p. 1. relates Harolds driving into Pountoisâ— by storm as he was taking his pleasure at Sea his presenting to Duke William his espousals to his daughter under age which he ratified by Oath taken upon the reliques of Saints adding Iuravit insuper se post mâ—â—tem Regis Edwardi qui jam senuit sine liberis Regnum Angliae Duci qui in Regnum jus habuit fideliter conservaturum Consummatis igitur aliquot diebus cum summa laeâ—itia amplis muneribus ditatus in Angliam reversus est Haroldus Sed cum in tuto constitueretur jactabat se laqueos evasisse Hostiles Perjurii crimen eligendo And Anno 1257. Writing of the Lay Peers of France whereof the Duke of Normandy is first he hath this passage Rex Angliae Dux est de jure Normanniae sanguinis derivatione geneali Rex ex
to his Oath and promise to him had without right or Title invaded the Crown and being secretly invited by some of the English Nobles to challenge his own right thereunto by Kings Edwards designation sent Messengers to Harold who mildly reprehending him for his breach of Covenant added by way of menace that he would before the year expired exact his due from him by force of arms in case he refused voluntarily to yield up the kingdom to him But Harold growing secure contemning his threats as never likely to be put in execution both because the Dukes daughter to whom he was espoused was dead and himself involved in wars with his Neighbour Princes returned his Messengers to him with this answer Harold King of England sends you this answer That true it is when he espoused your daughter in Normandy being compelled by necessity He sware that the Realm of England should belong to thee But against this he asserts That a forced Oath is not to be kept For if a vow or oath which a Virgin had knowingly made concerning her body in the house of her Father without her parents consent was revocable and void much more the Oath which he being under the Scepter of the King had made without his knowledge by compulsion ought to be nâ—lled and made voyd as he asserted Moreover he afâ—irmed Nimis praesumptuosum â—uisse quod absque generali Consensu Regni Haereditatem vobis juraverat alienandam Addidit etiam Injustum esse petere ut e regno discedat quod tanto Principum favore susceperat gubernandum That it was overmuch presumption in him that without the general consent of the Realm he had sworn the inheritance thereof should be alienated to him That King Edward being then living he câ—uld neither give away the Kingdoms succession to him nor grant it to any other without his consâ—nt et â—ine populi consensu Senatus Decreto et nesciente omni Anglia de toto Regno necessitate temporis coactus impegerit and without the consent of the people and decree of the SENATE or Parliament he could not promise to him the whole Realm of England without the knowledg of all England being compelld therto only by the necessity of the time Adding moreover that it was unjust to demand that he should dâ—part from that kingdom which he had undertaken to govern with so great favour of the Nobles Eadmerus Radulphus de Diceto and some others record this to be his Answer then returned to Duke William Soror mea quam juxta condictum expetis mortua eâ— Quod si corpus ejus quale nunc est vult Comes habere mittam ne judicer Sacramentum violasse quod feci Castellum Dofris et in eo puteum aquae licet nescâ—am cui ut vobis convenit explevi Regnum quod necdum fuit meum quo Iure potui dare vel promittere Si de filia sua quam debui in uxorem ut asserit ducere agit Super Regnum Angliae mulierem extraneam inconsultis Principiâ—us me nec debere nec sine grandi injuria posse adducere noverit The Norman who till then thought England sure to be his and had devoted his hopes from a Duke to a King stormed to see himself thus frustrated on a sudden and instead of a Crown to have such scorns heaped on his head therefore nothing content with this â—light and scornfull answer returnd his Ambassadors again to Harold by whom he â—aid his claim more at large As that King Edward in the Court of France had faithfully promised the Succession unto him and again ratified the same unto him at his being in England and that not done without consent of the State but confirmed by Stigand it should be Robert Archbishop of Canterbury the Earls Godwin and Siward yea and by Harold himself and that so firmly assured that his Brother and Nephew were delivered for pledges and for that end sent to him into Normandy that he being no way constrained to swear as he pretended he appealed to Harolds own Conscience who besides his voluntary offer to swear the succession of the Crown unto him contracted himself to Adeliza his daughter then but young upon which foundation the Oath was willingly taken But Harold who thought his own head as fit for a Crown as any others meant nothing less than to lay it down upon parâ—y and therefore told Williams Embassadours plainly That however Edward and he had tampered for the Kingdom yet Edward himself coming in by election and not by any Title of Inheritance his promiâ—e was of no validity for how could he give that wherein he was not interested nor in the Danes time was likely to be and tell youâ— Duke that our Kingdom is now brought to a setled estate and with such love and liking of the English as that they will never admit any more a stranger to rule over them That the Duke himself well knew that the Oath he made him was only for fear of death or imprisonment and that an Oath so extorted in time of extremity cannot bind the maker in Conscience to perform it for that were to joyn one sin with another With which and the like Speeches he shifted off the Dukes Embassadours without any Princely entertainment or courteous regard who returned home without reply vel veris vel veresimilibus argumentis perstricti Some of our Historians record That the Dukes Messengers upon their second Embassy admonishing him how religiously he had bound himself by Oath and that perjured persons should be sure to find perdition from Gods hands and reproachfull shame with men waived all other demands of the Crown and insisted only upon this That Harold should marry his Daughter which he had espoused according to his promise else he should certainly know he would by force of Armes challenge the succession of the Kingdom promised to him But this seems improbable because our other Historians conclude that his espoused Daughter was dead before this Embassie and Williams preparations and future Messages claiming the Crown resolve the contrary Abbot Ingulphus flourishing at that time gives us this sum of their Negotiation and Harolds answer thereunto Wiâ—lielmus auâ—em Comes Normanniae Legatos mittit foedera facta dicit pacta patefecit promissa petit aliquod justum medium confici requirit At Rex Haroldus Legatos vix auscultat foedera fracta negat pacta recusat promissa excusat omnia â—ustamedia oblata sufflat subsannat Cumque haec intermedia quotidie agerentur ac solum nunciorum cursus ac recursus tota aestate sine fructu consumerarentur The Embassadours returned empty bringing only Harolds unsatisfactory and scornfull Answers with them Wherewith Duke William being much inraged cast about how to recover that by right of armes which he could not gain by Treaty providing Ships Souldiers Mariners and all things necessary for an invasive war making choice of the tallest skilfullest and
of the Nobles and common Souldiers were so incensed that detesting the covetousness of their Prince they unanimously deparâ—ed from his service and refused to march wiâ—h him against the Normans This triumphant victory so puffed up Harold that he thought himself secure in the Throne beyond the fear or reach of any adversity and instead of a King became a TYRANT Whilst Harold with all his Land and Sea forces were thus buâ—ied in the North of England Duke VVilliam in August assembled all his Land Army and Navy consisting of 900 ships at the Port of S. Valerie to invade England in the South then wholly destitute of all Guards by Land and Navy by Sea to resist his landing And to satisfie his Souldiers and all others of the justice of his undertaking he alleged these three causes thereof which Henry de Knyghton devides into four The first was to revenge the cruel murther of his Cousin Prince Alfred King Edmunds brother and of the Normans who came with him to assist him to recover the Crown of England to which he was right heir whom Godwin and his Sons had shamefully dishonoured treacherously betrayed and barbarously murdered which fact he ascribed principally to Harold The second was because Godwin and his Sons by their cunning had injuriously banished Robert Archbishop of Canterbury Earl Odo and all the French and Normans out of England which wrong he would revenge on Harold as done principally by his means and labour The third and chief ground was because Harold falling headlong into perjury had without any right usurped the Crown and Realm of England which of due belonged unto him both by right of Kinred to and gift by King Edward his Nephew and by Harolds own solemn Oath and promise made to him in Normandy to preserve the Kingdom for his use after King Edwards death without children according to King Edwards command While Duke William with his ships and Army lay many days together at S. Valerie expecting a fair gale for England the winds being cross many of the common souldiers there lying in Tents thus muttered one to another That the man was mad who would by force invade and make another mans Country and Realm his own That God did fight against them in withdrawing the winds That his Father attempted the same thing in the same manner and was hindered and inhibited therein That it was fatal to his family that aspiring to things above their power they should find God opposite to them These speeches bruted abroad which might enfeeble the strength and abate the courage even of valiant men The Duke thereupon taking Counsel with his Senators caused the Corps of St. Valerie to be brought forth to procure a wind presently a prosperous gale filling their sayles the Duke himself first took ship and launched forth and all the rest after him then casting Anchor till the Fleet came round about him they all sailing with a gentle course landed at Hastings and Pevemsy The Duke stepping forth of the ship upon the shore one of his feet slipped so that he fell down into the mud one of his hands being filled with sand whch he interpreted as an ill omen and sinister event But one of his Souldiers who stood next him lifting him up from his fall whiles he held the mud in his hand changed this event into a better interpretation saying Most happy Duke thou already possessest England and plowest it up Behold the land is in thy hand Lift up thy self with good hope thou shalt be King of England ere long No sooner was the Army landed but the King strictly charged them to forbear pluâ—dering and take no booties seeing they ought to spare the things that should be his own nor to wrong any of their persons who should ere long become his Subjects Richard Vestegan records out of a French Historian that Duke VVilliam the same day he landed in England caused divers of his chief Officers and Friends to dine with him and chancing at dinner to talk of an Astrologer who by the conjunction of the Planets had assured him at St. Valerie That Harold should never withstand him but submit himself unto him and yeeld him faith and homage willed now that the said Astrologer should be brought unto him whom he had caused to be imbarqued for that voyage But it was told him that the Ship wherein the said Astrologer sailed was cast away at Sea anâ— he drowned in it Whereunto the Duke replyed That man was not wise who had more regard â—o the good or ill fortune of another than unto his own I am now thanks be to God come over I know not how the rest will succeed How false this Star-gazers prediction proved the sequel will manifest Duke VVilliam after his arrival rested quietly 15. days without acting any thing as if he minded nothing less than war After which to cut off all occasion or hopes of return from his Souldieâ—s he fired all his ships or as some write drew them all a shore and intrenched them as others erecting only a Castle on the shore for a retiring place for his Souldiers if need were From Pevensy he marched to Hastings where he built another Fort. Henry de Knyghton records that the first night he lodged in England in his Pavillion there came a voice unto him saying William William be thou a good man because thou shalt obtain the Crown of the Realm and shalt be King of England and when thou shalt vanquish the enemy cause a Church to be built in the same place in my name so many hundred foot in length as in number of years the seed of thy bloud shall possess the Government of the Realm of England and reign in England an 150. years But Matthew Westminster writes this voice was after the battel with Harold not before it and the subsequent words in Knyghton touching his march to London import as much Harold residing in the North after his great victory there when he deemed all his Enemies totally broken in pieces received certain intelligence that Duke William was safely arived at Pevensey with his Fleet and an innâ—merable company of valiant Horsemen Slingers Archers and Footmen whom he had hired out of all France Whereupon he presently marched with his army in great haste towards London and although he well knew that most of the valiant men in all England were slain in the two late Battels against Tosti and the Danes that many of the Nobility and Common Souldiers had quite deserted him refusing to march with him in that necssity because he permitted them not to share with him in the great booties they had won with their bloud and that half his Army wâ—re not come togetherâ— yet he resolved forthwith to march into Sussex against the Enemy and fight them with those small forces tired he then had being most of them Mercenaries and Stipendiaries except those English Noblemen Gentlâ—men and Freemen who
himself of which he was most careful because therin were the most commodious Ports for any so pass into or out of the Realm hasted to London to his Coronation which Matthew Parker Godwin and others make subsequent to his Agreement with the Kentish men though Speed erroneously makes it precedent where he conceived so profound a displeasure against Archbishop Stigand for his forecited Speech and Stratagem to preserve the Liberties Laws and Customs of his Kentishmen that he would not suffer him to Crown him according to the duty of his place though he alleged other reasons for it and never ceased his rancor towards him till he had revenged it first by carrying him over with him into Normandy soon after in the nature of a prisoner at large under a pretext of honour Next by depriving him of his Archbishoprick upon his return from thence And finally by shutting him up presently after a Prisoner in Winchester Castle where he had scarce enough allowed him to keep life and soul together and soon after there died of grief or famine When Duke William was crowned at Westminster by Archbishop Aldred before he set the Crown upon his head he caused him before the altar of St. Peter in Westminster to promise upon Oath in the presence of the Clergy Nobles and people Se velle Sanctas Dei Ecclesias ac Rectores earum defendere necnon cunctum populum sibi subjectum Iuste regali Providentiae regere Rectam Legem statuere et tenere Rapinas injustaque judicia penitus interdicere as Florentius Wigorniensis Simeon Dunelmensis Roger de Hoveden and Radulphus de Diceto record his Oath Which the Chronicle of Bromton col 962. thus expresseth Ipsum Regem Willielmum ad Iura Ecclesiae Anglicanae iuendae et confirmanda populumque suum recte regendum et leges rectas statuendum Sacramento solemniter astrixit Which Iohn Speed thus renders in English At his Coronation he took a corporal Oath before the High Altar according to the accustomed form To defend the holy Church of God and the Rectors of the same To govern the universal people subject to him justly to establish equal Laws and to sée them duly executed as became a good King After which Oath taken the Bishops and Barons of the Realm there publikely made him homage and took an Oath to him to be his true and loyal Subjects Thus writes Matthew Westminster the Kingdom of the English was translated to the Dominion of the Normans by the most orderly disposition of God who disposeth and dissipateth Kingdoms and disappointing the Councils of Princes gives them to whom he will and so long as he pleaseth neither is there any that can say why dâ—st thou thus What the chief Sins of the Englishmen then were which brought them under the Norman yoak I havâ— mentioned in part take this addition to them out of the Chronicle of Bromton col 961 962. Cur autem tanto furore Dei Iustilâ—a in Anglos exarsit causa ut creditur haec est In primitiva Angliae Ecclesia Religio clarissime splenduit c. Processu vero temporis adeo omnis virtus in eis emarcuit ut gentem nullam in proditione et nequitia sibi parem esse permitterent Immisit ergo Dominus omnipotens veluâ— examina apum Gentes crudelissimas quae ab initio Ethelwolfi Regis usque adventum Normannorum per CCXXX annos Terram jugiter protriverunt et potissimum Normanni quando omnes fere Angli ut inferius aliqualiter parebit in servitutem sunt redacti et approbrium erat Anglicus appellari To whom I shall subjoyn this passage of William of Malmsbury more fully setting out the Sins and Vices of the generality of the English in that age which brought Gods judgements on them and enslaved them to the Normans by one single battel Illa fuit dies fatalis Anglis funestum excidium dulcis patriae pro novorum dominorum commutatione Iam enim pridem moribus Angâ—orum insueverat qui varii admodum pro temporibus fuere Nam primis advenâ—us sui annis vultu gestu barbarico usu bellico ritu fanatico vivebant Sed postmodum Christi fide suscepta paulatim per incrementa temporis pro ocio quod actitabant exercitium armorum in secundis ponentes omnem in religione operam insumpsere Taceo de pauperibus quos fortunae tenuitas plerumque continet ne cancellos justiâ—iae transgrediantur prâ—termitto graduum Ecclesiasticorum viros quos nonnunquam professionis contuitus sed infamiae metus à vero deviare non sinit De Regibus dicâ— qui pro amplitudine suae potestatis licenter indulgere voluntatibus possent quorum quidam in patria quidam Roma mutato habitu coeleste luc rati sunt regnum beatum nacti commercium Multispecie texus tota vita mundum amplexi ut thesauros egenis effunderent Monasteriis dividerent Quid dicam de tot Episcopis Hermitis Abbatibus nonne tota Insula indigenarum tantis reliquiis fulgurat ut vix aliquem vicum insignem praetereas ubi novi Sancti nomen non audias quam multorum etiam periit memeria proscriptorum inopia Veruntamen literarum et religionis studia aetate procedente absoleverunt non paucis ante adventum Normannorum annis Clerici literatura tumultuaria contenti vix Sacramentorum verba balbutiâ—bant stupori et miraculo erâ—t caeteris qui grammaticam noscet Monachi subtilibus indumentis et indifferenti genere ciborum regulam ludificabant Optimaâ—es gulae venerii dediti Ecclesiam more christiano â—anâ— non adibant sed in cubiculo et inter uxorios amplexâ—s matutinorum solemnia et Missarum a festinante presbytero auribus tantum libabant Vulgus in medio expositum praeda erat potentioribus ut vel â—orum substantiis exhaustis vel etiam corporibus iâ— longinquaâ— terras distractis acervos thesaurorum congererent quamvis magis ingenitum sit illi genti commessationibus quam operibus inhiare Illud erat a natura abhorrens quod multi ancillas suas ex se gravidas ubi libidini satisfecissent aut ad publicum prostibulum aut ad â—tâ—rnum obsequium vendicabant Potabatur in commune ab omnibus in hoc studio noctes perinde ut dies perpetuantibus parvis abjectis domibus totos sumptus absumebant Francis Normannis absimiles qui amplis superbis aedificiis modicas expensas agunt Sequebantur vitia ebrietatis soâ—ia quae virorum animos effaeminant Hiâ—c factum est ut magis temeritate et furore praecipiti quam scientia militari Willielmo congressi uno praelio ipso perfacili sâ—rvituti se patriamque pessundederint Ad summam tunc erant Angli vestibus ad medium genu expediti crines tonsi barbas rasi armillis aureis brachia onâ—rati picturatis stigmatibus cutem insigniti in cibis urgentes crapulum in potibus irritantes vomicâ— Et haec quideÌ„ extrema
victoribus suis participarunt de caeter is in â—orum mores transeuntes Sed haec mala de omnibus generaliter Anglis dicta intelligi nolim Scio clericos multos tunc temporis simplici via semitam sanctitatis trivisse Scio multos Laicos omnis generis conditionis in hae eadem gente Deo placuisse facessat ab hac relatione invidia non cunctos pariter hâ—c involvat calumnia Verum sicut in tranquillitate malos cum boâ—is fovet plaerumque Dei sereniâ—as ita in captivitate bonâ—s cum malis noâ—nunquam ejusdem constringit sevâ—ritas I have insisted more largely upon the Historical part of Harolds usurpation perjury short and troublesom reign tragical death Duke Wâ—lliams claims to and manner of acquiring the Crown of England for this reason especially To refute the common received Error of some ignorant Historians of many illiterate Statists and Swordmen of this age and of fundry temporizing Ignoramusses of my own robe who publickly averr in their Pamphlets Speeches Charges and Discourses that Duke William claimed and obtained the Crown of England only as a Conqueror and thereupon altered the antient Laws Customs of the Realm and gave New Laws unto it by his own absolute power as a Conqueror thereof Upon which false Ground they inferre That those in late and present Power coming in by the same Title of Conquest may lawfully give new Laws to impose what Taxes Government they please upon the English as well as Scotish and Irish as a meer conquered Nation by their own inherent authority seeing by the Laws of Warr regularly all Rights and Laws of the place and Nation conquered be wholly subject to the Conquerors will And hereby they justifie all their late Impositions Taxes Excises Sequestration Seisures Sales of all the publike revenues of the Nation and many thousand private mens Estates by their Westminster and White-Hall Ordinances Edicts with the changes of our Government new-modellings of our Parliaments and all other irregular proceedings destructive to our Fundamental Rights Laws Liberties Government which they formerly covenanted inviolably to maintain without grant or consent by any free full lawfull English Parliaments Now to demolish all these their superstructures by subverting their â—alse Foundation of D. Williams pretended Title to the Crown of England only by Conquest It is most apparent by the premised Historical Authorities 1. That King William alwayes claimed the Crown of England both before at and after his Coronation as of right belonging to him by the promise gift contract gift and bequest of Edward the Confessor and as his heir and next kinsman by the Mothers side 2. That he alleged this gift and grant of the Crown to him to be made with the consent of the Archbishops of Canterbury Earls Godwin Syward and other Nobles of the Realm ratified by special Messengers sent unto and Hostages delivered him for its performance and by Harâ—lds own solemn agreement and Oath sent to him by King Edward for that purpose as himself at least suggested to him which designation and grant of King Edward to William was no fiction but a truth confessed by all our Historians and Harold himself who by his answers never denyed but only endeavoured to evade it and voluntarily acknowledged by all the Nobles of England both at his Coronation and in Parliament it self in the 4. year of his reign 3. That after King Edwards decease divers of the Nobles would have elected William King in pursuance hereof but that Harold perjuriously usurped the Crown by meer force and power without the least right unto it or any election by the Lords or people setting the Crown on his own head the very day King Edward was interred and thereby prevented Williams election to it 4. That hereupon divers of the Nobles Prelates and other English sent private Messengers to William into Normandy to come and demand his right to the Crown as due unto him promising hostages and their assistance to recover it 5. That thereupon he sent Embassadors twice or thrice to Harold one after another before his landing insisting on his meer right and Title to the Crown to gain it by parly without effusion of bloud 6. That upon Harolds obstinacy he appealed to the Pope and to all his Nobles assembled in a Parliamentary Council for the justice of his Title and Right to the Crown who declared his Title Lawfull and Just and thereupon encouraged assisted him all they could to regain it by force of arms from the Usurper Harold who would not otherwise depart from it 7. That immediately after his landing he made claim unto it only by the foresaid Right Title and thereupon prohibited his Souldiers to plunder the Country or hurt any of the Inhabitants as being his by right 8. That very few of the English Nobility or Nation would march or engage with Harold against William and sundry withdrew themselves from the battel as conscious of Harolds usurpation perjury and Williams just cause against him however other causes were then pretended and amongst the rest his own Brother-in-laws the greatest Peers of the Realm Earl Morcar and Edwin deserted him in the fight 9. That after the first battel won and Harold slain all the Prelates and Clergy generally except Abbot Frederick appeared for him and would not consent to set up Edgar though right heir 10. That after good deliberation all the Nobles Prelates Loâ—doners and others who first appeared for Edgar with the greatest pâ—rt of the Clergy people of the English Nation without the least fight or resistance or before any siege or summons from him together with Prince Edgar himself voluntarily went out and submitted themselves sware faith and allegeance to him as their Soveraign at Berkhamsted and after that joyfully received him with highest acclamations as their lawfull King at his entry into London 11. That all the Prelates Clergy and Nobility soon after without any coercion upon his foresaid right and Title freely elected and solemnly crowned him as their lawfull King in a due and accustomed manner and then did Homage and swore new Allegiance afresh unto him as their rightful Soveraign 12. That he took the Ordinary Coronation Oath of all lawfull Kings to maâ—â—â—tan and defend the rights persons of all his people to govern them justly c. as became a good King which a King claiming by meer conquest would never do All these particulars are undeniable Evidences that Duke William never made the least pretence claim or title to the Crown and Realm of England only as an absolute Conqueror of the Nation but meerly by Title as their true and lawfull King by designation adoption and cognation seconded with the Nobles Prelates Clergy and peoples unanimous election And although it be true that this Duke ejected Harold and got actual possâ—ssion of the Throne and Kingdom from him by the sword as did Aurelius Ambrosius and others before and King Henry the 4. Edward the 4. Henry the 7. with others
since his reign yet that neither did nor could make him a King by conquest only no more than these other Princes seeing the end of this warr was not against the whole English Nation the greatest part whereof secretly abbetted his interest but only against the unjust Usurper and Intruder King Harold and his adherâ—nts not to create a Title to the Realm by his and their Conquest but to remove a Uâ—surper who invaded it without and against all right and to gain the actual possession thereof by armsâ— from which he was unjustly withheld by force against those pretended lawfull Titles which he made So that he got not the Right Title but only the actual possession of the Crown by his Sword not as a universal Conqueror of the Realm without right or Title but as if he had been immediate heir and lawfull Successour to the Confessor who designed him to succeed him For â—uller confirmation whereof I shall here subjoin these ensuing proofs 1. King William himself at his very Coronation in London as Mr Cambden informs us said That the kingdom was by Gods providence appointed and by vertue of a gift from his Lord and Cosen King Edward the glorious granted unto him and that this most bounteous King Edward had by adoption ordained him his hâ—ir in the kingdom of England 2ly In his Charter to the Church of Westminstâ—r he resolves as much in direct terms where he recites In ore gladii Regnum adeptus sum Anglorum devictâ— Haroldo rege Cum suis complicibus qui mihi Regnum cum providentia Dei destinatum bâ—neficio concessionis Domini Cognati mei gloriosi Edwardi CONCESSUM conati sunt auferre c. So that his Title was from Edward though his possession by the sword 3ly In the very Title of his Laws published in the 4th year of his reign which he was so far from altering that he both by Oath and Act of Parliament ratified confirmed all the Laws and Customs of the Realm used in the Confessors time and before presented by a Grand Enquest unto him out of every County of England upon Oath without any alteration praevarication or diminution he stiles himself or is stiled by the Collector of these Laws HEIR AND COSEN TO Edward the Confessor even in the ancient Manuscript which Sir Henry Spelman hath published Incipiunt Leges S. Edwardi Regis quas in Anglia tenuit quas WILLIELMUS HAERES cognatus suus POSTEA CONFIRMAVIT To which I shall likewise subjoyn the words of the Charter of his Sonn King Henry the 1. Anno 1108. translating the Abbey of Ely into a Bishoprick wherein he gives his Father William the self-same Title Ego Henricus providente divina clementia Rex Anglorum Normannorum Dux Willielmi magni Regis filius â— QUI EDWARDO REGI HAEREDITARIO JURE SUCCESCIT Iâ— REGNUM renouncing all Title by conquest and claiming only as Heir to King Edward by Hereditary right 4ly Earl William himself in none of his Charters Writs Speeches Writings ever stiled himself a Conquerour of England nor laid claim to the Crown and Realm of England by Conquest after his inauguration which Title of Conqueror was afterwards out of the flattery or ignorance of the times given unto him by others Therefore the words which the History of St. Stephens in Caen in Normandy reports he used at his last breath The Regal Diadem which none of my Predecessors ever wore I got and gained by the Grace of God only I ordain no man heir of the Kingdom of England which all our Historians unanimously contradict affirming that he ordained VVilliam Rufus his second son particularly to succeed him in it at his death upon which Title only he enjoyed it but I commend the same to the eternal Creator whose I am in whose hands are all things For I became not possessor of so great honour by any hereditary right but by an humble conflict and with much effusion of blood I took it from the perjured King Harold and after I had either slain or put to flight his favourits and Servants I subdued the kingdom to my self must either be reputed false and fabulous as most esteem them or else have this construction that he gained the actuall possession of it against Harold and his adherents only by the Sword and that he had not an hereditary right thereto as next heir by descent to the Crown but only by adoâ—tion from and as heir by donation to King Edward as next of kin by the Mothers side which he made his only Title 5ly Those antient English Historians who first gave him the name of Conquerour did it not in a strict proper sence as if he were a meer universal Conquerour of the Nation disposing of all mens Estates persons and the Laws of the Realm at his pleasure for that he never did but only as one who gained the actual possession thereof from a perjured Usurper and his forces by strength of arms conquering them by open battel in the field but still claiming it by gift conâ—ract and designation from King Edward as his Kinsman as an heir who forcibly outs a disâ—eisor and intruder comes in by Tiâ—le and Inheritance only though he gains the possession by force This is evident by the forecited words of Mathew Paris and this passage of Henry de Knyghton not extant in Hygden out of whom he seems to transcribe it Et sic quia Normannus Iure haereditatis tenuit Normanniae Ducatum ideo Dux Regnum vero Angliae mero Conquestuâ— in respect of actual possession et clameo subscripto in respect of Title by claim by gift from King Edward Ideo Rex which claim and Title being backed by the unanimous election of the Prelates Clergy Nobilityâ— People and right heir to the Crown himself who all submitted and sware homage fealty and allegiance to him as their lawfull Kingâ— infallibly demonstrate him to be no Conquerour in respect of Title in a strict legal military sense even in the judgement of those antient and modern Historians who give him that Title but only in regard of Harold and his party and the actual possession which he got by conquest And in this sense alone is that Distick in the Chronicle of Bromton to be understood Dux Normannorum Willielmus vi validorum Rex est Anglorum Bello Conquestor eorum 6ly Our Great Antiquary Richard Vestegan in his Restitutions of dâ—cayed Aâ—tiquities learned Mr. Iohn Selden in his Review of the Hist. of Tithes p. 482 483. Sir Iohn Hayward in the liâ—e of King VVilliâ—m the first Mr. Nathaniel Bacon in his first part of his Historical Discoursâ— of the uniformity of the Governmeâ—t of England chap. 44 45 46 55 56. to omit others most fully prove and assert That the entry of William the first into the royal Government of England neither was nor properly could be by Conquest but by Title and by the free
election of the Nobles Clergy and People That although the several Titles he Pretended were perhaps if curiously examined not sufficient to give him a true legal Title and Right to the Crown of England à parte ante because not agreed unto and confirmed by the general consent of the Nobles Kingdom and Nation in a Parliamentary Great Council but only by the King and some particular Prelates and Nobles out of Parliament as Harold in his answers alleged yet being ratified ex parte post both by the subsâ—quent consent agreement submission election Oath homage and fealty of all the people Nobles Clergy by their legal free crowning of him aâ— first by Edgar Atheling his own submission fealty and resignation of his royal right and Title thereby unâ—o him and ratified by succeeding Parliamentary Councils it became an inâ—uhitable Right and Title both in Law and Iustice to him and his Posterity against all others who could lay no legaller Title thereunto he continuing confirming all the antient fundamental Laws Liberties Customs and Government of the English Nation without any alteration both by Oaths and Edicts I shal therefore conclude this point with the words of Shard a learned Lawyer in King Edward the third his reign who when the Kings Counsel in a Quo Warranto against the Abbot of Peterborough would have made a Charter of king Edgar void because they allegedâ— all Franchises were devolved to the Crown by the Conquest replyed thereâ—o The Conquerour came not at all to â—ut any who had lawfull possession out of their rights but to dispossess those who by their wrong had seised upon any land in dis-inherison of the King and his Crown And with the words of our judicious Hiâ—â—orian Sa. Daniel concerning this king VVilliam Neither did he â—ver claim any power by conquest but as a regular Prince submitted himself to the orders of the Kingdom desiring to have his Testamentary Title howsoever weak to make good his succession rather than his sword And though the stile of Conqueror by the flattery of the time was after given him he shewed by all the course of his Government he assumed it not introducing none of those Alterations which followed by violence but by a mild gathering upon the disposition of the State and the occasions offered and that by way of reformation And although Sir Hen. VVotton gives this verdict of them VVe do commonly and justly stile him the Conquerour For he made a general conquest of tâ—e â—â—ole Kingdom and People either by Composition or Armes c. Yet he addes He was Crowned on Christmas day 1066. at which time he would fain have compounded a Civil Title of I know not what Alliance or Adoption or rather Donation from Edward the Confessor As if hereditarie kingdoms did pass like Newyears gifts The truth is he was the heir of his Sword Yet from these pretences howsoever there sprang this good That he was thereby in a sorting aged to cast his Government into a middle or mixed nature as it were between a lawfull successor and an Invader though generally as all new Empires do savour much of their beginning it had more of the Violent than of the Legal If any domineering Souldiers or others upon this false surmise of Duke VVilliams right to the Crown and Realm of England by meer conquest â— shall henceforth presume to claim and exercise a meer arbitrary absolute tyrannical and despotical power over our English Nation Laws Liberties Parliaments Estates Persons as over a meer conquered Nation against all Commissions Trusts Oaths Engagements Declarations and the rules both of Law and War it self being raiâ—ed waged commissioned only to defend and preserve us from conquest by the opposite party Let them know that they are far greater worser Enemies to their own Native Country than this Norman Duke or any of our former British Saxon Danish Norman or English Kings who never claimed the Crown by meer conquest in any age but only by some real or pretended Title of Inheritance or at least by a free and general election both of the Nobility Clergy and people as this King William did From the former Historical Passages concerning Harold Tosti Duke William and the Kentishmen I shall deduce these legal Observations 1. That no Tax Subsidie or Imposition whatsoever could in that age be imposed on the English or Norman Subjects by their Kings or Dukes but by their common consentâ— in their Parliamentary Councils where they were denied when inconvenient to the publike as well as granted when convenient 2. That no English or Norman Subjects were then obliged to aid and assist their Soveraigns with their persons arms estates or subsidies granted in any foreign invasive war but only left free to contribute what private assistance they thought fit in such cases 3. That no publike wars in that age were ever undertaken but by common advice and consent in great Parliamentary Councils 4. That the Kings of England in that age however they came to the Crown by right or wrong held it both their bounden duty interest safety to defend and preserve the Laws Rights Liberties of the Church and people to enact and maintain good Laws and abolish all evill Laws Rapines Exactions Tributes and to govern them justly according to their Coronation Oaths and not arbitrarily or tyrannically according to their pleasures 5. That no Freemen in that age could be justly imprisoned banished or put to death but for some hainous misdemeanors and that by a legal trial and conviction 6. That the Subjects of England then held it their bounden duties in times of forein invasion to defend the Realm their Lives Liberties Properties both by Land and Sea against forein Enemies yet they held themselves dis-obliged and were generally averse to defend the person or Title of any Usurper of the Crown against any forein Prince or other Person who had a better right and title to it 7. That our English Ancestors in that age esteemed their hereditary Liberties good antient Laws and Customs more dear and pretious to them than their very lives and would rather die fighting for their Laws and Liberties like freemen than live under slavery or bondage to any Soveraign whatsoever 8. That the Kings of England in that age could neither give away nor legally dispose of their Crowns Kingdoms or Crown Lands to others without the privity and free consent of their Nobles and Kingdom in general Parliamentary Council as is evident by Harolds answers to VVilliams Embassadours the recited passage of Matthew Paris upon that occasion and this of Samuel Daniel p. 34. So much was done either by King Edward or Harold though neither act if any such were was of power to prejudice the State or alter the course of right succession as gave the Duke a colour to claim the Crown by a donation made by Testament which being against the Law and Custom of the Kingdom could be of no validity
at all For tâ—e Crown of England being held not as patrimonial but in succession by remotion which is a succeeding to anothers place it was not in the power of King Edward to collate the same by any dispositive and Testamentary Will the right descending to the next of blood only by the Laws and Custom of the Kingdom For the successor is not saâ—d to be the Heir of the King but of the Kingdom which makes him so and cannot be put from it by any Act of his Predecessors 9. That the Nobilities Clergies and peoples free-Election hath been usually most endeavoured and sought aâ—ter by our Kings â—especially Intruders as their best and surest Title To these Legal I shall only subjoyn some Political and Theological Observations naturally flowing from the premised Histories of King Edward Harold and William not unsuitable to nor unseasonable for the most serious thoughts and saddest contemplations of the present age considering the revolutions and postures of our publike affairs 1. That it is very unsafe and perillous for Princes or States to intrust the Military and Civil power of the Realm in the hands of any one potent ambitious or covetous person who will be apt to abuse them to the peoples oppression the kingdoms perturbation and his Sovereigns affront or danger as is evident by Earl Godwin and his Sons 2. That devout pious soft-natured Princes are aptest to be abused and their people to be oppressed by evil Officers 3. That it is very dangerous and pernicious to heditary kingdoms for their King to die without any certain known and declared right Heirs or Successors to their Crowns yea an occasion of many wars and revolutions as is evident by King Edwards death without iâ—sue or declared right heir 4. That right heirs to Crowns who are of tender years weak judgement or impotent in Frienâ—s and Purse are easily and frequently put by their rights by bold active and powerfull Intruders as Edgar Atheling was both by Haroâ—d and William successively Yet this is remarkable in both these Invaders of his royal Right 1. That Harold who first dethroned him to make him some kind of recompence and please the Nobles of his party created Edgar Earl of Oxford and held him in special favour 2 ly That King Willam the first to whom he submitted himself and did homage and fealty used him very honourably and entertained him in his Court not only at first buâ— even after he had twice taken up armes against him joyning first with the English Nobilitie then with the Danes and Scots against his interest For Edgar coming to him into Normandy Anno 1066. out of Scotland where he lived some years where nihil ad praesens commodi nihil ad futurum spei praeter quotidianam stipem nactus esset he not only pardoned his fore-past offences but magno donativo donatus est pluribusque annis in Curia manens Libram Argenti quotidie in stipendio accipiebat writes Malmesb. receiving a great donaâ—iâ—e from him and a pound of silver for a stipend every day and continuing many years in his Court. After which Anno 1089. He went into Apulia to the Holy wars by King Williams licence with 200 Souldiers and many Ships whence returning after the death of Robert son of Godwin and the loss of his best Souldiers he received many benefits from the Emperours both of Greece and Germany who endeavoured to retain him in their Courts for the greatness of his birth but he contemning all their proffers out of a desire to enjoy his Native Country returned into England and there lived all Kings Williams reign In the year 1091. Wil. Rufus going into Normandy to take it by force from his brother Robert deprived Edgar of the honour which his Brother with whom he sided had conferred upon him and banished him out of Normandy whereupon he went into Scotland where by his means a peace being made between VVilliam Rufus and Malcholm king of Scots he was again reconciled to Edgar by Earl Roberts means returned into England being in so great favour with the king that in the year 1097. He sent him into Scotland with an Army Ut in ea consobrinum suum Eadgarum Malcholmi Regis filium patruo suo Dufenoldo qui regnum invaserat expulso Regem constitueret Whence returning into England he lived there till after the reign of king Henry the first betaking himself in his old age to a retired life in the Country as Malmesbury thus records Angliam rediit ubi diverso fortunae ludioro rotatus nunc remotus tacitus canos suo in agro consumit Where most probably he died in peace since I find no mention of his death No less than 4 successive kings permitting this right heir to their Crowns to live both in their Courts and Kingdom of England in peace and security such waâ— the Christian Generosity Charity and Piety of that age without reputing it High Treason for any to relieve or converse with him as the Charity of some Saints in this Iron age would have adjudged it had they lived in those times who have quite forgotten this Gospel Lesson of our Savior they then practised But I say unto you love your Enemies do good to those that hate you c. Wherefore if thine enemy huâ—ger give him meat if he thirst give him drink c. Bâ— not overcome of evil but overcome evil with goodness 5. That base carnal fears and cowardize oft cause both Prelates Nobles and People to desert their own best interest and lawfull Princes and to act vote and submit to meer unrighteous Usurpers against their primitive resolutions judgements Consciences as here in the case of Edgar and Rich. 3. since 6. That Generals puffed up with victorious successes and having the command of the Land and Sea Forces in their power are apt to aspire after the royal Crown and Soveraignty and forcibly to usurp it upon the next occasionâ— even with the disinheriting of the right heir and hazard of the whole Realm of which Harold is a most pregnant example 7. That ambitious aspirers after the royal Crown and Throne will make no conscience to violate all sacred and civil Oathes Obligations Contracts and find out any evasions to elude them rather than goe without themâ— or part with them when injuriously usurped â—y them and will adventure to crown themselves with their own hands than not wear the Diadem witnesse Harold 8. That Usurpers of Crowns without right though they Court the people with Coronation Oaths and fair promises of good Laws Liberty Immunity from all Taxes and Grievances yet usually prove the greatest Tyrants and Oppressors to them of all others as Harold and William in some sort did That Invaders of Crowns and Soveraign power without any right title or colour of Justice being once in possession will never part with them to those who have better right upon any verbal Treaties but rather
adventure their lives bodies soulâ— and their whole kingdoms utter ruine than part with their usurped Supremacy 10. That the most unrighteous Usurpers of the royal Throne by apparent perjury fraud force treachery will feign forge publish some specious pretext or other of Title or popular election to palliate or extenuate their intrusions to avoid the infamy of Tyrants and Usurpers and take off the Odium of their most unrighteous Intrusions of which we see footsteps both in Harold William then and Rich. 3. of late 11. That unjust Invaders of Crowns for the most part bring many miseries troubles warrs and ruins not only on themselves and their posterities but likewise on their Kingdoms and people as Harold did 12. That royal Usurpers when they are most successfull insolent and secure as Harold after his victory in the North are nearest greatest dangers and ruine 13. That such Usurpers are commonly very vigilant and industrious to preserve their own Interest and Power under pretext of the common defence and safety of the Nation yet more rely on their Mercinary forces than the unmercinary Militia of the Nation 14. That Usurpers though they may have many Flatterers and seeming Friends to write and act for them whiles in prosperity yet are commonly generally deserted both by Nobles People yea their own indeared Friends and kinred in their greatest dangers when they need them most as Harold was 15. That few English Nobles Gentry or Commons will readily adventure their Lives in a Vsurpers quarrel when and where his Title stands in competition with a better and clearer right as most of them deserted Harold 16. That the reign of perjured Invaders of others Thrones is commonly very short full of Warâ— Troubles Fears Jealousies and their ends for the most part bloudy tragical as was Harolds and Rich. 3. 17. That the sordid Covetousnesse of Kings and Generals in oppressing their people and depriving their Subjects and Souldiers of their just and lawfull spoils after victory over the Enemies is a ready means to alienate their affections and cause a defection from them to their Opposites 18. That when God hath designed a perjured Vsurpers or Nations ruine for their crying sins he suddenly stirs up unexpected Enemies and Instruments to effect occasions to facilitate it and so infatuates them that they become altogether uncapable of any good advice and reject all Propositions and Accommodations that might prevent the sâ—me as Harold obstinately did 19. That none are more forward publikely to appeal to God himself for to judge and decide the Justice of their cause and proceedings than the most perjurious and unrighteous Vsurpers That when such presumptuously and atheistically dare openly appeal to God himself for justice against their Opposites or Competitors he usually cuts them off by exemplary deaths and fatal Overthrows as he did Harold both to manifest his severe Justice and Indignation against such Atheistical and hypocritical Apellants and Appeals and to deterr all others from such practices 20. That all sacred Oathes and sworn Contracts solemnly made to others in things lawfull or indifferent be it through fear or voluntarily upon premeditation ought religiously and inviolably to be observed and not wilfully infringed or eluded by shifts and pretences as here by Harold 21. That God sooner or later doth usually avenge in an exemplary manner the perjurious wilfull breach of solemn Oathes even in Kings themselves and the greatest persons whose detestable perjury oft brings sudden destruction both upon themselves their kinred Posterity and whole Armies and Kingdoms too as in the case of Harold 22 That perjured persons fighting in a cause directly against their corporal Oaths can expect no other successe in battel but either flight or death And that one Battel may both lose and win a whole kingdom so unstable are even kingdoms themselves 23. That the barbarous murders the cruel oppressions of Innocent people are apt to stirrup a universal Insurrection against their Governors and Instruments and uâ—ually end in the dethroning expulsion death and destruction of the Authors of them of which Tosti yields us a notable president And that people when once justly enraged against such bloudy tyrannical Oppressors become altogether implacable and will never brook their future Government over them 24. That base carnal fears in times of imminent danger usually dis-joynt those persons councels forces whom the Common danger should more unite and make them desert the probablest means of their publike preservation liberty peace settlement by setting up the Right heir of the Crown as Edgar here against the Intrusions and Pretences of all usurping Invaders of the Soveraign power 25. That a few timorous Counsellors Great Persons or Clergy-men in times of danger are apt to disappoint the magnanimous resolutions and daunt the heroical Spirits of such who are most cordially affected both to their Native Countries Lawes Liberties and right heir to the Crown and to draw them to unworthy compliances with them against both 26. That stout resolute real Patrons of their Native Countries Laws and Liberties will then appear most cordially zealous to protect own and fight for them when they are in greatest danger to be lost and most disowned deserted betrayed by other timorouâ— and time-serving persons witnesse the example of Abbot Fredâ—rick Stigand Egâ—lsine and the Kentish men 27. That true heroick English Freemen preferr their old Native Liberties Laws Customs bâ—fore their Lives and would rather die fighting for them in the field than depart with them upon any Terms to a victorious Soveraign or subject themselves to the leâ—st publike Servitude the name whereof hath been ever odious to them much more the thing it self 28. That the best means to preserve our publike Laws Liberties Customs against all Invaders of them is manfully resolutely and unanimously to stand up in their defence both by words and deeds when they are most indangered That such persons Counties places who have appeared most stout and resolute in their defence when others have generally deâ—erted surrendered or betrayed them have thereby preserved secured perpetuated them to themselves and their posterities when all else have lost and been deprived of them yea gained immortal honour and precedency of all others to boot Witnesse the Kenâ—ish-men 29. That the Stoutest Maintainers of their Countries Laws and Liberties are commonly most odious to most injured oppressed by tyrannical Soveraigns though upon other pretences witnesse Archbishop Stigand Abbot Frederick and Egelsine Yet this must not deterâ— them from their duties 30. That no age or person ever yet reputed Conquest a just safe prudent Title or Pretext to the Crown of England but ever disclaimed it as most absurd and dangerous to their interests 31. That the murdering or disinheriting of the right heir to the Crown hath been the Principal occasion and ground-work of all the great sad revolutions of Government in this Island and of the translations of the Crown and Kingdom from the Britons to the Saxons from the Saxons to
the Danes and since from both of them to the Normans by the murther of Prince Alfred and rejection of Prince Edgar 32. That when Treachery Perjury Oppression Murder Violence and other sins forementioned have generally overspread the Kingdomâ— and infected all sorts and degrees of men then National Judgments Forein invasions publike Revolutions of Governours and Government yea all sorts of Calamities Warrs Troubles may be justly feared expected inflicted as the fruits punishments of these epidemical crying Transgressions 33. That Crowns and Kingdoms have their Periods and Revolutions as well as private possessions Families and that by the secret Justice and wise disposing Providence of God who disposeth translateth dissipateth dissolveth Kingdoms at his pleasure and giveth them to whomsoever he pleaseth 34. From the whole we may observe with the Chronicle of Bromton and Mr. Fox That as the English-Saxons had most unjustly against their Oathes and Trusts formerly subdued and expelled the Britons by the just judgement of God upon them for their sins out of the possession of the Throne and Kingdom of Britain by the power of the sword so God himself by divine retaliation for the like Sinnes of the English-Saxons after many years bloudy intestine warrs between themselves wherein many of their Kings multitudes of their Nobles and Millions of the Common Souldiers and people were slain and lost their lives first plagued infested them for many years and at last totally subdued and dispossessed them of the Crown and Kingdom for some years space by the bloudy Danes after that subjected them to the Normans yoke who possessed themselves of the Crown and Realm of England instrumentally by the Sword and put by both the Saxon Invader Harold and his Posterity with Edgar the Saxon heir in such sort as here you have read The Lord sanctifie all these Collections and Observations to the greatest publike good and settlement of our unsetled distracted English Nation and the private benefit of all who shall peruse them that they may aim only at that kingdom which cannot be shaken and that Crown of glory which fadeth not away not at temporal Crowns and kingdoms which are so fading transitoryâ— full of Thorns Crosses Cares Fears Vexations Tortures Perils Deaths FINIS Omissions and Errataes Kinde Reader I present thee with some Historical Passages casually omitted in their due places and such Errors as have hapned at the Pâ—ess which I desire thee to correct PAge 10. line 8. One Thunder maliciously accused Aethelbert and Aethelred two kinsmen of Egbert King of Kent educated and brought up in his Court that they intended some time or other to take away his kingdom from him and thereupon advised the King either to banish them both into some farr Country or to deliver them unto him to destroy and murder without any legal Trial or conviction of their guilt Which Thunder often instigating the King to doe and he but coldly prohibiting or disliking thereupon Thunder in the Kings absence rashly presumed ignominiously to murder them in the Kings Palace and then buried them under his Royal Chair in a Village called Estria The King returning to his Court in the dead of the night there appeared a bright pillar sent from heaven which filled his whole royal Palace with an unspeakable brightnesse which the Kings servants beholding were so terrified that they fell down to the ground and became almost distracted The King being awaked with the tumult of his Guard and being ignorant of the cause thereof arose that he might go and hear Mattens as he was accustomed And going out of his house he saw the City shining with the beams of the new splendor Upon which missing his Kinsmen he sent for Thunder and demanded of him where they were who answered him like Cain Am I thy Kinsmens keeper To which the King replied Thou hast always sinisterly accused them unto me and therefore most wicked wretch thou oughtest to shew me where they are Whereupon he informed him of their murder and burial whereat the King was very angry with him But returning at last to himself he refunded the Crime whole wickednesse on himself and being confounded beyond measure spent the residue of the night in tears When the day appeared he sent for the Archbishop Adeo-datus et Magnates quos habere potuit convocari praecepit and causing the Nobles to be called together related the whole businesse to them The Archbishop gave counsel that the bodies of these Innocents should be removed to the Cathedral Church and there interred in a royal manner Thereupon putting their bodies with Saints reliques into Coffins and Carts they intended to carry them to Christs Church in Canterbury but in vain because they could not stirre their corps nor remove them out of the place although they attempted it with much endeavour and force Vpon this changing their counsel they intended to remove them to St. Augustines Church neither yet could they effect it At last they resolved they should be removed to the most famous Monastery of Waermen â—pon which the Carts presently removed with easâ— as if they had no burden and they were buried by the High Altar in this Monastery Kinewalchus King of the West-Saxons deceasing Anno 672. Regni arbitrium Uxori Sexburgae delegandum putavit nec deerat mulieri spiritus ad obeunda regia munia ipsa novos exercitus moâ—iri veteres tenere in officio ipsa subjectos clementer moderari hostibus minaciter infremere prorsus omnia facere ut nihil praeter sâ—xum diâ—cerneres Veruntamen plus quam animos foemineos anhelantem vita destituit viâ— annua potestate perfunctam When she had reigned thus one year Indignantibus Regni Magnatibus assembled most likely in a Parliamentary Council â—xpulsa est a Regno nolentes sub sexu Foemineo militare The Nobles thereupon made Eschwin King in her place being Regali prosapia proximus next of the royal bloud quo dâ—cedente vel morte sua vel vi aliena vacantem aulam successione legitima implevit Kentianus He being the next right heir Page 24. l. 24. About the year 783 Kenulph King of Mercia Cum Episcopis Ducâ—bus et omni sub nostra ditione dignitatis gradu with the Bishops Dukes and Nobles of every degrée of Honor under his Dominion assembled in a Parliamentary Council writ a Letter to Pope Leo the 3d. â—o reunite those Bishopricks to the Metropolitical See of Canterbury which King Offa out of his hatred to Archbishop Living had severed from it and united to a new-erected Archbishoprick at Licheâ—ield alleging in the Letter Uisum est cunctis gentis nostrae Sapientibus quatenus in illa Civitate Metropolitanus honor habâ—retur ubi corpus beatae recordationis Augustini qui verbum Dei imperante beato Gregorio Anglorum genti remonstrabat et gloriosissime Ecclesiae praefuit Saxoniae pansat qui his partibus fidei veritatem inseruit This Letter with Pope