that neither the King may destroy or hurt the Kingdome nor the Kingdome the King much lesse a Peer but their Union is the Kingdomes Life And the very Book Accused goeth on such Principles and hath not a word meet to tempt a man in his Witts to This Accusation Judge now by this one Instance and by the Cry of the Plotters now against Us Catilina Cethegum seeking our destruction and the Parliaments as supposed to favour us which for ought I know never did any thing for our Relief or Ease whether it be meet that I should dye in silence under such horrid Accusations Against which I appeal to the Great and Righteous Judge before whom I am shortly to appear begging his Pardon and Reforming Conviction whereever I Erre Apr. 16. 1680. Non-Con Plea 2 d Part. Preface last Page Mo. Be not so Transported Mr Baxter at the bloudy Slander as you call it for the very excusing of your self after This Manner falls heavier upon you then the Accusation it self There was a Gentleman of a Good Family that had Stol'n a Silver-Spoon and it was layd home to him as a mighty Aggravation of the Crime tâ—at a man of his Quality could let himself so low as to pilfer for such a Trifle Ay Sir Says he you say very Right if That had been All But in good Faith Sir my Aym was at the Great Tankard If it had been a Single Peer it had been indeed a bloudy Slander But your Ayme was the calling of the King to an Account by the Authority of the Two Houses And then you are pleased to blesse God for the next Change that call'd Them to Account too for you give the Two Vsurpers much better Words then any you could afford to the Lords Annoynted You call Them the Higher Powers and enjoyn Obedience to Them upon the pain of Damnation which is a Favour you would never allow to his Late Majesty Any Government but the Right will down with ye and Still That which was a Rebellion in the Enterprize proves to be a Providence in the Execution But do you say Mt Baxter that you have allways asserted the Kings Person to be Inviolable c. and that the very Boâ—â— accused goeth on such Pronciples Why then it is no hurt to the King to be Assaulted despoyl'd of his Regalitys Deposed Imprisoned Try'd Condemn'd and Executed For the King you say is but a Title of Respect not a Character of Power a Nominal Empty businesse A kinde of Dignity Party-perpale Half-Prince half-Subject and 't is but taking him on the Popular side and you may do what you will with him This is the Chimera of a Prince according to your Aphorismes A kind of Mock-Majesâ—â— set up for every Seditious Libertine to throw a Cudgell at You make his Authority to be so Conditional and Precarious that he is upon his good behaviour for his Crown If his Administration be not answerable to the Ends of Government If he wants either Power or Money or Grace or Vnderstanding or which is worst of All If the Licentious Rabble will but say that he wants This or That hee 's gone and Deposed â—pso facto as an Unqualifi'd Person For according to your Thesâ— The Multitude are to be the Judges of These Incapacities Iâ— is a hardy Adventure M. Baxter unless you can make Almâ—nacks to set up such Positions as These at This time of day 'T is True They were printed in Fifty-nine But they are noâ— Resum'd and Avow'd in Eighty But your Patience yet a little further Sir Is it such a Horrid Accusation to say that Mr Baxter Mâ—iâ—tains the King may be call'd to Account by a Single Peer Consâ—der first that it is a Church-man charges it upon you and yoâ— are before-hand with him for you have over and over set forth Those of the Church-way without exception either of King Lords or Commons to be a Crew of Superstitious Formâ—l Prophane Wretches that out of a meer Enmity to Godlynesse set themselves in Opposition to the ways of Christ. Take notice again if you have not deliver'd the Doctrine aforesaid in expresse Termes It is already made appear that you have said as much as That amounts to And over and above the Whymsâ—â— of your Aphorismes your Thirteenth Chapter of the Late Wars is one of the Rudest and the falsest pieces of Calumny against the Late King that I know anywhere Extant Your Appeal upon This One Instance as you call it for Equity of Iudgement and Liberty of Speech would move the very Stones in the Walls to give you a Hearing And yet if I had been of your Counsell Mr. Baxter you should have bethought your self before you Exclaim'd whether the Enquiry into the Subject-matter of your Complaint might not possibly lay open something that was worse As undoubtedly it has for This Holy Commonwealth of yours is a kind of send me well deliver'd of the Word a kind of Theologico-Political Whole-Sale Shop and furnished with Cases of all Sorts and Sizes for the Consciences of the Weak and the Pretentions of the Malitious In One Case the King is Dispossest by Providence In another he is deposed for Incapacity In a Third he must not so much as dare to Return even if the Door wer set open to him In Such or such a case the People are bound not to Re-admit him and in such another they may if they please but they are not oblig'd to 't and every one of These Cases Calculated for this very Poynt which was at That Time in Agitation Insomuch that the Application of your Arguments was yet more Criminal then the Errour of them But what do ye mean I beseech ye by the Cry of the Plotters against ye As if they knew their Friends no better then So. Their business is the Subversion of the Government and of the Protestant Religion that falls with it What should they cry out for against the Separatists that are all this while doing the Papists business to their hands The Kings Wittnesses Speak no such matter but on the Contrary that the Priests and Jesuits make use of the Schismatiques toward our Common Ruine So that by Plotters in This place Mr. Baxter it is Intended I presume according to your Wonted Benignity not the Popish Plotters but the Episcopal Plotters against ye which as you would gladly have the World to believe Seek your Destruction and the Parliaments as supposed to Favour ye c. Now to my thinking the Parliaments Destruction and Ours would have run every jot as well as Our Destruction and the Parliaments Beside that it is not yet come to That Pass I hope that Parliaments and Schismatiques must Stand or fall together Neither can I Imagine why This Parliament should be suppos'd more Inclinable to favour ye then former Parliaments have been The Reasons for Vniformity are the same now that ever they were and the same Here as in
very Order of Aug. 10. 1643. For the Assembly-Divines to 〈◊〉 the People to rise for their Defence There is another person also who is engaged iâ— This present Controversy to whom I would gladly Recommend a due Consideration of this following Extract When Kings Command Unrighteous things and people suit them with willing Commplyance none doubts but the destruction of them both is Just and Righteous A Fast Sermon to the House of Commons Ian. 31. 1648. Pa. 5. He that is Entrusted with the Sword and dares not do Justice on every one that dares do Jnjustice is affraid of the Creature but makes very bold with the Creator Pa. 15. The Kings of the Eaâ—th have given their Power to Anti Christ. How have they earn'd their Titles Eldest Son of the Chuach The Catholick and most Christian King Defender of the Faith and the Like Hath it not been by the Bloud of Saints is there not in every corner of These Kingdomes the Slain and the Banish'd ones of Christ to Answer for A Fast Sermon of Apr. 19. 1649. Pa. 22. Do not the Kings of all these Nations stand up in the Room of their Progenitors with the same Implacable Enmity to the Power of the Gospel Pa. 22. There are Great and Mighty Works in hand in this Nation Tyrants are punish'd the Jaws of Oppressors are broken bloudy Revengefull people in Wars disappointed A Thanksgiving Sermon for the Scots defeat at Worcester Octo 24. 1651. P. 2. What is This Prelacy A meer Antichristian Encroachment upon the Inheritance of Christ Pa. 5. A Monarchy of some hundred years continuance allways affecting and at length wholly degenerated into Tyranny destroy'd pull'd down Swallow'd up a great mighty Potentate that had caused terrour in the Land of the Living and laid his Sword under his head brought to Punishment for Blood P. 6. If any persons in the World had cause to sing the Song of Moses and the Lamb We have this day The Bondage prepared for us was both in Spirituals and Temporalls about a Tyrant full of Revenge and a Discipline full of Persecution hath been our Contest whether the Yoke of the One and the Other should by the Sword and Violence be put upon our Necks and Consciences is our Controversy Pa. 7. Is it not a Prodigious boldness for such Spirits as These to obtrude themselves either upon the Government or the People as men of Scruple and the most competent Agents for the Promoting of Vnity and Peace And you your self Mr. Baxter have not been out neither at this great work of Reforming Confusion as your own Confessions in some measure but your Conversation and Writings do Abundantly bear Witness Mr. Richard here I must confess furnishes you with a Salvo that Ignatious Loyola himself would have blush'd at You were ever True to the King you say but you did not know Who was King Some would have him to be where he was NOT and Others would not allow him to be where he WAS. Sir This doctrine might have done well enough in a Pulpit at Coventry when you were helping the Lord against the Mighty but from such a Restauration Sermon the Lord deliver us There is first not one word of Restoring the King in 't though it was a Fast that had a Particular Regard to That Debate 2. It Asserts the Loyalty of the Presbyterians and yet at the same time supposes the Supreme Power in the Two Houses which in few words makes the Late King both a Subject and with Reverence a Rebell 3. The Setling of the Presbytery for that 's allways the English of their SOUND DOCTRINE and CHURCH GOVERNMENT Pa. 46. is violently prest as the first thing to be done Give FIRST to God the Things that are Gods 43. with a Pharisaical Ostentation of the Conscionable Prudent Godly People of the Land Pa. 46. in opposition to the Prophane You could not do any thing in the world more to obstruct his Majestys Return and yet you are pleased to make this Sermon an Instance of your Zeal to advance it Ri· The Parliament did not raise War against the Person or Authority of the King nor did I ever serve them on any such Account but to defend themselves against the Kings Mis-guided will Holy Common-Wealth Pa. 476. Their Commissions all that ever I saw were for King and Parliament We had Two Protestations and a Solemn League and Covenant Impos'd upon the Nation to be for King and Parliament And if Dâ—claâ—ations Professions Commissions and National Oaths and Covenants will not tell us what the cause of the War was thâ—n there is no Discovery Ibid. Pa. 477. Mo. These Commissions Oathes and Covenants tell you the Pretext of the War but you must go to their Proceedings and Practices to find the Cause of it The Two Houses Seize the Kings Towns Magazins Forts and Shipping They violently take the Militia into their own hands Vote an Ordinance of Both Houses as binding as an Act of Parliament Declare his Majestys Commissions Voyd Issue out Orders for Securing the Kingdome Vote the Maintaining of a War and the Seizing of his Majestys Magazins Sequester the Church and Crown Revenues and justify all these Injuries as done in pursuance of their Protestations and Covenants and This is your way now of being FOR the King Suppose that any man had beaten you and Plundred ye and Imprison'd ye and abus'd your Friends for your sake and a body should tell you all this while that this man was FOR Mr. Baxter If you were really for the King why would not For the King according to the Oath of Allegiance do the businesse as well as For the King according to the Covenant Or how came you to Alienate your self from his Majesties Iurisdictino and to turh Subject to the Two Houses Who Absolv'd you from the One Oath or who Authoris'd you in the Other or when you found that the King in the Covenant clash'd with the King in the Oath of Allegeance why did you not rather comply with the Law then with the Usurpation For it is Impossible to be True to both Interests under so manifest an Opposition You see the Colour of the War and I shall not need to tell you that the Cause of it was Ambition of Dominion which was exercised to the highest degree of Tyranny Ri. If a People that by Oath and Duty are obliged to a Sovereign shall sinfully dispossess him and contrary to their Covenants chuse and Covenant with Another they may be obliged by their Latter Covenants notwithstanding the Former Holy-Common-Wealth Pag. 188. Ba. That cannot be my Friend for we hold it Impious and Papal to pretend to absolve Subjects from their Oaths to their Sovereign Holy Com. Pa. 359. It is not in Subjects Power by Vows to with-draw themselves from Obedience to Authority Non-Confor Plea P. 213. Mo. But why can ye not now
dispense with your Covenants as well as you did formerly with the Oath of Allegeance Ri. Part of This Covenant is against Popery Superstition and Profaneness and all that is against Sound Doctrine and Godlinesse c. which the Non-Conformists take to be Lawful and Necessary things Non-Conf Plea 1st Part. P. 142. But the Controversy is not This and That but whether as a Vow made to God it binde to things Necessary P. 143. Ba. Soft a little This that you speak of is the League and Covenant not the Vow and Covenant The Latter was only a Bond of Confederacy to assist the Parliaments Forces against the King and taken by the Lords ane Commons Iun. 6. 1673. and then Ordred Iun. 27. to be taken all over the Kingdome But the Other was Composed afterwards and upon closing with the Scots accomodated to the Scottish Model and Order'd Feb. 2. 1643. to be taken throughout England and Wales and Entitled For Râ—formation and Dâ—fence of Reliâ—ion the Honour and Happiness of the KING c. By this Covenant you are bound not only to an Extirpation of Bishops but to endeavouâ— the Introducing of a Scottish Presbytery How can you then dispence with an Admittance of the Primates Episcopacy as you propounded in Contradiction to the Terms of that Engagement Mo. Favour me with a word I pray'e Did ye not Covenant to preserve and defend the Kings Majestys Person and Authority Ri. Yes in the Preservation and Defence of the True Religion Ba. But in case of the Kings Opposing it we are still Obliged to continue therein against all Opposition and â—o promote the samâ— according to our Power against all Lets and Impediments whatsoever See the Covenant Mo. Let it suffice Gentlemen that your Party destroy'd the King it is no great matter How Ri. As to the Death of the King I have in the times of Vsurpation proved that the Presbyterians detestâ—d it That it was a Proud Conquering Army by the Contrivance of Ol. Cromwell and the applause of a Few Phanatiques that did it by the consent of a small care of the Old Parliament called the Rump that durst not trust the King in Power Non-Conf Plea part 2. Preface Ba. Prethee Dick Speak truth and shame the Devil What did we raise Armyes for And Attaque the King himself in the Head of his Troops Wee 'l maintain That by our Principles and Aphorisms War is not an Act of Government but Hostility Men are not in Reason to be supposed to Intend their Enemies Good if they fight we are to bâ—lieve they would Kill and Nature believeth not Killing to be an Act of Friendship Holy Common-Wealth Pa. 422. â— do Unfeignedly Repent that I did no more for â—eace in my Place then I did and that I did not pray more heartily againâ—t Conâ—â—ntion and Wâ—r bâ—forâ— it camâ— and spake no more against it thâ—n I 〈…〉 that I spaâ—e so much to blow the Coals For â—his 〈…〉 forâ—ivenâ—sse of the Lord through the Pretious bâ—oâ—d of tâ—â— Grâ—â—t Reconciler The hatred of strife and War aâ—d Love of Pâ—aâ—e and Obsâ—rvation of the Lamentable Miscariages siâ—ce have call'd me often to search my heart and try my ways by the word of God whether I did Lawfully engage in That War or not which I was confident then was the Greatest outward service that ever I performed to God And whether I Lawfully encouraged so many Thousands to it Holy Common-Wealth Pa. 485.486 But yet I cannot see that I was mistaken in the main Cause nor dare I repent of it nor forbear the same if it were to do again in the same State of Things I should do all I could to prevent such a War but if it could not be prevented I must take the same side as then I did And my Judgment tells me that if I should do otherwise I should be Guilty of Treason or disloyalty against the SOVEREIGN POWER of the Land and of Perâ—idiousnesse to the Common-Wealth and of preferring Offending Subjects before the Laws and Justice and the Will of the King above the safety of the Common-wealth and consequently above his own Wellfare Ibid And then for you so Impudently and Impertinently Mo. Nay let 's have none of this Gentlemen I beseech ye why You Two are Old Acquaintances Fellow-Labourers Fellow-Sufferers and One Womans Children as we say Ba. I shall not eat my words I assure ye I may forget my self perhaps but I am not a man for Recantations I say again that it was Impudently and Impertinâ—â—tly done to reflect upon Oliver Cromwell as if he had done an Ill thing My Holy Common-wealth was written while the Lord Protâ—ctor â—rudently Piously Faithfully to his Immortal Horrour how ill soever you have used him did Exercise the Government Holy Common wealth Preface to the Army And I have forborn to change any One Word of it all that you may see the worst of my Intendments And that True Principles will stand in all Times and Changes though to the shame of those Changes that make bad Times Ibid. These are my own words and do you think that I would ever have bestowed upon a detestable wretch the Epithetes of PRUDENT PIOUS and FAITHFUL And again If Oliver had not been a Religious and Gratious Prince can you Imagine that I should ever have treated his Son Richard with this Complement We pray that you may INHERIT a Tender care of the Cause of Christ. Key for Catholiques Ep. Ded. which shews both that Oliver had a Tendernesse for Christs Cause and necessarily Implys that the Cause he Managed was the Cause of Christ. And then you shuffle it again upon the Phanatiques and the Rump that durst not trust the King with Power Why prethee what Power did we allow him We took away his Arms and his Men and his Money and his Credit and his Towns and his Ships and his Laws and his Liberty and all the Ensignes of Royalty and the Maxims whereupon we supported our Proceedings did his besinesse The Two Houses and the Army were no more then the Gun and the Ball The one gave fire and the other kill'd him Mo. Mr. Baxter I as you say you do Vnfeignedly Repent that you spake so much Formerly to blow the Coals Why are ye blowing of them again You carry'd Thousands you say into the War and Engâ—ged in it your self and would do the same thing over again upon the like Occâ—sion And your Judgment tells you that it were Treason against the Sovereign Power of the Land to do otherwise According to This Doctrine a Remnant of the Lords and Commons may do as much to This Kâ—â—g as they did to his Father and the Presbyterians Pulpiâ—s shall justify the Proocâ—eding You do Generously however to own your Positions But yet methinks you should have some regard to the dismal Consequences that have â—nsu'd upon this Controversy Ba. It were too great
Instrument of Approbation and all that are Tolerated an Instrument of Toleration and let no man be a chuser or a Ruler that holdeth not Communion with an Approved or Tolerated Church and is not signify'd under the Pastors hand to be a Member thereof Thes. 219. Mo. A most excellent Invention to advance the Empire of Presbytery and enslave all other degrees and Perswasions of men whatsoever Ba. The Humble Petition and Advice determineth that under the Penalty of a Thousand pounds and Imprisonment till it be paid no person be Elected and sit in Parliament but Such as are persons of known Integrity fear God and of Good Conversation They are sworn also for Fidelity to the Protector c. A more excellent Act hath not been made for the happynesse of England concerning Parliaments at least since the Reformation Ho. Com. 257.258 Mo. But what is it that you mean by this Known Integrity or who are to be the Iudges of it I take That man that Publickly Sacrifices his Life his Fortune his Family and his Freedome to the service of his Prince and Countrey according to the Law to be a man of Known Integrity and him that Acts in opposition to the Law and to his duty to be clearly the contrary I take the Publican that smites his breast and crys Lord be merciful unto me a sinner to have more of the Fear of God in him then the Pharisee that Prays in the Market Place and thanks God that he is not as Other men are And I take him to be of as Good a Conversation that submits quietly to the Rules of the Government Reverences Authority and contents himself with his Lawful Lot As he is that values himself upon Out-braving Publique Order Reviling his Betters Living upon the spoil and devouring the Bread of the Oppressed What would you say now to the turning of the Tables and setting up of your Qualifications on the other side and to the Kings excluding of the Non-Conformists by an Oath of Fidelity to himself as your Richard excluded delinquents in the late Eections Ho. Com. P. 244. So that the People durst not go according otheir Inclinations Ibid. But why do I argue from your Practises when your Positions do naturally leade to the same undutyfull Ends Ba. My dull Brain could never find out any one point of difference in Theology about the Power of Kings and the Duty of Obedience in the People between the Divines called Presbyterians and Episcopal If you know any name them me and tell me your Proofs R. B's Letter to Mr. Hinckly Pa. 26. Ri. 'T is a Confounding of your Metaphysicks methinks with your Politiques to talk of Points of Theology in matters of Civil Power and Obedience without distinguishing between our Credenda and Agenda Notion and Practice Supernaturall Truths and Moral Duties And why The Divines CALLED Presbyterians and not rather the Presbyterian Divines For they are not ALL Presbyterians that are so CALLED and there 's a great deal of difference betwixt the Principles of Presbyterian Divines as Presbyterian and the 〈◊〉 of those very Presbyterians as they are rangeâ— undâ—r â—he Bâ—nner of a Civil Interest But over and above all Thiâ— you have carry'd it a great deal â—oo far to say that the Episcopal and the Presbyterian Divines hold the same Principles in the Point of King and Subject You shâ—uld rather have acknowledg'd the disagreements and maintain'd the Pâ—iâ—ciple We hold 1. Thâ—t the Parliament by the Constitution have part of the Sovereâ—â—â—tâ— Ho. Com. Pa. 457. 2. That the Sovereignty is joyntly iâ— Kâ—â—g Lords and Commons as Three Estates 465. 3. The Parliaâ—ent have a Power of Enacting Laws as well as of â—roposing them Pa. 462. Whereas The Episcopal Party pronoâ—â—ce the Sovereignty to be only in the King 2. They assert the Kings sole Supremacy in all Causes and over all Persons whatsoever as well Ecclesiastical as Civill and 3. That the two Houses have no share at all in the Sanction We hold likewise that It was Treason to resist the Parliament as the Enemy did apparently in Order to their Subversion Ho. Com. 478. That the Parliament was the highest Interpreter of Laws that was then Existent in the Division Ibid. And so we find that every step of the Parliamentary War was Iustify'd by the Assembly and the whole Current of the Presbyterian-Divines The Episcopal Clergy Vnanimously declaring themselves to the contrary Who but the Assembly July 19. 43. in the Names of Themselves and Others to call for the Execution of Iustice on All delinquents Husband 2d Vol. of Collections 241. And who again Aug. 10. 1643. but The Divines of the Assembly that are Reâ—iants of the Associated Counties and now Attending the Assembly are desired to go down into their several Counties to stir up the people in Those severall Counties to rise for their Defence Ibid. 285. So that in the Main we differ upon the very Constitution of the Government the Power of the Prince the Duty of the Subject and upon every point of the Parliamentary War And we are no lesse divided upon the Scheme of Forms and Ceremonies Ba. Prove that I or any of my Acquaintance ever practised Ejecting Silencing ruining men for things Unnecessary yea or for Greater things Whom did we ever forbid to Preach the Truth Whom did we cast out of all Church-Maintenance Whom did we Imprison R. R's Answ. to Dr. Stillingfleet Pa. 97. Ri. You forget your self Brother and I am for speaking the Truth though I shame the Devill Pray look into Mercurius Rusticus his Accompt of the London Clergy that were Ejected Silenced and Ruin'd by Order of Parliament See his Querela Cantabrigiensis for the Heads Fellows and Students of Colledges that were There Ejected Plunder'd Imprison'd or Banish'd for their Affections to the King and the Establish'd Religion Consider thâ—â— You your self took the liberty to Graze upon another mans Pastâ—re And all these Violence were carry'd on by your Encouragement Influenced by your Approbation and the Principal directors of theâ— extold to the Skyes as the Best Governours for Wisdome aâ—d Holynesse Ho. Com. Pref. under the Cope of Heaven Ba. But however Either they must prove that we hold Rebellious Principles or they shew that they do but in Plot accuse us I know very well that The Transproser Rehearsed Pa. 48. saith Mr. Baxter in his Holy Common-wealth mayntainteth that he the King may be called to Account by any Single Peer Must we say nothing to such bloudly slanders Never such a Thought was in my mind nor word spoken or Written by me But all is a meer False-Fiction Nay in all the times of Usurpation and Since I said and Wrote that the Kings Person is Inviolable and to be Judg'd by none either Peer or Parliament and that it is none but Subjects that they may call to accompt and Judge and Punish and
other Places And then the boldnesse and Importunity of the Dividers encrease the necessity of the Injunction If you have forgotten the Common Votes and Addresse of Feb 25. 1662. upon This Subject Pray let me remember you of them Resolved c. Nemine Contradicente That the humble Thanks of This House be returned to his Majesty for his Resolution to maintain the Act of Vniformity Resolved c. That it be presented to the Kings Majesty as the humble Advise of the House that no Indulgence be granted to the dissentâ—â— from the Act of Vniformity For these Reasons 1. It will establish Schisme by a Law amd make the 〈◊〉 Government of the Church Precaeious and the Censures of it of no moment or Consideration at all 2. It will no way become the Gravity or Wisdome of a Parliâ—ment to passe a Law at One Session for Vniformity and 〈◊〉 the next Session the Reasons of Vniformity continuing still the Same to passe Another Law to frustrate or Weaken the Execution of it 3. It will expose your Majesty to the Restlesse Importunity of every Sect or Opinion and of every single person also who shal presume to Dissent from the Church of England 4. It will be a cause of encreasing Sects and Sectaries 〈◊〉 Numbers will weaken the true Protestant Religion so far thâ—t it will at least be difficult for it to defend it self against theâ— And which is yet further Considerable those Numbers which by being Troublesome to the Government find they can arrive to 〈◊〉 Indulgence will as their Numbers encrease be yet more Troubâ—â—some that so at length they may arrive to a General Toleration which your Majesty hath declar'd against and in time some preâ—â—lent Sect will at last contend for an Establishment which for 〈◊〉 can be fore-seen may end in Popery 5. It is a thing altogether without Precedent and will take away all means of Convicting Recusants and be inconsistent with the Method and Proceedings of the Laws of England Lastly It is humbly conceived that the Indulgence Proposed will be so far from tending to the Peace of the Kingdome that it is rather likely to Occasion great Disturbance And on the Contrary that the Asserting of the Laws and the Religion Established according to the Act of Uniformity is the most probable means to produce a settled Peace and Obedience throughout your Kingdome Because the Variety of Professions in Religion when openly divulged doth directly distinguish men into Parties and withall gives them opportunity to count Their Numbers which considering the Animosities that out of a Religious Pride will be kept on foot by the severall Factions doth tend directly and Inevitably to open disturbance Nor can your Majesty have any security that the Doctrine or Worship of the severall Factions which are all govern'd by a severall Rule shall be Consistent with the Peace of your Kingdome And if any Persons shall presume to disturb the Peace of the Kingdome We do in all Humility dâ—clare that we will for ever and in all Occasions be ready with our utmost Endeavours and Assistance to adhere to and serve your Majesty according to our bounden Duty and Allegiance Only one Word more and That must be to tax you with Infinite Ingratitude in saying that Parliaments for ought you know never did any thing for your Relief or Ease what do ye think of the Act of Indemnity I beseech ye Was it Nothing to give you your Lives Liberties and Estates again when all was Forfeited Nay and it is come to that Point now too that those very Instruments that were forgiven by the King for the Ruin of the Church and Three Kingdoms will not at this day forgive his Majesty for Endeavouring according to the Advice of his Parliament to Re-establish and Preserve them Ri. If you would understand us aright you must repair to our Declarations Professions Commissions National Oaths and Covenants and the Like Ho Com. Pag. 477. And pray Observe the Tenor of our Stile Addresse Protestations and other Proceedings Your Majesties most Humble and Loyal Subjects the Lords and Commons Dec. 14. 1641. Most Humble and Faithfâ—â—â— Subjects Dec. 15. Most Humble and Obedient Subjects Exact Collections â—a 2. Mo. And now put That Libellous Remonstrance of Dec. 15. in the Scale against Three or Four Words of Course of the same date Ri. The Knights Citizens and Burgesses of the House of Commons your Faithful and Loyall Subjects c. Ibid. Pa 44. Dec. 31. 1641. Mo. This was a Message to his Majesty for a Guard which the King most graciously offer'd them but One of his Chusing it seems would not do the Businesse Ri. Your most faithful and Obedient Subjects the Lords and Commons in this Present Parliament c. Ibid. Pa. 65. Jan. 29. Mo. They Petition'd to have the Tower of London and all oeher Forts and the whole Militia of the Kingdom to be FORTHWITH put into the hands of such Persons as both Houses should Recommend c Ex. Coll. Jan. 29. 1641. And what did his Majesty now get by the Complement Ri. Your Humble and Loyal Subjects the Lords and Commons c. Ibid. Feb. 22. 1641. Pa. 80. Mo. His Majesties Humble and Loyal Subjects are pleas'd to declare in this Petition that if the King does not Instantly grant them their Petition about the Militia they are bound by the Laws of God and man to take the Militia into their own hands Ri. Your Majesties most Loyal and Obedient Subjects the Lords and Commons c. Ib. Mar. 1. 1641. Pa. 92. Mo. In this Petition they threaten to dispose of the Militia by the Authority of the Two Houses They Order his Majesty where to dispose of his Person and absolutely deny the Kings Powâ—â— of the Militia but by Authority and consent of Parliament Ri. Your most Dutyful and Loyal Subjects the Lords and Commons c. Ib. 138. Apr. 1642. Your Majesties most Loyal and Faithful Subjects the Lords and Commons c. Ib. Apr. 8. 1642. Pa. 141. Mo. Very Good And the Former of These was for Leave to remove the Magazin at Hull to the Tower of London And the Other was to divert the King from going into Ireland to supptesse the Irish Rebellion which had certainly been done and to tell him that if he went contrary to the Advice of his Parliament They were resolved in his Absence not to submit to any Commissioners he should appoint but to preserve and Govern the Kingdome by the Counsell and Advice of Parliament c. Ri. Your Majesties Loyal Subjects the Lords and Commons in his Parliament Ibid. 258. May 1642. Mo. Here His Majesties Loyal Subjects presse the King to disband his Troops at York or otherwise they 'le take the Quiet of the Kingdome into their own Care And passe These following Votes Resolved upon the Question 1. That it appears that the King seduced
by wicked Counsells intends to make War against the Parliament c. 2. That whensoever the King maketh War upon the Parliament it is a Breach of the Trust reposed in him by his People Contrary to his Oath and tending to the Dissolution of This Government 3. That whosoever shall serve or Assist him in such Wars are Traytors by the Fundamental Laws of this Kingdome and have been so Adjudg'd by Two Acts of Parliaments and ought to suffer as Traytors c. Ri. Your Majesties most humble and Faithful Subjects the Lords and Commons in Parliament c. Ib. Jun. 2. 1642. Pa. 307. Mo. This was the Petition that Accompanied the Nineteen Propositions demanding from the King the discharge of all his Ministers and Embassadors and none to be taken into their Places but what the Parliament shall approve That all matters of State may be transacted only in Parliament the Privy Counsell to be by Them approved from time to time and supply'd All Great Officers to bâ— Chosen by their Approbation They to have the Education of the Kings Children and the Choyce of their Servants No Maâ—ch to be treated of without them A Reformation of Church-Government and Liturgy to be contrived by their Advice The Militia to be settled in them till settled by a Bill and all Proclamations against it to be recalled New Oaths for Privy Councellors and Iudges All Iudges and Officers to hold their Places Quamdiâ— se bene Gesserint Parliament-Iustice upon all Delinquents An Amnestry with such exceptions as the Parliament shall advise All Forts and Castles under Gouernours approved by Parliament All Forces to be Disbanded and a Prohibition of any Peers hereaftâ—â— to be made from Sitting or Voting in Parliament without the Consent of Both Houses Are not these the Propositions think ye of Most Humble and Faithful Subjects Ri. Yo ur Majesties Loyal Subjects the Lords and Commons in Parliament Ibid. Sept. 24. 1642. Pa. 617. Mo. His Majesties Loyal Subjects had now sent the Earl of Essex to fall upon the Kings Army and desired his Majesty to leave them and come to his Parliament And they Petition'd his Majesty to the same Purpose again Pa. 630. And so as the Humour took them to the very Treaty at the Isle of Wight But whether These were the Actions of Rebells or Loyall Subjects be you your self the Judge Ri. Well But what say ye to the Stile of We your Humble and Loyal Subjects of both Kingdomes Appendix to Husbands Ex. Coll. 2 d. Part. Fol. 22. Jan. 13. 1645. Mo. These were the Humble and Loyal Subjects that in the same Paper Refused his Majestys Proffer of a Personal Treaâ—â— with Them at Westminster Your Majesty say they desires 〈◊〉 Engagement not only of the Parliament but of the Lord Mayor Aldermâ—n Common-Councill and Militia of the City of London 〈◊〉 Chief Commanders of Sir Tho. Fairfaxes Army and Those of the Scots Army which is against the Privileges and Honour of the Pâ—â—liamenâ— those being Ioyn'd with them who are Subject and Subordinate to their Authority At the same rate they Proceeded in Their Professions They desire only to Lay a Foundation of Honour Safety and Happiness to the Kings Person and Throne Ex. Coll. dec 14. 1641. The Greatnesse and Prosperity of his Majesty and his Royal Posterity Ib. Dec. 15. Pa. 2. His Majestys greatnesse and Honour â—b Mar. 1.41 Pa. 94. Honour and greatnâ—sse Mar. 2. P. 102. Honour Safety and Prosperity of your Majesty Mar. 16. P. 118. We seek nothing but your Majesties Honour Mar. 15. P. 123. The Safety of his Majesties Person and his Royal Posterity May 5. 42. Pa. 173. Our most Dutyfull care for the Safety of your Royal Person May 9. P. 180. For the Preserving and Mayntaining the Royal Honour Greatness and Safety of your Majesty and Posterity Jan. 2. 42. P. 310. And then see their Remarkable Protestation of Octob. 22. 1642. We the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament Assembled do in the Presence of Almighty God for the Satisfaction of our Consâ—iâ—nces and the Discharge of That Great Trust which lyes upon us make this Protestation and Declaration to The Kingdome and Nation and to the whole World That no Private Passion or Respect no Evill Intention to his Majestys Person no design to the Prejudice of his Iust Honour and Authority Engaged us to rayse Forces and take up Arms against the Authours of This War wherewith the Kingdome is now Enflamed Ibid. Pa. 663. Without any Intention or desire as we do here professe before the Ever-living God to hurt or Injure his Majesty Either in his Person or Iust Power b. P. 666. I could give you Instances of this kind without End and as many of the gross and Unquestionable violations of These Professions For every Order they past and every â—istol that they Fired was a poynt-blank Contradiction to their Pretensions Beside that in the same Breath they Usurped all the Regalities of the Crown and yet Wrote Themselves His Majesties most Obedient SUBJECTS So that This Stile of Loyalty was at the same time a Blind to the Well-meaning Multitude and a Note of Confederacy among Themselves a Loyal Subject according to the Covenant Importing in plain Terms a Traytor in the eye of the Law And yet the Cause and the Obligation of this Covenant and the Proceedings upon it are openly Asserted at This very day Ba. Yes yes There 's The Counterminer the Popish Dialogue and many others that continue lowdly to Accuse us and make men believe that we are Plotting a new War and that our Principles are Rebellious c. Non Conf. Plea 2d Part. Pref. Mo. What do ye think of maintaining that Whatsoever the Twâ— Houses declare for Law must pass for Law without Controul both upon King and People Ex. Coll. 297. That they may do whatever they please Ibid. That the Major Part of Both Houses are the absolute Masters of the Lives and Liberties of the Subject Ibid. That no member of the House of Commâ—ns be medled with for Treason Felony c. Without Leave of the House Ibid. That thâ— Sâ—vâ—reignty resides in the two Houses and that the King has no Negâ—tivâ— Voice Ibid. That there lyes no Treason against the Person of the King Ibid. That the Two Houses may Depose the King and not be blameâ— for so doing Ibid. Now in calling Those people that did all This The Bell Governors in the World as in the Preface to your Holy Common-Wealth And in Vindicating That Book from any Principles of Disloyalty toward the Person of the King as you do toward the close of your Preface as to the 2 d. Part of the Non-conformists Pleâ— Apri 16. 1680. What is This but the Asserting of Rebellioâ—â— Principles And the Preaching of the old Doctrine to the people over again What Is it but the Preface to another War Ba. What have we done
these Twenty years against the King or State Unless it be our Crime to live under Reproach and Scorn and Poverty and sometime Imprisonments and never once so much as Petition a Parliament either to Pitty us or to Hear us once Speak for our Selves c. Ibid. If any Odd persons or whosoever have said or done any thing against the King or Kingdome or their Neighbours Right or Peace or have been Guilty of any Fraud Drunkennesse Perjury or Immorality besides their Vnavoidable Non-conformity let them be punisht as the Law requires but let not the Innocent yea Thousands be Slandered and Designed to Destruction for Them Ibid. Mo. If you Speak of the Nonconformists they have justifi'd from Sixty to Eighty all the Indignities that were put upon the Government from Forty to Sixty and there is not any one Seditious or Schismatical Principle of the Old Stamp which they have not afresh Reviv'd and Recommended to the People And for the Moderation you boast of I dare be answerable to produce almost as many Hundreds of Clamorous Libels against Aâ—thority from the Dissenting Party as you reckon Years of Silence and Forbearance But these are ODD Persons you say and so is every Dissenter in the Kingdom for Ten Millions of men are but as so many Individuals when disencorporate and Lâ—pp'd off from the Body If I durst be so bold Sir I should venture to say that Mr. Baxter himself is one of the ODDEST persons that I know in the whole Party You have First a Perswasion to your self for you are neither a Presbyterian nor an Independent nor an Anabaptist nor of any Tribe of the Division that ever yet had a Namâ— to be known by but a pure Original and a â—â—ristian of your own making You have Secondly as Peculiar a Conscience too that had rather leap a Precipice then keep the Kings high-way It rises and falls like a Weather-Glasse upon Change of Ayre and makes St. Paul blow Hot or Cold at pleasâ—re Let every soul be Subject to the Higher Powers requires Obedience to Dick Cromwell upon pain of Damnation and Disobedience to Charles the First upon the same penalty as we have had it already And then you have this further Advantage Sir that you are your own King and your own Pope you Prescribe your own Laws and Grant your own Pardons Ba. You may prate as long as you will I am against the Imposing of Mystical Ceremonies as Crossing or Surplice c. Five Disp. Pa. 467. For to Impose new Symbolicall Rites upon the Church which Christ hath not Imposed doth seem to me an Vsurpation of his Sovereign Power Ibid. And to accuse Christ of Ignorance or Negligence in that he himself hath not Imposed them And so doth it Imply an Accusation of his Laws and of the Holy Scriptures as if they were Insufficient Ibid. 468. And These Impositions seem to be plain Violations â—f These Prohibitions of God in which we are forbidden to Add to his Worship or diminish FROM IT 469. And moreover God hath allready given us so perfect a Directory for his Worship that there is nothing more that we can reasonably desire Ib. 481. Ri. Now for my part I am for the Amiable way Christians should not be Over-busy in Prying into the work of their Governours nor too forward to suspect their dâ—terminations The Duty of Obeying them being Certain and the Sinfulnesse of the thing Commanded being Uncertain and Unknown and only Suspected we must go on the surer side Ibid. 484. In disobeying the Lawfull Commands of our Superiours we disobey Christ. Ibid. 485. Beside that Disobedience in matters of Circumstance will exclude and Overthrow the Substance of the Worship it self Pa. 486. POSTSCRIPT To the Reader MR. Baxter has certainly given in this Extract the 〈◊〉 blow to the Non-conformists that ever they 〈◊〉 For there are no Arguments against That Party like their 〈…〉 against Themselves To the clearest Evidences of 〈◊〉 and Reason they 'le oppose Clamour and Passion 〈◊〉 make a shift to wriggle themselves Off and On with 〈◊〉 drawn Texts and Riddling distinctions But when the very 〈◊〉 of That Interest comes to play Fast and Loose and shift 〈◊〉 Conscience with the Season the Masque is then taken off 〈◊〉 there can be no Denyal of the Fact so there can be no 〈◊〉 the Hypocrisy How comes Toleration to be a Sin under 〈◊〉 Presbyterians and a Duty under the Bishops How comes it 〈◊〉 be Damnation in the case of the Late King and Richard 〈◊〉 well to Obey the Former and destroy the Latter Even 〈◊〉 to Mr. Baxters own Exposition which is that by St. 〈◊〉 Higher Powers is Intended Those in Actual Possâ—ssion How 〈◊〉 Bishops to be Antichristian at one time and Warrantable at 〈◊〉 Or the Civil Magistrate to have more power in 〈◊〉 matters under an Vsurper then under a Lawful 〈◊〉 How comes an Episcopal Vniformity to be more a Persecution 〈◊〉 a Presbyterian Or a Common Prayer-Book more Intolerable 〈◊〉 a Directory What can more expose the Credit of the 〈◊〉 then this double-dealing in the Foreman of the Party to 〈◊〉 Mr. Baxter Lye down in One Opinion and Rise in Another 〈◊〉 Accomodating his Scruples to every Crisis of State And Consummate the Iniquity of the Pretense He has no sooneâ— veigled the People into a Schisme but he presently 〈◊〉 with a Plat-form of Sedition and having wrought a 〈◊〉 from the Ecclesiastical he falls to work in his Cases and 〈◊〉 upon the Foundations of the Civill Government The End The Proposition at the Savoy about the command of lawful Superiours Richards Resolution â—â—â—â—er his hand Baxter of another opinion Many Commands anlawful which the subject ought yet to obey No Ruleâ— is bound â—o provide against Events not to be foreseen Magistracy cut off at a blow The Civil Power must not make Laws about Gods Worship But Baxter says that Circa Sacra he may Richard and Baxter still at variance Richards Account of the Savoy-Conference Vshers Primitive Episcopacy offer'd but rejected The English Episcopacy submitted to by Richard c But held Antichristian and Diabolicaâ— by Baxter Richard and Baxter never 〈◊〉 â—e reconcil'd The Ground of A.B. Vsher Project of Episcopacy Many would have yielded to Prelacy c The Diocesan Episcopacy gratifies the Devil says Baxter and not to be re-admitted R. and B. still Clashing The New Uniformity spoil d all Prelacy Unlawful in it sâ—lf says Baxter Why not Prelacy as â—awful after the Act as before It is the same case still to the People Hard thoughts of Epiâ—copacy and Bishops and upon what grounâ—â— A Grâ—â—ter Scandall to trâ—vell upon the Lords day then to give theKing baâ—â—le Richard Confesses that the Miniâ—ters guâ—ded the peoâ—le and says that the Non-conformists undertook for the next Bishops good behaviour The Quarrel not to the Office of Bishops but to the persons Richardâ— Reasons why the People sell from the Chuâ—ch again The
Grounds The extirpation of Piety was the then great Designe which had so far succeeded that very many of the most able Ministers were silenced Lecturers and Evening-Sermons on the Lords Day suppressed Christians imprisoned dismembred and Banished the Lords Day reproached and devoted to Pastimes that it was as much as a mans Estate at least was worth to hear a Sermon abroad when he had none or worse at home To meet for Prayer or any Godly Exercise and that it was a matter of Credit and a way to Perferment to revile at and be enemies against those that were most Conscientious And every where safer to be a drunkard or an Adulterer then a painfull Christian And that multitudes of Humane Ceremonies took place when the worship of Christs Institution was cast out besides the slavery that Invaded us in Civil Respects So am I MOST CERTAIN that this was the work which We took up Arms to resist And these were the Offenders whom we endeavoured to Offend And many of those that scruple the Lawfulness of our War did never Scruple the Lawfullness of destroying us nor of that dolefull havock and Subversion that was made in the Church of Christ amongst us The fault was that we would not more willingly change the Gospel for Ignorance and our Religion for a Fardel of Ceremonies R. B's Saints Rest. p. 257.258 Ri. But the Kings Subjects may not enter into Leagues Câ—â—â—nants and Arms against him without his consent and Laws mâ—â—ly to propagate Religion and Reformation in the Kingdom Non-conf Plea 2d part pa. 77. If Governors command us to sin against Gâ—â— Subjects must not obey but yet not Resist Much less take up Arm◠〈◊〉 Reform Others or even to bring in a True Religion by Vnauthorisâ—â— Violence Ibid. p. 56. Ba. It is but a delusory course of some in These Times tâ—â—t write many Volâ—mns to pâ—ove that Subjects may not beâ—t Arms against thâ—iâ— Priâ—ces foâ— Religion Ho. Common-wealth p. 4â—1 It is either Confusion and Ignorance of the State of thâ—â—uestion or palâ—aâ—le errour in them that maintain that it is 〈◊〉 lawfull to fight for Religion It is one thing to fight to maâ—e oâ—â—ers Religious and another thinâ— to sight to preserve 〈◊〉 â—wn Religion and to preserve tâ—e means of Religion to Us â—nd the Nation and our Posterity Ibid. Persecutors 〈◊〉 taâ—e away our Lives or Liberties if we worship God accordiâ—â—â—o his Will and use the necessary means of Salvation It â—â—ghting aâ—â—inst this Persecutiâ—n we sight principally and ultimately for our Own and Posterities Salvation and nexâ— for the Necessary means theâ—eto and Proximately for 〈◊〉 Lives and Liberties Ibid. Mo. The Rancour and Inhumanity of This Scandal makes me take the Lesse notice of your shifts and contradictions so that I shall wave the Course of your Reasoning and speak a Word to your Conscience Pray'e cast a back Thought upon the Piety the Moderaâ—ion the Unexampled sufferings and Constancy of That Incomparable Prince whose Government and Administration is here so Diabolicall Traduc'd It is a wonderfull thiâ—g to me that thâ— Legal Justice that was execâ—â—ed upon two or thrâ—â— Contumacious Schismatiques should be so fresh in your Memory and yet the Tragedy of that Royal and Protestant Martyr that fell a Sacrifice to the Idol of your Enthusiastical Reformation should be so utterly forgotten How can you so call to mind the silencing of a Stubborn Cabal of Lawless Mutineers And the Bloud of Canterbury your Sacrilegious Robbing and Taking Possession not fly in the â—aces of your Complices Especially considering how much you your selves have contributed to the common Fate Ri. How far the â—arliament was fâ—om being Presbyterians may bâ— sâ—â—n in tâ—e Propositions sent from them by the Earl of Essex to the King at â—otinâ—ham and paâ—tly their defeating all the desires and endeavâ—urs of â—hose that would have Presbytery settlâ—d thorow the Land We know of no places but London and Lancaâ—hire where it was commonly taken up and some little of 〈◊〉 at Coventry and some few such places Non-Cons Plea â—st part 128. Ba. It is not known that the Presbyterian Government hath been exercised in London in Lancashire and in many Counties these many years 5. Disp. Prâ—f 28.29 Look into this County where I live and you shall finde a faithful humble laborious Ministry Associated and walking in as great Unity as ever I read of since the Apostles Days No Difference no Quarrels but sweet and amicable Correspondency and Communion that I hear of Was there such a Ministry or such Love and Concord or such a Godly People under them in the Prelates Reign There was not Where we had Ten drunken Readers Then we have not One now and where we had One Able Godly Preacher Then we have many Now and This is our Loss and misery in these times which yoâ— so much lament Ibid. Mo. This last passage I finde in a Preface Entitled To those of the Nobility Gentry and Commons of This Land that adhere to Prelacy Publâ—shed in the year 1659. and usher'd in by an Epistle Dedicatory To his â—ighness Richard Lord Protector of the Common Wealth of England Scotland and Ireland with this expression in the last Page Your zeal for God will kindle in your SUBJECTS a zeal for You and for a Farewell A Faithfull Subject to your Highness as you are an Officer of the Universal King Richard Baxter It is worthy of a Note Mr. Baxter that your Pen cuts more still in 1659. then it did in seven years before and that your Humour runs much about That season upon Casuistical Points and the Collation of Affairs and Times Now all the Reason I can discern for your change of Topique still upon That Crisis is This. The Wheel was almost come round again and Rebellion upon the very point of finishing its Course â—or they had run the Monorchy down into an Aristocracy That into a Democracy Cromwell took up the Government next in a Single Person But all these Successive Usurpations were so Grievous and Insupportable to the people that necessarily the next Remove must be the Restoring of the King to perfect the Revolution Now so soon as ever you discover'd the dawning but of the least hope for his Majesties Restauration what Mists did you presently cast before the Peoples Eyes in your Political Aphorismes upon the Question of Authority and Obedience What pains did you take to possesse the Nation with an Opinion of the blessed differences betwixt the State of Matters uoder Richard the Usurper and Charls the Martyr and to hammer into the heads of the Multitude the danger of Re-admitting their Lawfull Sovereiâ—n Pray'e tell me Sir was Mr. Dance's Sequestred Living and your Little Worcestershire Association so Inestimable a Prize that you could part with the Bloud of a most Religious Prince the Lives of at least Fourscore Thousand Christians the Order of the Government both in
Folly by Following Accideâ—ts that were then unknown for me to Judge of the Former Cause That which Is Calamitous in the Event is not allways sinfull in the Enterprize Should the Change of Times make me forget the State that we were formerly in and Change my Judgment by losing the sense of what then conduced to it's Enformation This Folly and forgetfullnesse would be the way to a sinfull and not an Obedient Repentance Nor can I be so Unthankful as to say for all the sins and Miscarriages of Men since that we have not received much mercy from the Lord Holy Common-wealth Pa. 487. When Godlynesse was the Common Scorn the Prejudice and shame most lamenâ—ably prevail'd to kâ—ep men from it and so encouraged them in Wickednesse But through the great mercy of God many Thousands have been converted to a Holy upright Life proportionably more then were before since the Reproach did cease and the Prejudice was removed and Faithfull Preachers took the Place of Scandalous ones or Ignorant Readers When I look upon the Place where I live and see that the Families of the Ungodly are here one and there one in a street as the Families of the Godly were heretofore though my own Endeavours have been too weak and cold it â—orceth me to set up the stone of Remembrance and to say HITHERTO HATH THE LORD HELPED US Ibid. Oh the sad and Heart-piercing Spectacles that mine Eyes have seen in four years space This was Jan. 15. 1649. In this Fight a dear Friend falls down by me From another a Pretious Christian bâ—ought home wounded or dead Scarce a month scarce a week without the sight or Noise of Bloud Saints Rest P. 139. Mo. Here 's first a most Evangelicall accompt of the blessed Effects of a Civill War The Propagation of Holynesse And Then a most Remarkable Calculation of the date of your Calamities which commences precisely from the Armies getting the Ascendent of the Two Houses without any respect to the Outrages both upon the Church and State while the Presbyterians Govern'd Ri. Pray'e will ye patiently read over the Representation â—r Letter of the London Ministers to the Lord Generall Jan. 18. 1648. Mo. Very well and since you are pleas'd to cast the Cause and the Integrity of your Party upon That Issue wee 'l see what they say It is allready sufficiently known besides all former Miscarriages what Attempts of late have been put in Practice against Lawfull Authority Letter P. 3. This Lawfull Authority was a Faction of the Two Houses Especially by the Late Remonstrance and Declaration published in Opposition to the Proceedings in Parliament Hâ—re's the Crimen lesae Majestatis As also by seizing and Imprisoning the Kings Person without the Knowledge and Consent of Parliament Ibid. Here 's only a plain Seizure of the Kings Person without the Parliaments Privity or Leave No Condâ—mnation of the Thing it self furthâ—r then as it was done without his Masters Consent Nor was the King more a Prisoner in the hands of the Army then he had been at Newcastle in the hands of the Presbyterians But now they come to That late Vnparall'd violence offer'd to the Members of it forcibly hindâ—ing above one hundred of them if we mistake not the Number from sitting in Parliament Imprisoning many of their Persons though many of them are known to us to be men of Eminent worth and Integrity and who have given most Ample Testimony of their Real Affection to the good of the Kingdome Ibid. Pray'e take notice that it was upon the Members an Unparallel'd violence upon the King no more then a Simple Seizure and methinks they might have bestowed some kind Epithete upon his Majesty as well as upon the Eminent and Worthy Members But 't is only the bare King and That 's All. And besides All This There is an Intent of Framing and contriving a New Model as well of the Laws and Government of the Kingdom as of the Constitution of a new kind of Representative All which Practices we cannot but Judge to be manifestly opposite to the Lawfull Authority of those Majestrates which God hath set over us and to the Duty and Obedience which by the Laws of God and man and by our manifold Oaths and Covenants we stand obliged to render to them Ibid. You are not aware Mr. Richard that to Justify the Doctrine of these Letters falls very little short of Justifying downright Treason unlesse you can shew a Law that places the Supreme Power in the Two Houses The Fear of God therefore whose Ordinance is violated when Magistracy is opposed makes us affraid of medling with Those who without any Colour of Legal Authority meerly upon the Presumption of strength shall attempt such Changes as these are And we â—annot but be deeply Affected with Grief and Astonishment to see that an Army raised by Authority of Parliament for the Preservation of the Priviledges thereof and of our Religion Laws and Liberties should contrary to their Trust and many engagements do That which tends to the Manifest subversion of them All. P. 4. Pray'e where was the Fear of Cod when the King was opposed what Legal Authority had the Two Houses over his Majesty more thâ—n the Army had over the Two Houses Or by what Law did That Parliament raise That Army We have not forgotten those Declared Grounds and Principles upon which the Parliament first took up Arms and upon which we were induced to joyn with them from which we have not hitherto declared and we trust through Gods Grace we NEVER SHALL Pa. 5. We have here in few words the Judgment and the Resolution of the Presbyterian Divines and the standard of their Loyalty from the Lips of the very Oracle of the Party I would fain know now which waâ— the fouler breach of Trust That of the Two Houses toward his Majesty to whom both by Law and Conscience they were obliged besides so many Gratious Concessioâ—s or that of the Army to the Two Houses The one being like the Robbing of an Honest man and the other the Pillaging of That Thief Over and above that the Army was Trayn'd up in the Trade of turning out their Masters And moreover although the PARLIAMENT thus tooâ— up Arms for the defence of their Persons Priviledges and the Preservation of Religion Laws and Liberties yet was it not their Intention thereby to do violence to the Person of the King or divest him of â—is Regal Authority and what of Right belongeth to him Pa. 7. Do but shew me now any one Essential of Sovereignty which those people left hiâ— if they could take it away and I will be answerable to forfeiâ— my head for 't But still it is but what of Righâ— bâ—longeth to him and That 's a Salvo for all the Violences Imaginable We disclam detest and abhor the Wicked and bloudy Teâ—ents and Practices of Iesuits the whrst of Papists
remember a certain Dedicatory Epistle to Richard Protector iâ— your Key for Catholiques where you have these words Giâ—â— not leave to every seducer to do his worst to damn mens Soâ—lâ— when you will not Tolerate every Traytor to draw your Amâ—ieâ— or PEOPLE into Rebellion And again This is one thâ—t rejoyceth in the present happiness of England and honoureth all the Providences of God by which we have been brought 〈◊〉 what we are Do not you here acknowledge Richard the Prâ—tectors Sovereignty and blesse all the Providences that have brought matters so Comfortably about Ri. Ay Ay Baxter That 's a Doctrine you taught me in your Commonwealth I am bound to submit to the Present Government as set over us by God and to Obey for Conscience-sakâ— and to behave my self as a Loyal Subject towards Them For a Full and Free Parliament hath own'd it and so there is notoriously the Consent of the People which is the Evidence that former Princes had to Iustify their Best Titles Pa. 484. Whereas in Truth neither was This a Free Parliament nor any Parliament at all neither wâ—s your submission to the present Power an Act of Conscience for the same Conscience would have oblig'd you as well to the King upon the same Grounds Ba. In good time Mr. Richard And who taught ye I wonder your Complements to Prince Richard in the Five disputations Where you Addresse your self To His Highnesse Richard Lord Protectour of the Common-Wealth of England Scotland and Ireland Ep. Ded. And further Your Zeal for God will kindle in your SUBJECTS a zeal for you The more your Life Government is Divine the more Divine will you appear and therefore the more Amiable and Honourable to the Good and Reverend to the Evill Parliaments will Love and honour you and abhor the Motions that tend to a Division or your Iust Displeasure Ministers will heartily pray for you and prayse the Lord for his Mercies by you and Teach all the People to Love Honour and Obey you The People will Rejoyce in you and you will be lov'd or Fear'd of All. Such Happinesse attendeth Serious Piety when Impiety selfishnesse and Neglect of Christ is the shame and Ruine of Prince and People I crave your Highnesse Pardon for this Boldness and your Favourable Acceptance of the Tender'd Service of A Faithfull Subject to your Highness as you are an Officer of the Universal King Richard Baxter Ri. I' keep still to my Old Master Doctour of the Aphorisms If a Person enter into a military State against the People and by Them be Conquered they are not obliged to Restore him unless there be some other Special Obligation upon them beside their Allegeance Thes. 145. And moreover If the Person dispossest though it were Vnjustly do afterward become Vncapable of Government It is not the Subjects duâ—y to seek his Restitution Thes. 146. And yet again Whosoever expâ—lls the Sovereign though Injuriâ—usly and resolves to revive the Common-Wealth rather then he shall be restored and if the Common-Wealth may prosper without his Restauration It is the Duty of such an Injur'd Prince for the Common Good to resign his Government and if he wâ—ll not the People ought to Iudge him as mâ—de Incable by Providence and not to seek his Restitution to the Apparent Ruine of the Common-Wealth Thes. 147. Mo. Praye let me put in a Word betwixt ye What do you call Incapacitys Ba. When Providence depriveth a man of his VNDERSTANDING He is Materia Indisposita and Vncapable of Government though not of the Name Thes. 135. If God permits Princes to turn so WICKED as to be Uncapable of Governing So as is consisâ—ent with the Ends of Government he permits them to depose Themselves Thes. 136. Again If Providence Statedly disable him that was the Sovereign from the executing of Laws Protecting the Just and other Ends of Government it maketh him an Uncapable Subject of the Power and so deposeth him For a Government so Impotent is None A capacity for the Work and Ends is necessary in the Person and when That ceaseth the Power ceaseth Hâ—l Comm. Pag. 137.138 Ri. And then you say further Thes. 153. That Any thing that is a sufficient Sign of the Will of God that This is the Person by whom we should be Governed is enough as Ioyned to Gods Laws to oblige us to Consent and Obey him as our Governour Vpon which Ground you your self do Iustify all that I have either said or doâ—e in submission to Richard And so you do likewise in your Thesis 149. If the Rightfull Governour be so long dispossest that the Common-Wealth can be no longer be without Government but to the apparâ—nt hazzard of it's Ruine we ought to Iudge that Providence has dispâ—â—sest the Former and presently consent to another We must not say that because we cannot have such a man wee 'l have none but be Vngoverned This is to break an Express Commandement and to cast off the Order and Ordinance of God for a Persons sake P. 162. And then there 's another thing You put all the Cases that ever you could muster up against the Kings Return If a King you say dissolves the Government he can be no Governour If an Enemy no King A destroyer cannot be a Ruler and Defender He proclaimeth Hostility and is Therefore not to be Trusted Pa. 539. Ba. Well well Richard If you had pleased you might have found out some other Aphorismes where I have done as much Right I 'm sure to Sovereign Power as any man living Do not I say Thes. 326. That It is the Subjects Duty to defend their Prince with their Strength and hazzard of their Lives against all Forreign and Domestique Enemies that seek his Life or Ruine Ri. If you speak This to the Cause in Question how will you come off where you say If I had known that the Parliament had been the Beginners and in most faâ—â—t yet the Ruine of our Trustees and Representives and so of all the Security of the Nation is a Punishment greater then any fault of theirs against a King can from him deserve and That Their saulâ—s cannot disoblige me from defending the Common-Wealth â— Owned not all that ever they did but I took it to be my Duty to look to the mayn End And I knâ—w that the King had all his Power for the Common Good and therefore had none against it and Therefore that no Cause can Warrant him to make the Common-Wealth the Party which he shall exercise Hostility against Ho. Com. Pa. 480. All this sâ—â—med plain to me And When I found so many things Conjunct as Two of the Three Estates against the Will of the King Alone the Kingdoms Representatives and Trustees assaulted in the Guarding of our Liberties and the Highest Court defending them against offending Subjects and seâ—king to bring them to a Legal Tryal and the Kingdoms Safety and the Common Good