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A40104 The history of the troubles of Suethland and Poland, which occasioned the expulsion of Sigismundus the Third, king of those kingdomes, with his heires for ever from the Suethish crown with a continuation of those troubles, untill the truce, an. 1629 : as also, a particular narration of the daily passages at the last and great treaty of pacification between those two kingdomes, concluded at Stumbsdorff in Prussia, anno 1635 : concluding with a breife commemoration of the life and death of Sr. George Duglas, Knight, Lord Ambassadour extraordinary from the late King of Great Brittaine, for the treaty above mentioned / faithfully couched by J. Fowler ... Fowler, J. (John); Sweden. Treaties, etc. Poland, 1635 Sept. 12.; Poland. Treaties, etc. Sweden, 1635 Sept. 12. 1656 (1656) Wing F1731; ESTC R42031 226,818 260

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His laudable beginnings by dessention and mutuall supplantings changing to worse he prepared by craft to have surprised Lubecke but in vain for suffering Shipwrack on the Suethish shoar he was necessitated to quit the design of attempting upon the Vandalian Cities His libidinous desires were by divine Justice punished with Famine and a Plague through the Kingdom himself having lost by Sea the treasure he exported from Suethen deceased in Denmark without Issue An. 1448. Carolus Canutus the Governor forenamed after a vacancy of some years albeit not of the chiefest of the Nobility was by the great Ones who disdained an extraneous Yoak Crowned King An. 1458. He subdued the Norwegians and sorely vexed the Danes then waging War The people moved by the insolency of his Commanders the Arch-bishop of Vbsall sounding the All-arme make insurrection and whilest Charls retired to Dantzig to crave aid of the Polish King they call in and Crown Christierne of Denmark In the mean time Catillus Nephew to the Arch-bishop Prelate of Lincopia turning Souldier gathers Forces from severall parts of the Countrey and expels all that favoured Christierne and having defeated himself in a memorable Battell given upon the Ice he recalled Charles out of Prussia who recovered the favour of the people and placed over them more mild Governors and finally full of Honour both for his Vertues and his Raign deceased An. 1470. After Charls some place the fore-mentioned Christierne called in by a Faction of the Suethes but soon again ejected and the Kingdom governed for a time by Marshals yet he by promises drew the Norwegians to his subjection After him his Son John King of Denmark and Norway in An. 1458. was received say they by the Suethes whom the Russians then overpowred but their turn served they forthwith expelled him returning to their former Government by Marshals And lastly they name Christierne the second the Son of John But Johannes Magnus omitting the three last named whom he esteems but as Usurpers or Kings of a factious Party accounts of none but of the three following who ruled under the notion of Princes only Steno Sture Sisters Son to the forenamed Charles having totally routed Christierne the first who had brought a Navy and an Army to the Gate of Stockholme compelled him to desist from attempting upon Suethen all his time He likewise repressed his Son John who had entred the Kingdom and was Crowned by faction at such a time when as Suethland was infested by the Russians and that Emulation had sprung up between Steno and Suanto Afterwards conducting the Queen of Denmark whom he had taken into Smaland to her Husband King John at a Feast he contracted sickness wherof he died in the year 1503. and of his Government the thirtieth A man of most eminent Vertues yet by this the more eminent in that he refused the Diadem when offered unto him Suanto Prince of the Ostro-gothes a Counsellour of the Kingdom was constituted Prince or Governor of Suethland He confederating with the Lubeckers waged War with Christierne the second the Son of John who seemed to be now desired by many against whom whilst he made greater preparations he departed this life An. 1512. and of his rule the eight A man endowed with most choice Vertues liberall and free from praevious severity Steno Sture the younger the Son of Suanto prudently evaded the Traps and Snares of Christierne the second by sending Gaddus Bishop of Lincopia and Gustavus Erickson to the Parly desired by the Dane But whilst he valiantly opposed Christierne who had invaded Suethen with a new Army he was in a most violent conflict slain with a great shot and the Suethes being by his fall discomfited Christierne was received by the Nobles of the Danish Faction and Crowned and on his very Coronation day and Feast beheaded the chief of the Nobility whom he conceived to be averse unto him for which outrageous cruelty he was expelled the Kingdom the first month of his Raign being in the year 1520. But let it not seem tedious that here be inserted what that excellent Historiographer Thuanus hath written more fully concerning these three forementioned Danish Kings Christierne the first John his Son Christierne the second the Son of John who had each by faction or otherwise been Crowned over Suethland Christierne the first the Stock of the ancient Regall Race of Denmark being extinct was from the Earldom of Oldenburg advanced to the Scepter of Denmark by the Suffrages of that Kingdoms Senators but chiefly by the recommendation of his Uncle Adolphus Duke of Holstein Sedition arising in Suethland and Carolus Canutus their King being forced to withdraw himself Christierne was called in by the faction of John Benedict Arch-bishop of Vbsall and constituted King from thence came the Danish pretensions to the Crown of Suethland John his Father being dead held the Kingdom of Denmark thirty and two years and he also Steno the elder who had succeeded his Uncle Canutus being rejected was by the tumultuous Gothes elected King but soon after driven out and being in many Battels defeated by Suanto who through the favour of Heningius Gaddus the stout Lincopian Prelate was substituted to Steno he betook himself into Denmark Suanto dying in the City of Arosia a Prince of so eminent Vertues as not to be equalised by many his Son Steno Sture the younger after many contentions as being opposed by Ericus Trollus of the Danish faction was by the Senators of the Kingdom the fresh memory of his Fathers merits prevailing ordained King Two years after the death of Suanto Christierne the second succeeding his Father John in Denmark resolved to pursue by Armes the revenge of those great defeats his Father had sustained and the pretensions of right to the Crown of Suethland which he derived by succession from his Father and Grand-father Steno being as he thought confirmed in the Kingdom became corrupted by the counsel of flatterers doing many things amiss and the minds of the Peers being alienated from him he lost liewise the love of many of the people The Dane observing this and conceiving it to be very advantageous to his pretences raiseth a great Army and therwith begirt Stocholme the Regall City yet upon the approach of Steno he raised the Siege But when by reason of contrary winds he could not in three moneths time transport his Forces back being oppressed with extream want of all things from Steno who endeavoured to merit and obtain his friendship he received supply and permission to retire securely with his Army into Denmark This exceeding humanity the Dane recompenced four years after with as great and detestable ingratitude and treachery For pretending to a Parly with Steno when but little wanted that he unwarily had adventured his person into his Enemies Ship he finding himself frustrate of that hope carried away Gaddus and Gustavus Erickson sent by Steno to treat with him Prisoners into Denmark contrary to
for favour of great Ones peculiar profit or other causes under what notion soever comprehended or shall refuse to contribute their endeavours hereunto whereby force secretly or openly may be obtruded by any whosoever in prejudice of what his Majesty hath given assecuration to the Kingdom and wherupon this our Transaction is founded We shall account them as persons treacherous to the King and seditious to the Kingdom perfidious men and to their Countrey Traytors and that we will mutually assist each other to their prosecution and extermination Enacted at Sudercopia the twenty second of October 1595 More particularity hath been used in reciting albeit briefly the heads of this Parliamentary Act and its conclusions then is intended with others the like this being that which King Sigismundus afterwards so much endeavoured the disannulling of and which the Suethes do so much instance and justifie themselves upon In this manner was Duke Charles designed Governour of the Kingdom which was no way pleasing to King Sigismundus suspecting the like had severely forbidden all men the repair to that Convention and afterwards endeavoured the frustration therof by discouraging and diverting the observances requisite and partly by Letters Patents partly by threatnings by promises and rewards he drew sundry to his party But the States of the Kingdom fore-seeing as they affirm great disturbances to arise which were of necessity to be crusht assembled in full body valuing more the generall good then the Regall Injunctions in prejudice therof Albeit severall and of the Finlanders not a few did decline their appearance Nor did the King by his Letters only endeavour say they the annihilation of this Convention but likewise stirred up most grievous tumults and dissentions in Finland where by the Tyranny of the Governour there so cruell Wars were raised as sundry thousands of innocent Rusticks Tenants or Tributaries of the Crown were miserably slain for opposing themselves to unheard of Exactions and Military Stations or Quarterings great numbers of Souldiers being there kept on foot along time whom the King by the treacherous insinuations of the Claudius Flemingius Aruidus Ericke and Axell Kurike allured to his side arming and incensing them to the ruine of his Country And when the Country's grievances were dilated unto him they were say they slighted and no redress obtained by means wherof the Souldiers and Subjects exasperated against each other did rush together with mutuall Wounds and Slaughterings Many of the fore-mentioned Crown Tenants or Tributaries losing not only their Goods but their lives For the Lawless Souldier first spoyling the Inhabitants of their Possessions the poor people were provoked to resist force with force wherby the Militarians finding themselves frustrate of gorging their licentious desires did with armed Bands assault the unarmed Rural Menie whom they miserably slaughtered and a sad sight to see extended on Wheels These things say they thus perpetrated King Sigismundus soon after the Sudercopian Parliament sent as his Ambassadors into Suethland Count Ericke of Visingsburg with his Uncle Aruidus Gustavus and from the Crown of Poland were emitted Stanislaus Dzialinskie and Nicolaus Sapieha who vehemently accused Duke Charles and those States of the Kingdom that had assisted at the fore-cited Convention or assented to the conclusions therof But because the accusatory Oration of the Polanders albeit most elegantly delivered with the Criminatory Articles of Count Ericke and Aruidus Gustavus as also the reply to either and the refutation of the severall particulars in each contained as well by Duke Charles apart as by him and the Senators joyntly are over-long to be here Verbatim inserted I shall refer the more diligently Curious to the Acts themselves long since published and only deliver the heads of either with as much brevity as the circumstance will permit THe Oration did begin with the comparison of a Kingdom under one Prince to the body of man united in its Members by such a strickt conjunction voluntary consent mutual co-intelligence and admirable sympathy under the government of the head that any of them being ill affected the rest moved with the danger do with all diligence endeavour its remove but that they all are joyntly carried on with far more earnestness to preserve the head safe unhurt as knowing that upon its welfare dignity and authority the wel-being of the whole body depended and that the same being forsaken by the Members a totall decay disturbance of their Order with the dissolution of the whole speedily insues That the same harmony ought to be between the Subjects of one and the same Prince and that instructed by the same admirable Office of Nature they should be lincked with bonds of love and nourish mutuall Peace and Concord and not offer but divert and resist any prejudice that might accrue to either but chiefly to provide that the Dignity Authority and Preheminency of their Prince and Soveraign as head and Director of the whole body of the Common-wealth should not suffer the least diminution or derogation And that exhibition of due honour fidelity and obedience should not be wanting in all Services that were to be rendred especially from the Subjects in regard that by violation of the Rights of Majesty or their Usurpation the Harmony Politick was disturbed and the Kingdoms ruine must consequently follow even as the hand or foot indulging themselves and refusing their service to the head the same would soon langish and the whole therwith perish He next commemorated severall former Leagues and Alliances between Poland with its dependencies and Suethland but mainly as neerest related that by the present Sigismundus the third King of both the Realmes but Suethlands Nursling and the true Progeny of the ancient Suethish Kings begotten upon a Jagellonian Polish Infanta and adorned with all Princely gifts Sanctimony Piety Justice Prudence Fortitude Wisdom and Magnanimity the patern of all Vertues mercifull to his Subjects devout meek gratious To his Friends most friendly but to his Foes a terrour and destruction That to this Sigis the third Heir Inaugurated and Crowned King of Suethland Elected also and Crowned King of Poland and of the great Dukedom of Lithuania the said Nations and People did owe obedience and did acknowledge honour and reverence as the sole Ruler and Moderator of both the Kingdoms whose Raign they wished might exceed Nestors years And that the Orders of both the Kingdoms ought to take equall care that as their mutuall peace and tranquility was under God from him to be derived so the Dignity Majesty Regall Rights and Prerogatives of thier mutuall Prince should be preserved unviolated with his Majesties particular Rights Dignity and Praeeminency in all things saving to each Kingdom their own for otherwise any one might easily judge that neither of the Kingdoms could remain safe and intire That the late Parliament at Warsaw in Poland understanding what things there purposely published had been enacted at the Sadercopian Parliament in Suethland the Senators of Poland with the
Lithuanian Orders had appointed this Embassie principally for the neerer conjoyning of those Potent Kingdoms in peace and unity and as therunto conducing to enquire into the whole matter as not being of particular concernment to Suethland only but had like reference to the not to be violated Regall Dignity of his Majesty who was of both those Realms the sole Lord and King from whom they had obtained permission to treat with his Highness and the Senators of Suethen in a way of Brotherly Charity and Amity which is not wont to act rashly That the Senators and Orders of Poland and Lithuania doubted not but that the Orders of Suethen would continue faithfull toward their King to whom they were astricted by Nature by Oath and hereditary Right even as they had professed in that Sudercopian Enaction but that notwithstanding they could not but apprehend the intervention of sundry things at that Parliament which unless corrected by Mature Counsell might breed disturbance in the Kingdom such Initiations usually springing up when slighting the Lawfull Lord publike Counsels were convened by another Call Laws were enacted the form of Government changed Ministers placed by the King removed from their Charge things peculiar to the Royall Majesty transferred upon others All which may easily appear to be full of and obnoxious to many dangers That the Polonian and Lithuania Orders did conceive the Suethes could not be ignorant of his Majesties affections towards his Paternall Realm or that he desired to have a regardfull eye unto the good of his Subjects nor would have refused but rather granted them a Parliament if he had seen it necessarily requisite that Method and Order consentaneous to the Lawes of the Kingdome might have been observed It being undeniable that a Convention in a Kingdome cannot be rightly called without the consent authority and presence of the King but that as then no such thing had appeared wanting either in reference to the Kingdome or its ancient accustomed Lawes and Constitutions his Majesty having concluded a peace between them and the Russian and so disposed of all things within the Kingdome as that no detriment or disturbance could rationally be feared That the said Convention was not only made without publike necessity impelling contrary to his Majesties and the Pedish Senatoriall expectations and wanted the consent and authority of their lawfull Crowned King but even contrary to his Edicts prohibiting the same yea that many things had been therein enacted diametrically opposite to the Regall Rights and Superiority As the Call it self in manner as aforesaid The remove of persons intrusted by the King with Forts and these committed to others Exauthorization of the Royall Mandates coyning of money in other then the Regall name Appeals to his Majesty and therein the Regall Dignity it self many waies circumscribed That these things having been weighed in an equall Ballance the Senators and Princes of Poland and Lithuania with the respective Orders of the depending Provinces Dukedomes and Cities did by them their Ambassadors earnestly desire his Highness to preserve entire his Majesties Rights and Dignity wherein the Kingdomes welfare was involved as their propinquity of blood required and did also in Brotherly manner admonish and entreat the Senators of Suethland as such to whose vigilancy prudency and Fidelity that Kingdomes care was by him committed and intrusted to return a diligent demonstration of their duty and fidelity toward their hereditary and crowned King and by a vigorous resistance of any who affecting Innovations as in large Empires many times happens would for private disturb the publike Interest manifest to the world how freely they had implyed the Talent intrusted unto them from Heaven and his Majesty That all Innovations in Kingdoms were perilous and pernicious but especially such as tended to violate the Rights of a lawfull hereditary crowned King as might be evidenced by France which by a thirty six and the Opulent Belgian Provinces by a twenty seven years Warr were almost reduced to an utter extermination And that those Rights neither could nor ought to be impaired but by that Majesty by whom Kings Raigne and Princes decree Justice That wicked men did never proceed at first to open height of evil but by peicemeals plucked up the Fences untill that from faithfull Subjects they had wrested the Power whereby having overturned the Kingdome to augment their owne Wealth and Greatnesse Which evills it beseemed his Highnesse and their Lordships to obviate timely and to abolish any Laws Constitutions or Confederations contrary to his Crowne his Dignity and Regall Rights and by their prudence and authority to divert the course of ill undertaken Councells least the head thereby weakned the Kingdomes body might faint and fall into decadence That the Duke and Senators of Suethland might assure themselves that his Majesty albeit at present detained by greater cares for Christendomes universall good would never intermit his due regard of his native Countrey no more then suffer the Rights of Royalty to be disjoynted But that whatsoever faithfull Subjects should crave in a just and orderly way his Dignity preserved hee would undoubtedly grant That therefore his Highness and their Lordships ought to prosecute his Majesty with due returne of Love observancy obedience and faithfull endeavours The rather for that his Majesty did no way oppress or burthen them but like to an indulgent Father with a minde truely Royall more prone to mercy then to cruelty was willing to passe by offences the more grievous because proceeding from his owne by whom he ought not to have been injured Notwithstanding which he Promised no lesse for the future then that amidst the Community of Christendomes concernments whereof Suethland did partake he would endeavour their good and as a returne of his Highnesse and their Lordships constant and faithfull affections towards his Majesty was no way doubted of by the respective Orders of Poland and Lithuania so the continuance therein was their earnest desire That the Polanders as they had abundantly testified by a voluntary conferring their Crowne upon his Majesty and according to their Nations custome had vowed unto him their Fortunes Liberties life it selfe so they were now ready to bestow all those and what else could be dearer unto them for the vindication of his Regall Rights and Dignity and would to that end unanimously joyne with his Highness their Lordships and that Kingdomes Orders and did promise as the present Oration might testifie that they would never be wanting to endeavour the repair of the least injury done to his Majesty or Kingly name wherunto they expected and did promise to themselves a mutuall assured and an untergiversing concurrence from his Highness the Orders of Suethland from whom for conclusion they earnestly desired they might receive an authentique written answer to the severall heads of their Embassie wherby their diligence and faithfull delivery of what they had in charge might be approved to their principles In like manner Count Ericke and Aruidus Gustavus
Parliaments without which the publick weale cannot be rightly provided for as is manifest in that seldome any Kings without Parliaments have laudably administred the Common wealth That the same did likewise contradict the Regall Oath and that Kingdomes Priviledges That his Majesty having sworn to govern his Hereditary Country by the Counsell of the Duke and the Senators therof they had neither approved of nor been consulted in the draught of that form but the same had been compiled by Strangers and the Subjects compulsion to its obedience would be a violation of the Regall Oath Next Suethland by most ancient Priviledges had power to call Parliaments in the Royall absence which Priviledges the King had by Oath bound himself to maintain That wheras it had been insinuated his Highness ought to have rendred obedience to the foresaid Form albeit imperfect by reason it was not for long duration in regard of his Majesties intention for a return within short time into that Kingdom It is answered that Emergencies in Kingdomes admit not of delaies That a month only may produce unremediable evils how much more two years That the King at his departure had deprived them of all hopes of his return having affirmed to the Senators and Orders of Poland that he would remain with them to the end That his Highness had disposed of his Majesties Fee-farmes or Copyholds which by the Law was reserved to the King solely in Sign of his Supream Praeeminency That if his Majesty will rightly discerne the sense of their Lawes in that case his Highness cannot appeare to have done ought therin contrary to the Regall Authority That the Assignation of certain Lands or Mannors to some honourable persons in satisfaction out of the Annuall proceed for summs of money long owing to them by the King and Kingdome that so the Capitall sum might not to the detriment of both encrease by interest was not an alienation of those Lands That if this were unacceptable the King who had been severall times advertised thereof should have shewed by what waies those Debts whereof as being just the Creditors could neither be denied nor ought to be by force defrauded might have been discharged and the course of interest stopped And that whatever he had conceded unto any it was upon condition they should obtain the Royall Assent which might evidence that he did acknowledge a Superiour without whose approbation he would not conclude in ought that peculiarly belonged unto his Majesty That his Majesties faithfull Ministers had been oppressed and removed from their Offices 1. That his Highness cannot be taxed to have oppressed his Majesties faithfull Ministers for having deprived some infected with the Romish Pontificiall Leven of those Governments which the King without consulting himself and the Kingdomes Senators had promoted them unto forasmuch as by the Regall Assecuration the entry into those Honours and Offices was forbidden to such 2. Distributive Justice prohibited maintenance from the Crown Revenues to those who by the Royall Cautionary prescription were not to bear Office and were unserviceable to the Kingdome 3. That forasmuch as his Majesties Oath being salved those persons could not pretend to more then a common enjoyment with the other Inhabitants of the Kingdomes Priviledges Lawes and Immunities the permission to them of more would have been an offence against the same Wherefore his Highness had not oppressed them if it were so to be stiled but they first themselves by declining the received Religion and transiating into the Tents of Rome and next his Majesty who by his assecuration had deprived them of Office and Dignity Moreover it was evident that part of them so preferred were uncapable of those duties and unprofitable to the Subject neither were they by consult admitted according to the prescript Lawes and therefore legally deprived As also that some of them were charged with hainous Crimes And it was not meet that such should rule over others who could not govern themselves neither were they to be numbred amongst the Kings faithfull Servants in regard it would be a reproach to his Majesty to make use of their Service That his Majesties Letters of Inhibition and other Patents were slighted That his Highness had never slighted any Legall Regall Mandates neither did he conceive that by constraining some of evill Fame accused of notorious Crimes to appeare in Judgment with other lying Detractors who against himself had published many false Criminations or that by diminishing the power of such as had opposed the Sudercopian Decree who by Patents had been all received into the Royall Protection he had trespassed in ought against his Majesties Inhibitions when as by Law such were void Next that his Majesty could not by his Patents protect such persons having sworn to preserve the Kingdomes Lawes in their Entry and in them is expresly couched That he who is tainted by Common Fame must acquit himself from suspition Neither doth the Imperiall Power extend to the taking away the right of a third nor to pardon a wrong done to any untill the injured party be first satisfied and therefore his Majesties Inhibitions could not free the Defamers of his Highness and others from process That the Sudercopian Parliament tended wholly to the wel-fare of the King and Kingdome and to concord in Religion and had not therefore been wrongfully called so that the Letters which protected the Impugners thereof were invalid and opened a great gap to dissentions and disturbances as was then evident in Finland from which Fountain ruine to Kings and Kingdomes doth usually flow Lastly that such Letters were repugnant to the Regall Oath and the Municipall Law of Suethen wherin is expressed He shall defend his Subjects especially the quiet and peaceable who live conformable to Law not only from Strangers but likewise from turbulent and contentious Inhabitants Chiefly he shall maintain Ecclesiasticall Immunities c. But such had been excepted in the Kings Patents Open War raged in Finland the Subjects there so exhausted by new Exactions as they could not pay the Kings Rents Sundry hundreds had perished by hunger That other grievances were here omitted as Rapines Rapes Stuprations open Violences Violation of domestick Peace and the like which not only were hitherto unpunished notwithstanding severall advertisements given but his Majesty did also prohibit proceedings against the Author or head of those mischiefs That as to any other of the Royall Mandates their Authority when conform to the Lawes and Royall Oath had ever been entirely preserved Moreover that not only in Suethland but almost in all other Nations it had been a received custome that Kings when absent did direct their Commands concerning ought to be done unto him who was over the Kingdome And it had and might happen that by false Narrations of the procurers of such Patents his Majesty had and might be led into errour and issue forth such Letters and Grants as would be much prejudiciall to the Kingdom if put into
vigour That the Prince under pretence of Religion did render his Majesty obnoxious to the envy of his Subjects That no alienation of the Subjects minds from his Majesty by his Highness can be proved and that on the contrary he had alwaies exhorted them to persevere in Fidelity as might appeare by the Sudercopian Decree But that if any such thing had or should hereafter happen the cause were to be imputed to himself for not performing the things he had confirmed unto them by Oath as hath been already said That the Prince had affected the Kingdome That this Assertion can never be made cleer nor that he had ever coveted the Regall Title albeit it were not hard to prove that the same had been often tendred unto him and again might be if contrary to the hereditary Covenants and his Oath of Fidelity he would use the means and power at present in his hand That affection of Soveraignty cannot be imputed unto him because that he with the Senators underwent the troublesome burthen of Government for asmuch as in former times many more meanly descended and of lesse Right Dignity and Power then himself had in the Regall absence administred the Suethish Common-wealth yet without any such aspersion upon them as might appeare by the union in the Raigne of Queen Margaret renewed under Ericke the thirteenth in whose time and absence the great Sewer of the Kingdome was invested with power equall to the King yet was not he to be compared unto his Highness who is Hereditary Prince of the Realme whom the prosperity thereof more neerly concerns That his Highness had detained the Souldiers means and defrauded them of their Stipends That he never expected a Crimination of this nature as being by Gods goodness provided of such competent annuall Revenues that he could live according to his Ranck without making any such sordid gaine neither needed he to hunt after Lucre with the Kingdomes losse That his Highness had given obligatory Letters to his Majesty but had afterwards violated them That albeit his Majesty had required such Letters from him before he departed the Kingdome yet it cannot be proved that he ever obtained them neither could he have so obliged himself the same being repugnant to the Lawes of the Kingdome from which he was not to vary and therefore his being by them obliged as his Majesty alledged and did endeavour to demonstrate was not of consequence Secondly admit it were proved which is not yet done yet it did not thence follow that he was tyed to an absolute observation without exception and that it is to be considered whether such letters were given of right or conditionally if the latter they are not further binding then the condition is fulfilled but that is not done for his Majesty had not granted such a Plenipotentiary as he demanded Moreover the Obligation is meerly civill and may be evaded by exception in regard that ensued not for which those Letters are said to have been given and therefore he cannot be reproached to have acted contrary unto them And yet he is willing to submit unto such letters as are conform to the Plenipotentiary by him required but how just it is to affirm that he gave such Obligatorials as the form transmitted hither which hath no conformity with the obligation given by him is left to the judgment of all equitable men Lastly That the Prince had coined money in his own name and stamp which is a Royalty and had thereby derogated from the Regal Rights and dignity 1. That albeit the coining of money be Regal yet he had acquired the same by the consent and approbation of the Superiour And that albeit King Erick was a Tyrant and wholly endevoured to diminish the Rights of his brethren yet he deprived them not of that of Coinage provided that in Weight and Alley it were not inferiour to the Royall money as appears by the Arbogian Constitutions Anno 1561. which neverthelesse in reference to certain other points he had not accepted of 2. That his Majesties Royall father had conceded unto him that Priviledge as might appear by the Constitutions made at Vastena and Stegeburg And that after the composure of all differences between the late King and himself and the abolition of the Vastenan Decree formerly obtruded upon him he had coyned money in his own name the late King yet alive wherefore his Majesty could not revoke things which had been constituted and were unquestionable 3. That the most renowned King Gustavus of famous memory had by Testament bequeathed to his brothers and himself their respective Dukedomes in the same manner his said Majesty possessed them and he having Power and Right of coining money in each had thereby devolved the like unto him Wherefore his Majesty of Suethland and Poland by depriving him of that Priviledge would contradict his Grand-fathers Testament 4. Last The refusall to his most faithfull Uncle of what his Majesty permits to his Subjects can be but small honour to his Majesty as to the debasing of the Kingdomes coin either in Weight or Alley to the prejudice of the Subject the Mint-Master and thousands of others can testifie the contrary Wherefore forasmuch as his Highnesse had no way violated the Regall dignity Right nor Justice the Laws or hereditary Union of Suethland but from his Majesties Cradle had demeaned himself like a most faithfull Uncle and promised so to continue for the future he is ignorant of the motives to such minatory criminating Letters but suspects they proceed from his not approving of his Majesties-Religion and his opposing the admittance of Papall Superstition into the Kingdome for as to other things he remembreth not the commission of ought that deserved reprehension That therefore he did in brotherly and earnest manner beseech his Majesty and likewise most friendlike and lovingly desired the Senators Peers and Orders of the Kingdome of Poland and the great Dukedome of Lithuania to accept this answer as satisfactory and not to make a Sinister Construction of these his just defences whereunto most weighty Considerations in a time most pressing had urged him That neverthelesse he did hope that the King his Kinsman and Brother would futurely forbear such Criminations and return preside over and govern his hereditary Kingdome according to his Oath whereby all distempers that had made irruption into the Common Wealth might vanish But that if his Majesty were so minded he did earnestly beseech him to settle such a Form of Rule whereby the Kingdomes welfare and the Subjects good might be provided for That he doubted not but his Majesty had been incensed against him by false accusations for undertaking the Common Weales most troublesome Government and that albeit he had not obtruded his endeavours thereupon but at his Majesties request and by approbation of the whole Orders of the Kingdom by whom he had been called and desired to the discharge of that duty upon his Majesties severall
his Majesty had been advertised this cannot be termed an unlawfull one timely Advertisements of the reasons inducing his Highnesse and the Councellours of the Kingdome to call that Parliament having been sent to his Majesty as by their Letters of the 28. of July may appear Neither was it unknown to his Majesty in what Confusion and Perturbation he left the Kingdome at his departure nor yet if the causes had not been signified ought this Parliament to have been judged unlawfull for as much as in our Municipal Laws there is not one which commands the same and that ought to be called unlawfull which is contrary to the Law And if any Law prohibiting the celebrating of Parliaments were extant it ought deservedly to be restrained or altogether abolished where danger may be apprehended by delay in which case the common rules of Law may be receded from and undoubtedly this exception may take place here for daily Experience shewes what delayes are contracted by expectation of answers out of Poland The deferring thereof for the Regal approbation would have been of small conducement seeing the whole Matter appears disrellishing to his Majesty who also by an absolute prohibition might have procured detriment to the Kingdome and prejudice to the Royall Dignity And albeit his Majesty had deigned an acceptable answer yet it had been repugnant to the Custome time out of mind of this Kingdome both because it had ever been permitted here to call Parliaments Necessity urging and the King being in forreign parts as also that it would have been a reproach and ignominie to the Kingdome to have sought a form and frame of administring the same from abroad How necessary that Convention was the ensuing Reasons will demonstrate 1. It will be granted by all men and his Majesty must acknowledge unlesse he will affirm that his Kingdome may want him without prejudice that no Kingdome can continue without a King or head and a certain form of Administration The King was departed out of his hereditary Kingdome and had left no Governour nor settled form of Government nor hopes of his return having as aforesaid promised the Polanders to spend his remaining life with them so soon as he should have received the Crown and had settled his affairs in Suethland and therefore deliberation for governing the Common Wealth in his absence was necessary for the avoiding of prejudice by confusion which began to sprout forth But the Subjects consent being requisite for such a Settlement it was needfull that the Orders of the Kingdome should be convened to make an Election by common sufferage Further without a Governour to whom should the Subjects have addressed their Complaints for each one would have ruled as he listed which is hardly now abstained from and the rather because his Majesty renders the Sudercopian Decree subject to Suspition and Contempt by means whereof the Subjects finding themselves deserted by their lawfull Crowned King might have taken occasion of swerving from their duty neither would reason nor the examples of Ancestors have been wanting Here may be added that the Russian War which had lain upon us twenty six years was not then ended and winter approached affording to the enemy notable opportunities of infesting the Kingdome the Borders were denuded of military Guards and as it were exposed to incursions to obviate these evils mutuall consent Counsel and assistance was requisite which could be no way better effected then by the Sudercopian Parliament But whereas his Majesty endeavours to prove the same unlawfull by the forecited Text of the second Chapter in the title of Reals it may be worthy of observation how this deduction can be made from thence His Majesties words admit of a double construction First that Subjects are bound to obey the Kings command when they are fortified with and conformable to law unto which sense his Highness doth submit and it is onely inquired whether such a Convention be forbidden by the Law but if no such Law can be produced he collects from thence that the same is legally permitted For what is not prohibited is conceived to be allowed and where the Law is silent we ought to be so likewise Which Laws are the more pertinent to our purpose because that here the Privation of a Right is concerned whereof no man can be justly deprived but by express provision of the Laws But if the words signifie that according to Law the Subjects are bound to obey whatsoever the King shall command many inconveniences would redound thence for thereby all his injunctions just or unjust must have the force of a Law which would savour more of a Tyrant then of a Christian Prince Caesar albeit a Monarch in the Cabinet of whose breast all Lawes are contained and who can prescribe and ordaine against Law Positive hath not thought it below him to say that he is subject to the Lawes contrary to the common voice of Tyrants is Sicvolo sic jubeo sit pro ratione voluntas 2. That Law cannot be so generally understood as his Majesty would have it because his Soveraignty is circumscribed and limited by his Oath by his Assecuration and by the Laws themselves neither can it extend further then they permit And here that clause of his Majesties Letter That he granted not unto his Highnesse an absolute but a limited Rule is answered for his Majesty not having as is here shewed an absolute Rule how could he transfer to another what himself had not 3. Wheras it is expresly contained in the Regall Oath and in our Municipall Law that the King ought to command his Subjects nothing but what is right and just before God and man how can the King command what ever he will or how are the Subjects bound to obey his command in all things if he shall enjoyn ought contrary to the Lawes and Statutes of the Land Seeing therefore that this Law is to be understood with an exception and extends not further then the Regall Oath and the Kingdomes Lawes permit it may be demanded whether the King could rightly hinder or disturb the Sudercopian Parliament For first he promised by Oath to impose no new Law upon his Subjects without their consent but whereas in all the body of our Law there is not one which forbids the celebrating of a Parliament the King remaining in forraign parts and that his Majesty endeavours to introduce such a Law let the Subjects approbation be first required which certainly they will never afford as having unanimously concentred in and confirmed the Sudercopian Convention and therefore his Majesty can not make such a Law nor disanull those Decrees unlesse he will act against his Oath and Faith and against the Lawes of the Land besides the hazard of reducing his Hereditary Kingdome into extream danger Secondly his Majesty made Oath to preserve all the Rights and Priviledges of the Kingdome But that of calling Parliaments in the Regall absence is most ancient as is manifest in former Ages especially in the
Raigns of Ericke the thirteenth and John the second in which the Orders of the Kingdome convened to admonish the King by writing of his duty and to exhort him not to leave the Kingdome in the distractions it then was And albeit his Highnesse is not ignorant that Judgment is not to be given by example but by Law he holds it yet worthy of consideration that examples are of a two-fold kind the one diametrically repugnant the other consentaneous to the Lawes the former of no authority the latter of equall force with the Law But those before cited are not contrary thereunto and therfore cannot be legally rejected by his Majesty Moreover not so much the example as the frequency of such actings and the time requisite for such prescriptions are to be regarded which custome is not only of equall force with the Lawes but doth sometimes eclipse their Authority Thirdly Whereas his Majesty did religiously promise that he would intermit nothing which might conduce to the well-fare and flourishing estate of the Kingdome he cannot nullifie the Sudercopian Decree which wholly tended to the Patriall good safety And albeit a Law were extant forbidding Parliaments to be held in the Royal absence yet it ought to be restrained when the Kingdome by reason of that absence were in danger For Salus Populi Suprema Lex Esto And a Prince ought to prefer the publike good before his own particular As therefore his Highnesse and the Kingdomes Inhabitants are not further bound unto his Majesty nor obliged to obey his commands then his Oath his Caution given and the Lawes of the Land do permit and that these would be contradicted if his Majesty should obstruct the Parliamentary Decree made and ratified by common consent It followes of right that the Subjects are not bound to the obedience of his Edict especially in regard the Kings and Kingdomes wel-being was endeavoured by that Convention That since this Kingdome of Elective became Hereditary no such Parliaments were ever celebrated the King living and that this therfore opposed his Dignity and Regall Rights That since the first time this Kingdome became Hereditary never did any of their Kings at one and the same time governe two Kingdomes so far distant and differing both in people and language but alwaies remained in and laudably ruled their Hereditary Kingdome and therefore it was not necessary that another should undertake the work and call Parliaments albeit even they as Affaires required could not otherwise governe then by such Convocations So as this ought not to turne to his Highnesse reproach the Kingdome being in a manner destitute of a King and disorders increasing It may also be here demanded whether more right and power accrues to the King by Succession then his Predecessors had whilest Raigning by a free Election But if it cannot be shewed that more power and authority is devolved unto his Majesty what should now hinder Parliamentary Indictings and the constitutions of things tending to the good of the King the Kingdome and totall Posterities seeing that Histories do shew the same hath been done they raigning and governing other Kingdomes That in the Sudercopian Convention new Lawes were enacted and that to make and promulgate Edicts is solely Regall Wherefore the Transactions there did undoubtedly derogate from the Royall Dignity and Authority and ought to be abrogated That to ordaine new Lawes is not solely Regall but the Subjects consent is likewise requisite without which it cannot be done It is also affirmed that no new Law was enacted in that Convention and consequently nothing derogatory to his Majesty therein acted That much time was not Elapsed since his Majesties Coronation so as the promises then made might easily be remembred and therfore their renovation by any particular Convention was unneedfull His Highnesse regards not so much the time as the manner of his Majesties observing those agreements and that many things could be made appeare to have been acted contrary to the most of them but that he is tender of his Majesties honour and fame 2. This Objection is more hurtfull then helpfull to his Majesties cause in saying he was mindfull of what had been transacted at his Inauguration for his Judgment may suggest unto him what suspition may arise from a voluntary omission of what one knowes ought of right to be done 3. From hence also conjecture may be made how that will be kept unto Posterity which is wilfully neglected at the very first 4. Renewing of things formerly concluded is not unusuall for many things are comprehended in the Law and published which neither ought nor can be unknown to any yet forasmuch as they are many waies trespassed against Kings with the Orders of the Kingdome have thought meet to digest the heads mostly swarved from into new Edicts and Constitutions and so republish them to the people which might be also exemplified by other Nations but that the repetition would be over-long That his Highnesse had by that Parliament administred occasion to deprive his Majesty with himself and whole Posterity of the Succession and Kingdome and therefore those Decrees ought to be abolished Experience the continued consent of Histories and all Politicks do accord that for two causes chiefly God doth transfer the Empire of one Nation to another Viz. Impiety and Injustice And therefore by the rule of contraries it followes that he who provides for Concord in Religion and who administers Right and Justice affords no matter for such Mutations But that this is the maine scope of the Sudercopian Decree is evident from it selfe wherefore his Highnesse cannot be justly accused of giving occasion thereby to deprive his Majesty and his Successors of the Kingdome For caution being therein given that the Oath of subjectional Fidelity should be preserved and all erroneous Decrees dissenting from our received and admitted Religion abrogated it followes consequentially for Negation of the whole admits of Negation of parts that whosoever impugnes that Decree doth equally free the Subjects from their Oath of Fidelity to his Majesty disturbes Concord in Religion and overturnes the Hereditary Covenants His Highnesse therefore doth Jurally affirme that his Majesty cannot disanull the same without absolving the Subjects from their said Oath and exclusion of himselfe and Posterity from the Succession 2. The Subjects Obligation to his Majesty is conditionall agreeable to the Regall Oath and Assecuration as hath been shewed Whence it is that by over-throwing the Sudercopian Tractation the Covenant will not be fulfilled ANd it is evident in Law that where the Condition is not observed the Obligation is void The rescinding therefore of that Transaction may administer cause of defection as his Highnesse hath brotherly admonished his Majesty 3. None can be ignorant that it is usuall in all Nations for Subjects to renounce their fidelity and obedience upon violation of the Regall Conditions and Covenants Histories do record nor can it be unknown unto any what hath
to thrust ones Sicle into another mans Harvest and to meddle with things that properly belong to the State and Orders of Suethland who have never had ought in more or more ancient estimation then their fidelity and obedience toward their Kings and then whom it concerns none more that the right forme of Government should not be changed and if it were to have it restored The Sudercopian Parliament was convened by his Highness to whom with the Senators the King had committed the kingdome Not upon light grounds as the Ambassadours may have partly perceived by the Acts for it was necessary to call a Parliament neither was ought therein concluded derogatory to the regall Dignity or to the Patriall Rights nor were new Laws enacted but the old put in execution That which preserves tranquility of Religion generally received in a kingdome which executes the Laws abolisheth civill dissention establisheth the regall Oath and the hereditary Covenants doth more confirme then weaken the Regall Rights No man therefore will doubt but that his Majesty vvill have it unviolably observed and will thinke nothing can more conduce to the illustration and amplification of his Dignity It was called for his good not for sedition or disobedience neither was it unwitting to him for hee had been certified of the motives by Artizouskie in August preceding he protested indeed but the thing was done The power of calling Parliaments is knowne to be in the Supreme Prince when within the Kingdome but if otherwise it hath never been observed that Treason was imputed if they to whom the Government was committed did call a Parliament in the Regall absence so long as nothing was acted contrary to their Faith and Oath given This Kingdome hath some Presidents as in the times of Christian the first and John the second when the effects of the Regall Oath began to languish which may easily happen in the Kingly absence Forraign examples are not wanting nor argumentative proofs of the best learned in Politicks many years past as well of the Roman as of our Religion that the King being absent Parliaments may be kept without derogating from Majesty According to Cominaeus they swarve from the Law of Nations and the custome of their Ancestors who plot to root out the most laudable institution of celebrating common Counsels the greatest strength and establishment of a Kingdome Under Edward the second of England Charles the eighth and Lewis the eleventh of France and these also are Hereditary Kingdomes Parliaments have been called the King present In Germany it is no new thing for the States to convene against the Emperors mind and it is yet fresh in memory that the like hath been done in Poland the King even this Sigismund the third not only unwilling but also prohibiting and protesting against it which is not here mentioned to accuse others for all men have judged Parliaments to be lawfull when publikely called for weighty causes and not contrary to the good of King and Kingdome albeit against his mind being absent Confederacies opposite to the Regall Dignity Praeeminencie and Rights have not been undertaken as is unjustly objected Such savour of Sedition which never entred into the thoughts of the Suethes Conspiracy is close treacherous distructitive to King and Country but Parliaments are lawfull and do fortifie both It is therefore Illegall to taxe the Suethes of treason for so convening when as the same appeares not to be forbidden them by any Law but unto Kings is not permitted to Enact Lawes without the Peoples consent no more then to governe the people contrary to the Law and without the assent of the Senators The more weighty inducements to that Parliaments indiction were the publike Debts the unpaid stipends of the Soldery whose Military Vertue is not unknown to any the setling of Dowries whereunto extraordinary collection was necessary which by the Lawes of Suethland the King himself when present cannot compell without a Parliament His Majesty was absent whose part it was to cleere the debts of his Father and the Kingdome which cannot stand safe without salving the publike Faith Another motive was that in the Form of Government prescribed severall things seemed wanting in conformity to the Lawes and Regall Oath whereunto the Orders of the Kingdome conceived they ought to adhaere the more constantly by reason of discords about Religion which were not when the right of Hereditation was conferred upon the Regall Family To the said Form the Senatoriall Votes were also requisite without which the King is by our Laws forbidden to settle ought of the Kingdoms more weighty Affaires These reasons may suffice for the calling of that Parliament albeit more might be given Let us now discusse the heads of what was therein concluded It is reputed treason that some are removed from Office that the Regall Letters receive not due regard that appeales to the King are prohibited with sundry others To all which articulate answers shall be made that so the innocency of the Suethes may appeare to equall minds That some are reduced is not denied and if the Ambassadors were acquainted with the reasons not unjustly for some could not be admitted to beare rule without infringing the Regall Oath Others refractory to the publike peace had like members lost from the body not only separated themselves from the Sudercopian Decree but from others also of greater antiquity which had been by Regall Oath confirmed not without suspition of innovation which is mostly studied by such as esteem nothing more then to be pleasing to the Supreme Majestrate without discerning what is just and commodious for the Common Weale and so to grow upon the ruines of others yet these are permitted to enjoy the benefit of the Lawes and ordinary Priviledges It is moreover to be considered that the more honourable Offices of this Kingdome cannot be immediatly rightly conferred by the King howbeit fixed within the Kingdome unlesse that first if One be to be admitted into the Senatoriall Counsell if into any other great Office the Provinciall Votes have conceded to One of Three Neither can Judges the King even present be otherwise appointed But he remaining out of the Kingdome by his Vice-gerent which Office the Kingdomes Sewer as they here term it did anciently by vertue of a certain Law discharge in the Regall absence This is testified by the Laws themselves by the priviledges of sundry Kings and famous Constitutions of the Kingdome for above five hundred years as also by the union of these three Kingdomes in the Raignes of Queen Margaret and of the Kings Ericke Christopher John the second and Christierne the first and second Come we now to the point of appealing It is not unknown to any that the most High God hath Instituted the Supream Magistrate for a Sanctuary and refuge to the oppressed So that appeales to the King and to those that beare rule and such as the King hath appointed as chief in his absence are lawfull even by the
Incendiarismes Sacriledges and mens minds so exasperated that a Civill War seemed to be rendred perpetuall And whilest one Party endeavoured a Propagation the other a defence of Religion no roome for Religion appeared to be left by either the blood of their Kings and Princes partly extirpated And they thus tearing out each others bowells a third invades pretending indeed Religion yet perhaps more gaping after the Gallican Dominion as being accustomed to have kingdomes fall to his share for reimbursement of Costs But return we to Flemingius who in time of peace enrolls assembles entertaines Forces to what end meerly to consume what the Enemies have left to destroy those Subjects whom the Wars had spared Infinites of them complaining that their marrow blood and bones are suckt Let his Majesty be moved with the miseries of Finland which bordering on the Russian was made the Seat of War mostly by our owne and likewise exposed to the Enemies incursions and depredations but now more calamitously exhausted by waging and entertaing a not necessary Souldiery The King is obliged by Oath to protect and vindicate the Innocent and the Needy from all Injuries whatsoever and to preserve the publike peace How much more prudently may his Majesty abolish not nourish discord by the misery of the Subject wherewith doubtlesse God is offended Let his Majesty command a deposing of Armes and that all Controversies may be judicially desided To restrain Compatriotall hands from mutuall Massacres is the part of a most Excellent Pious and Christian King Let his Majesty write and command things honourable for himselfe and the kingdome Obedience shall follow for such as are other let a suspension be permitted And as Mahetas appealed from the sentence of Philip of Macedon to the same King better informed even so the Suethes His Highnesse and the Senators do moreover beseech that during his Majesties Raigne and his Highnesse Vice-gerency assisted with the Senatoriall Counsells the kingdomes Lawes may not suffer subvertion When Charles the fifth after Royall Entertainment in France by Francis then there Raigning had at the request of the said King created some Knights and Barons their Honours were afterwards disputed and concluded invalid because conferred in anothers Dominion wherein he had not Right of Majesty the Dignity of each Realme salved For those Rights are no where preserved but in the kingdome where they are legitimate transported abroad they are easily obscured Suethland hath written Lawes and famous Constitutions from the times of Queen Margaret Ericke the 13th Albert and other Kings not abolished nor antiquated wherein is expresly provided that the Kingdomes Affaires shall in the Regall absence be administred by the Native Counsellours Peers and great Officers of the same Neither are the Royall Commands when given without the Kingdome to be obeyed further then they shall by the Counsell be approved and this is ratified by evident Lawes Regall Oathes and Hereditary Covenants Writings are extant between King Gustavus and Ericke the 14th his Son whereby upon his intended Voyage for England to have matched with Elizabeth that Nations Queen he was expresly bound to refer all the Affaires of Suethland unto the King his Father or he being dead to the Vice-gerent and the Senators And when afterwards he should the second time have undertaken the like to commit them to John Duke of Finland Governour afterwards King of Suethland together with the Senators Let it be moreover considered how fully and sufficiently either Realm was provided for at the marriage of Philip of Spain with Queen Mary of England that the Pre-eminency and Dignity of each might be preserved entire and not wander with the Kings Person into a strange Kingdome Yet both are hereditary but the Argument expressed in our Laws is much more forcible for the King is obliged even here remaining to govern Suethland by the counsel of the native Senators not strangers how much more therefore when remote and necessitated to use the Eyes and Ears of others the Senators also of this Kingdome are tyed by Oath to admonish the king seriously and frequently to preserve the kingdomes Laws and Royalty unviolate which albeit it be no easie task yea for the most part undeservedly dangerous yet they have willingly undergone it and discharged their parts at his Majesties being here so as the Ambassadors present trouble might have been spared if time had been then improved for the kingdomes affaires were begun to be treated with fidelity and due diligence but hardly could the Inauguration be proceeded unto without great difficulty and longer contest then was meet about things not ambiguous formerly sworne unto and confirmed The forme of Government by diverse counsells and alterations was protracted even to the time of departure no consent of the Senate concurring and it was manifestly purposely so done by advice of persons not well affected to this Kingdome or ignorant of affaires or fit to be ejected from the Results of Suethland or lastly such as had secretly concluded the Kingdome should be Governed by the rule of Succession but the Suethes by that of Servitude This they detest the other they submit unto and will maintaine unviolably as the bond of their Liberties preservation and increase not of obtrusion of slavery which the hereditary Covenants do clearly demonstrate No Taxe or Tribute was commanded in that Parliament but a voluntary supply tendred according to the Legall form for causes in the Law expressed Viz. Repairing the charges of War The matter of money as of no great concernment was almost forgotten for the priviledge of coining hath been conceded to severall Princes and Cities without violation of Majestie At Vastena money is coined with the conjoined names of his Majesty and the Prince his brother with which impression the King his Father had coined in signe of Concord at the beginning of his Raigne and soone after voluntarily conferred the said priviledge upon the Duke his brother during life This is the answer thought meet to be given to the Lords Ambassadors and it is most earnestly desired that the same may be accepted without offence to his Majesty whom the State and Orders of the Kingdome do honour and reverence with all integrity and fidelity and albeit the same be at length yet is it not that the Suethes are obliged to render account to any but his Majestie and he within the Kingdome but that their cleerness from the treason tacitely implied may appeare to all the World Sundry other Stigma's are cast upon that Sudercopian Transaction which by this Kingdomes Lawes and Statutes will be easily evinced Albeit they acknowledge the States and Orders of Poland and Lithuania for fellow Subjects under the most just Empire of one and the same King yet not for Judges The said Orders may understand that his Highnesse and those of Suethen dissent not from them in any thing but least in the love of concord and hatred of dissention nor can ought be more acceptable to them then a composure of all
differences by an equall and mutuall moderation It may be effected if the Councell of whom it behoves may be admitted waving threats from the threatned who feare them not Otherwise if the controversie which God forbid must be decided by Armes not onely the King and Prince themselves but the neighbour Princes and Territories also may be disturbed perhaps with great prejudice to the Regall Family for what side soever should win it would be to him detrimentall as many times in Civill Warr both Parties being weakned do easily become a prey to any third The Orders therefore of Poland and Lithuania are in loving and brotherly manner desired by his Highnesse and the Senators of Suethland as a thing worthy of their prudence equity and mutuall society becoming fellows and friends the Ambassadors likewise intervening to endeavour the eradicating of this suspition from the mind of his Majesty who is King and Lord of both the Peoples And that themselves also will eject it and will intreat admonish and conjure his Majesty not to be induced by the Counsell of wicked persons to the meditating of any hurt to this kingdome nor suffer his Royall mind to be alienated from his Paternall Soil And that they will consider not in what way of Religion the Suethes worship God but with what fidelity and sincerity they reverence their King The Ambassadors desire an abrogation of things contrary to the Lawes and the same is instantly sought by his Highnesse and the Senators Let the heads of the Suethish Law whereby the King and Subjects are mutually bound by Oath be scrutinized so as the least deviation may easily be found and the generall Conclusion followes in these words We viz. The Subjects are obliged to our Soveraigne in true obedience That is to obey his command in all things feasible which before God and man he ought to command and we to obey saving his Rights and our owne At Sudercopia nothing was concluded repugnant to the Lawes and Statutes of this Kingdome confirmed by Oath If any think otherwise let those be Judges and Arbitrators they are not obscure ambiguous nor abrogated but sometimes Sacramentally Corroborated No Article is annulled by Hereditary Succession onely the Election altered into a right of Devolution To this Scale those Transactions are submitted The Duke and Senate refuse not to render an account to a most mild and gracious King Let the Suethes adhaere to and without blame enjoy the Lawes and Priviledges acquired by their owne and their Ancestors great Merits which his Majesty hath sworne to preserve and let him then as we desire and hope he will with the same patience that a Macedonian King reviewed a private cause examine that of his most ancient and now Hereditary kingdome within the Paternall Soil And so lend an eare to Accusers as not to refuse another to them unpossessed of Calumny And they do hope that the Orders of Poland and Lithuania are so equall toward all men as themselves will not onely forbeare suspition in the future but evidence the innocency of the Suethes to others also If otherewise and that for private profit and favour they will have no regard unto their innocency it may produce danger one mans damage being sometimes hurtfull to his Neighbour Poland is a flourishing kingdome and may it ever flourish Neither doth this want Monuments of having flourished If now it appeare wasted by a continued War what wonder What Kingdome or Common-Weale hath waged War full thirty six years with its owne Forces and charge and is not wasted so as it may seem fit for any obtrusion Neverthelesse the said Orders are perswaded that as a rapid overflowing River incountring some of the largest Trees felled in the neighbour grounds hurries them into the same precipice So the fall or least mutation of the ancient State or Government of potent kingdomes draws others with it into ruine The Prince and Senate do therefore heartily desire the States and Orders of Poland to interpose their power with his Majesty that regard may be had to this defence and that they will employ their Wealth and Fortunes and what else is dear unto them for the preservation not the subversion of Lawes and Priviledges then which there cannot be a stronger confirmation of the Royall Scepter or way more durable for retention and encrease of the Royall Dignity of a two-fold Crowne nor ought more worthy of the Polish Nation for the Vindicators of liberty and the maintainers of priviledges have ever been in laudable estimation And therefore it is not feared that they will go about to obtrude upon others what they would account to be unjust if done unto themselves The Suethes have alwaies much esteemed the Polanders and will with them if need shall be defend his Royal Majesty with the hazards of their lives and fortunes and fixed upon the Regall Oath will with the Polanders remaine constantly faithfull and obedient toward their King and willingly on their part preserve the ancient Concord between the two Kingdomes saving to each their right And do returne offers of readinesse and propensity to all Offices of love unto the Senate and Orders of Poland and the great Dukedome of Lithuania to whom they desire to be in most respective manner remembred and do entreat that this answer may be received in good part according to the time as being wholly necessary for their own defence no way intended for reproaching or inveighing To conclude a quiet Navigation with prosperous winds and happy returne unto their Principalls and Friends is wished to the Lords Ambassadors by his Highnesse and the Senate This was the substance of the Polish Ambassadoriall Oration and of the replyes made thereunto by Duke Charles and the Senators of Suethland Who neverthelesse do say that this Legation was instituted to no other end then the abrogation of the Sudercopian Conclusions those Ambassadors divulging that the sayd Assembly was much derogatory to the Royall Majesty and Authority and by their perverse contention procured the sudden breaking forth of formerly buryed dissentions which brought many to their last end with incomparable mischiefs upon Suethland Finland and Leisland When the Duke therefore saw that for his labour and love toward his Countrey and Nephew hee was requited with such ingratitude and that the Embassie fore-mentioned was accompanied with so many prejudices to the Nation not without a Charge of high Treason he was constrained to call another Parliament at Arbogia against the fifth of March 1597. To this Comitiall Convention all the Orders of the kingdome according to the custome and necessity were invited and by King Sigismundus the repaire thereunto strictly prohibited hoping by his Mandates dispersed through the kingdome to deterr the Natives therefrom as he had by his late Legation gained the adhaerency of severall Senators of whom the chief were Ericke Sparre Hogenschieldus Bielke Claudius and Turo Bielke Gustavus and Steno ●aner Georgius Posse the Son of Canutus with the more eminent of
the Equestriall Order who were imbued by those Counsellours of the kingdome that what the Senators should do the said Order was to subscribe unto and follow whereby many of the chief Nobility Military Commanders Clergie and Burgesses through the wicked perswasions of those Senators declined their appearance as did those Senators themselves none reparing to the same Count Axell of Rasborg excepted albeit the generality of the Equestriall Order Counts Barons Gentry Prelates Military Officers Burgesses and common people flocked thereunto without regard to the example or Malignant inducements of the Senators The particular transactions in that Parliament I omit referring as before the curious to the Acts themselves the most materiall being an exclusion of all mixt religions as displeasing to God pernicious to Soules tending to persecutions mutuall hatred and dissentions with an asseveration or assurance of remaining constant God assisting in the Doctrine received and that they would not permit the exercise of any other Religion to be received in any part of that Kingdome the Kings private Chappell when he should be within the kingdome onely excepted and whosoever should secretly or openly transgresse this decree and generall agreement by acting contrary to their Subscriptions and Signatures they were to be reputed as perfidious persons and to be shunned by all honest and ingenious people The reiteration of their assurances of fidelity to their King followed next in order according to the Union of Hereditary Succession the Testament of King Gustavus or his last Parliament An. 1560. celebrated at Stocholme as also conform to their owne late conclusions at Sudercopia for the confirmation whereof this convention was chiefly instituted wherein was further enacted that all Dissenters from their and the Sudercopian Decrees who should not declare themselves within six weeks excepting those of the remoter Provinces to whom longer time was allotted should be reputed as Disturbers of the Common-wealth and to be cut off from the body Politick On whom after due information and exhortation fit punishment was by his Highnesse with consent of the Senatoriall and other Orders to be inflicted The like for all of whatsoever condition or degree who should for any respect desert or fall off therefrom The Commotions in Finland were also resented and the sufferings of the people there in order whereunto it was decreed that some persons of good repute should be sent thither with severe Injunctions to all parties to depose their Armes and demeane themselves peaceably and where any just cause of complaint was the same to be legally discussed and decided and that his Majesty should be humbly moved by those who should be deputed towards him that by his Royall Authority there might be a ceasing of these disturbances and provinciall devastations but if it should be certainly found by faithfull Messengers that those tumults did not end but rather encrease and that counsell nor admonition would not take place that then other proceedings corresponding to the Regall Oath and to the Sudercopian Constitutions should be made whereby the Kingdome might not be further damnified Provision was likewise made for the ease of the Subject in certaine particulars untill a totall alleviation might ensue They also bound themselves to Unity and mutuall defence with lives and fortunes against all persons who should offer or attempt any violence towards the observers of those things which were in that Convention established yet still with reservation of the fidelity due to their Supream Majestrate and the concord wherein they were by Law and right bound unto each other This Transaction was as aforesaid at Arbogia the fifth of March 1597. But this Parliament was not more pleasing to King Sigismundus then that of Sudercopia Dissentions say the Suethes being raised up in each corner of the Kingdome the Orders therof declined by troops the conventional Conclusions That brood of Senators not to digresse from their owne words perswading the severall States not to adhaere unto or repute the Arbogian decrees for legall albeit concurring with those of Sudercopia and feeding all degrees of people with hopes of the speedy returne of King Sigismundus to the great emolument of the Country and Inhabitants thereof and that the Arbogian Constitutions were to be the lesse esteemed in regard the Senators with certaine chiefs of the other Orders did not assist at or subscribe unto them With the like allurements and fucatious perswasions say the Suethes they seduced many of the severall Orders which done they with their Wives and Children abandoned the Kingdome maliciously pretending they neither could nor would assent unto the Arbogian results But chiefly as understanding that the Plenipotentiary for Government with the Defensoriall Letters obtained from King Sigismundus that they six or seven Senators Duke Charles in a manner excluded should manage the Government in the Regall absence would not attaine that Authority hoped for the same importing that if Duke Charles were not therewith contented those Senators assisted by the Malitia of the Kingdome should prosecute him and his partakers as open Enemies their Goods to become a prey as the more curious may see in the said Plenipotentiary dated at Warsaw the thirteenth of January 1597. and the Defensorialls likewise of the twenty third of May next following Neither contented onely to have sowed seeds of dissention between the Inhabitants of Suethland Poland and Lithuania they perswaded the States of Poland without cause or praemonition to undertake with their King a Military expedition against his Native Country to oppresse contrary to right the Duke and his Assistants without admitting those equitable conditions sundry times tendred by himself and followers conducing to his Majesties and the kingdomes good Nor were they without succesfull hopes if the king had gained the Finlandian forces he daily expected thence The miserable condition of the Inhabitants there may be conceived say they by the butchery of many thousands of innocent persons which mischief beginning in Finland did extend even to Suethland also the face of things being such in that Province as that many Colonies with their Wives and Children abondoning their Habitations were constrained to flye unto the Duke for relief which also turned to the greater hurt of some For the fore-named Governour of Finland with his Accomplices diligently watched to hinder them from informing the Duke of their condition some for the like complaints being cruelly put to death infringing thereby the Protectiorall Letters which the Duke as Governour of the Kingdome had by the Lawes of Suethland full power to give in the Regall absence Neither was the King unacquainted with the afflictions of Finland those with other grievances having been signified unto him by the Duke by Letters at large from Nycopia the twenty second of May 1597. yet no redresse was granted but the same rather approved and the said Governour reputed and saluted by the name of his most faithfull Subject and Counsellour The King remained as the Suethes assert not onely unmoved with those
of Sables black Foxes Banthers and Leopards Skins the Furniture of their Horses answerable and garnished with rich Stones which by the Horses motion make a pleasant terrour They are a Courageous people most violent in a charge but once broken not easily rallying yet against the Turk and Tartarian the Bulwark of Christendome on that side over whom as formerly alledged by the Chancellour King Vladislaus had lately gained two famous Battels and had it not been for the difference ready to break out between them and the Suethes as their Generall himself at a Conference delivered to his Lordship they might have driven the Turke back to the very Gates of Constantinople A sadnesse it is and sorely to be lamented that the discords between Christian Princes who professe one God one Christ should make them more intensive against each other then against the professed Enemy of that blessed name wherunto they all professe their Baptization They were esteemed to be fifteen thousand Horse Effective but by themselves reputed more their Foot in all not exceeding six thousand After this and indeed delectable shew ended the King gave audience to all the Mediators joyntly concerning the years he would not add a day to the terme he had formerly prefixed Nor did the other particulars propounded give him any satisfaction so as he seemed enclining rather to War then Peace The day following his Lordship remained behind the other Mediators returned to Marienburg and related the Kings resolution to the Suethes who replied that for so small a matter as five years of time they did not conceive that either their principals or the Adversaries who stuck mainly therat did intend to broach a bloody War for the prevention whereof they would by severall waies dispatch two expresses into Suethen and that they might expect an answer within three weeks during which time the Truce might be continued and in the interim the other Articles might be discussed but if this were not approved they having no power to exceed their Instructions could not proceed unlesse that being by the Mediators secured of the concession of the other Articles by the Polanders and the Truce continued for eight daies longer they might therby take the point into further consideration These being related to the King in his Camp were not unpleasing and besides the eight daies of Prorogation a meeting was granted at Stumes Dorff the 4. 14. August provided the Garrison of Suethes then at Stume were removed The Mediators except the French who remained in the Leagure returning back to Marienburg acquainted the Suethes who by a visite prevented his Lordship with what they had concluded they willingly assented to the Prorogation and to the pre-appointed meeting which was to be the day insuing as also they restrained the Garrison at S●ume by shutting up the Gates without any tumult or disorder Thus by the unwearied endeavours and not without the exceeding toile of the Mediators by frequent journey 's between the Parties the long intermitted meetings were resumed the 4 14 August at Stumbsdorff forenamed where at the first a new difference arose between the States Ambassadors and those of Brandenburg the former not willing to give the others the least precedencie refusing to come into the tent of the Marquesse Sigismund which in all former meetings had been the place of the Mediators joynt resort and consultation The other Mediators unwilling to make this competitionarie controversie theirs than which nothing could be more impeding to the present affaire and desirous to make the best use of time proceeded unto the matter before them concluding that the fore-specified conditions should be indifferently propounded to either of the Parties whereby each might the better explaine themselves by adding or diminishing what they should think meete his Lordship went to the Sueths the French and Brandenburgers to the Commissioners of Poland the former consented to most of the propositions tendred unto them but thought them to be over-breife and succinctly drawen and therefore for the more plaine understanding they delivered to his Lordship the whole matter of the Treatie comprehended in sundry Articles wherewith he presently repaired to the Polanders and which the French Ambassador and the Electoralls being present were instantly quoted with Marginall notes of such things as they either rejected or added or substituted in the place of others and having done they referred the whole to the Kings pleasure consenting to meete againe upon the second day ensuing and the Marginall Annotations being communicated to the Sueths and over-long to be then examined were also by them deferred to the said meeting One particular was by the last named recommended to the Mediators in especiall manner to be insinuated unto the other Partie to wit that a Parliamentarie ractification of what should be finally concluded might be procured from the Republike of Poland as without which the Treatie would be invalid Hereupon the Mediators and the Parties returned to their severall quarters Upon the day of intervall his Lordship visited the Sueths and consulted with them how to compound the competition between the Electorall and States Ambassadors that the publike Treatie might thereby receive no let nor hinderance at last it was concluded that besides the Prince his Tent an other should be pitch't the choice whereof should be given to the Hollanders whereunto his Lordship and the Commissioners of Suethland by an expresse visite that afternoon perswaded them to condescend The Mediators and the Parties assembled now the second time and the most urgent point of the Treatie consisting in the desired ratification the Mediators conceived it meete to cleer that rub the rather in that the Sueths mainely insisted that without the same all the Treatie and labour employed therein would be of no availe because a meanes of retracting there from would be remayning to the Polanders These on the other side demonstrated the impossibilitie therof in as much as a Parliament could not be called and held in lesse than four moneths affirming withall that the Kings ratification with theirs and that of the Senators placed by Parliament about the King in the name of the Republike would be sufficient they having from the same a full and absolute power of treating and concluding That in the mean time Prussia should be restored and then a Parliament for obtaining the ratification from the States of the Kingdome might be held in convenient time But the Suethes being herwith not satisfyed and it being unpossible for the Polanders to give any other present security the Mediators endeavoured by all meanes to remove this obstacle also and propounded that first the forces of each side should be dismissed and next that such places as the parties of either side should agree upon might be by way of Sequestration consigned into the Mediators hands untill the ratification were procured as also that Pledges might be given and the like Which propositions albeit
their own Tent concerning the precedencie of nomination to be inserted in the preface of the Articles which according to right of intervening he challenged as due to the King his Master by whom his first repaire had been directed toward their King they declined the same on pretence of its being contrary to the custome of their Cancellarie which said they alwayes gave the precedence to the King of France where from it was not lawfull for them to swarve His Lordship taking this some what harshly told them and breifly that as to the couching of the preface he must leave the care of it to them yet he desired they would be cautious of discontenting a Prince their freind who had given proof thereof in sundry occasions and particularly in that before them Hereupon the parties according in all things assembled in a confident and friendly manner in the Mediatoriall Tent to confer even without them of some things more particularly after which there remained nothing but that the two Generals Conigspolskie and Jacobus de la Garde should meet and treat touching the time of the restitution of places as Marienburg Stume and Braunsburg as also about the deduction of the Army wherupon the Treaty when signed would at last be finally concluded both which points were deferred unto the day following and concerning the attendants of the fore-named Generalls it was agreed of either side that each should not exceed the number of fifty followers The seventeenth meeting ensued or rather a continuation of the former in which some contest hapned between the Ambassadors of Great Brittaine and France about the Subscription and the like campetition also between the Electorals and the Hollanders each party being willing to vindicate the precedency in the right of his Prince or Principals so as the former Mediators did now seem to stand in need of the like The dispute about the same was not smal but whilst it was in hottest agitation the Generals of each side attended with the forespecified number in great Magnificence arrived at the place of treaty and each accompanied with the Mediators did soon after salute each other in the open Village neer unto the Mediatoriall Tent wherinto they entred with the Commissioners of the severall Crowns by severall waies and therin consulted about the restitution of places and the deduction of the Army Between them it was agreed that the Suethes receiving the Regall ratification of the Treaty forthwith as also security from the Commissioners of Poland authorized by Parliament the same should be ratified by the States at their next convention should restore Marienburg with the greater Island Stume Braunsberge and Tolkemyth with the Territories belonging to them into the hands of the Commissioners of the King and Kingdome of Poland the Garrisons being first removed and that the Heught and Junkertreill should be razed in the presence of certaine Deputies of each side leaving the ground and goods to whom they belonged That the Armies of either side should be sent away within fourteen daies or therabouts But that Elbing with its ancient bounds the lesser Island with the Fortifications raised therin as also the Pillaw and that part of the Nering therto appertaining should remain in the possession of the Queen and Crowne of Suethen untill they should receive the ratification of the States of Poland and therupon to render up the foresaid places within fourteen daies after the receit therof and that the Garrisons should be removed without any damage to the Inhabitants with this condition also that all the Fortifications made at Elbing should remain in the same state they then were and in the same custody as before the War The Commissioners of Poland having desired an attestation from the Mediators touching the form of concession by the Sueths for the private permission of the Roman Religion in Leifland and the French Ambassador being unwilling to signe the same in reference to the competition between him and the Ambassador of Great Brittaine the Polish Lords were contented to accept of a testification from his Lordship and the Hollanders onely which they granted the same importing That they did therby testifie and make known to all whom it might any way concern that the Lords Commissioners for the Queene and Kingdome of Suethland had really covenanted and permitted that the Romane Catholicks in Leifland should during the whole time of the Truce enjoy liberty of Conscience the Roman Catholick Religion and Devotion in private nor any inquisition to be made or punishment to be therfore inflicted and that the present attestation was given with the knowledge and expresse consent of the fore-mentioned Commissioners in confirmation wherof they had therunto affixed their hands and seales But in the interim no Medium being found wherby to compound the competitions of the Mediators that matter was referred untill the day following The eighteenth meeting for the finall conclusion being now come the Lords Ambassadors of Great Brittaine and France renewed their dispute about precedency which encreasing in difficulty and intricacy seemed to hinder the parties who were now reconciled and friends from concluding and establishing the Treaty for the avoiding wherof his Lordship was pleased to declare himself in two waies to the Commissioners of either side first that the difference might be ballanced by two Copies of the Conditions of the Treaty to each party reciprocally signed by the Mediators Or secondly that there should be no Subscription or Signature by any of the Mediators as had been done in the former Treaty now six years past That as to the Preface he committed the same to them but in discharge of his Legatoriall duty he again admonished them to beware of giving any offence unto the King his Master By the Commissioners of either side it was concluded that the Mediatoriall Subscription was not necessary and that the Signature of the parties would be sufficient in this as well as in the former Treaty but that the Mediators might if they would so be pleased give an Instrument in writing apart for the more ample verification therof As to the preface the Suethes declared in favour of the French that it had ever been the Custome of their Crowne to give the precedency in nomination to the Regall Ambassador who first addressed himselfe to them With this answere his Lordship opposed the stile pretended of the Polish Cancellarie but was by their Commissioners answered rather with silence than by arguments The French Ambassador did mainely insist that he might subscribe the Articles alone but that he might not by contest seeme to be the sole obstacle of the Treaties confirmation he repaired to his Lordships quarter with whom when no perswasions to that end would prevaile after a long discourse of the dignity and precedencie of Kings he consented to the waving of all Mediatoriall subscription His Lordship neverthelesse to be secured of all sides revisited each of the Parties and in
stand for her Majesties safety her good and welfare as well as for that of the Kingdome even to the danger of their lives and losse of their goods Provided that her Majesty when shee should attaine to perfect years and full possession of the Government of the Kingdome did secure unto them and the whole State whatsoever might concerne the maintaining of all their Lawes Liberties and Priviledges c. as the like had been done by former Kings especially by her late Royall Father and had by the State of the Kingdome been approved Secondly that if any Suethe or other subject to the Crown therof of what degree dignity or quality soever should refuse to subscribe and submit to this establishment or dare to oppose their present Act or seek to advance any other whether native or forraigner They did esteem and declare that party to be a member separated from their body an Enemy yea Traytor to the Kingdome and upon conviction of a Crime of that nature to be punished without mercy Thirdly They confirmed and ratified the Acts formerly concluded against King Sigismundus with his Children and Discendants and declared them to have no right or interest in the Crown of Suethland or any part of the Dominions or Jurisdictions therto belonging and that all their right and pretensions were lost void forfeit and in the lapse for ever And that if any Sueth or other person under that Crown should endeavour the admittance of any of the aforesaids into the Kingdome or to yeeld them any footing within the Jurisdictions or upon the Frontiers therof They would hold that person of what quality soever he were for a pernicious and hainous Traytor to them and to the whole State And upon perseverance therin should meet with the mercilesse punishment due to such a one And that whosoever should listen unto or harbour or lodge any such person without timely discovery unto Authority should be liable to the like punishment As also that the Orobrogian Acts of February 1617. against all such should remain as inviolable as if they were here Verbatim expressed And all Lords Judges and other Officers were to see execution and performance of the same as he would otherwise answer it at his perill Fourthly That they unanimously and deliberatly confirmed and renewed what had been formerly enacted concerning the Service of God and his Church by other Assemblies and Diets and did generally oblige themselves to remaine in the same Form Truth and Discipline of Religion according to the Revealed truth of Gods holy Word and the Articles of Christian Faith contained in the Apostolical Nicene and Athanasian Creed together with the Confession of Auspurg and as formerly concluded in the Counsell of Vssall Fifthly That in regard of the Queens under age and insufficiency therby to defend and govern the Realm by her owne self and ability They did unanimously desire and ordaine that his Majesties Decree and Ordinance concerning this matter formerly committed to the Counsell and Lords of the State for their judgment and the conceiving of a right Order therupon which had been also by them tendred unto and approved of by his Majesty but by reason of his suddain ●eath and other occasions impeding had not had its full effect notwithstanding their want of sundry necessary instructions and appurtenances which through straitnesse of time could not be inserted should be put in execution and performed for the good of the Realme by the five chief States and Officers therof Viz. 1. The Lord high Steward 2. Marshall 3. Admirall 4. Chancellour 5. Treasurer And in the absence of one or other or of any the eldest of the Counsell of State to supply the place And these five to govern the Kingdome of Suethen for her Majesty untill shee should have attained perfect years And they five or as aforesaid the eldest of the Counsell of Stockholme being of the same Colledge and Assembly supplying the place of any of them absent should have the Tuition of the Queen and should bear rule during her Minority and Nonage onely in her name and stead without prejudice to the Realm or State or violation or breach of the Lawes Rights and Priviledges therof And should for her Majesty powerfully maintain the five Brotherly Offices and State Ranks That is Court-right Counsell Counsell of War Admiralty Chancery and Treasury or Exchecquer according to the institution and establishment of former Kings and especially of their late King Gustavus the second And should to their power uphold and maintain the Rights Lawes Justice and Policy of Suethen Defend and protect the Realm with all the depencies theron so as they might conscientiously answer before God the Queen and the State when therunto called as those by Oath were therunto obliged So on the other side the Lords and Peers of the Realm did promise to yeild and perform unto those persons Selected as aforesaid all due respect honour obedience and submissive Subjection in whatsoever they should require and command tending to the Glory of Almighty God the good and welfare of the Queen of the State and Common-weale And that in case any person or persons should either in word or deed thwart and oppose the present proceeding and government They would withall their powers endeavour to suppresse such Insolencies punish the parties and constrain them to better obedience Sixthly They would to their utmost prosecute the War against the Emperor and Popish League in Germany which their King had sealed with his blood untill it should please Almighty God to settle a happy and desired Peace for the good of his Church As also the Kingdomes necessity so requiring whether by reason of their present Wars or of any new Enemies against their Queen and State they would with their lives and Fortunes maintain their Rights and Liberties and with their utmost abilities oppose all such as should confront or withstand their proceedings Seventhly That forasmuch as no Kingdome could subsist without meanes or War be rightly managed without great charges They did likewise thinke good that the Tolls and Customes should be continued for the good of the Kingdome in the same manner as then raised and received c. Moreover If the Germane War should continue Or if their Kingdome and Countrey should fasten upon some other War or trouble They did promise and oblige themselves that whensoever required by the Peeres States and Lords of the Realme They would with all their power and meanes stand and fight for the Religion Queen Kingdome and Liberties That in all the particulars before specified they were resolved and had unanimously generally and particularly in their owne and in the behalfe of their brethren present and absent as well unborne as borne freely and willingly consented agreed approved and concluded and therein sufficiently accorded and did promise as faithfull religious and true sincere meaning Subjects to performe the same They the Councell State c. of Sueden did underwrite and seale
CAROLVS GVSTAVVS King of Swethens Goths Vandalls greate prince of Finland Duke of Esthonia Carelia Lor d of Ingria Crowned An o Dom̄ 1654. P S excudit THE HISTORY Of the Troubles of SUETHLAND AND POLAND Which occasioned the Expulsion of Sigismundus the Third King of those Kingdomes with his Heires for ever from the SUETHISH Crown WITH A CONTINUATION OF THOSE Troubles untill the Truce An. 1629. As also a particular Narration of the daily Passages at the last and great Treaty of Pacification between those two Kingdomes concluded at Stumbsdorff in Prussia Anno 1635. CONCLUDING WITH A BREIFE COMMEMORATION OF THE Life and Death of S r. GEORGE DVGLAS Knight Lord Ambassadour Extraordinary from the late King of Great BRITTAINE for the Treaty above mentioned Faithfully couched by J. FOVVLER Secretary to his Lordship for that Embassy LONDON Printed by Thomas Roycroft for Thomas Dring and are to be sold at the George neer Cliffords Inne in Fleetstreet 1656. Collegium S. S. et Individuae Trinatatis in Academiá Cantabrigiensi TO HIS HIGHNESSE THE LORD PROTECTOR MY LORD THE remembrance of having read that a Great Emperor was once graciously pleased to accept of an Apple from the hand of a poor Peasant hath encouraged me to the presenting of the ensuing Discourse unto your Highnesse As that Prince was doubtless induced to daign the reception of so slight a Gift from 〈◊〉 mean a Giver not for any merit either in the Person or Present but by the conjecture he made of the dutifull affection wherwith it was Offered so I am willing to hope that the boldness of this address may be the more excusable in regard the like affectionate duty is in the most of submissiveness herewith tendred Your Highness hath moreover I humbly conceive a Peculiar right hereunto as being the sole adaequate Paralell to the famous Princes of the Gustavian Line mentioned in the following Narrative for if they were great in Armes which none can deny and that their Heroick Actions have rendred their Memories renowned to Perpetuity Your Highness Name is certainly engraven in Characters indeleble upon the never decaying Pillars of immortall Fame whose Trumpet hath sounded your more then Admirable Successes unto the most Remote Regions Nor is Caesar's Veni Vidi Vici lesse illustrated by your Highnesse Pourtraict than it was by his Statua As Victory did constantly accompany the Second and great Gustavus whilest living and attend him even in death contrary to that observation of the famous Marquesse of Malvezzi That the death of valiant Leaders is the losse of Battells So it is truely affirmed that whensoever your Highness hath led on your Forces your Foes have as often fallen before you and the most Numerous Enemies that have ever hitherto dared to look you in the Face have been alwaies constrained to turn their backs Neither can the most black-mouthed Detraction gaine-say this Truth Your Highnesse hath one Advantage more which was not by Providence permitted unto that Great Monarch in that by the Protection of the All-mighty you live to reap the Fruit of your Labours in Praising the God of your Salvation May your Highnesse Religiously and Magnanimously still goe on to doe worthily in this our Judah and to be famous in our Israel and after a continued Series of Glorious Tryumphs here below remain Tryumphantly Glorious above in the Mansions of Eternity So craving Pardon for this Presumption I rest In all humble Obedience At your HIGHNESS Command J. FOWLER THE PREFACE OR ARGUMENT To the ensuing DISCOURSE THERE is nothing new under the Sun saith the wisest of Kings This as it is in it selfe a certaine truth so it is not more evident in any thing then in the Stupendious alterations which History in generall doth manifest to have happened in Kingdomes and Common-wealths even from the Flood the recapitulation whereof would not onely outswell this bulke but likewise tire the Reader whose curiosity therein may be elsewhere abundantly satisfied Many in England may perhaps thinke that the Changes we have seen of late years among our selves admit of no President The Pages ensuing will shew otherwise and that what hath been done of late times in this Nation hath been in great part formerly presented upon Forraigne Stages yea within the memory of Men yet living if diligent Scruteny were made into the Actings in other Regions and wherein they have come short of Ours it may seem by their published expressions that they regretted the overslipping of oppertunity The subsequent Discourse is a Narrative truely Epitomized out of the Publike Acts of the Suethes The passages of the Pacification ensuing with other Germane Occurrences of those times are no lesse faithfully annexed The Method used is First A breife mention of Polands exaltation from a Ducall to a Regall Government An. 1000. with a particular deduction of their Kings from the time that Jagello great Duke of Lithuania in the right of his Wife was there Crowned whose merits toward that Kingdome are still celebrated by the Polanders and whose Descendants have constantly swayed that Scepter untill this present for the space of two hundred sixty nine years The interposition of Henry Duke of Anjow afterwards King of France the third of that Name usually stiled Henry of Valois onely excepted The next thing presented is a like deduction of the Kings of Suethland much more ancient then the other in the Title of a Kingdome from the time of Magnus Erickson surnamed Smeeke in favour of whom and of his Posterity the Suethish Crowne alwayes formerly Elective was rendred Hereditary by a generall Act of Union at Varburg An. 1343. A more strict Hereditary Union is next exhibited in the Raigne of Gustavus Erickson the Deliverer of his Countrey from the slavery of Strangers and the same confirmed and corroborated by the whole States of Suethland An. 1544. in whose Race that Scepter hath ever since remained and doth still continue Nine Crowned Kings have within the third degree descended from his loynes Viz. Erick John and harles his three Sons Sigismund the son of John King of Poland and Suethland Gustavus Adolphus the son of Charles the late Queen Christina of Suethland Vladislaus and Casimir the sons of Sigismuna consecutively Kings of Poland and the present King of Suethen Carolus Gustavus great Grand-childe to the fore-named Gustavus Erickson as being the son of the Princess Catherine Daughter to the foresayd Charles who All act their parts in the Scenes of the ensuing Narrative The Marriage of John forenamed then Duke of Finland afterwards King of Suethland with a Royall Virgin of the Polish Jagellonian Race and the Election by vertue of that Allyance of Sigismund their Eldest to the Regall Chaire of Poland with his Coronation in Suethland after his Fathers decease follows next in order The dissensions afterwards arising between King Sigismundus and his subjects of Suethland are mentioned His taking up Armes Their opposition and raising of Forces under the Conduct of his Uncle Charles
France The only meer stranger to the blood in all the Catalogue of the Polish Kings who secretly deserting that Crown and Kingdom upon notice of the death of his Brother Charles the nineth conveyed himself privily into France where An. 1574. he succeeded by the name of Henry de Valois his Raign in Poland not during one whole year Sigismundus Augustus had left albeit no Sons to whom that Crown might accrue two Sisters of whom Anne the elder was wedded to Stephen Bathor Prince of Transilvania an unequall Match her years much exceeding his considered He was therupon chosen King of Poland An. 1579. having been also recommended to that Crown by Amurath the third then Emperor of Turkie which administred occasion to the proud Sultan of boasting that he had given the Polanders a King During the Raign of Sigismund Augustus John Duke of Finland brother to Erick King of Suethland had been sent into Poland to treat a Marriage between his Brother and Catherine the second Sister of the said Sigismund but upon his Brother Ericks mean and unworthy matching with another himself espoused that Princess in the year 1562. by means wherof Sigismundus their first-born being descended from the Jagellonian Regall Race was upon the death of Stephen preferred before all the other Candidates as the Duke of Parma the Arch-Duke Ernest of Austria the Wayvode of Transilvania and his Kinsman the Cardinall Bathory to the Scepter of Poland and was there Crowned during the life of his Father John who having seised his Brother King Erick whom he kept in Prison untill his death then raigned in Suethland as will appear more particularly when the Suethish Princes of the Gustavian Race shall be deduced which now follows in order to the matter in hand Suethland according to Bureus a Native there is a most ancient Kingdom the people wherof issue from that Scandia or Scandinavia comprehending the two Northern Countries of Suethen and Norway Ancient Writers have called the same the Shop of Nations and some have tearmed it the Magazine or Storehouse of People for from thence flowed not only those Warlike Suevians Normans Vandalls but likewise the Terrors and Tamers of the World the Stock or Race of the home-bred Goths and Suethes the Visi-gothes or Westro-gothes and Ostro-gothes who having penetrated into sundry Realms and wearied out not a few of the Europaean Kingdoms with often renewed Wars seated themselves at last in Spain where they continue even hitherto their Empire Gothland if I may use the words of Johannes Magnus seated between the Suethes and Danes too mighty and scarce ever well agreeing Nations fearing least if the same were infested by both it should be constrained to an unequall defence did enter into a perpetuall conjunction of Amity and Society with the Suethes either in regard of their Potency or the conformity between them of dispositions and manner of living Thus far he Jornandes according to Bureus writeth that Rudolphus King of Scandia leaving his owne Kingdome went into Italy to visite Theodoricke a King of the Gothes there was as saith the said Bureus the 85. King of the Suethes It is likewise apparent say their Authors that the Gothes were in Graecia and Thracia before the time of Alexander the Great whom he pronounced were a people to be shunned They were also before the birth of Christ a terrour to the Romans by means of whom they dared not to extend their bounds beyond the Danubius And even the Romans themselves not concealing the Military vertue of others that they might extoll their owne have recorded to posterity how the Visi-gothes and Ostro-gothes had like a deluge overflowed other Nations under their severall Princes the Theodorick's Attalarick's Totila's Tesa's Radagir's Alarick's Attulph's Sigerick's Villia's Roderick's and other like cognominations The same Author saith further that from the time of the first introduction of Monarchie amongst the Suethes both the Nations viz. they and the Gothes were subject mostly to one and the same Prince and became as one and the same people and howbeit that sometimes through emulation they might have distinct Princes yet those breaches were seldome long lasting but they re-peiced and renewed their former concord with mutuall force opposing each others enemies Neither may it seem unworthy of recordation that the Gothes who were so famous amongst all Nations for warlike fortitude as in a manner they became formidable to most in Europe did neverthelesse so farre submit unto the Suethes remaining in their Native soil that as the most ancient Laws of the Westro-gothes affirme the power of electing or rejecting a King for both those people 's remained unto those of Suethland Alphonsus Carthaginensis doth also assert the same saying albeit the Gothes did many times divert to other parts people their Rulers who had the government of the whole Nation remained in Scythia now what that Scythia is Rodoricus Sancius doth explain saying that Isidorus other writers agree concerning the originall of the Gothes that they are of the Island of Scandia to wit Scythia Septentrionalis And A. Kranizius treating of Suethen in his first Book and first Chapter comprehends the summe of those things which were performed by the Gothes after the time of Alexander the Great in these words The renowne of the Gothes in remote Military expeditions was great and famed with most losty Titles for that in contestation with the Romans then most Masters of the knowne world somtimes repressed they rested quiet but other whiles they afflicted the Romans with greater blowes and not seldom retired on equall terms And at last treading the Roman Empire under foot they overspread Italy and having sackt Rome kept there their Kingdome many yeeres They infested Gaule layed the foundations of their Monarchie in Spaine and have from thence derived a Stock of most noble Families of Princes So farr he Wolfgangus Lazius relates that out of those Septentrionall Islands many and great Bands went frequently toward their people the Visi-gothes who had planted themselves in France and the Ostrogothes seated in Illyrico and Italy yea that before the distruction of Troy sundry of the Gothes being as then in Thracia severall Colonies removed toward them Nor were those expeditions undertaken constrainedly but they allured with the successe of their Compatriots in forraigne parts and w th the fame of their exploits did emulously flock unto them which being observed by the then Kings of Suethes and Gothes Lawes for preventing the utter desertion of the Originall territory were there enacted that no persons abandoning their native soile should retaine any inheritance therein and that in regard of the uncertainty of the death abroad of such as so removed and for avoiding the intricacy of contention between their nearest of bloud he who so departed should be reputed as dead from that very hower and his nearest kinsman possessed of the inheritance And therfore it seemes not consentaneous to reason that the Originall Seats should be subject to the
extraneous Gothes for if the Kings of that people who warred abroad had retained a power over them that remained in the Ancient and Paternall Soil they would not probably have permitted that they who marched under their Standarts and with them underwent the dangers and uncertainties of forraign Warfare should have been dispossessed of their Inheritance at home But leaving these things it is evident from their Authors that the Suethes have anciently been an elective Kingdom and free to choose either a Native or Stranger to possess the Regal Chair with this Obligation enjoyned that the King who ere he were should defend the Multitude committed unto him from injury and violence and should endeavour the enforcement and observation of their Laws ancient Customs rightfull Constitutions and Priviledges according to the received custom in all well regulated Nations Notwithstanding which freedom of Election they alwaies made choice of the Son to succeed the Father where they found the Rayes of Vertue corresponding to the Royall Dignity as being conformable to the Laws of Suethen and the continued Annals of that Regions History The truth hereof may appear by the Royall Progeny of Ericus Sanctus whose Son Canutus obtained the Regall Wreath of King Suercherus also to whom his Sons Charles and John succeeded after them Ericus Balbus the Nephew of Ericus Sanctus by election ascended the Royall Chair next whom Valdemarus Nephew to Ericke last named by his Sister and Birgerus that Illustrious Prince of the Ostro-gothes obtained the Scepter which was afterwards swayed by his Brother Magnus sur-named Ladulas Birgerus the Son of Magnus was next elected and he ejected for Cruelty and Fratricide was succeeded by Magnus Erickson his Nephew surnamed Smeek The Suethes as themselves assert have alwaies esteemed that beyond the Proximity of blood pretence of hereditary right or utilitie of friendship Vertue only and Heroick Actions were worthy of a Crown This freedom of Sufferages or Votes in the election of their Kings flourished amongst them many Ages even untill latter times wherin they not moved with the wind of Levity to use their own words but induced by the strickt Law of necessity having first at Strengnesia upon the sixth of June 1523. proclaimed and afterwards at Vpsall on the eighth day of January 1528. Crowned Gustavus Ericke Son sprung from Illustrious Ancestors and worthy of the Regall Charge as having freed them from the Tyranny of Christierne the second King of Denmark did at Orobrogia the fourth of January 1540. by an Act of hereditary Union of their whole Senatoriall Colledge with a numerous Circle of the Equestriall Order assume his Heirs Males from the first to the last into a right of Succession which Act was by the universall States of Suethland assembled in Parliament confirmed and established at Arosia the 13. of January 1544. Thus of Elective the Crown of Suethland became hereditary Neither did their Rulers therby obtrude ought of new or never before practised upon that Nation but followed the stepts and examples of their Ancestors For about 200 years before the whole Orders of that State had bound and obliged themselves almost in the same manner to the forenamed Magnus Smeeke and to his Sons Ericus and Haquinus under such limitations and conditions as are contained in the heredirary Union made at Varburg in Holand An. 1343 wherunto the Curious are referred Yet for the better comprehending of what hath been said we will deduce the Succession of their Kings from the said Magnus the fourth sur-named Smeeke who having in his own time conferred Norway upon his second Son Haquinus was after the death of Ericke his eldest to whom he had designed the Crown of Suethen ejected by the practises of his Nephew Albert Duke of Meckleburg But by the fore-named Bureus this Magnus is taxed of contempt of things sacred of libidenous lust and inhumane cruelty deserving the name of a Spoyler of the Publike And that he not brooking the co-partnership of his Sons which he had seemed to desire had caused to attempt the murther of his Son Ericke who the Traytor being suppressed before he could perpretrate the Fact was soon after poysoned by his Mother Blanca or Blanche a French-woman Magnus being not long after taken in Battell by his second Son Haquin King of Norway yet soon freed fled into Denmark He intercepted the Dutchess of Holstein his Sons betroathed and obtruded upon him Margaret of Denmark whilst he prepared greater Forces he thundred out Proscriptions against the Suethish Nobility Albert Duke of M●ckleburg Son of Euphemia Sister of the said Magnus was by the proscribed Peers in prejudice of Haquin King of Norway elected to the Crown of Suethland in the year 1363. but being afterwards vanquished An. 1387. by Margaret Queen of Denmark and Norway the Widow of Haquin fore-named after seven years detention desirous to regain his liberty to her he resigned the Kingdome Margaret Queen of Denmark Suethland and Norway by some stiled the Semiramis of Germany having united the three Kindoms under her Soveraignty caused an Act of State to be passed in Calmar for a perpetuation of the said Union to her Successors the Laws Privliedges of each Kingdom reserved entire She is by the Suethes taxed of extream covetousness and of breach of promise hated of them she departed into Denmark having by threats and terrours obtained the Kingdom for her Nephew Ericke a youth of fourteen years of age It was she who being admonished not to commit the Forts of the Kingdom unto Strangers contrary to her agreement replyed Keep you those Our Covenants the best you can We will take care for the securing of the Castles She being dead was succeeded by Ericke Duke of Pomerania in the year 1411. by vertue of the said Union and of his Adoption by the fore-named Margaret being the Son of her Sister Ingelburgis He Raigned over the three Kingdoms but was expelled from them all by a strong faction as some say Others as the fore-named Suethish Author that enleavened by his Aunt he was a Violater of promises an Extirpator of the Nobility by extraneous Wars and unseasonable tempestuous Navigations a Spoyler at home He had for Antagonist Engitbert a Prince elected out of the Nobility of the Dalicartes and he being bereaved of life by Danish treachery Carolus Canutus was appointed Governor of the Kingdom He fled into Denmark and there also hated attempting a return into Suethen seised on Gothland from thence infesting the Aquilonian Navigators with Piracies At last besieged by Carolus Canutus and distrusting the Danes he retired to his ancient Inheritance and rest when he had Raigned from his Coronation fourteen years this hapned An. 1433. Christopher Count Palatine and Duke of Bavaria in title only Son of another Lady Margaret Sister of Ericke forenamed promoted by the endeavours of the Danes and their exceeding commendation was not without much reluctancy consented unto by the Suethes in the year 1442.
his faith given Christierne having thus exhibited a notable testimony of a violated faith gave in the year following no less demonstration of cruelty and treachery at once for falling upon Westro-gothia with a much greater Army then before a Battell was fought upon the congealed Balticke wherin Steno wounded in the thigh with a great shot forthwith died And the Generall being slain the numerous Army of the Suethes was immediatly routed Christierne thus victorious was received by the Nobles of his Faction and dignified at Stocholme with the Regall Diadem and on his Coronation day fearing least in his absence the Children of Steno might be again restored to the Kingdom by the Princes of the adverse party the City Gates being shut he caused the chief of all the Orders whom he had invited to the Feast to the number of ninety four persons to be beheaded the people gazing and trembling and commanded the dead Carkasses to be left for the more horrour three daies before the Court gate Even the body of Steno not long before committed to the Earth was by order of this new Tyrant again digged up and with the rest consumed by fire Last the Widows and Children of the Murthered were bereaved of their Goods This done he departed from Stocholme when he had exercised various cruelties upon many The Suethes upon the rumor of this Fact gathering in Armes to the number of 30000. he through Woods and unwonted Pathes conveyed himself away yet more by night then day Marches and hardly at last returned into Denmark where cruelty by so many slaughters being changed into his nature when he could not abstain from satiating his Salvage thirst with the blood of his own he was Warred upon by his Uncle Fredericke Duke of Holstein and those of Lubecke And his conscience being terrified he with his Children and his Wife the Emperours Sister fled into Zealand the third year after the Stockholmian butchery which was An. 1523. Thus far out of Thuanus Gustavus Erickson of Illustrious extraction escaping out of the hands of the Dane did under pretence of soliciting the Affairs of Steno's Widow marry with the Daughter of Steno and by favour of the Princes assisted also by those of Lubecke attained the Vacant Royalty but the more easily in having through many personall hazards as is by the Suethes acknowledged vindicating his bleeding Country from the forenamed unparallel'd Tyrant and was not only as hath been said proclaimed at Strengnesia in the year 1523. and Crowned at Ubsall An. 1528. but had the Crown also entailed upon his lawfull Male Issue at Orobrogia in the year 1540. which Act of the Senatoriall Colledge and the Equestriall Order was confirmed at Arosia in January 1544. by the whole States of Suethen assembled in Parliament Other Motives there were inducing them therunto declared by themselves as the future avoiding of those cruell dissentions and contests with the Senatoriall Colledge had many times fallen into about the Election of this or that man of a Native or Stranger as affection or interest suggested and power was prevalent to the unutterable prejudice of the Common-weal by intestine Seditions Sanguinolent effusions and multitudes of other mischiefs tending to the ruine of the Nation but more particularly since the time of Magnus Smeeke in whom sailed the Progeny of the ancient Suethish Kings as may be by what hath been already said observed Further reasons given by themselves for their so gratifying this deserving Prince were his freeing that Kingdom from the horrible darkness of Romish Superstition and being the first who to use their own expression sent down from Heaven brought them into the light of the divine Word Neither was he less careful of the Kingdoms Laws Statutes and of introducing the best waies of Policy yea that night and day he studied the good and Emolument of his Subjects by animadvertancies into and contrivances for their Tillage Structures and other Rurall advantages from which they derived plenty of profits and do therfore record his Providence and Paternall care with extraordinary testimonies of praise and thankfulness Nor do they acknowledge him to have been less industrious howbeit to his own excessive toil in searching out the Metall Mines wherwith Suethen abounds or of inventing means for the more easie gaining of them as artificiall Fabricks poised Engines of immence weight usefull Aquaducts and other beneficiall Mountaneous Works As also in erecting throughout all Suethland of Work-houses or houses of Correction for vagrant and idle people Neither did his care extend only to things present and which might occur during his own time but even to those that might befall his dear Country when his Princely Spirit should have forsaken its earthly Mansion To which end that he might timely obviate all disturbances in the Kingdom but especially to decline the Seeds of contention from his Children He framed a laudable and most Christian Will and Testament which he imposed strickly as a rule not only to his Posterity but even to all the Orders and States of the Kingdom The bounds wherof they were not any way to exceed The scope of the said latter Will was that his Children and the whole States of Suethland should preserve worship and zealously maintain the honour and service of God and his most holy word even to their utmost in that manner in which himself by Divine assistance had setled the same without mixture of humane traditions and this they were to observe as they hoped for Heaven or desired to avoid the loss of eternall blessedness He admonished his Children to continue in mutuall fraternall affection and each to rest contented with his condition As also faithfully diligently and by all waies and means to procure the Weal of the Kingdom and people to study and embrace Peace and Concord to avoid and like Poyson detest the Pest of Suspition with those other mischiefs dissentions tumults which like a Torrent flow from that Fountain Last he exhorted his Sons that neither by themselves nor any other they should procure or permit the limits of the Kingdom which had been bounded with much blood of their Ancestors to be in the least sort diminished but rather to enlarge and with all their industry power and might continually de●end the same With such zeal of affection towards the good of his Country was this most excellent Prince transported And therfore say the Suethes they could not but account them for bruits and unworthy to be numbred amongst the Sons of men whom such Ardour of Royall Benevolence did not enflame to some gratefull compensation towards so true a Father of his Country and his Posterity For the reasons before alledged the States of Suethland to the end so large and various benefits might remain in perpetuall memory and in some measure to testifie their thankfulness for the same did in their forementioned solemn Assembly at Arosia unanimously ordain and decree that so soon as this Incomparable Gustavus
inforce or obtrude upon them any Husband against their own will and consent nor admit of their alliance with any People Kingdom or State that were at enmity with or sought the prejudice of the Suethish Nation but rather endeavour to match them with some One who should be acceptable of the Princely Families of Germany descended from the Illustrious Gustavian Race unlesse the same were prohibited by proximity of blood And that they would provide the other Regall and Ducall Daughters of Dowries corresponding to their Dignity Conditionally that they also should not contract Matrimony either with Forraigner or Native except by the approbation and consent of the States of Suethland His first Wife as already said was Katherine second Daughter to Sigismund the first and Sister to Sigismund the second Kings of Poland whom he married An. 1562. and had by her Sigismund the third of that name King of Poland and King of Suethen also one Daughter the Princess Anna. In second Bed he wedded Gunila the Daughter of John Axell Bielke of Heresetter Knight Governour of the Ostro-gothes in the year 1585. who brought unto him John hereditary Prince of the Kingdom and afterwards Duke of Ostrogothia who in the year 1612. took to Wife the Illustrious Mary daughter to the forenamed Duke of Sundermannia c. but then King of Sueth and by the name of Charles the ninth Thus far hath been for the deduction of the Polish Kings from Boleslaus Chrobrus the first but more particularly from Jagello or Vladislaus the fifth of that name King of Poland as also of the Suethish Princes from Magnus Smeeke but chiefly from Gustavus Erickson the Liberator of his Country from extraneous bondage and the Founder of his Family likewise of the alliance therof with Poland with the conjunction of both those Crowns in the person of the last named Sigismundus elected in Poland hereditary of Suethen Crowned in both which was promised at the beginning of this Narrative The disjunction and dessensions ensuing therupon between these two Crowns follow next in order to be handled It will not nevertheless be unnecessary for the better understanding of all the differences between those two Potent Nations to insert that before their latter discords about the expulsion of Sigismundus and his Heirs from the Crown of Suethland severall grudges and jars had been on foot concerning certain parts of Leifland The Polanders and Suethes having both incroached theron whilest the same was under the Russian each catching at what lay most commodious for them and not seldom reaving from one another Albeit the Polish Authors assert that Joannes Basilides the great Duke or rather Tyrant of Russia wherunto all Leifland formerly belonged was forced to quit the same wholly to Stephen King of Poland in the year 1588. wherby he became deprived of the best and richest Country of his Empire by reason of the Commerce that Province hath in the Balthicke Sea in which was numbred thirty four Castles Notwithstanding which the Suethes seised on Tolezeburg Vdsenburg Bercholm As and Est which they gained from the Russian and from the Polander Revell and Badis in the Province of Haria Vitenstein also the chief Fort in the Dutchy of Gervanlandia with the Towns and Palaces of sundry of the Nobility of that Dukedom To the Dutchy of Esthonia the Kings of Suethen to this day intitle themselves The Polish Forces had in like manner wrested from the Sueths Karxhaus Helmeth Rugen and Parnaw a fair and well fortified Castle and Town joying to the Sea all of the Province of Esthonia aforesaid In the Bishoprick of Habsell the Suethes had gotten both City and Castle being the Episcopall Seat Lode a strong Castle and Lehall both City and Castle were possest by their Forces besides sundry other important places All which premised we proceed It hath been already said that King John of Suethen had by his instructions enjoyned his fore-named Ambassadors that no Alienation of ought belonging to the Suethish Crown should be accorded in contemplation of his Sons assumption to that of Poland but rather to break off the Treaty Notwithstanding which charge the said Ambassadors did act and conclude sundry things contrary therunto for say the Suethes in the third Article sworn unto and signed by both parties at the great Parliament in or neer Warsaw An. 1587. it is expresly provided that the King Elect should be bound to incorporate that part of Livonia or Leifland which the King of Suethland then possessed unto Poland or Lithuania And the then Queen Dowager of Poland Aunt unto the said elected King was to secure the same by Caution out of her own peculiar Goods as well in the Kingdom of Naples and the Dutchy of Baresano Duoano and Foggiano as out of her Dowry and any other goods and Possessions movable or immovable within or without the Kingdom of Poland This Concession which accordingto the Stipulation of the Ambassadors Sigismund the King Elect was to sign at his entry into that Kingdom the States of Suethen object as the first breach of the Auitall Gustavian Testament and that these Transactions were unknown and contrary to his Fathers mind and will may appear by a Schedule to his Uncle Duke Charles in his Letter from Calnear the second of December 1587 wherin he expresseth to this effect That albeit some weak hopes concerning Leifland unwitting to us and our dear Lord and Father and without our command or permission were given to the States of the Kingdom of Poland yet notwithstanding the Ambassadors of Poland present with those of the lower house have ingeniously granted and by Covenant and Oath have secured Vs that no such thing shall be exacted of Vs as We also have firmly concluded with Our selfe never to yeild up that which the Kingdom of Suethland hath gained with the blood of many famous men besides a notable expence of labour treasure and time Dated as abovesaid And in his first Letter to his Father after his reception of that Crown dated at Cracovia the first of May 1588. he insinuated the same thing and that he had been urged to declare himself in the matter of Leifland but that he by the advice of the Suethes then attending him had answered in these words That this matter should be wholly deferred therby to oblige the Polanders to forbear the importunity he might otherwise have received therupon promising withall to his said Father never to grant them any further hopes therof or to do ought therin contrary to his Majesties mind And that he had already told them he would rather renounce the Kingdom by them tendred unto him then alienate ought of the bounds of his most dear Country purchased with the blood of so many gallant men of the Suethish Nation His Father King John deceasing as hath been said An. 1592. Charles his Uncle Duke of Sudermannia c. before named took upon him the Government as next of blood during the absence of
his Nephew His first Act was to call to Stocholme and reconcile to himself sundry Counsellours of the Kingdom with others of the Senatoriall Order who had been long in the late Kings displeasure and who had likewise provoked himself To them passing by former Injuries he granted Letters of security An. 1592. and both from the one and other received Letters Obligatoricall dated January 1593. to joyne unanimously in Counsell and endeavours for the publike good and to be in all things assisting and subservient to him the said Duke reserving their fidelity and obedience to their lawfull hereditary King Duke Charles had advertised his Nephew King Sigismundus of his Fathers decease by Letters from Stocholme of the twenty fifth of November 1592. and desired his acceleration withall due conveniency to receive the Crown of his Native Kingdom The like he did from Vbsall by Olaus Suerkerus the seventh of March following to him he gave instructions to assure his Majesty that he would contain the Kingdom in peace and tranquility and so resign the same into his Majesties hands That he hoped likewise and expected that his Majesty would maintain his Subjects of what condition soever in the true Religion and Divine Worship as also preserve inviolably the Laws of Suethland with all the Priviledges granted by his Predecessors in each and all the points and Articles of every of them with severall other circumstances contained in those Instructions the whole in thirteen Heads or Sections Not long after King Sigismundus so desiring Turo Bielke of Nynes was by Duke Charles sent Ambassador into Poland with Letters and Instructions dated the 26th of May 1593. importing as before preservation of Religion as established in the latter times of Gustavus Erickson and the first of King John and as the same had been lately approved and confirmed at a generally Synod held at Vbsall the maintenance of Laws and Liberties to great and small poor and rich were likewise inserted and security therof with other points touched in the said Instructions to be by the Ambassador humbly desired under the Royall Signature The twenty seventh of July following Ericus Sparre and Claudius Bierke were sent to Dantzig with other Letters and a Fleet to receive and attend his Majesty honourably into Suethen Sigismundus returned answer by Turo Bielke referring the Peace to ensue with the Russian which had likewise been touched upon in the fore-cited Instructions and the security desired by the Prince and Counsellours of State in the name of all the Orders of Suethen untill his arrivall and Coronation there at which time he would confirm to every one freedom of his Religion observation of the Suethish Laws retention of ancient Priviledges and Liberties not prejudiciall to the Regall and Ducal Succession with all other things convenient to be secured unto them under his hand and Seal and that the same might be then done much better and more commodiously then at such a distance These were dated at Dantzig the eighteenth of August 1592 But the Suethes complain in that he gave not present assecuration in the point of Religion and those other things desired in the Ambassadoriall Instructions but that over-passing them he proceeded on his Voyage wherby say they he not obscurely discovered that either he would not give or not observe when given any such security especially touching Religion It was likewise observed that the Duke meeting King Sigismundus and his Queen upon their landing at the Bridge of Stocholme after congratulation of their safe arrivall with a long Oration did admonish him so to receive and govern his Hereditary Kingdom as he might with a good conscience answer before God and the World and particularly those of the Suethish Nation Wherunto the King gave but small regard and made but a short reply The Coronation time approaching and the chief of all the Orders repairing to Stocholme to attend the King to Vbsall where that Solemnity is usually performed They besought him to confirm their Liberties and Priviledges Which he whilest there remaining delayed with uncertain hopes wherwith the whole Politicall and Ecclesiasticall Orders being moved did by Letters and Emissaries Solicite the Duke to mediate with his Majesty not to procrastinate longer but to dispatch those and other Emergent Affairs lest longer delaies might beget some stop to the Regall Ceremony and some of the said severall Orders were in the name of the rest deputed unto his Highness then at Gripshold Castle to request his repair to the Solemnity and his Intervention with the King for their satisfaction Wherupon the Duke by Letters of the nineteenth of January 1594. did in most faithfull and friendly manner advise his Majesty to take the desires of the States into his serious consideration King Sigismundus nevertheless still delayed untill almost the Coronations Eve from whence they gathered that he had no propension to their desires especially in the matter of Religion seeing that notwithstanding all instances used both by the Duke and Senators seven weeks were wasted before ought could be effected or the Coronation celebrated Which consumption of time was chiefly imputed to the obstinacy of Francisco de Malaspina the Pontificiall Legate who by injunction from the Romish Prelate severely prohibited his assent but was at last constrained to advise and perswade the King to grant unto the States of Suethland the Assecuration desired which he was the rather induced unto as having on his Holiness behalf one starting hole remaining to wit That Faith was not to be kept towards Hereticks which say they was afterwards verified and that King Sigismundus observed no Covenant contained in his Coronation Oath or in his Letters of Assecuration It is by them and not without detestation likewise affirmed that Sigismundus intending mischief to the Duke his Uncle appointed some Ensigns of Heyduckes to lye in wait to murther him which had been effected but that a certain person Hieronimo Strozzi discovered the design and that this not succeeding a second plot was hatched to have been perpetrated by Italians in disguise by means of a Comedy to have been by them acted with naked Swords a thing unusuall amongst whom was Salvator Fabriz Authour of an Actor in that Scene which should have ushered in the fatall Tragedy and that this cursed Plot is testified and confirmed by James Tipotius a great Sectator of the Romish Religion and not ignorant of the designs of the Jesuites and Polanders himself being then at Vbsall But the Duke by his absence from those sights contrary to expectation prevented the intended butchery Neither say they were those Trayterous Counsellours who afterwards induced King Sigismundus to infest his Native Soil with armed Bands unwitting of these treacherous devices But that it was they who did first blow the coals of this pernicious discord albeit they kept close somtime that so if the Tragedy had taken the wished effect they might have seemed innocent and with Pilate have justified themselves but that God of his
goodness by withholding the Event did frustrate their Machination They likewise assert for clearing the Duke from suspition of ambitious affectation of the Crown that even at Vbsall before the Coronation his Highness was by many of the States not once but often urged and invited to take the Diadem and this ingemination frequently used Your Highness is the only remaining Son of King Gustavus and as your Predecessor of happy memory appeared a Father and Defender of his Country so We doubt not but that your Highness will advance the Common-Weal of Suethen but from this King Sigismundus We cannot hope for ought of good Which desire of theirs Duke Charles not only rejected but like wise frustrated the purpose of certain of the severall Orders who would have committed the Raynes of the Soveraign Rule unto Duke John as then of tender years who should have been Crowned at the age wherin he might have Legally secured the Liberties of the Suethish Nation Whence say they all people of what Condition soever may easily collect from what Root these Seeds of discord first sprung but let us now with them turn our Pen and Sickle to the remainder of these growing Weeds They alledge also that it was apparent wherat Sigismundus aimed in bringing such a troop of Popish Priests into the Kingdom the chief of whom was the before-named Malespina who in the Metropolitan Arch-Episcopall Seat of the Suethes Gothes and Vandals did dare to attempt the Crowning of their King wherin he was withstood by all the Orders of the Kingdom but mainly by Adamus Adracanus Arch-bishop Elect of Vbsall who stoutly shewed that it was contrary to their Statutes and the Laws of Suethland that any but the Vbsalian Prelate should perform that Office and that before the consummation therof it behoved the King to bind himself by Oath to observe those things which in the Augustane Confession were exhibited to the Emperor Charles the fifth above sixty four years then past and likewise had been decreed by Gustavus and King John his Grand-father and Father as also ordered by a late Synod at Vbsall to be observed in Suethland where into no Church other then of that Profession was to be admitted But that the King whilest there might have a private Chappell in his Palace Wherupon the Legate interceded that at least with the Evangelicall Religion the Romish erroneous and idolatrous Superstition might be tollerated In prejudice of the Gustavian admonition and testament which was not granted SIGISMVNDVS III. D G REX POL. M DVX LIT RVSS PRVS MAS SAMO LIVO NEC NON SVECOR GOT VAD HAEREDI REX The Most Excellent Prince Sigismundus 3 d King of Poland etc. 〈…〉 He gave likewise Letters Assecutoriall to the like effect to all the States under his hand and Seal at Vbsall the ninteenth of February 1594. wherinto the Curious may make inspection It being intended here to mention only the heads of things most necessary to be inserted in reference to the ends before proposed Contrary to this Oath King Sigismundus is by them charged to have erected a Popish Church in the Regall City to which end he purchased a Stately Structure of Stone from a stranger there inhabiting He is likewise taxed for placing Count Ericke of Visingsborg a most zealous Adherer to the Romish Sect Governour of Stocholme Castle in which the Regall Ornaments with the Records of their Cancellariae are usually deposited as also the Armes Ammunition and the great Ordinance of the Kingdom And in the Port wherof the main body of their Navy was reserved contrary to his fore-mentioned Letters of Assecuration To a certain Jesuite Adam Steinhall by name he committed the Arcensian Temple placing also his Romish Priests in the Queens Island and in the Vastenan Monastery contrary to what he had given under his hand and Seal to this effect That neither in the Ecclesiasticall or Politicall Affairs of that Kingdom he would use the help of any person who did not profess the Religion then generally received in Suethen They further argue that he no sooner returned from his Coronation to Stocholme but that he gave the Raynes unto his Polish and other Romish affected followers to enter their Churches and disturb their Service and Devotions by tumultuous perambulations in all parts of their Temples with loud voices and scandalous Gestures during their Sermons and other Religious Exercises to the great oppression and scandall of minds yea to the hazard of mens lives branding and reviling them with the name of Hereticks and other infamous and scurrilous Appellations insomuch as they were constrained to set Guards about their Ministers ascending their Pulpits and complaint being made unto the King of these abuses the Plaintiffs were dismist with reproaches and contumelious words no redress at all afforded It is moreover objected that besides extraneous Forces introduced at his Arrival he ordered others to be brought from Dantzig by Ernest Wejerus and other Commanders furnished as to a declared War wherby Flouds of blood might have over-flowed if by other weighty Affairs he had not been recalled and induced to return into Poland but what he could not then say they effect he afterwards endeavoured at the Papall Legatorian instance when with a numerous Army he re-entred Suethen in the year 1598. In this manner do they charge King Sigismundus that he no way observed his Regall Oath and Assecuration in point of Religion after which he departed the Kingdom as at first he had done without the consent and approbation of the States therof leaving behind a Romish affected Governour in his chief Fort and City besides severall Churches with the Vastenan Monestary filled with Jesuites and others of that Erroneous Sect wherby much dissention a rose within the Land soon after his departure Hereupon certain Senators of the Kingdom thought it expedient to write unto the Duke signifying the Kings departure and that they had endeavoured to their utmost that the weighty Affairs of the Realm might have been settled before his Exit severall wherof remained yet unperfected That therfore they besought his Highness to afford a helping hand with his wonted Patriotall affection for the dispatch of things as necessity required That touching the form of Government which his Highness had by Copy communicated unto them to be desired of his Majesty no proceed had been made as he might happily have understood by Ericke Gustavus one of their number That the Regall Ensigns were deposited in the Stocholmian Castle wherof Count Ericke was appointed Governour against whom they had protested in his own presence and had entreated his Majesty to ponder the same more maturely Other things also were in the said Letter contained as their most earnest desire for his Highness speedy repair to Stocholme These were dated the fifteenth of July 1594. and their requests reiterated by a second invitation of the twentieth ejusdem The Duke returned answer to their first the eighteenth of the
same therin expressing that albeit most willing as by duty obliged to procure his dear Countries good yet the same seemed a work of no small difficulty the King having prescribed no direct form of Government especially in those disturbed times wherin the publike Treasure was much exhausted the Kingdom obvious to the inconveniencies of a Russian War and uncertain of obtaining a wished Peace the Crown Revenues so diminished during his Majesties being there as they appeared not a little deficient That nevertheless he would not be wanting to afford his utmost of counsell and assistance for the redress of things amiss wherunto his Propinquity of blood and maturity of years invited him conditionally that they would joyn with him for the Weal of his Majesty and the Kingdom wherof he desired their speedy resolution and compliance to those things that for the said ends should be decreed and that they would not separate untill conclusions were taken concerning the frame of future Government to which effect he would upon their intimation speedily repair to Stocholme These were dated from Nicopia In pursuance hereof they again instance unto him that his presence was both their hope and expectation renewing their requests that he would assume the Government Promising that they would not be wanting to their power in Counsell Assistance security and Obedience for the good of the Kingdom the glory of God and the Emolument of the Natives This was dated the ninth of August 1594. and signed by Nicolaus Gyldenstierne Gustavus Baner Turo Bielke Hogenschildus Bielke Claudins Bielke and Gustavus Gabrielis Duke Charles thus invited repaired to Stocholme where no sooner arrived but he cleared the Arconsian Temple the City and the Queens Island of the Romish Priests and likewise deprived their great Patron Count Ericke of his Command of the Regall Castle for he being a strong Promover of the Papall Creed was formidable to those of the contrary Profession by reason of his power and great Alliances within the Kingdom His Sister being Wife to Ericke Sparre the Chancellour his Aunt married to Claudtus Flemingius Governour of Finland and his Uncles Ericke Gustavus Aruidus Gustavus and Carolus Gustavus were Rulers and Governours of the Westro-gothes the Ostro-gothes and Smaland with others of no mean power To the former Criminations against their King they add that contrary to his Regall Oath and promise under his hand and Seal to protect from injury the Poor as well as the Rich he permitted without punishment or inquisition made the Nightly Watches to be abused and beaten The Polanders of his Train to be day and night in Armes by whom with others of the Natives who delighted in such mischiefs sundry of the said Night-watches being frequently murthered were so found lying in the Streets others miserably wounded yea even their houses were unsecure from violence and notwithstanding complaints were many times preferred yet no redress was granted nor Justice executed upon the Murtherers Sundry other things to the same purpose they repeat as the Concession formerly mentioned of Leisland to the Crown of Poland as also the diminishing of the Navy and Ordenance to the great damage of the Common-wealth And that unwitting to the Duke or States of the Kingdom in prejudice also of the Gustavian Testament and the Constitutions of Calmar An. 1587. he had transacted with the Neighbour Princes touching certain most weighty Affairs of Suethland the peculiar Badge or Cognisance wherof he had alienated requiring by Ericke Sparre his Ambassadour a dilation or prolonging of the compromissoriall transaction about the said Badge viz. The three Crowns which in the year 1591. at the Treaty with the Dane by the River Flakesiobecke had been at their earnest and most instant request suspended untill An. 1597 And that Sigismundus by that Embassie sought to attain by entreaty from the Dane that which he had formerly not without much difficulty and suit obtained from the States of Suethland therby alienating the right of the Suethes to those three Crowns the proper and peculiar Badge and one of the chief Regalities of the Kingdom which he ought not to have done And this he did say they by the perswasions of his said Counsellour Ericke Sparre the better to compass his hostile intensions towards his Uncle the Duke to the notorious breach of the foresaid Testament the express words wherof are viz. Our dear Sons not only he who with his posterity shall succeed us in the Regall Chair but the rest likewise of our dear Sons shall neither by themselves apart or with their familiar Counsellours Servants or Subjects attempt treat or decide any Affairs wherin the welfare and honour of the Kingdom are concerned by concluding of War Peace Leagues or other Concernments of the Common-wealth of weight and moment except by the counsell and consent of them all with approbation of the Prime States of the Kingdom joyntly They further objurgate his causing of Arrest to be made at Lubecke and other Maratine Cities of their Ships and Goods and spoyling them of their said Goods and Merchandizes And that some years past Suethland being afflicted with a great dearth of Corn wherby many thousands perished and the residue much exhausted in their Substance he by the counsell of Steno Baner Olaus Suercherus and Lindormias Bond severely prohibited those of Dantzig and other Sea Ports of the Polish Dominion from administring relief to those of Suethen and at the same time enjoyed those of Rivell albeit incorporated into Swethland not to furnish them with any provision and sollicited the like with other Marine Places belonging to the Romish Empire By all these things they shew that his second departure produced no better fruite then his first both being without the privity of the States and that as his first discession to receive an Extraneous Crowne accasioned a conceding of Leifeland to the Polander So his second left them in a confusednesse without any prefect forme of Government contrary to his promise which Comedie say they was commenced by those Counsellours who were unwilling to be longer ruled by the Gustavian Line but that themselves might prevent each other in the domination of the parts whereby would have ensued the ruine of the whole King Sigismundus say they precipitating his departure had sent to his Uncle then at Nycopia by Ericke Gustavus and Claudius Slatte a certain Plenipotentiarie importing that induced by his urgent Affairs and by his promise he now intended to repair into Poland and that to the end his Native Country might not be destitute of good Government and Administration of Justice untill God should grant him a return he committed the same unto him his said Uncle as being a Prince Hereditary and chief among the other Orders of the Kingdom together with others the faithfull Senators therof to whom with him this Plenipotentiary was joyntly given to be governed and administred accordingly Provided that in the first and chief place he and they should honour and
acknowledge him and his Heirs Males if any should be for lawful Heirs and Kings of Suethland and next to them his Brother John Prince of Finland that they should endeavour and by all means procure his and the Kingdoms good preventing all prejudice and loss by Mature Counsell and Administer the other affairs of the Kingdom with the joynt Senatorial consent and concordall unanimity conform to the Laws of Suethland that no damage or detriment might thence redound But that they should not celebrate or call any publike Assembly or Parliament nor upon any occasion make or enact Laws without his speciall and express consent as being agreeable to and demonstrative from the Reversoriall Letters given unto him by the Duke and Senators In order wherunto he commanded all and every the Subjects of Suethland and inhabitants therof of what eminency degree or condition soever to render and perform to his said dear Uncle as to the chief in Government and to the Senators according to the state and dignity of each all due obedience honour and assistance in all things which they should enjoyn for the good and emolument of the King and Kingdom given in the Port of Elsnaben the eighteenth of July 1594. But this Plenipotentiary was by Duke Charles rejected as imperfect and a draught more ample by Letters from Nycopia of the twenty third ejusdem sent to the King for the Regall Assent and Signature with a Schedule annexed wherin his Majesty was desired in case that Peace intended with the Russian should not take effect to consider of some way wherby the Nerves of War might be supplied Provisions made of Victuall Ammunition and other Necessaries equally incident which with other particulars mentioned in either are referred to inspection into the Originall by such as are curious But the King was gone before this answer could be tendred unto him leaving Suethland in much disorder which the Duke considering and that only a lame form of power and government was left and that others were ordained with equal yea greater power both in Suethland and Finland albeit the same appeared not untill his Exit So as almost in every Province some or other did rise up boasting himself Governour in the Royal absence from which Fountain many misfortunes mischiefs and miseries might have flowed Tumults and dissentions would have sprung up on each side to the ruine of the publike Weal unless timely obviated for the better effecting wherof the Duke by the Senatoriall Consent indicted a Parliament at Sudercopia against the moneth of October 1595. To which generall Convention the whole Senate and Orders of the Kingdoms Counts Barons Bishops Knights Gentry Clergy Commanders of Forts and Forces Burgesses and common people did emulously flock to consult upon the Urgencies of the Kingdom wherin they assert many things were treated and transacted tending greatly to the good of King Sigismundus and the whole Nation if due execution had not been obstructed In these Parliamentary constitutions after thanks rendred to the Divine goodness for having by tollerable conditions freed them from apprehension of a long and bloody Russian War so as being then in Concord with all their Neighbours they might more freely endeavour a setling of the like at home which was their aime in that assembly they unanimously by virtue of their respective Provinciall Plenipotentiary and each for himself particularly did bind themselves to observe their Oath and promise made to King Sigismundus in the points of Fidelity and obedience to him and his Heirs And that wheras his Majesty at his Coronation had promised the entire liberty of their Religion with exclusion of all other which was not yet effected and that certain of the Romanists had already begun to use threatnings in confidence of their encrease They therfore enacted and concluded that all Conventions publike or private used by the Papalists or any other Sects by what notion soever frequented should be taken away their Priests and Preachers banished and to depart the Kingdom within six weeks after the rising of that present Parliament That none of the Commonalty of that or any other Sect seperate from the Profession there generally received should be admitted to any Office within the Kingdom but all Pensions toward such to be revoked yet that they living peaceably might still remain and enjoy the Laws Liberties and Priviledges of Suethen but if doing otherwise either in publike or private to be punished and exiled as the others were That in reference to the Vastenan Monastery wheras the Regall Assecuration did bear that no Scholastick Exercise or Function Ecclesiasticall contrary to the Augustane Confession and the Vbsalian Synod celebrated An. 1593. should be obtruded upon the Kingdom or be suffered to impede the received Religion but that therin the proceedings should be according to the last year of King Gustavus fore-mentioned and the first of King John Therfore all abuses in the foresaid Monastery and the present Incumbents were to be thence excluded That furthermore wheras the most Illustrious Duke Charles had then before all the Orders of the Kingdom signified that by reason of several notable defects represented somtimes Orally and also in the written Paper then exhibited unto them he desired to be freed from the Government unless those were removed They therfore in regard his Highness was a Prince hereditary of the Kingdom whom it meerly concerned that the Affairs therof should be rightly and orderly administred humbly desired that his Highness would embrace the same for the good and emolument of the King and his Successors as also of the younger Brethren and in a word of the whole Regall and Ducall Heirs according to the Acts of hereditary Succession wherby the Subjects and Inhabitants of the Kingdom might in like manner freely enjoy the Nations Laws with their legally acquired Liberties and Priviledges And that wheras his Highness had consented to undergo the Administration of the Government with the Senators of the Kingdom joyntly They therfore the respective Orders therof Ecclesiasticall and Politicall Nobility and Commonalty high and low did promise that to their utmost they would acknowledge and observe his Highness as their Prince and Governour in his Majesties absence and untill his return into the Kingdom and accordingly render unto his Highness all lawfull obedience fidelity and duty saluting and intitling him the Governour of the Kingdom yet no way to any prejudice of the Regall Jurisdiction or Dignity conform to the litterary transaction approved of between his Highness and the Kingdoms Senators Wherfore that what Affairs soever of weight and moment relating to that Kingdom his Majesty should desire to be there expediated were first and before all others to be signified unto his Highness and the Senatoriall Colledge But if otherwise and whosoever he were who should obtain any Commission he should have no power of appointing or acting ought in reference therunto before his Highness and the whole Senatoriall Order were consulted therin
who undoubtedly would therupon conclude and ordain so as might be most conducing to the honour and advantage of his Majesty and the Kingdom according to the Oathes and Assecurations alternatively given It was concluded also that no trouble or molestation should accrue to the King by seeking or desiring any determination or resolution in Poland concerning the Affairs of Suethland in regard his Majesty had not there those persons neer him to whom he might commit the expediting of the Suethish Affairs for which cause they concluded that all Juridicall Process Grievances and Controversies should be examined defined within the Kingdom conform to the Laws of Suethland and the Decree relating therunto published at Vbsall An. 1593. which the King himself had confirmed And that they should not be transmitted into Poland nor that any sentence or resolution touching them should be expected thence but that if any one thought himself injured therby he might appeal unto the Kings return whether that any Regall Sentence given without the Kingdom should obtain execution within the same Otherwise no man to be prohibited to repair or seek unto the King about his private Affairs or other things lawfull and rationall not tending to the prejudice of any especially of those who sate at the Helme Provided that as aforesaid the Kings Mandates and Writs should be first directed and addressed unto his Highness and the Senatoriall Order the execution of them not to be immediatly committed unto any other Concerning the Offices of the Kingdom it was decreed that his Highness and the Senatoriall Colledge with the counsell and consent of the chief other Orders whom the matter might concern should as occasion required in his Majesties absence consider of meet persons so that such men and Servants might be preferred to Offices and Charges in the Kingdom respectively as did rightly belong and were tied by Oath to the King and to the Common-wealth and that speciall and serious regard were had to ancient and well deserving persons As also that none of the Prime Offices of the Nation should be entirely committed to any one before the Provinciall Inhabitants where such an Officer was requisite and any others therin concerned might have free Sufferages or Votes by whom three Candidati or persons elective were to be named as the Laws of Suethland to the observation wherof his Majesty had sworn concerning the chief Offices do in some sort mention which three persons elected were to be signified unto his Majesty out of which number he might appoint one whom he best approved of and if it should so happen that the King had no rationally lawfull objections against them and did nevertheless defer the approbation of some one of them perhaps not without detriment to the Kingdom and the Government therof his Highness had power to place one of the three so elected in the said Office yet that no Officials formerly perferred by his Majesty should be dismissed unless lawfull causes were found wherby upon due inspection and examination they might appear worthy of deprivation neither that any one should be advanced to a greater Plurality of Offices then he could commodiously and with utility to the Kingdom undergo These things being by them enacted the Duke on the other part did stipulate in these words We Charles by the Grace of God hereditary Prince and Governour of the Kingdom of Suethland Duke of Sudermannia Nericia and Wermelandia do promise that we will diligently assisted by the Senatoriall Order as well of Spirituall as Secular Persons endeavour to the utmost of our abilities so to manage the Kingdoms Affairs as we shall know or conceive to be most advantageous to his Majesty commodious to this our most dear Countrey beneficiall to the Orders and faithfull Subjects therof and Emolumentall to all persons wherby every one may be maintained and protected in the pure Evangelical Religion according to the Augustane Confession and the Profession of faith instituted at Ubsall and agreeable to the Laws of Suethen and those Priviledges and Prerogatives which each man conform to his condition enjoyeth and hath obtained from precedent Kings and Governours As also that we will govern the Kingdom of Suethen and the Affairs therof wholly according to the Oath which his Majesty at his Coronation at Ubsall did swear to his Subjects and did secure unto them by writing and as We with Our best and cleerest judgment shall find or can imagine may be profitable to his Majesty and Emolumentary to the Orders and Subjects of the Kingdom as well of the Clergy as the Laiety even as we desire God assisting to answer for the same before God his Majesty and the respective Orders of the Kingdom Whatsoever likewise shall by Vs with the free advice of the Senators which without any prejudice they may safely communicate be approved and concluded as We will not decree ought in weighty Affairs relating to the Kingdom without the Senatoriall Sufferage We will unanimously maintain and defend that the same may be preserved firm and irrevocable to the present and future times And that We will accordingly All as One and One as All profess and protect the same if in process of time it shall be needfull and requisite Lastly in testimony that We do willingly constitute and approve of this Transaction in manner as aforesaid for the good of his Majesty our most gratious King the prosperity of the Kingdom and the Inhabitants therof and do ordain the same to be unviolably observed word for word according to the cleer literall sense therof without prejudice or violation to the Regall Eminency and Jurisdiction and our Oath as the Laws of Suethen require We Charles by the grace of God Hereditary Prince and Governour of the Kingdom of Suethland Duke of Sudermannia Nericia and Wermelandia And We the Orders of the said Kingdom fore-mentioned have hereunto affixed our Seals and subscribed the same with our hands And if We or others present or absent who have not assisted at this Convention which We are not willing to impute as proceeding from pertinaciousness or disobedience shall refuse to approve with Vs of what before recited concluded for the Common good of his Majesty and our Countrey wherof the Parliament being ended intimation shal be given to all the Provinces and that by previous information and admonition they shall not offer or produce any lawfull reasons in contradiction hereunto which they have free liberty to do We certainly will send Messengers unto them and will hold them for non-conforming and disturbing Ministers of the Kingdom and whosoever shall not adjoyn themselves hereto if constituted in any of the Eminent Offices of the Kingdom We will endeavour to diminish their publike Authority and Power as We shall judge consentaneous to equity and reason least the Kingdom of Suethland should from thence receive detriment and seeds of dissention In like manner they who shall detract or apostatize from this our generall free and unanimous Transaction Whether
fore-named did present certain Articles Criminatoriall against Duke Charles the substance wherof followeth THat the chief points of the Ambassadoriall instructions were to rememorate how frequently his Majesty after his Coronation had by Messengers and Letters dealt with his Highness concerning a form for governing his hereditary Kingdom during his absence and that the same had been much and long time disputed between his Majesty and the Senate of Suethland which was at last concluded to be signed and sealed by his Majesty and had been afterwards sent to his Highness and the Senators That albeit his Majesty did then conceive that Ordination to be such as nothing he could confer his Prerogative Salved conducing to the Kingdomes well-being was therein wanting he had nevertheless understood partly by Ambassadours partly by Letters that his Highness did not lacquiesce therin but desired a more ample Plenipotentiary which as he could not grant without detriment to the Regall Title so he had gravely admonished him to forbear such molestatious requests and to rest therwith satisfied in regard it was not for perpetuity but in vigour only untill his Majesties return into Suethland which he intended speedily for disposing ordering and reforming things needfull But that his Highness impatient of deferring the matter so long had incited the Kingdomes Orders to celebrate the Sudercopian Parliament to gaine by their Sufferages a larger Power That his Majesty was much displeased that his Subjects bound to him by Oath of Fidelity should have appeared contrary to his Edict or have made conclusions contradictory to his intentions Yet that his Highnesse might see how constantly his Majesty desired the Religious observation of that fraternall mutuall respect which their proximity of bloud imposed and that the Orders of the Kingdome might perceive his Majesties willingness to a wholesome and timely preventing of all confusions tending to the disturbance of the Kingdome he had been pleased to send besides his Royall Exhortatoriall Letters Ambassadors fully instructed to interpose and provide for the removing of all brands of dissention and that the forme of Government his Majesty left at his departure might be submitted unto and repugnancies therefrom abstained especially for that many particulars were inserted in the Printed Sudercopian Decrees which seemed to trench upon Treason by a violation of such things as by the Swethish laws did rightly belong to the King All which his Majesty did challenge to himselfe and his Posterity and would so leave unto the Kings his Successors as from his Progenitors hee had received them unto the maintenance whereof the Subjects of Swethen were bound by the Laws and by Oath That the Ambassadors were also to endeavour from his Highness an Antiquation of the Sudercopian Decrees that contradicted the fore-specified Ordination and that he would acquiesce in the Kings former grants and Statutes and that the Orders and Offices appointed might remaine in full Vigour That the Kingdomes Rents might be collected by those thereunto ordained and to be issued by them according to his Majesties Orders or Letters granted to any thereupon That Officers might be continued in their respective Charge and that such as have been removed be re-integrated That the Crown Forts Garrisons Provinces Cities Governments and all other things formerly committed to his Majesties sworne Servants be restored unto them and that his Highness Servants be removed from them and receive no stipend from the Crown That all regall Protections be had in due regard and that no person having such be exposed to Prison or other punishment untill their cause be heard and legally tried That all justly acquired Priviledges have their due respect and vigour and that the contraries thereunto be expunged and made void That unwonted Burthens Exactions Structures and Hospitable Expences be not imposed upon the Subject without the Regall command or permission That fit Salery be duely paid to the ancient Court-servants and that such as by Age are not longer serviceable have necessary maintenance allowed them That whereas the Hereditary Title of his Highness is more magnificent and honourable as well towards Strangers as Natives then that of Governour of Suethland lately given by the Sudercopian Decree and for that the same is ambigious and not understood by all alike and doth neither increase nor impaire the Dukes Power and authority The Ambassadors are to endeavour his renouncing the same as not being formerly used in the times of Legitimate Kings and that he rest satisfied with his accustomed Title as being of sufficient Dignity and estimation amongst all men That his Majesty will not that the broyles raised against Flemingius proceed any further but requireth that all things committed may be cleared or corrected by the Law of the Land That in regard of the great scarcity of Graine causing dearth his Highnesse would not permit any transportation thereof abroad for prevention of Famine poverty and calamity to the Subject whereof his Majestie is very solicitous Last That the Accounts of the Kingdomes Revenues which his Highnesse hath had for some years in his hands might be forthwith stated and cleared that so his Majesty at his returne into the Countrey may know what debts of the Kingdome have been satisfied and what otherwise To the fore-specified Oration whereby his Highnesse the Senators and whole Orders of Suethland did hold themselves aspersed and reproached as also to those criminations by Count Ericke and Arnidus Gustavus the Duke with the Senators returned Answer as hereafter is shewed But to the Kings particular Objections against the Duke the ensuing reasons were by his Highnesse exhibited for their refutation That the Duke had altered the prescribed forme of Government That he had neither altered nor seene any Forme of Government an imperfect Plenipotentiall excepted brought unto him by Ericke Gustavus not containing the forme of Power requisite in a well constituted Common-wealth wherto he had never acquiesced nor would he have accepted the Government but for the earnest reiterated requests of the Senators and Orders of the Kingdome who desired him to have more regard unto the publick wel-fare then to the defects in that prescribed Form Moreover That a certaine Forme for a Kingdomes government in the Regall absence cannot be prescribed to Subjects by reason of frequent emergent alterations and Novations not inclusible within the limits of a straitned Forme And that albeit Lawes be enacted for a perpetuall Rule of the Inhabitants actions yet necessity urging they are changed or abrogated and others instituted more conducing to present publick good That whereas he is taxed of many things not couched in that Plenipotentiary it follows either that he is unjustly argued of having acted contrary thereunto or that the same must be imperfect as not containing all things which his Majesty required in a well regulated Empire That the sayd Forme was even repugnant to it selfe for his Highnesse being thereby injoyned to Act for the good of the King and Kingdome is neverthelesse prohibited the calling of
present execution Lastly his Majesty had promised by Oath to governe that Kingdome during his absence in Poland by the Counsell of the Duke and the Senators of the Kingdome That new Exactions Structures of Edifices and burthensome entertainments are imposed That since his Highnesse undertooke the Government he had altogether endeavoured an alleviation of the Subjects former pressures as could be witnessed by themselves That the contribution condescended unto at Sudercopia had been by joynt consent of the Subjects unanimously concluded upon the Senators report to the other Orders concerning the Kingdoms debts w ch without their assistance could not be discharged wherupon their result was desired that himself had given charge to the Collectors not to require more from any Subjects then their estates would bear and themselves willingly undergo That the same was more tollerable then those new exacting waies whereby the Subjects Goods were ensnared and they reduced to extream poverty That those Leavies had not been made but in cases allowed by the Lawes and that albeit peace had been concluded with the Russian yet the Souldiers and others who had lent great summs of money for waging that War were not payed their Salery and Debts This was the cause of that imposition as if in the Exigency of War in regard the Debts therein contracted were not satisfied Next that there were some Illustrious Persons also Kings Daughters who demanded their Dowries from the Kingdome yea that the King himself had required the Duke to impose a contribution upon the Subject for the marrying of the Princess Anna a Regall Virgin So that his Highness was injured whilest blamed for onerating the Subject with new exactions and the more in regard the Subjects willingly consented to those contributions and affirmed that by Law they ought to pay them Hereto is added that the Kingdomes necessities which are above all Law required them As to new Structures his Highness remembred not any to have been by him commanded otherwise then by the Laws of Suethen the Subjects were obliged unto Viz. Repairing the Forts Frontiers and Navy with other like for defence of the Kingdome and the repulsion of hostile Irruptions Nor that in them he had not exceeded the constitution made by his Majesties late Father and left when dying to his Majesties performance But that if his Majesty thought good they should be wholly neglected he would surcease That for the entertainments insisted on how or by whomsoever obtruded and whether right or wrong his Highness was confident that neither of him nor his Servants any just complaint could be made in that matter That the Crown Kevenues were not rightly administred and the Duke therefore desired to render account That what he had received had been by him issued toward the discharge of the Kingdomes debts and necessary expences and that he therein referred to the Auditors accounts But the Copper Butter and other Merchandizes received by his Ministers he challenged to himself for payment of money and other things lent sundry years past unto his Majesties Father and the Kingdome whereof a considerable summ was yet unsatisfied as might appeare by the respective Instruments That if his Majesty would reflect upon the profusions made of the Crown Revenues by his Largesses and Mandatory Epistles he should find but small cause to call him to account That the Demaines of Finland had been so lavished and the Inhabitants Estates so attenuated and exhausted by Souldiery entertainments as they could render no Debit either to the King or Kingdome That himself had contracted envy from many for endeavouring a right conservation of the Kingdomes Rents and had likewise improved them as was evident by the Revenue of the Mines which might have yeilded yet more profit had not the same been obstructed by the disobedience of certain persons That Innovation in Religion was endeavoured That he had not altered ought in Religion But that the Senators Bishops and other Orders remembring the dissentions and discords of former years during the Raign of his Majesties Father had convened at Vbsall to compound controversies and settle uniformity in Religion as the strongest bond for conciliating the minds of Subjects as on the other side no greater distraction could be of wills and affections nor greater disturbance to the publike then proceeded from difference and disparity in Religion That what had been there concluded he had left to them and was therfore unjustly aspersed therwith but that the same might more deservedly be retorted upon his Majesty who had contrary to his Oath and Assecuration planted his Emissaries Romish Priests to disperse Pontificiall Superstitions and books in publike as Stocholme with the Monasteries of Dortningolmense and Vastena could witness That moreover in latter daies his Majesty had by writing exhorted his Subjects to embrace the Papall Superstition of Elevation Salt and Tapers with other like not grounded on Sacred Writ And unbyassed Judgments might discern whether this rather were not an attempt upon Religion Which a godly and free counsell if called by his Majesty in imitation of that Synod would not have been but his Oath and Regall Assecuration had remained unviolated The dispersing of Popish books seducing the Children of honest Natives nor practising upon the illiterate youthfull Menie would not then have needed as hath been in former years and still is done That his Highness was also confident that if any useless or scandalous Ceremonies resembling Romish Idolatries had been abrogated the same could not be called innovation in Religion That he rendred thanks to the most High for so inlightning his mind by the Divine Word that he could discern the true word of God from the traditions of men and that the constitutions of their Church did permit those abrogations that had therein been made That his Highness had Ministred occasions of mutation in the State of the Common-wealth That he was ignorant of any such occasion administred by him That by Gods goodness he had studied the pure Religion and without boast had maintained the Lawes and good Order in the Kingdome That by these no motives to alteration could be tendred but that by their neglect or violation a Kingdome becomes lyable to ruine And that therfore he entreated his Majesty not to afford matter of change as not being ignorant how often his Majesties Oath and Assecuration with the Lawes of Suethland both in Ecclesiasticks and Politicks had been trespassed upon That the Duke had degenerated from his Fathers Vertues whereby the Hereditary Right had been obtained That this reflected more upon his Majesty as having but meanly traced his Grand-fathers steps had acted much contrary to the Auital Testament which was the ground-work of the Hereditary agreement That such Unions are not attained to the end a King should neglect his Oath Right and Justice Act Arbitrarily and abolish things constituted for the Countries good but preserve them unviolated and that therby Hereditary Unions retained their
discessions therefrom yet he was resolved not to intermeddle with the publick Administration against his Majesties mind but leave to the arbitrement of the Senators and other Orders the Consideration of the Government thereof during his Majesties absence And that albeit many weighty occasions did at present occurre to be consulted of and settled for avoiding of unrecoverable detriment to the Kingdome as Discords and Controversies in Religion a perfecting of the Peace with the great Muscovian Duke with sufficient security for its perpetuity and the rendition of the Castle of Kexholme The present troubles of almost ruinated Finland with other most urgent affairs for the Kingdomes future Weal which by means of the Councels now in agitation may be neglected whence discords greater then formerly may arise His Highness doth neverthelesse hereby protest his innocency and that he hath given timely advertisement of these evils to the Counsellours and Orders of his Majesties Kingdome and doth hope and in friendly manner desire that all good men will take this his Protest in good part concluding with most loving and friendly tender of good will and favour to all the Orders Citizens and Inhabitants of the Kingdome as well Civill as Ecclesiasticall to each according to his degree The further Answer made by his Highnesse and the Senatoriall Order unto the other Regal Objections was as followeth That the Duke by indicting the Sudercopian Parliament and by the Decree thereof had derogated from all his Dignity Praeeminency and Regal Rights That albeit according to the common rule in Law where the Plaintiff proveth not the Defendant is absolved this accusation might be over-passed in silence in regard his Majesty produceth no evidence of such derogating by those Articles but barely criminates without any fortifying reasons yet his Highness to testifie his innocency will demonstrate by the ensuing arguments that the foresaid Decree doth no way impair but confirm and establish his Majesties honour and dignity For 1. No man of sound unbyassed Judgment can deny but that a Decree producing Concord in Religion administration of Law and Justice expelling confusions crept into the Common-wealth maintaining the Regall Oath and Assecuration with the Hereditary Union unblemished doth rather augment then diminish the Regall Dignity and Rights But that the Sudercopian Decree is such a one may easily appeare to all men and will be more fully shewed hereafter wherefore the suspition of weakning his Authority thereby must vanish Naturall Reason History and daily Experience do shew that where diversity of Religion sets foot no account is made of right or just Ataxia or confusion raignes the vulgar multitude are apt for Insurrections thereby the Common-weal cannot be long safe the Soveraignes rule will be of small duration neither are their Rights and Dignities preserved Discontinuance of Supream Authority proceeds from neglect of Kingly Offices Viz. Propagation of Religion in a Realme administration of Right and Justice abolition of disorder By these as sure foundations the Weal publike is preserved and the Regall Rule so long prosperous as they are endeavoured Those layed aside it vanisheth as Histories over-long to be here recited do testifie Hence ariseth a question What particular in that Decree is there repugnant to the things mentioned At its very beginning promise and confirmation of fidelity is exhibited according to the Subjects Obligation in reference to his Majesties Inauguration Oath next Concord in Religion is established for all persons introducing and sowing Extraneous Superstitions the Regall Oath and Assecuration so requiring are expelled Unlawfull Conventicles are prohibited by which means the Weal Publike is duely provided for How Concord is maintained in Regions where disparity of Religion is admitted the ruines and subversions of most potent Kingdomes and Common-wealths do shew 2. The mention of his Highness Title and Authority in point of Government during his Majesties absence in the second Article of that Decree doth rather confirm then retract form his Majesties Dignitie and Rights for the presidency of one exceeding the rest in power and authority is of advantageous concernment to the Common-wealth as by the prejudices of Policratia or Democratie in this and other Kingdomes and by this Nations Annals may be demonstrated Hence Civill Wars take rise and Kingdomes become subject to extraneous Yoaks to their own detriment and destruction for men are naturally prone to dissention Where severall beare rule with equall power it followes mostly that each hath regard to his private not the publike good Moreover each trusting to other neglects his own part of duty according to that saying Affaires committed unto many have slow expedition There is a certaine naturall Vice that Possessions in common are for the most part neglected 3. The Lawes of Suethland do thus expresse that the same shall be rotally subject unto One not unto many Kings Whence it is apparent that the Well-fare and Dignity of the Kingdome cannot firmly consist but under one Governour Hereunto externall Lawes and the Judgments of Forraigners do accord as the following Texts do witnesse Kingdomes and Empires may be better governed by One then by many Item Hardly can a Plurality effect ought of good Item It is Hereticall to place two Vicars in a Land 4. It hath not been usuall in this Kingdome in former ages that in the Regall absence severall persons should equally governe the Common-wealth as may appeare by the Union made in the Raigne of Queen Margaret renewed in that of Ericke the thirteenth Moreover it hath been customary that in the Vacancy of the Regall Chaire some One not more of the Kingdomes Senators should bee elected to administer the Affaires of the Common-weale Seeing therefore that his Highness is a Prince Hereditary of the Kingdome unto whom with his Heires the Inheritance thereof doth properly belong if any unwitting Accident should befall howbeit he wisheth the contrary and that his Majesty and his Progeny may enjoy by Gods goodnesse a long peaceable and ligitimate Government over the same the right of Hereditation requires that his Highness should preside in his Majesties absence The rather for that there is none extant of the Regall Family ripe for Government and the Lawes permit not the preferring of any but the next of blood As from the precedent and other not here inserted reasons it may be concluded that the King absent more then One cannot be constituted over the whole nor any but his Highnesse It followes without controversie that nothing hath been herein acted in derogation of his Majesties Dignity but such only decreed as the Lawes commanded and the publike good required For his Highnesse did not this to exclude his Majesty but to be serviceable to the Country in his Majesties absence neither did he obtrude himself but lent his hand to the Helme at the earnest request of the Orders of Suethland The Title it self doth no way diminish the Regall Praeeminency For 1. It is the Title of a King but of him who executes the
Office and represents the Power 2. Both in this and other Kingdomes the Rulers have been called by such Titles as is evident in our Histories where Torchilus the Son of Canutus Suanto the Son of Nicolaus Steno Sture the younger and many others have been entitled Governours and Administrators of the Kingdome 3. This Title cannot derogate from the Regall Dignity for his Majesty had by Writ honoured Claudius Flemingius with the like which he was uncapable of as not being approved by the States of the Kingdome neither had they both equall right to the Government For his Highnesse sprung from the Regall Family is a Prince hereditary of the Kingdome but Flemingius a Subject of his Majesty and of his Highnesse The third head of the said Decree containes likewise nothing but what is consentaneous to the Lawes of Suethland For by those written Lawes each cause is to be tried in the Province where the Delict was committed and the punishment to be made exemplary where the Crime was so besides many confusions and prejudices would accrue to the Country if the cognition of all Causes should be made in Poland As 1. There could not be so ample information as were requisite in regard the true state of Crimes may be more certainly known upon the place 2. A just Cause might happen to be lost for want of ability to attend personally and prosecute the definition to produce Witnesses and exhibit other instruments conducible to its legall cognition 3. The Natives Estates would be utterly exhausted by those long Journeys whence their unavoidable ruine must of necessity follow 4. The ancient Jurisdiction Lawes and Priviledges of Suethland would be violated which may not be tollerated All Nations have unanimously and obstinately maintained their own and have pronounced that the Infringers of the Jurisdiction of others were to be punished as Peace-breakers Item that who so should bring an Action before a Court incompetent was to be fined Whereas therefore his Majesty had bound himselfe by Oath not to impaire the Jurisdiction of Suethland he should trespasse against the same by constituting either in Poland or elsewhere any extraneous Judicatory to be competent for the Suethes Our Annals do likewise shew that for the like great troubles did arise to Ericke the thirteenth and other Kings 5. Hereunto is added that his Majesty whilest in Poland cannot determine the causes of Suethland as not having those persons there with him by whose counsell he is sworn to administer this Kingdomes Affaires The fourth Article of that Decree is grounded upon the Lawes of Suethen as treating of distributing of Offices And if his Majesty will preserve the Lawes intire as he hath sworne he may not whilest absent confer Offices at the request of every one who shall sue unto him According to the Lawes of Suethen the King absent is expresly prohibited from constituting a Provinciall Judge but such constitution belongs to him who in his absence supplies his place How much lesse then may he dispose of the more weighty charges And it hath been alwaies usuall here that the great Sewer or Vice-roy of the Kingdome should collate Offices in the Regall absence as appeares by the Union whereby he is endowed with that Power In regard therefore of what before alledged it is uncontrovertably apparent that the foresaid Decree doth not violate his Majesties Rights nor Dignity but doth rather enlarge and illustrate them and that if regard were had to the Lawes his Highnesse might expect and receive thanks for having in his Majesties absence undergone a Government so replenished with cares and toyles However it was not decent to vitiate this pious Office with such contumelies and ignominious expressions as the Letters delivered unto him are farced with But if his Majesty shall say that he doth not so much argue and protest against the Decree it felf in regard those Articles seem not so averse unto the Regall Dignity and Rights as against the power and authority assumed by his Highnesse of indicting a Parliament that being a Prerogative Royall belonging to the King solely His Highnesse answereth that by the Lawes it is not easily proved that the right of calling Parliaments is peculiarly Regall for those Royalties which by speciall concession are conferred upon any person go not beyond the same but that it is otherwise observed in Parliamentary Rights examples do shew for even in Poland the Arch-bishop of Gnesnen hath power to call Parliaments and to enact Lawes in the Kings absence And albeit that a Law to the contrary might be alledged yet ought it not to be of any validity in this case for as much as the Suethes by a long prescription of time have acquired this right in the same manner that all Regall Priviledges are as may appear by many Parliaments celebrated in this Kingdome in the Raignes of Ericke XIII and John II. Moreover the Countries well-fare and necessities required the calling hereof And necessity is above all Law neither admits of any Forasmuch then as by the precedent reasons it is manifest that the Sudercopian Decree containes nothing but what is conducing to the preserving and promoving of Unity in Religion to the maintaining and confirming the Lawes and Priviledges his Majesty cannot by the most Subtilized Arguments render the same Invalid without revoking his Oath But for the better cementing of things his Highnesse will briefly resolve and refute the Arguments used by his Majesty for the illuding of that Sudercopian Transaction HIs Majesty argues that in all lawful Conventions two things are chiefly requisite First the Superiours approbation and consent Secondly That the necessity and motives for calling a Parliament be maturely signified unto him But whereas the Sudercopian Covention was held without the Regall assent and timely signification of the Cause impelling thereunto his Majesty pronounceth the same needlesse and unlawfull And that his Majesties affirmation may appeare grounded upon Reason and the Authority of the Law he confirmes and fortifies the same out of the second Chapter of the Title of Regalls by a Text wherein is expressed that Subjects are bound to obey their King but his Majesty by Edict prohibited that Convention as appeares by the Writ Ergo c. This Proposition is not rationally laid down For thus many evil Conventions would be approved and laudable ones tending to the good of Empires and Kingdomes would be rendred of no valididity because held without the Knowledge or consent of the Supreme Magistrate which were dangerous to say The Syllogisme ought therefore to be thus formed It is a lawfull Convention wherein nothing is treated but what is consentaneous to the Laws and appertains to the well-being and to the best State of a Common Weal but ●n the Sudercopian Convention nothing was determined that is not agreeable to the Laws of Suethen and other Nations Who therefore will call such a Convention unlawfull And if that be to be called a lawful Assembly of the causes and necessity whereof
been acted in Suethland Poland France England Scotland and Denmark yea neer at hand some may be found who by their Lawes have expresly prohibited obedience to be rendred to their Kings in things contrary to the Lawes Witnesse the Statutes of Poland By the Law it is permitted that either party acting contrary to agreement the other also may recede there is likewise a Relative Fidelity so equall between a Prince and his Subjects that a faithfull Prince renders his Subjects such and therefore the Evertion of the Sudercopian Decree would be dangerous to the King and his Successors neither can his Majesty anihilate the same without hazarding the fore-cited inconveniencies Some may be of opinion that Subjects ought not to desert their allegiance albeit the King should act contrary to his Covenant and that they being bound to him by Oath their violation thereof were Perjury how enormously soever dealt with yet here it is to be considered that an Oath is not a Bond of in-equity and unjustice which would follow if his Majesty might swarve from his and the Subjects remaine bound by theirs That albeit Treachery had been impending his Highnesse ought not to have called a Parliament without the Royall assent how much lesse when apparently no danger was to be feared This seems to be without grounds seeing that in such cases men are wholly freed from the Law For albeit Paracide be a crime so atroce and of that horrible and detestable nature as the Ancients could not conceive it to come into the mind of man or invent for it a condigne punishment Yet the Sonne who should slay his Father in the practise of Treason was not only legally acquitted but rewarded likewise Moreover the generall exception of all Lawes is Salus Populi Suprema lex esto And necessitie is above all Law If then in those Nefarious acts we are exempted from the law when Prodition threatens danger how much more lawfull is it to call a Parliament like necessity urging which is not forbidden by any Law his Majesty may gather by what before specified that from the longer Government by the form he left behind him little lesse prejudice would have been derived then if present treachery had been to be feared To the Ambassadoriall Oration of the Polanders the Duke and Counsellors of the Kingdome of Suethland made answer as followeth THat amongst the admirable Workes of God upon Earth nothing is more wonderfull then the Bond or Order whereby men have been governed from the beginning with due preservation of mutuall Society and albeit partly in confused mostly in very different manner yet their universall ruine hath not hitherto succeeded In some places One in others a few the more noble and more wise in others more sometimes the multitude have ruled And yet in such varieties of Men and Nations and difference of Governments that Soveraigntie should subsist and be durable to the Worlds end no wiseman but will admire and acknowledge it to proceed from the Singular goodnesse of God and chiefly to that end whereunto all Empire seemes to Verge that the Almightie may receive praise and that Justice may be preserved unblemished That amongst all those Formes the Government by one person the counsell of prudent men annexed hath alwaies been the chief in estimation The same by one King as the humane body with its members being better governed as the Lords Ambassadors in the beginning of their Oration did prudently deliver in the enumeration of the ancient alliances between the two Kingdomes of Suethland and Polard for many years under severall Princes of each Nation but especially this last and neerest of Sigismundus hereditary of Suethland freely and voluntarily elected King of Poland which friendship had ever been honourable to both the Nations To Poland hitherto beneficiall mostly To Suethland most gratefull As to the comparison of the body of man to a Kingdome and the Rule of the head over the same to the Regall Dignity the similitude is most fitly adapted and an argument of great Erudition taken out of Menenius Agrippa in Livy but is not rightly applied to the Suethes ever most faithfull to their Kings No question is made how the Statutes of Poland are observed towards his Majesty who was called thither not of necessity but by their own free will His Majesties Fame was their inducement to his Election but the Suethes are bound to their King by hereditary right of blood coupled with Vertue They by their free electing him have testified a singular gratitude and propensity toward the maternall Regall Stock but who can say that the Suethes have ever come short of any toward their King and Regall Family having conceded the Electory Soveraignty of a most ancient Kingdome into a perpetuated Inheritance of a Masculine Royall Line without other wise antiquating any Law of Priviledge of the Kingdom It must be granted that nothing is more consentaneous to nature then that the body with all its members and parts universally should be governed by the head and that the like right belongs to a King in a Kingdome yet so that the Office of the members which are to obey be not confounded or any thing contrary to Law obtruded as also that consideration be had whether the King remaine fixed within or without the Kingdome The heads of the Polish Complaint against the Sudercopian Assembly were then rehearsed as they are couched in the Oration but the repetition for brevities sake here omitted And to the whole it was replyed That To the Suethes an Embassie so magnificent from the Senatoriall Orders of Poland and Lithuania would have come most acceptable for the weeding out of any discords that might have sprung up and the renewing of mutuall friendship for thereby their great fidelity and regard to his Majesty and their good inclination to this Kingdome would have appeared But that it was beyond the expectation of his Highness and the Orders of Suethland that they should incurre a suspition so harsh from friends and associates the fidelity of the Suethes not being so sleightly seated as that such grave Persons should be moved with a vain rumour It was not meet yea by so much more unmeet in that they seem to be charged with high Treason wherefrom the Suethes have ever been most averse The Orders of Poland ought to have been better instructed in the affairs of Suethland before they had made so sinister a Nationall Construction as that the State thereof was disturbed and the Regal Dignity prostituted and this vpon a rumour in Poland far greater doubtlesse then the Ambassadors do find to be really here Admonition amongst equalls and fellows is admittable but such a censure in no wise The Orders of Poland and Lithuania mistrust that many things have been transacted at Sudercopia tending to the disturbance of ancient Order and the right Government of this Kingdome directly undermining his Majesties Dignity and Superiority c. It is contrary to duty and mutuall benevolency
greatest Offenders And this is a custome practised in the Romane Provinces and observed by other Kings whose Extents are large but if it were free for guilty and indebted persons to make continuall appeales to the King what end would there be of Suites When should Crimes be punished Appeales to the King ought to be of the more weighty causes only and the maine matters of the Common-wealth nothing is done herein contrary to the manner of other Nations Portugall and Naples are governed by Vice-royes the Belgian Provinces by Governours yet no appeales from either are made unto the Spanish Court albeit each of those Countries have Senatoriall persons there residing who solicite the Affaires of the Nation according to their Lawes and Priviledges But who remaine in Poland negotiating for Suethland the Ambassadors can tell Or will they judge that those being in another Kingdome can duely provide for the Emergencies of Suethen yet admit that sundry of our Senatoriall Patriots were there were it lawfull for them to draw the controversies of the Suethes thither Neither is this a Right peculiar to us but equally observed amongst all Nations for what King hath desided the causes of one Kingdome in another unlesse the one were subject to the other The declining a competent Court within a kingdome loses the cause Appeales to the King are not abscinded but reserved in the Tribunall proper for the Majestie of the Kings of Suethland untill the Kings returne Neither can he alone even within the Kingdome give sentence without able and unbyassed Assistants no more then without a just hearing of the Plaintiff and Defendant Nor is any appeale admitted by Law from the chief Tribunall unto the King even in the most weighty Affaires when he is within the kingdome the Courts of Justice being administred according to custome and our written Law how much lesse lawfull then is it the King remaining out of the kingdome And if permitted would it not be dishonourable and prejudiciall to Regal Majesty and to an unconquered kingdome when the chief Court of Justice should seem to wander like an exile in a strange Land without fixation of place many other inconveniencies might be apprehended by Appeals into Poland as tediousnesse of way vastness of expence and at length the undoubted extinction of the most ancient Right of a kingdome which is sacred and unviolable to all Nations Next it is complained That the Royall Letters and Patents are slighted whereunto is answered that those Letters which are the Kings are had in reverence but others that is such as are contrary to the mind dignity and good of the King and Kingdome are received as if the Suethes were assured that his Majesty desires nothing that is not conformable to the Laws confirmed by the Regall Oath and conducing to the preservation and emolument of their mutuall most ancient dignities Such are indeed suspended that due honor may be exhibited to the Royal hand and Seal and that his Majesty may deliberate more maturely But some may say thus more wisdom and power is attributed to the Subject then to the Soveraign in no wise No question is made of the Regal Power which nevertheless Alphonsus of Arragon did most rightly define when he said unto Kings whatsoever is honest is permitted and that they may do what they may legally do It was a Royall Speech of the Emperour Honorius when he professed that he a Prince was bound by the Lawes by those the Kings of Suethland are confined Things unequall howbeit small at first prove in the end obnoxious to Cities and Kingdomes In France an hereditary Monarchy excessive bounty is frequently restrained without derogating from Majesty even in Suethen the meanest may by protection of Law defend himself and his against the King by whom if ought upon false information be ordered at the instance either of Plaintiffe or Defendant the same without consulting or derogating from Majesty is ejected and abrogated Kings have sometimes entertained Advocates for poore men who not onely have boldly refused to obey the Regal permissions or inhibitions but have openly unblamed opposed them If this be tollerable in private persons how can that be obtruded in the Government of a Kingdome the King absent which by the Law may be overthrown and may prove prejudiciall even to Majesty it self The Prince and Senators are charged moreover with Treason because they had decreed not to have regard to such Letters as many times are by bad men unversed in the Suethish Affairs extorted from a gracious Prince to the prejudice of himself and the Kingdome sometimes by private persons who neither have nor deserve any power to enjoyn obedience What is this but putting the feet to do the work of the hands whence that must necessarily follow which the Lords Ambassadours most prudently did alledge viz The Office of the Members would be confused all would languish their Order would be disturbed and the dissolution of the whole body must necessarily ensue If his Maiesty will have ought of moment acted within the Kingdome may not his pleasure be better signified to those that are over the same as is usuall in all Nations The Provinciall Rulers have ever had such respect from kings that the Royal Mandates are directed to them for execution according to right or advertisement if Noxious or unjust How much more unseemly is it to over-passe them to whom the care of the whole Kingdome is committed yet so it is mostly that the first understanding must be from others and that Letters are heaped to divers persons from whom most favour may be expected not for what is expedient for the King and Kingdome but themselves A certaine person is said to have brought Letters out of Poland not long since surreptitiously obtained from the King for present payment of a certaine summ of Dollars as a due debt which summ had been satisfied some yeares before Do not such Letters deserve regard Some are brought into the Kingdome manifestly taxing the Prince and others of Infidelity toward his Majesty the names concealed tending to incite the Popularity especially to insurrection by which like instigations probably the Governour of Finland hath dared to oppose the whole Kingdome of Suethland The King consented yet doubtlesse not of his owne accord but by the counsels of wicked men and to his owne and the kingdomes detriment For then discord nothing is more pernicious in kingdomes especially if it proceed so far that by one faction he thinks to oppresse that which but undeservedly he conceives to be another But thus in destroying one by another he ruines the kingdome even his Country The examples of France and the Netherlands alledged by the Lords Ambassadors serve here very fitly For the French fell not into so many Calamities by any Nationall disobedience towards their King but by the quotidian violent subtle snares set for expulsion of the Protestant Religion whence that kingdome was so many years afflicted with mutuall Slaughters Rapines Rapes
miseries of his people but by Letters from Warsaw of the twenty eight of Aprill preceding had incited the Finlandians with their Governour thereunto so as the Duke was necessitated to make an expedition into Finland where assisted by Divine providence he freed that suffering Province from oppression the 〈…〉 osers neither daring to try it in the Field nor to defend 〈◊〉 Forts they were possest of whereby the Tumults in Finland were so appeased in the year 1597. as they needed not any more to apprehend the like Notwithstanding all these things with others fore-mentioned perpetrated as the Suethes alledge by King Sigismundus and his evill Counsellours The Duke with the Senators of the Kingdome by Letters he of the fourteenth they of the twentieth of February 1598. dated from Vbsall seriously invited his Majesties returne in quiet and peaceable manner to settle the Affaires of his Native Kingdome But contrary hereunto say they he repaired thither with an Army of eight thousand horse and foot and a hundred Sail of Ships to which extraneous forces no smal number of Suethish Souldiers with sundry of the Nobility and Military Commanders hoping thereby to gaine great Stipends joyned themselves through the crafty allurings and seducements of those unfaithfull Counsellours as themselves found when too late for things not succeeding to the Kings desire he deserted them without refuge or comfort King Sigismundus landing at Calmar with his Army Duke Charles likewise raised forces and approached toward Stegeburg and desired by severall Letters and Messengers to be certified of the cause inducing his Majesty to returne into his Native Country with such a numerous armed attendance and withall that he might be admitted to a conference with his Majesty but the King also marching toward Stegeburg soone gave notice say they of the ends he came for by a sudden on-set wherein some hundreds were slaine on either side Which hostile Act the Duke would not revenge albeit power was not wanting but shewed himself willing to embrace a friendly composure and pacification with the King and those unfaithfull Counsellours There were at the same time present with the King severall Ambassadors from the Prince Elector of Brandenburg the Marquesse of Ansbach and Duke Vlricke of Mecklenburg with whom those Counsellours were earnest at least in pretence to endeavour a pacifying of the differences between the King and Duke Charles which they did to their utmost but seeing their labours fruitlesse they departed and were by his Highnesse Order honourably conveyed unto the borders of Denmarke The Duke also made offer of answering before equitable and competent Arbitrators to whatsoever could be objected against him and desired that the King would make choice of six persons of the Nobility and so many of the Military Officers to meet with an equall number to be elected by himself for a friendly compos 〈…〉 of all differences but the King as they forthwith permitted the Marquesse of Baden and Wejerus to discharge his Ordinance against the Dukes Forces and gave order to the Generall of his Army Georgius Farensbecius to charge into the Dukes Camp in the silence of night with his whole Forces and to slaughter all he should meet with and albeit the Duke and those of his side attempted nothing that was not lawfull and consentaneous to their Oath yet they reape no other reward then open enmity secret hatred and treacherous machinations for by deferring all amicable transactions they onely waited the approach of Auxiliary Forces from Finland for the more commodious execution of their tyranous intentions At last King Sigismundus perceiving that assistance from Finland was in vaine expected and that a gallant Navy of the Dukes approached his Army was therewith so terrified as that not daring to make longer stay he with his whole power withdrew secretly under night from Stegeburg toward Lincopia abandoning his Ships and Ordinance with other things of great moment yet for the better understanding of the History let us view the heads of the whole passage before he left Stegeburg beginning at the time of the rendition of Calmar And first we will premise the instructions given by Duke Charles unto Prince Gustavus Duke of Saxony and Westphalia with George Claudius and Olaus Hard for the Government of Calmar the same dated the tenth of June 1597. in the severall Articles whereof is contained 1. THat they preserve the sayd Fort for his Majesty and the good of the Common-weale and that they admit not of any Person of what degree soever to enter the Castle without Letters from his Highnesse to that effect nor suffer any dissipation to be made of the Ammunition or other necessaries to the Castle appertaining 2. That they containe the Inhabitants in due obedience to his Majesty and his Heirs and to his Highnesse during his Majesties absence 3. That they maintaine the Subjects there in their former Liberties and Priviledges without violence injustice or extortion by bribery 4. That they endeavour the preservation of the Crowne rights from diminution and that all things imbezelled may be restored 5. That his Majesty coming to Calmer in peaceable manner like a gracious King conforme to his Coronation Oath and the Lawes of Suethland the Gates of the Castle be open to receive him with all due reverence and honour But that if his Majesty should approach with armed Bands in a way of violence to devast and destroy his native Soile contrary to his sayd Oath the Laws of Suethland and of Nature they should not then permit his Majesty or any in his Name to enter the sayd City or Castle but should defend the same with all their might untill upon advertisement they received answer from his Highnesse that the King and he were reconciled And that in the meane time they admonish his Majesty to desist from violence and if any extraneous force should attempt the place they were to oppose the same to the utmost of their power 6. That they repaire the Walls and Towers c. according to their abilities and the necessities emerging not permitting the Baths or Stoves to perish 7. That as need should require they order the Souldiers commanded by Abraham Nicolas John Gustavus and Nicolas Finno to keepe the City watch carefully that no sudden irruption or other violence happen therein 8. That by the helpe of the Citizens and Souldiers the Fabricks begun should be continued and finished and that the Money by his Highnesse thereunto ordained be imployed about the same 9. That they behave themselves friendlike and peaceably toward the neighbour Nations Viz. the Dane according to the agreements between those flourishing Kingdomes 10 That they pacifie all quarrels and contentions and that they speedily certifie his Highnesse of those difficulties which of themselves they could not reconcile and that they extend not punishment of death unto any without first acquainting him therewith THat they should adhere to their former Instructions to wit that if the King should
come to Calmar in a peaceable way according to his Oath made at his Coronation in conformity to the Lawes of the Land and would assure them by Letters Patents to make no violent attempt against the Duke or any other faithfull Subject of high or low degree but to act in all things according to his said Oath literall security and the Laws of Suethland and thereof secure his Hignesse and should withall promise and engage not to admit the Polanders or any other of his extraneous Attendants but onely Natives of Suethland adhering to his Majesty into that Fort and place that then the gates both of the City and Castle should be set open and his Majesty be received according to their ability as was meet for their Lord and King But if his Majesty should refuse to give such security pretending the same to be needlesse they were then to reply that they had received command from his Highnesse not to permit the entrance unto any without it And that if his Majesty should persist in such refusall and offer any violent attempt whereby Conjecture might be made of his further intentions in a hostile way they should not then open the gates to his Majesty or to any other in his name and that if any strangers arriving there should endeavour a forcible entry they were not to make any agreement or transaction with them but manfully even to the last resist force with force These Instructions sent to the persons before named Duke Charls when he heard of the arrivall of King Sigismundus at Calmar with a forraign Army wrote unto him by Lindormius Ribbing to this effect THat the Relation of his Majesties safe arrivall at Calmar was most accptable unto him but that he was troubled at the burthening of his hereditary kingdom with forraign forces that this strange manner of return gave him cause of suspition as having been most maliciously traduced unto his Majesty by wicked and perverse persons as appeared by several Letters dispersed through the Kingdome which the Finlanders also who were then repulsed had not concealed That he besought his Majesty not to be moved by false suggestions to attempt ought against him or others his Majesties true Subjects in prejudice of his Oath and assecuration given to him with the Suethish Nation in generall that for his own part he had and would keep his engagement unviolably and would receive his Majesty as it became him to do his Nephew and his King That he desired to be advertised whether any forraigners or seditious Natives came to bereave him of his Patriall or domestick Peace That if any would accuse him he would stand to a legall triall He likewise desired to be informed when and by what wayes his Majesty would proceed to his Regall City that he might be attended according to his Dignity Lastly that if his advice were of any value his Majesty would dismisse that extraneous Army the introduction whereof might have been better spared and desiring an answer by the bearer he commended his Majesty to the Divine Providence these were dated at Stockholme the fifth of August 1598. DUke Charles soon after sent a second Letter by Christe 〈…〉 r Saptrodius importing that understanding his Majesty had imprisoned those to whom in his absence he had committed the Government of Calmar albeit they behaved themselves not otherwise than as became faithfull Subjects by opening the gates to his Majesty according to their Order and that his Majesty detained certain Messengers as Tieo Laurentius and others That his Majesty likewise taxed him for not sending a Navy according to reiterated desires He much wondered what these things should mean and did therefore entreat his Majesty seriously to ponder the matter and weigh how he had carried himself in his Majesties absence whereby he would undoubtedly find how untruly he had been reported of He also earnestly desired that His Majesty would dismisse those strangers whom he had brought in to the scorn and prejudice of the Nation and that he might understand by the bearer whether he would as a gracious and peaceable King observe his Royall Oath and assecuration as he on his part did assure his Majesty of Sincerity and fidelity These were from Nicopia the 8. August 1598. A Schedule of the 27 of that Moneth was likewise delivered to certain of the chief Ostrogothian Rusticks then going to the King who were enjoyned by his Highnesse to insinuate and crave answer if admitted to the Royall presence upon his Desire of a Personall Conference with his Majesty in place convenient and that if the same were granted his Hignesse might obtain Pledges for his own person with a List of the names of those that should accompany his Majesty as well Natives as Aliens That his Highnesse would give the like and that afterwards there might be further Treaty partly of the Persons of the Pledges partly of other things AT last the Kings Answer came containing that he had received the two Letters sent by his Dilection in the first of which albeit Gladnesse for his Arrivall was signified yet no signes thereof had appeared That in reference thereunto he did mutually congratulate partly by reason of Consanguinity partly as conceiving that the Suethes in generall were not unwilling to see their lawfull King in his herereditary Kingdome That as to the complaint of burthen by a forraign Army he had been moved thereto by weighty Considerations his Dilection detaining his proper Subjects and Ships contrary to expectation and promise and that instead of an honourable reception his Dilection kept from him his own Servants and Souldiers had pitched his Camp threatning an irruption into his Army That he left to Consideration whether those exhaustings of the Kingdome and Subjects were corresponding to his Letters and promises himself being forced to live like a stranger upon his private purse whilest the Suethes contributed more to the Ducall Army than his reception and maintenance would have amounted unto That he hoped as he also desired willed and commanded his Dilection to cease those troubles That those Forces were not brought thether to begin a War but to attend his Person partly for security wherever he might happen to arrive partly granted by the Orders of Poland as a train befitting his State and could not therefore be any Scorn but rather an honour to his Countrey which had been wanting in the like duty a thing no way honourable for himself or them That whereas his Dilection suspected the same to be intended for his prejudice by the perswasions of perverse and troublesome people he was ignorant of any such persons or practises That his Army did live upon their Monethly Pay and should be disbanded upon the repair of his Native Subjects unto him That he had resolved to leave all persons to the vigour of the Laws and that the desirers of Domestick Peace might enjoy the same The Regall Jurisdiction reserved entire as he had not long before and lately
of the same date reiterated his desire for an examination of all differences before equal Arbitrators and complained that his former Letters had not attained the wished answer That by these delaies he could not but conjecture that no good was intended toward him That having hitherto tried albeit in vaine all meanes conducible to the well-fare peace and concord of his Majesty and the Kingdome he should be forced to seek other meanes whereby to provide for the security of his person Wife and Children Possessions and People That as he had ever been most faithfull to his Majesty and had procured his prosperity to his utmost power so he should be grieved whereof he called God to record that ought contrary thereunto did befall his Majesty to whom he wished long life with a happy a healthfull and peaceable Raigne That things being so he did faithfully advise and diligently admonish his Majesty not to appeare abroad in the Feild nor to betake himselfe any whither by water but containe himselfe within the Castle least that if any tumult should happen between the two Armies or his Majestie chance into the Navy approaching some danger contrary to his desire might befall him and that if ought thereof did accrue to his Majesties person Army or Fleet himselfe was blamelesse before God and the World as having given timely warning whereby to prevent any such misfortune if credite had been attributed to his Counsell rather then to the pernicious instigations and seducements of wicked men herewith he commended his Majesty to the Divine protection Dated from the Memmian Feilds the third of September 1598. Duke Charles approaching by night neerer to the Royall Camp gave the King notice thereof by Letter of the eighth of the said moneth sent by two Trumpeters importing that seeing it appeared sufficiently his Majesty was not returned into the Kingdome to governe them according to the Municipall Laws but rather by force and violence in burthening and molesting his Native Soile with forraigne and homebred Forces in reproaching and prescribing him throughout the Realme seising and imprisoning his Servants as also in that he had not hitherto obtained satisfactory answer to his former Letters but that new calumnies were daily imposed upon him in publike and private he had drawn neerer not to use any hostility unlesse provoked but to discover whether his Majesty would not desist from such courses and permit him and his followers to enjoy their rights according to equity by securing their Goods and Possessions unto them as the condition of the times then required All which if his Majesty would do without delay as he did most earnestly and humbly desire he was ready with all his Traine to attend advice and render to his Majesty all manner of duty according to his Obligations of Oath and blood But if otherwise that he was resolved not to dismisse his Troops nor depose his Armes untill their desires were confirmed in most sure and ample manner which he hoped could not be forbidden either by Law or reason Herewith he protested that unlesse the same were granted within the space of two houres and that any tumult should break forth between the two Armies to the detriment of his Majesty and his followers his Kingdome or people he was innocent thereof before God and the world these as aforesaid were dated from his Campe the eighth of September 1598. About foure daies after King Sigismundus sent Letters of Assecuration containing that whereas the most Illustrious Duke Charles had divulged rumours of his arrivall into the Land with an extraneous Army to the spoyling of the Kingdome and the offering of violence to his Highness and followers and by those rumours had drawn unto his party many of his Servants and Subjects who daily flocked unto him into whose minds the Duke had injected and spread a great terrour of his approach albeit he had declared by many former Letters that he was returned into his Native Kingdome and Country not to wage War but as a rightfull King who neither deserved nor apprehended any Rebellion in peaceable manner according to their joynt desires and requests as might be testified by severall Letters which intention of his might have given them sufficient satisfaction Neverthelesse to the end his candour and sincerity might appeare and his aversenesse to intestine discord by a Civill War If the Duke would forth with resigne up and restore unto him his Servants Souldiers Kingdome Houses Territories Navy and Ammunition with all other things belonging to him and the Common-wealth as also the Captives and Servants of his Subjects would in like manner disband his Troops retire and remaine quiet in his Dukedomes appeare readily when cited in Judgment with such of his followers as were obnoxious to blame and thereof give present assecuration He also would as by these his Letters Patents he now did promise and ensure the dismission of his alien forces and would not attempt any violence against his Highnesse his people or Servants but permit every one to enjoy the benefit of the Lawes of Suethland conforme to reason and Justice and that all persons adhering to himselfe against whom his Highnesse might have any cause of complaint should reciprocally appear in Judgment In confirmation whereof these were given under his hand and Seale at the Castle of Stegeburg the twelfth of September 1598. This Assecuration seeming to the Duke unsatisfactory he wrote back to the King within two daies saying That his Majesty having sufficiently understood by the Electorall and Ducall Ambassadours what had hitherto past between them it was needlesse to use repititions and therefore he diligently and faithfully admonished his Majesty not to suffer evil Counsellours to draw him into any inconveniencies That the dispute was not about Pears or Apples but that the well-fare of his Majesty and himselfe of the Realme and people were therein concerned He further advertised that having resolved to send some of his faithfull Servants to see whether any hopes of better things were yet remaining he desired that Letters of safe conduct might be granted for them freely and without molestation to repaire to his Majesty and having delivered what they had in charge to returne without hurt or disturbance These were dated at the Campe the fourteenth of September 1598. THe Kings answer was returned by the same Messenger wherein recapitalating things fore specified and taxing the Duke of continued propounding new and lesse tollerable conditions as also of imputing the same to him albeit he had offered none but such as were lawfull and fitting He said further that he very well perceived his well being the Kingdome and people was now the point in question and not Pears or Apples as his Dilection had rightly hinted but that he had never expected nor deserved that any such measure should be meted unto him the examination whereof he referred to God and to Divine Justice Lastly that he was contented to admit of such as his Dilection
would depute unto him not exceeding the number of eight persons to whom he thereby granted safe conduct and security Dated as before The Duke upon this answer desired a more exact forme of safe conduct for secure return from as well as repaire unto his Majesty which was accordingly granted at Stegeburg the fifteenth of September 1598. Hereupon Duke Charles delegated the same day three Noble men of his Counsell Maurice Steno Earl of Rasburg c. Ludbert Caverus and John Ericke unto whom he committed sundry things to be communicated to his Majesty in the name of himselfe and the Orders of Suethland earnestly desiring by his Letter of the same date that his Majesty would afford them private audience and give credite to what they should deliver and returne such answer as might be for the Kingdomes good and concluded with assurance of fidelity and brotherly affection from himselfe Their Instructions imported that his Majesty would graciously ponder the present miserable condition of his Native Countrey and not suffer himself to be induced to ought that might be prejudiciall to his Royall Person to the Duke the Regal Family and the whole Kingdome That as the resolution lately given at his Majesties instance to the Electorall and Ducall Ambassadors was not lesse Christian then Legal so as his Highnesse and the Orders of Suethland could not enlarge themselves any further they therefore earnestly desired his Majesty to rest therewith satisfied and to grant them the security they had submissively demanded That otherwise and if their humble suit could not find place they desired to be excused before God and the Christian world as having sought after those things that pertained to peace and concord Yet that the brotherly and friendly inclination of his Highnesse toward his Majesty might further appear he humbly desired as formerly that securely and in place convenient he might be admitted to Speech with His Majesty which if granted his Majesty would surely know that many things were imputed to his Highnesse whereof he was altogether free The said Commissioners were likewise to insinuate that his Highnesse and the States of the Kingdome were seve 〈…〉 and joyntly most willing and ready to render to his 〈…〉 jesty all possible respect and obedience according to their Oath of Fidelity and the written Laws of the Land neither should his Majesty find ought by his Higness other then tended to the welfare of himand his heirs for whom they would esteem nothing overmuch that was within their power as on the other side they hoped that his Majesty would shew himself a meek gracious and peaceable Prince Given as aforesaid King Sigismundus returned Answer that he had received what by the Commissioners of his Highness had been delivered but that they having left their Instructions with him and desired an Answer unto them in writing he did by these Letters return his answer and desire That twelve of the Equestrial and six of the Military Order of his part might meet an equall number of the Dukes to consult of and compound the whole matter And wished that his Dilection would have the same regard to the Patriall Regal and Ducal prosperity which he exhorted him unto not doubting but so all dissension would have a speedy wished end These were of the sixteenth of the said Moneth and accordingly ample Letteers of safe conduct of the same date were alternatively given by the King and Duke for the forementioned number of the said Orders respectively THe Royall Answer to the Dukes Legation contained that the amiable salutations and tenders of obedience were most welcome especially if deeds did correspond with words That albeit he had neither deserved nor expected such a reception into his hereditary Kingdome as well by intollerable conditions as by inconvenient propositions he had neverthelesse concluded upon the assecuration more fully as well in reference to his Highnesse as his followers then of Right ought to have been demanded the Act it self witnessing the same to all that desired peace and unity But that the Duke had no way consented to the Kings desires the Declaration delivered to the Ducall and Electorall Ambassadors not having regard unto nor any promising performance therof but rather adding certain unsufferable conditions the resolution it self lately exhibited to those Germane Ambassadors and tendred to his Majesty did evidently testifie That his Highnesse Admonition might have been spared in regard the King had offered no violence to him his Army or partakers nor had demanded ought save what was his own whereas his Highnesse had compelled the Regal Subjects and Servants to take up arms had appointed Military Stations within the Royall Territory exhausted his Majesties Subjects detained and consumed the annuall R 〈…〉 Revenue imposed Taxes and auxiliary exactions on the 〈◊〉 habitants prohibited provisions from being brought unto the Royal Camp for money and after several Marches had pitched his Tents his Army and Canon before the Regal gates had in the Ranensian fields and elsewhere seized as prisoners sundry of the Regal Servants and domesticks commanded the goods and moveables of them that repaired unto their lawfull King to be made Prey and unto this very day used the Title and Authority of Governour of the Kingdome albeit the King were present a thing never before practised from all which things collection might easily be made who had first administred matter to these mischiefs He therefore admonished his Highnesse to sur-cease these courses and to permit unto him the free enjoyment of his owne that otherwise he should have cause to protest if so manifest unjustice produced any misfortune That he desired never thelesse to understand what his Highnesse intended by his protesting and whereat the same aimed that so he might accommodate his Interest thereunto That he was not averse to the desired enterview and when his Highnesse should give a resolution condigne to his desires and peaceable demands he would in due place and time consent to the Colloquie required That the many professions of fidelity and obedience to his Majesty and his Heirs were most acceptable from his Highnesse and that a correspondency of effects was wished wherby this dissention might be the better sooner and more peaceably composed That he thought not the hurt of any person but was willing to give clear testimony to all men of his Kingly clemency and favour He therefore desired his Highnesse to weigh the whole matter seriously and not to make intollerable and dishonourable overtures which would not conduce to peace and concord but afford more ample cause of strife which he prayed God to divert and professed he for his part would decline The Dukes reply hereunto by Nicolas Nicolai Mauritius Georgij and Nicolas Rask the Kings Commissioners was to this effect THat touching the exprobations used as if his actions were not corresponding to his words he holds his Majesty excused as not being ignorant from what Fountaine they flowed that neverthelesse in regard it beseemed
not an honest man to fit his Cap with such a Crest he returned this answer That they who so upbraided and objected were to be blackt with the same Coale of calumny untill they had really proved that his actions were dissenting from his professions And that his performances should ever be such toward his Majesty and all other men as might become an honest Prince whose words and deeds were consentaneous That whereas his Majesty charged the Declaration by him delivered to the Electorall and Ducall Ambassadors who had interposed in that transaction of containing intollerable conditions hee referred unto the Acts themselves which he was perswaded would testifie otherwise That as to the Crimi nations couched in the answer he pretermits them as not being here competently urged but when things should come to be rightly discussed he would then make such reply as every honest man should acknowledge his allegations to be just That his Protest had no other meaning then that if the meanes for peace that had been should be tendred did not take effect and that Waves of discord should arise thence he desired to be excused before God and the World as being innocent thereof and that those onely who sowed and nourished the seeds of this dissention might be reputed guilty of its effects That the fidelity and obedience tendred by him to the King and his Heires never had been nor could be violated but preserved entire provided he might securely enjoy what of right he doth and ought to possesse Lastly that nothing on his part might be wanting as if equitable conditions for Peace and Concord were by him rejected he willingly consented to the meeting of so many honest men of the Equestriall and Military Order as his Majesty required with those that his Majesty should assigne for a full decision of all matters and that he wished for nothing more then to be admitted to a personal conference with his Majesty whereby he hoped to cleer himselfe to his Majesties satisfaction Duke Charles by his Commissioners sent also the Declaration ensuing whereunto he resolved to adhere constantly THat forasmuch as the Electorall and Ducall Ambassadors were departed whose subscriptions he had desired to the Letters of Assecuration of King Sigismund he thought not meet to trust to Paper and Inke onely but as a Pledge demanded the Fort of Elfenburg and the Vastenan Castle wherein he might place not his owne but his Majesties sworne Servants not disaffected to himself the Orders of the Kingdome who should there remain unto the end of the next ensuing Parliament If this were denied he desired he might retain the Navy with the Ammunition reserved in the Castle of Gripsholme untill the conclusion of that Assembly but if this also should not be consented unto then the Ships of War onely were to be insisted on And if that proposition were likewise rejected by the King those Senatorial persons formerly by him desired or three of them at least Viz. Ericke Sparre Gustavus Baner and Turo Bielke were to be required as pledges Lastly that his Majesty might understand his Highnesse had no other intentions then were conducing to Peace and Unity he would rest contented with his Majesties particular assecuration conditionally that therein were expresly inserted That the States of the Kingdome should be obliged to oppose and resist that side who attempted ought in prejudice of the Premisses BUt to the assecuration required by the Duke the seventeenth of September the King would not consent and in lieu thereof declared That whereas his beloved Uncle Duke Charles had promised obedience to him and his Heires and was by writing bound to remit into his hands his Kingdome Castles Townes Houses c. his Navy with all the Marine Provisions and Stores and all other things to him and the Crowne of Suethland belonging and to restore to liberty his Subjects with such of his Domesticks as he detained who should be neverthelesse obliged to answer all Objections in full and free Parliament as also to disband his Forces and retire into his Dukedom there to remain quietly and be ready with his Domesticks and Subjects against whom there should be cause of complaint to appeare in Judgment when all causes and controversies should be examined and decided in free Parliament before equall and sincere Arbitrators according to the assecutoriall Letters of his Highnesse given in that behalf He also had on the other part promised and secured and did by these his Leters Patents and on his Kingly faith and truth promise and secure that he would governe his Hereditary Kingdome according to his Oath and assecuration That he would dismisse his alien forces and not permit the intromission of any other except necessity did urge and the Duke and the States of the Kingdome were thereunto consenting Finally that all his sworne Servants whom the Duke had any way preferred in his absence should enjoy their former condition with all the Goods and Possessions committed unto them untill in the said Parliament the greivances his Majesty had against them were examined That moreover he would release all the Dukes Servants or his own who in the Dukes name and behalfe were in detention either within or without the Kingdome to be forth-coming as aforesaid To which end and that all Controversies and causes of complaint might be legally and justly heard and decided he would speedily indict a Parliament to be held within the space of foure months in which all things should be examined and judged before equall Arbitrators and Electorall and Ducall Ambassadors who should be thereunto invited In the meane time he promised not to permit violence or injustice to be offered to any of the Dukes Subjects Servants or followers of what condition soever nor to impeach or sentence any one for ought which by generall advice and consent had been concluded and enacted nor to forbid the defence thereof or to reject or persecute any who had adhered to his Highnesse nor permit any hinderance or stop to be given to his Highnesse or others whom he should send into any parts of the Kingdome untill that all things were decided in Parliament and that no further proceedings should be made then was in Parliament justly and legally pronounced That for the further security of the Premisses he had with his owne hand signed and sealed the same And consented that if beyond expectation it should happen that himselfe or his said Uncle should recede from or violate this agreement in the least The States of the Kingdome were impowred to resist and oppose the party violating Dated from Stegeburg the seventeenth of September 1598. Duke Charles not satisfied with this literary assecuration wrote back unto the King to the effect that notwithstanding all waies of application made by him for Peace indignation and a sinister construction of his actions encreased daily by instigation and counsell of perverse and turbulent men who had given beginning and continuance to this Tragedy so as
he found that whilest his Majesty used their counsell the present difference would never have a prosperous issue He therefore as a friend and brother desired advised and admonished his Majesty to relinquish that band of treacherous and tumultuous Counsellours who for their peculiar and wicked ends did draw his Majesty into evill courses and to repaire to Stocholme or where otherwise he pleased He assured that he would not onely secure his Majesty from all hurt and danger but also engage that himself and his followers should attend and conduct him whithersoever he desired with all due fidelity obedience and promptitude That as to others they would proceed according to Justice having hither to forborn them for his Majesties sake least he with them might have undergone some misfortune which notwithstanding any suggestions of him to the contrary he took God to record he desired not but would alwaies be ready to avert such evill from his person if he would have regard to himselfe and rest perswaded of him as of his most affectionate Uncle But that if his Majesty contrary to this faithfull advice would still retaine those turbulent Counsellours he should be carefull least with them he might rush into some danger That if the same should happen which he besought God to forbid he was innocent thereof before God and the Christian World and willing to have prevented the same if his Majesty would have adhered to his advice rather then to the pernicious perswasions and wills of wicked men hereupon desiring an answer he committed his Majesty to Celestiall protection Dated from his Camp as above said King Sigismundus the day before he moved his Tents from Stegeburg toward Lincopia sent a Letter of assecuration which omitting the repetitions therein inserted contained that if the Illustrious Duke Charles would release his Servants and restore his Army Kingdome Townes Houses Forts and Territories his Navy Stores Ammunition with all other things to him and the Crowne of Suethland appertaining set free his Subjects and Domesticks cease from hostile Actions retire into his Dukedome there quietly remain ready with his party who were any way guilty to appeare and answer in Judgment upon legall citation and would thereof give security That he also did therby then pomise and ensure the dismission of his forraine Forces his ordinary Train and Guard of his body excepted and that neither toward his Highnesse his Army Subjects or any other of whatsoever condition any violence should be offered but each one permitted to enjoy the benefit of the Laws untill the whole matter were tryed before competent Judges That all Persons adhering to the Regall Party whosoever the Duke or any other would appeach should also appeare in Judgement and that all his Highnesse Servants who were under any restraint by reason of this Tumult should be released All which things he would observe and do upon his Regall Faith and Honour in confirmation whereof he had thereunto set his Hand and Seale adding as before that if beyond expectation himselfe or the Duke should before the controversie were legally decided infringe or attempt ought contrary to what that Instrument contained the Orders of the Kingdome should be obliged to resist the Party so doing These were given at the Camp at Stegeburg the twentieth of September 1598. Upon receipt hereof Duke Charles without delay returned these Propositions of Peace 1. THat his Majesty would repaire to Stocholme without stronger Guards then the King his Father had used in progressing through the Kingdome 2. That the Forraigne Forces should speedily depart the Land 3. That the Counsellors of the Kingdome should repaire and quietly remaine at home untill the Parliament and then appear in Judgement 4. That the Parliament be called and kept within six moneths 5. That Ambassadours of Germane Electors and Princes should be invited by Letters against the time to examine the dissention and that each side should name those whom they intended to choose In the interim nothing to be done secretly or openly within or without the Kingdome to the prejudice of each other but all persons to enjoy their Mansions peaceably untill the time of Legall decision 6. That each one retaine what he is at present possest of untill the time of the Comitiall Assembly 7. That nothing of the Kingdomes affaires be decided or treated of unwitting to his Highnesse 8. That the Finlandian Souldiers should be prohibited from entring the bounds of Suethland but containe themselves quietly within the Province and therin stand to tryall That in the mean time there be a cessation of all pernicious Plots and that Law and Justice be there administred to all persons 9. That no distribution of Lands be made untill the Parliament 10. That forraign Souldiers be removed out of the Castles and Forts and that they be committed to the faithfull Guard of the Suethes 11. That the forraign Ships which had brought Alien Forces into the Kingdome might remaine under Arrest Upon these Articles the Duke desired security from his Majesty with addition of the clause that if any of the said Articles were infringed the States of Suethland should freely adhere to his Highnesse whereupon he offered to disband his Forces to retire and remaine quietly in his Dukedome But King Sigismundus slighting say they these conditions retired in a calme and still night toward Lincopia leaving with the Commander of Stegeburg certaine instructions dated the twentieth of September 1598. Importing 1. THat they should continue faithfull to his Majesty in each respect procuring his good according to their duty and Oath 2. That if Duke Charles should enquire the reason of his Majesties sudden remove they should answer that perceiving the sparks of this dissention could not be extinguished by equall conditions but that lesse tollerable were daily obtruded he had withdrawne to avoid the effusion of blood and to see whether his Highnesse would take better counsell and cease those courses that tended to the Countries ruine 3. That if the Duke should forceably assault the Castle they should oppose him to their utmost power and resist force with force KIng Sigismundus as hath been said being gone to Lincopia Duke Charles by letter of the 22 Sept. expostulated that instead of Answer to his former his Majesty was departed from Stegeburg and might be induced by those evil Counsellours authors of the present dissension to abandon the Kingdome or repair where a larger field for tumult might be offered That he admonished and besought him by the passion of Christ not to be seduced by them to a further remove untill he had concluded the whole matter to the good of the Countrey protesting on the salvation of his soul before God and the world his innocency and averseness to any prejudice might thereby arise And desired his Majesty to believe that all things belonging to the Castle or Shipping which after his Majesties departure had been rendred unto him should be faithfully preserved for his Majesty HEreunto
King Sigismundus returned Answer the day following that he had received his M 〈…〉 tory Letters touching assecuration That he wondred why his Dilection would so long time varnish over his unjust cause before the promiscuous ignorant multitude seeing he could not prove but that fit assecuration had been offered but not accepted and that whilest one demand was granted others were made far different as the last Articles might testifie That he followed him with a strong Army having seised the Castle of Stegeburg his Ships and severall other things which notwithstanding his promised preservation of them would have been more safe in his own custody That in Answer to his Letter he desired that his Dilection would rest satisfied with that assecuration which as consentaneous to reason and his dignity he had already offered But if not that he might proceed to do what it seemed he would not leave undone yet with what fame he left to the Judgement of all honest and unbyassed minds That himself committed the decision of the whole matter to the Justice of God Lincopia 23. September 1598. DUke Charles replyed That there being no remedy but that all Admonitions proved vain through the prevalency of perverse and wicked Counsellours he also committed the matter to God before whom he protested that he was not the cause of these troubles nor of the effusion of blood like to ensue wherefore he desired to know whether his Majesty would absolve him of his Oath of fidelity which done he would endevour to repell unjustice and violence by fit wayes and means But that if possible he besought his Majesty by the love of God to weigh the matter more seriously and not permit this mischief to spread further to his own and the Kingdomes prejudice and that nothing might be by him be omitted he had sent a draught of the assecuration desired by him and his followers wherein he hoped nothing unjust would be found Campe 24. September 1598. TWo dayes after Duke Charles writes againe to the King that seeing the conditions tendred were not admitted and that he could not conveniently propound any other as also that he hoped his Majesty would so resolve as might be honourable for both sides He therfore desired that his Majesty would transmit a draught of the assecurations he would give and receive whereupon he would so declare himself as might be satisfactory to his Majesty these were dated the 26. of the said Moneth THe day following King Sigismundus sent Letters of safe Conduct for such of the Nobility with their Servants as the Duke sh●●ld send to treat with him importing Security in coming ●elivering what they had in Commission and sa●e return Duke Charles also did the like for his Nephew Prince Edward Marquesse of Baden with other Lords to be sent to him from the King BY all that hath been said it may be easily discerned say the Suethes whether Duke Charles received from King Sigismundus answers condigne to his Letters wherein he desired nothing but the good of the King and Kingdome and that if he would have listned to the Dukes faithfull advice and counsel he needed not to have fled when none pursued Or that if he had loved Justice he might judicially have prevented those evils by a decision by equall Arbitrators before whom the Duke and Orders of Suethland were willing to answer to whatsoever could rightly be objected against them They say further that they had oftentimes just occasion given them of renouncing all fidelity and obedience towards him in regard he came not unto them as a good and peaceable King but as an Enemy and Persecuter offering violence and injustice to those that would not submit to his wicked intentions nor admit of his perverse Religion and that he had absolved them from their Oath of fidelity in the former Letters whereby they had just cause to have tried the utmost which yet they did not his Highnesse and they having desired that twelve of the Nobility of each side men qualified prudent judicious and lovers of peace should meet examine and decide the whole controversie and restore and settle peace concord and brotherly love whereunto King Sigismundus did likewise consent but that the same was by him observed as other things had formerly been and according to the ancient manner of keeping faith in promises by Jesuites and Romish Priests For the night following the Royall Army conducted by Wejerus made an on-set upon the Ducall Camp dispersed the night guards killing some and seising others Prisoners as was done not onely at Lincopia but at Stegeburg also but seeing their attempt prove unsuccesfull both Polanders and Suethes who fought under the Kings Ensignes began to cry and ingeminate Peace Peace which the King say they with his followers might have enjoyed if the Officers thereof had been timely embraced but that it was then over-late to treat when many thousands of men lay slaine on both sides each intending on his Enemy the revenge of his fellow Souldier Duke Charles and the Suethes as themselves assert had then both cause and advantage sufficient to have utterly ruined their Advarsaries yet they suffered themselves to be entreated to shew more mercy and mildnesse then they had deserved by abstaining from that revenge was then in their power to have taken upon King Sigismundus with his whole Army to the great detriment and misfortune I use their owne words of themselves and the Kingdome of Suethland as hoping for better things in the future from King Sigismundus from whom they found worse by an ensuing cruell War with the Polanders and Lithuanians touching a finall end wherof no certaine conjecture could be made But that if they had as then they affirme they might destroyed him and his Forces those tumults had happily sooner ceased and many gallant men who afterwards perished in those Wars had survived Nor had his Highnesse and themselves been defamed by so many unjust aspersory Libells as were spread in all parts which neverthelesse they hoped to confute All which things hapned by suffering King Sigismundus then say they to escape to the further prosecution of his Country contrary to the practise of all Magnanimous Potentates who expose their lives to defend theirs from Spoile and Rapine The cruell fight being over King Sigismundus entred into agreement with the Duke for the restoring and confirming of mutuall friendship brotherly confidence with administration of right and justice between his Majesty and his Highnesse whereof I give here the heads onely referring as in all Narations of Acts the more curious to the Instrument it self dated at Lincopia the twenty eighth of September 1598. And first THat whereas the Duke his most deare Uncle and all those of his party had religiously promised unto him and his Heires due obedience fidelity and brotherly affection according to their respective Oaths and the obligations of blood proximity and their tyes of duty and subjection He likewise did by
the Duke to hasten the provisions promised for the more speedy transporting of his Extraneous Forces These as aforesayd were the thirtieth of September 1598. DUke Charles returned answer the same day That as to those of the Senatoriall Order whom he had under detention they should be maintained according to their respective dignities but to live at their peculiar Houses could not he granted the Army and Commonalty having Petitioned against it and that the same would not onely displease the Orders of the Kingdome but be likewise unsafe for those Senators their Wives and Children And that unlesse he had lately since they came into his power severely prohibited the same they had perished by the Popular fury Wherefore he desired to be excused in that point and entreated that his Majesty would not in the future dignifie them with the undeserved Title of his Counsellours and of honest Men in regard they had been the causers of a vast expence to his Majesty by that forraine Army and the Authors of cruell effusion of blood as of other evill to his Hereditary Kingdome And that they had expressed but the day before that if they had served him as faithfully as they had done his Majesty they should have been better rewarded That he had ordered the Provisions demanded to be conveyed to Stegeburg and to be delivered to his Majesty upon payment KIng Sigismundus by Letter of the first of October following desired restitution of the Assecutoriall obligation of the States of Poland granted to himselfe with severall other things which had fallen into the hands of the Duke or his Servants These were from his Court at Lincopia DUKE Charles replyed the fourth of the sayd moneth therein desiring that Claudius Bielke might be dismissed from being Castellan of Stocholme as being equally guilty with those in detention of the Kingdomes miseries and that Samuel Laskie might like wise be removed from his Rule there as also John Bilefeild with certaine of the City Consuls who had reviled him That he would not in like manner lend an eare to Seducers who might suggest ought in prejudice of the fidelity he had protested to his Majesty and his Heirs which he would unviolably preserve to the honour good liking and advantage of his Majesty He further desired his Majesty to name those Caesarian Electorall and Ducall Ministers whom he intended to invite on his part as Umpires for the deciding of all differences at the ensuing Parliament himself offering to do the like He likewise deprecated the dismission of the Aliens if not already done and complained of the Countreys sufferings by this Military tumult especially in Ostrogothia and Vplandia And earnestly requested the liberty of certaine Persons detained by the King to whom in his Majesties name and absence he had committed the keeping of certaine places He promised restitution of the Polish assecutoriall Instrument desired so soon as he should come to Stocholme And lastly entreated that his Majesty would publish the Declarations promised for his vindication from former undeserved aspersions KIng Sigismundus by Letters of the same date sent by Nicolaus Rask required more Shipping for the more convenient and speedy transporting of his Army and that the Duke would afford a friendly audience and answer to those things the sayd Rask his Secretary should deliver as also to cause a restitution to be made of some things belonging to the Vice-Chancellor of Poland And in a memoriall of instructions given to the sayd Nicolas Rask commanded him to insist upon the particulars inserted in the fore-specified Letters as also upon the restauration of certaine Musick bookes and others with certaine Kitchin Furniture and a restitution of such things as had been by severall Commanders taken out of his owne Ship the White-Eagle as also on the re-delivery of such things belonging to his Sister the Princesse Anna as had been taken out of the Closet where the Prince Edvardus Fortunatus lodged He gave also expresse Injunctions to his said Secretary to be instant with the Duke for ceasing of Depredations which were still practised contrary to the agreement lately made and to insist upon the enlargement of the Captived Counsellours and others not convicted of notorious Crimes upon bond or other security as being consentaneous to the Lawes of Suethland the rather in tender consideration of their Ladies of whom some were pregnant others valetudinary That thereby his Highnesse would much oblige him and that he would upon all occasions be ready to make compensation of like Friendly Offices Dated as aforesaid To these particulars the Duke returned a satisfactory answer That touching the Senators under custody onely excepted concerning whom he desired his Majesty not to insist any further they having been the cause of all the troubles and had conspired the ruine and destruction of the Regall Family not for one yeare or two but during the whole course of their lives and that the Imperiall Regall Electorall and Ducall Ambassadors might be speedily invited and intreated to examine and decide the cause Withall to the said Nicolaus Rask he delivered a Memoriall consisting of certaine heads to this effect 1. THat the Finlanders and Vplandian Horse should be ordered by his Majesty to returne to their homes and nor raise any more Tumults 2. That his Majesty conforme to his promise would publish his Letters declaratory for clearing the Duke from former aspersions Next that Letters might be issued for the Parliaments Indiction and Celebration within foure months according to the promise at Lincopia and that the forraigne Ambassadors might speedily be invited into Suethland 3. That his Majesty in regard of the Season would be pleased to repaire to Stocholme by land offering to meet and attend him with all love and respect and to contribute what was in his power for the accommodation of himselfe and his Traine and gave a List of the Gistes or most commodious nightly Stations Last That all Farmes Offices of Territoriall Judicatories with their Profits might be suspended untill the Parliament wherein each one to render account of his Stewardship These were dated at Orobrogia the eighth of October 1598. The twenty fourth of that month the Duke by Letter complained of the Kings steering his course to Calmar in stead of repairing to Stocholme according to his promise and of the rumour of his departing the Kingdome Signifying also that he hoped the miseries thereof which were not unknown to his Majesty might have found some redresse if his presence had been for some time enjoyed but that the same in this sudden discession could not be hoped for all things being thereby left in an unsettled condition That as he was ignorant what had moved his Majesty thereunto so it had been necessary that himselfe and the Senators of Suethland should have been informed of the cause and that directions had been given how all Affaires should be ordered in his Majesties absence desiring an answer by the bearer what might be
expected from his Majesty by himselfe and the Orders of the Kingdome Dated at Nycopia as before expressed DUke Charles about two daies after received a Letter from King Sigismundus dated from Calmar the seventeenth of the said month intimating that by a violent Storme he had been put from his course intended for Stocholme and driven to that Port after two nights of tempestuous tossing on the Sea That the Ship which transported his Sister the Princesse Anna with sundry other Vessels were missing That neverthelesse he intended to repaire to Stocholme by land with the first opportunity That to his Dilections demands concerning the nomination of Princes whose intervention by their Ambassadors he did purpose to entreat against the ensuing Parliament they were the Emperour the Kings of Denmark and Scotland the Dukes of Brandenburg and Mecklenburg with the Marquesse of Ansbach and desired to be in like manner informed of the names of those Princes whom his Dilection had concluded to invite against the said time He likewise renewed his requests in behalfe of the fore-specified imprisoned Counsellours that they might remaine safely under the Royall Protection untill they should appeare in judgment and triall But say the Suether King Sigismundus observed these promises no otherwise then those formerly by him given for instead of repairing to Stocholme from Calmar whither as pretended he had been driven by tempest after he had garrisoned the said Castle with strangers he turned his Prow directly toward Dantzig So as no remedy being left but the celebration of a Parliament in place convenient therein to consult of the urgent Affaires and Necessities of the Kingdome the same was by his Highnesse with approbation of the Orders of the Kingdome convened at Jenecopia in February 1599. wherein was treated of the concernments of the Nation The particulars lesse necessary to be here inserted I shall omit and only touch some heads more pertinent to the present matter referring the further curious to the Act it selfe They therein declare that they will supplicate the King by Letters to commiserate and administer help to the Kingdomes afflicted condition and that he suffer not the same to fall to utter ruine That they hope his Majesty will make a favourable construction of this their counsell and so resolve as the necessity of the cause requires That if contrary to expectation their admonition shall take no effect whether by Suggestions of those of the Romish Creed or Apostates of their owne they professe their innocency before God and all Christian Potentates and that they are constrained to renounce the obedience they had untill then borne toward his Majesty c. This is in the fourth Section or Pause of that Act In the seventh they expresse that whereas in the late Lincopian Treaty it was promised that Imperiall Regall Electorall and Ducall Ambassadors should be of both sides invited to examine and decide all differences which was not yet done that therefore unlesse his Majesty should make good his promise within foure moneths they did consent and conclude to meete at Stocholme the 24th of May ensuing in full Parliament and conforme to the Gustauian Testament and the written Lawes of Suethland the other Orders of the Kingdome being thither called and appearing would examine the whole matter in reference to those perverse turbulent persons who had been Authors of the Nations troubles whereby the guilty might receive condign punishment c. These things with protestations of fidelity to his Highnesse as their governour and the resisting and diverting with their lives and fortunes all prejudice that might be intended against his person his Consort and Children were concluded at Jenecopia as aforesaid DUke Charles having received two letters from the King of one and the same date from Warsonia after a prolix repetition of the heads of each he answered the severall objections they contained and retorted back with a recapitulation of things past taxing likewise his departure which he affirmed his Majesty had not been forced unto by tempest as had been pretended And that in the Port of Baresund Order was given to all those that attended his Majesty to steere toward Calmar and not to Stocholme He desired to be certified the time prefixed at Lincopia for the celebrating of the promised Parliament being almost elapsed whether his Majesty were still of the same mind and that a certain time and place might be appointed He taxed the King of stirring up tumults in Finland Of protesting by his Ministers in Denmark and elsewhere that he was not obliged to stand to the agreement made between them Of designes against himselfe and the Kingdome of Suethland as was evident by the Letters of Sparre and Bechus sent to his Majesty but intercepted and brought to him And by the secret Plottings of the Princesse Anna with Count Axell by her Servant Ericke George shewing that his Majesty no way intended that these unfaithfull Counsellours should be brought to tryall but to procure their safety some other way That in the meane time those Counsellours with others of their faction should be kept in convenient custody but that if his Majesty did use further protraction he should be compelled to proceed against them according to the Lawes of Suethland These were dated from Jenecopia the first of February 1599. THis letter was accompanied by one of the same date from the Orders of the Kingdome of Suethland wherein after a rememoration of all things that had past since the Coronation they desired his Majesty to suppresse his tumults sprung up in Finland and Leifland to commit the Offices of the Kingdome to Natives not to Strangers to bring the Authors of those troubles to punishment To governe the Kingdome according to his Regall Oath the Lawes of Suethland the Sudercopian decrees and other laudable transactions and that in all cases the written Lawes might be observed To secure them that neither for the present nor the future he would attempt any Mutation of Religion as had been formerly done contrary to their opinion of his Majesty That he would returne to them as beseemed a meeke and gratious Prince not attended by forraigne Forces That his aboad amongst them would be an assured argument of his yeelding to these their just requests And that the speedy effecting thereof was their most earnest desire But that if his Majesties condition were such as he could not be resident with them and that frequent returnes into the Kingdome would be more troublesome then the State thereof could beare they humbly besought him that in regard his most deare Son was according to the hereditary union from which they were resolved not to vary the next Heire to the Crown he would be pleased to send the said Prince his Son to receive his Education within that Kingdome in the true Christian Religion and other Princely vertues under the tuition of his neerest of bloud and other faithfull persons whereby he might in time become
capable of the government and so manage the same as might tend chiefly to the honour of God and the good and welfare of their most deare Countrey Promising that if he would so do they would continue even to the death his Majesties most faithfull and obedient Subjects And as their dutie did in like manner oblige to the young Prince as to their hereditary King And that as they hoped his Majesty would grant this their just and sincere Petition so they with equall humility and observancie entreated that his Majesty would release and send back certain innocent persons viz. George Claudius Olaus Hard Andreas Sweno and others who contrary to his Regall Oath right and Justice had been imprisoned and conveighed out of the Countrey But that if his Majesty contrary to their expectation should refuse to grant these desires which contained nothing but what was consentaneous to Christianity to the Lawes to Concord and the Regal Oath they w th all the Orders of the Kingdom would then protest before God claer their innocency towards all Christian Monarchs and the whole world that they were compelled to renounce their former obedience to his Majesty as seeing evidently that their longer continuance under his Soveraignty tended to the rejecting of the Divine word To the persecution of Subjects the abolition of legally acquired priviledges and prerogatives and the bringing of them under the yoake and Servitude of strange Lords Thus farr omitting the Criminations at the beginning out of the letter it selfe Hereunto King Sigismundus returned no answer but more then ever say they by open force and secret practices stirred up discord and dissention within the Kingdome For w ch cause with unanimous consent a Parliament was appointed to be held at Stocholme the moneth of July next following to consult upon these and other important affaires of State In that assembly the Senators and Orders of the Kingdome of Suethland the Earles Barons Bishops Gentrie Clergie Burgesses and Corporations there convened declared that forasmuch as their Ancestors the Orders of Suethland had at Arosia An. 1544. Framed certain constitutions for that Common Weales future government which were afterwards confirmed by each particular condition of the inhabitants importing that whereas in former times many discords mischeifes and inconveniences had sprung up in the Land partly because stranger Princes had been preferred to the Crowne of Suethland who exercised much violence and tyranny toward the Suethes partly also because concord could seldome flourish among the Kingdomes native Colonies whilst the choice and election of Kings rested in the Swethish Patriall Families according to the customary Lawes of the Kingdom and that the Royall Diadem did not discend to any certaine race wherefore it had been thought necessary to pitch upon the linage of some certaine Family whereon the Regall Dignity might be setled for ever so long as it should please God that any one of the Male issue thereof should remaine whereby the entrance into such dissensions in Suethland might be for ever closed and that they had not found any more worthy of that Regall eminency nor who had better deserved the Diadem both for himself and his Successors then their then present King Gustavus Erikson as who through Divine assistance had with exceeding diligence toyle and care and many hazards of his Person freed their Countrey from the servitude it groaned under of forraine Kings and had restored all the Orders of the Kingdome from the highest to the lowest to their ancient condition and liberty and not that alone but had likewise delivered the same from the unsupportable yoak of Romish Superstition and in stead of that false worship had restored the true Evangelicall Doctrine conforme to the Divine Word whereunto he had also commanded his Successors to adhere as they would avoyd the eternall losse of their Soules The present Parliament did confesse themselves obliged to observe the same as they had hitherto done by the Crowning of Ericke his eldest Son after his decease and he for most cruell tyranny and unworthy Government being with his Successors worthily deprived of the Scepter the same had been conferred upon Duke John the second Son of King Gustavus with his Male issue and he deceasing upon the present King Sigismundus notwithstanding the just objections they had for his imbracing the Romish Superstition contrary to the Godly admonitions left by his Grand-father as also for his accepting a forraine Crowne without the knowledge and consent of the Orders of Suethland with conditions so prejudicall to his native Conntrey as the same would never have admitted and his departure therfrom without their privity But not to insist here upon all their criminations consisting mostly of things formerly mentioned that Parliament further declared that for the sayd reasons and for that King Sigismundus had not daigned to returne any answer to their desires signified unto him from Jenecopia the preceding Winter they had unanimously and with one consent concluded not to acknowledge him any longer for their King or to be thenceforward obedient or subject to his government but renounced him and resumed and dissolved their Oath of fidelity and obedience wherein they had been hitherto bound by Law and the Acts of Hereditary union That albeit they had just cause to remove in like manner his Heirs Males from the Crown yet would not they impute the faults of the Father to the Son but had and did thereby decree to accept and receive Prince Vladislaus his Majesties Son for their Lord and King conditionally that within the space of one half year his Majesty would declare whether or not he would send his said Son into the Kingdome and commit him to the tutory of Duke Charles as his nearest in blood with other honest faithfull Men to the end he might be educated in the true Evangelicall Profession whereunto they in that Kingdome had bound themselves as also in the language and custome of the Countrey and would accordingly transmit him thither within six months next ensuing the half year fore-specified That this being thus done they would admit of and receive the said Prince before all others for their lawfull Lord and King when he should have attained those years wherein according to Law the ancient Jurisdiction and laudable custome of the Kingdome he might secure and govern them and it and that in the mean time they would acknowledge Duke Charles for their Hereditary Governour untill the Prince should attain to lawfull age But that if his Majesty should not do what before expressed within the prefixed times they would then also reject him so as neither he nor his Heirs should ever be admitted to sway the Scepter of Suethland but as the Father so the Son to be forever deprived thereof themselves being the causers of their prescription from the Royall Throne and their own dispoylers of all Authority and Dignity in Suethland wherof the said Orders were innocent before God and the World as not
having administred the least occasion therunto That thereafter they would choose such a King and Lord as should maintain and govern them according to the pure word of God and the Suethish Lawes Thus much out of the Act it selfe concluded the twenty fourth of July 1599. whereunto the further curious are referred I shall onely adding as a preparatory to the next ensuing Parliament that in this it was degreed that when his Highnesse the Duke should return from Finland whether the troubles there did call him they would again convene in place convenient for the triall of those Counsellours and others then Prisoners and on the guilty inflict deserved punishment and that the Duke and they had resolved for the cleering of themselves before all Christian Monarchs and the whole World that they proceeded not otherwise in that Affaire then right and justice required to entreat certain Electors and Princes of Germany to send some men of probity and integrity into Suethland not as Judges of controversies but as Auditors onely But if those Ambassadors did defer their coming that themselves would then proceed This Parliament ended they without delay by Letters of the thirtieth of the said month advertised King Sigismundus of what had been therein concluded and humbly desired his Majesty to declare himselfe within the time limited But to these Letters say they he returned no answer Whereupon another Parliament was indicted at Lincopia against the month of March in the yeare 1600. In this Convention the whole Orders of Suethland as in the former they had done did expresly and absolutely renounce King Sigismundus and his Government as also his Son for himselfe and Posterity in case of his not being sent into Suethland within the time specified in the former They thereupon do likewise cleer his Highnesse from affecting the Soveraignty or its Title notwithstanding the tender thereof unto him and confirmed him for their Governour during the absence as also the minority of the Prince if he should come within the time five months whereof were yet unexpired And albeit as they in the nineth Section or Pause of that Act do acknowledge Duke John the Brother of King Sigismundus was the next in right unto the Crowne according to the severall times fore-mentioned hereditary Unions yet did they decline him fearing least when he had attained the Regall Chaire he might moved thereunto by naturall affection to his Brother or his Heirs enter into such Covenants and make such transactions as might be destructive to themselves and to the Country by joyning with them to revenge upon Duke Charles or his Successors those things which in those turbulent times had been acted in reference to King Sigismundus and his Family and so the latter evill might be worse then the former And therefore they unanimously decreed that the said Prince John should have the Dukedome of Ostrogothia formerly designed for his Uncle Duke Magnus conferred upon him with certain reservations and equall compensations for the same therein expressed The said Prince to rest therewith contented without pretending to any other part in the Kingdome Hereditary Goods expected which by paternall or maternall Inheritance might be devolved unto him yet with certaine restrictions therein contained And as in the eight Section or Pause of the said Act they repeat the Motives of their defection from King Sigismundus as his deserting the Evangelicall and embracing the Papall erroneous Profession his endeavouring to obtrude the same upon that Kingdome his departure from thence severall times without their privity after he had brought a numerous forraign Army into the bowells of the Country against all right naturall affection and the Lawes of that Nation and had by severall other waies acted contrary to his Oath and assecutoriall Letters as also had not daigned to answer one sylable to their humble desires and assurance of committing the Soveraign rule of Suethland unto his Son if transmitted for due Education within the prefixed time For which causes they likewise renounced his Son and all other his Heires and Successors depriving them of all Jurisdiction otherwise by the Hereditary Union rightly belonging unto them so as neither his Majesty nor any of his Progeny should thereafter obtaine any right unto the Suethish Diadem withdrawing themselves from all Obligations wherein they were tyed to his Majesty and his Heires as also renouncing all fidelity security and assistance formerly exhibited to his Majesty So in the twelfth Pause or Section of the same they approve of and confirme Duke Charles for their future King promising unto him therby unanimously and with one assent obedience fidelity security and their utmost assistance as to their naturall and beloved Lord and King yea that albeit he should refuse to accept the Crown and whether the Coronation Ceremonies should be performed or not they would neverthelesse acknowledge and observe him as their lawfull Lord and King They likewise bound themselves in that Act that after the death of Duke Charles they would render and perform the like obedience unto his Son the Prince Gustavus Adolphus and to his Heirs Males so long as any of them should survive But they sailing the Royall Scepter to come to Duke John afore-named Provided that he and his Successors were obliged not to enter into any Union or confederacy with King Sigismundus or his Heirs especially relating to any share or government in that Kingdome and that he nor they should in no sort adhere unto the Romish erroneous Doctrine Concerning their establishment of Church-service as also their Treaties to be had with the Russian and those of Lubecke the curious are referred to the Act wherein also provision was made for dispatch of Juridicall Suites Scrutenies into the publike Revenues of the Crown Setling of certain numbers of Horse and Foot in each Province to be ready upon emergent occasions their constant Salaries and Sustentation whilest remaining at home to be out of the Crown Revenues onely but when the whole Forces of each Province or any part therof should move in Military expedition against the Kingdomes Enemies each Province to furnish their proper Souldiers with Provision or Maintenance during the expedition that so each might be assessed for their own Militia and not burthened with that of any other And that forasmuch as each Province had not equall number of Souldiers no more then equall frequency of subsidiary Inhabitants it was ordained that the Assesments for the maintenance of the Army should be equall in each Province wherby the Inhabitant of one Province might not be liable to a larger Military contribution then one of another Province and if the Military number in one Province were greater then its proper contribution could maintain during the expedition the defect was to be supplied out of the Crown Revenues of that Province wherby the Souldier might out of the same Province be provided of necessaries during the expedition This Decree to be perpetually observed whether the
Military bands should remain at home or march under the Ensignes against the Enemy Care was likewise taken for the regulating of Decimations or Tithes in field provisions whereof the Minister was to have a third for his peculiar use and the residue to be carried into the Granary of the Church the Minister to make Oath of what by him received and upon prevarication found either by the Minister or by the Husbendman to the Minister or to the Granary of the Church the party offending to be cited into Judgment and fined During this Session the Captivated Senators and such as upon their account had been sent for from Finland were brought to tryal concerning whom it was concluded that forasmuch as those Counsellors who in this present Parliament had appeared in Judgment and were by Duke Charles personally in presence of the Lords Clement Gadderdorf and Gerhard Stedding Ambassadors from the Prince John Adolph Duke of Holstein accused and convicted that they were not only the first who causelesly deserted the Acts enacted and decreed by themselves as well as others at Sudercopia and elsewhere and like Malefactors fled out of the Kingdome therby deserving the punishment which the said Acts and other laudable transactions of the Kingdome enjoyned to perjured persons and violaters such as these were of their own Snbscriptions but also derogating from their Oath and all naturall Patriall affection had perswaded King Sigismundus themselves accompanying him to bring an Alien Army to devast and destroy his Native Soile and not as became a gratious King to visite and defend his Subjects according to equity and the Lawes Of all which Crimes they were convicted by their own Letters besides many other wicked conspiracies by them formerly and of late malignantly practised against his Highnesse and their Country for which they had been by most equall Judges condemned in losse of life and Goods as by the Sentence it self the tenour wherof followeth doth appear in these words BY the particular Letters and Writings of these Trayterous and unfaithfull men Gustavus Baner Ericke Sparre Steno Baner and Thuro Bielke of the Senatoriall Order it is manifest that they have not adhered to their written Obligatory Engagements sent at severall times to his Highnesse but have shamefully digressed from their own Acts under their hands and Seales and from the laudable Decree ratified by them at Sudercopia We therfore who by the universall Orders of the Kingdome are deputed for the pronouncing of this Sentence cannot acquit nor free them from that punishment wherunto persons perjured and transgressors of their own Acts are subject according to the Lawes in regard the Sentence following inserted by themselves in the Sudercopian Decree doth condemn them in these words All persons who shall swarve from this our Vniversall Vnion for favour of great Ones peculiar profit or other causes under what name or notion soever or shall lend assistance that violence be used by any person openly or privately against this Decree or those things whereof his Majesty hath secured the Kingdome of Suethland whereupon this our Constitution is founded We shall repute those men for such as are unfaithfull to his Majesty to the Kingdome turbulent treacherous persons and to the Country Traytors whom We will endeavour by all meanes to suppresse Moreover they have most wickedly slandered his Highnesse unto his Majesty wherby many Calumnies have been divulged in Print and otherwise themselves having in their Letters spread very many things much tending to blemish the Honour good Name and Princely repute of his Highnesse which neither themselves nor any other can prove Wherfore in as much as by their Writings they have so ignominiously depraved his Highnesse the Uncle to the King and Hereditary Prince and Governour of the Kingdome to which Dignity he was by themselves elected they are to undergo the punishment assigned them by the Lawes of Suethen in the ninth Chapter of the Title De Regallibus which is Whosoever shall speak ought derogatory to the honour and fame of the Royall Majesty or of one or more of his Counsellours and cannot rationally and legally prove the same let him lose his head Furthermore forasmuch as they have sowed hatred and discord between King Sigismundus and his Highnesse instigating his Majesty to wage War against his Highnesse contrary to the Lawes of the Land and all regard of naturall affection therby bringing desolation and devastation to the Country Therfore we cannot judge otherwise but that they are obnoxious to the punishment which the eighth Chapter in the Title of the most high Capitall Crimes according to the Laws of Suethen ordains to be inflicted on them in this form of words Whosoever shall raise an Army against the King or the Governour of the Kingdome to surprize them at unawares or to slay them or shall attempt any violence or unjustice by Letters Writings Counsell Endeavours or Assistance if taken in the Fact shall undergo the losse of life and goods Wherunto is added in the same place a Chapter of the Tenor ensuing If any one shall bring a forraigne Army into his Native Soile and wage unlawfull War against his lawfull Lord by devasting the Country unlesse in company of him who is legally promoted to the Government of the Kingdome he with all his partakers are to be deprived of life and their Estates to be for ever consiscated But wheras they and others of the same faction will happily imagine that the said recited Chapter of the Suethish Law may be a help and excuse unto them because it saith unless they shall accompany the King lawfully advanced to the Throne of the Kingdom It is therfore to be considered on the otherside that themselves were the causers of all the troubles and effusions of blood which to our grief hath for some time overflowed the Country it is to be feared that the same wound of dissention may again fester unless by the divine goodness it be in mercy salved For in the first place if his Majesty would attempt ought against his Oath his Covenants and the Lawes they were not bound to adhere unto him in that point as the fifth Chapter in the Title De Regalibus concerning the duty of Senators doth express in these words We shall yeild unto the King lawfull obedience and shall performe his commands in all things which he shall enjoyn us rationally and legally and so as We may before God and man justly maintain and answer for as well our obedience as the things which he commands Therfore according to their Oath of Office they were bound to perswade the King to such things as they knew to be advantageous to his Majesty and the Natives and ought to have exhorted him to preserve not violate the Regall Rule that so he might not have transgressed the Oath made to the universall orders of the Kingdom and should have put in execution the things which they had promised to the King and Kingdom but they have gone
not only clearly directly Contrary therunto and to the Sudercopian Decree in like manner but have also induced his Majesty to the breach of his Oath as they had broken theirs and to oppresse his Country by cruel War contrary to Law and Justice wherby they have caused many thousands of men to lose their lives procured much hurt and detriment to the country depriving the King of his Kingdom and people and by their plots precipitated themselves into the present misfortune It is hereby manifest that the pre-alledged Chapter of the Lawes of Suethen doth no way cover or defend their Crime but that we by vigour of the same text have legally pronounced them to be deprived of their lives their lands their goods and good names And we accordingly profess that we all jointly and severally willingly and legally by vertue of those obligatorial letters which the most illustrious Duke Charles and we have given to each other interchangably without hatred envy feare or respect of any person nor offering further then deserved violence have pronounced this Judgement and capitall Sentence and that we will constantly adhere thereunto both for the present and the future and will acknowledge and maintaine the same before God and the Christian World For the more assurance hereof we have ratified and confirmed this present Judgement with our hands and Seales At Lincopia the sevententh of March 1600 In this manner was the Sentence pronounced on those aforenamed but as for Claudius Bielke Christierne the Son of Claudius Ericke the Son of Abraham George Posse the Son of Knute they having publikely acknowledged their offences his Highnesse at the request of the Forrain Ambassadors and the Orders of the Kingdome had pardoned them upon their humble suit for remission of the facts whereby they had offended partly against those Orders partly against the Countrey yet so as to remaine prisoners untill his Highnesse had taken further deliberation and the bettering of their condition to be at his Highnesse pleasure Hogenscheild Bielke affirming hee could rationally refute the imputation of his siding with the other unfaithfull Counsellors by assistance and advice in perswading King Sigismundus to bring a forrain Army into his native Soyle he was to clear himselfe at the next insuing Parliament or otherwise to be lyable to the crime objected Concerning Carolus Gustavus and the Homicide charged upon him but no absolute conclusion made of the time he was ordered to acquit himselfe thereof in the next Parliament in which also the particulars his Highnesse had against the foresayd Persons were to be examined In reference to Finland the Parliament decreed that Arvidus Gustavus and Axelius Kurck who for effusion of blood and other abominable and wicked actions in that Province perpetrated by them had been there legally sentenced which was here confirmed should undergo the deserved punishment That others of the Nobility and of the Military Order not equally guilty as having been seduced by those trayterous Counsellours their Leaders should have their lives spared but that a third of their Immovables whether by Inheritance or Donation from Kings of Suethland should accrue unto the Crown for ever with all their Fee-Farmes whether for term of life or years It was further decreed that the Clergy and all others in that Province who by their Sons their Kindred or others of the Military Bands had contributed or maintained Horses or that had by Letters and Plots endeavoured against his Highnesse and the Kingdome in generall but cheifly for deserting the Sudercopian Constitutions they had formerly approved of and opposing themselves to their laudable transactions should be punished the Clergy to be for ever deprived of their Parishes and Ministeriall dignities Others who had furnished Horses or assistance to the Enemies were to be fined in a third part of their Goods and such as were any way accountable to be called to a strict account the residue of the Clergy who had onely dissented by not assisting the Orders and the Kingdome in prosecution of the Regall Oath and Assecuration with other most ancient jurisdictions should be fined in five Dollars for every ten Boores or Ploughmen within their Parishes and so to retain their functions and livings so long as they should behave themselves as became faithfull Subjects These are partly the heads of the Parliamentary transactions at Lincopia the ninteenth of March 1600. For more full satisfaction reference is had to the Acts. The same things were confirmed in the Comitiall Convention at Stocholme An. 1602 with sundry others enacted more relating to that countrey in particular then to the matter we have in hand and therefore here omitted Therein the Duke was again desired to accept of the Crowne which he neverthelesse refused untill he had once more by letters sounded the mind of his Nephew King of Sigismundus whether he would yet send his Son upon the conditions before expressed to receive his education in Suethen and the Crowne thereof when he should attaine unto full yeares In this Parliament also the succession was confirmed Duke Charles deceasing upon his Son Gustavus Adolphus and his heires males and those not surviving upon his second Son the Prince Carolus Philippus and his Male Issue which likewise failing the forenamed Prince John with his posterity masculine should succeed and did associate each with other for the opposing of any whether Native or stranger who should contradict these Statutes by endeavouring to obtrude any other upon the Regall Throne This Parliamentary Act consisting of eighteen heads sealed with their respective hands and Seales was concluded at Stocholme the seventeenth of July 1602. DUKE Charles upon the twentieth of the said Month sent letters to King Sigismundus commemorating those severall times formerly sent as well by the Orders of the Kingdome of Suethland as himselfe for the transmission of his Son to be educated in the Evangelicall Christian profession and the customes there used and so to be received and admitted for their Liege Lord and King when he should attain to yeares fit to manage the affaires of Suethen and to grant them due assecuration Withall taxing him that hitherto he had not only not answered but slighted and contemned their faithfull admonition but had calumniated him and was intentive toward his ruine and that of the Kingdomes respective Orders as appeared by his Majesties Letters divulged in Suethland partly before partly after the late cruell War and particularly in those by him sent to Revell from Vilna of the sixteenth of May stuft with contumelies unnaturall as being published against an Uncle who had alwayes studyed his Majesties and his Fathers good and had endeavoured to place the Crowne upon the head of his sayd Father by the deprivation of Ericke who ruled amisse as also safe-guarded his Majesty then an Infant in requitall whereof he was now by him aspersed with infamous titles and further shewed that Copies of certaine Letters were dilated unto him written by his
Majesty to the King of Denmark from Vilna the five and twentieth of February wherein he had endeavoured to spot his honour and had unadvisedly given away the right which the Crowne of Suethland doth justly vindicate as the peculiar badge thereof Viz. The three Crownes for which a long and cruell War had been waged with the Danes wherein many brave Men had perished and whereas the Danes formerly had earnestly entreated from the Suethes a protraction as to them for composing the difference his Majesty contrarily had now desired the like from the Danes conceding needlesly the right of the Suethes to the adverse party contrary to his Oath and promise which his Majesty and his unfaithfull Counsellours ought not to have done That nevertheless he regarded not those exorbitancies neither was willing to recompence evill with evill but would attribute those excesses to his Majesties weaknesse and the perversnesse of that Religion wherein he had been educated and would returne good even to his Enemies if his Majesty and his partakers would accept of his brotherly affection That therefore albeit the Orders of Suethland in the last Stocholmian Parliament as they had often before done had now againe humbly desired him to assume the Soveraigne Government and had wholly renounced his Majesty as he well knew he had not hitherto directly condescended unto them But that his Majesty and all the World might know he sought not his Majesties or his Successors prejudice but should gladly see his Majesties Posterity perpetually sitting at the Helme of that Kingdome He again earnestly and faithfully desired his Majesty to assent to his request and send his Son speedily into Suethland that otherwise and unlesse that before the ensuing month of August expired he received a satisfactory answer his Majesty would not impute it to him for a Crime that he had at length accepted of the tender which by the whole Orders of the Kingdome had been so frequently made unto him Dated as aforesaid from Stocholme neither do we find any future entercourse by Letters between King Sigismundus and his Uncle Duke Charles But say the Suethes in stead of answer to those Letters new broiles were set on foot by all the Forces could suddenly be raised in Poland Lithuania and Liefland albeit the Leiflanders did more adhere to the Suethes as not brooking the Polish Government Libels were dispersed into all parts against Duke Charles and he with the Orders of Suethland were publikely proclaimed Enemies Sundry but unsuccesfull attempts made upon Huitenstein and Revell Caspar Tisenhusen that Rebell with his Troops of Horse admitted into Viburg by Axell Kurck appointed Camp-Master by King Sigismundus contrary to his Oath and Obligation which prohibited the Command of Castles unto strangers Hereupon Duke Charles was compelled unto a new expedition into Leifland where before he attempted ought against his Adversaries he made sundry overtures for a Composure to Leo Sapia and others to whom the King of Poland had committed the Command of Leifland but was not only delayed with various Letters and deluded with vaine hopes but his Messengers likewise by them imprisoned contrary to the custome of Nations so as all his endeavours for ending that cruell War proved but vaine as appeared in the year 1602. when Axell Kurck and Henricus Horne with others upon request made by the Polanders were sent with certain Instructions positive to try whether any agreement could be made but coming to Leifland they found no man to treat withall King Sigismundus and the Polanders having no other intent then to continue the War and to procure them what Enemies he could both in Denmark and Russia which gave beginning to the so long continued broiles between the famous Kingdome of Suethland that of Poland and Lithuania Moreover the said Duke Charles in the yeare 1608. he being then King sent his Ambassadors Magnus Brake Earle of Visinsborg Nicolaus Bielke Baron of Salstad Peter Kenicius Bishop of Scharen Lawrence Paulinus Bishop of Stregnen Ottone Helmer de Tuna Castellan of Aboen and Philip Skeding Castellan of the Narue to treat with the Polanders but as formerly so then King Sigismundus refused to cease this bloody War by equall and laudable transactions Neither as they alledge is that to be slipt over in silence which Jonas Hendrickson Meldorpius Ditmarsus writes in his Oration intituled The meanes and way of reducing the Septentrionall Regions to the Romish Worship Whose words are that when the Collar of the Golden Fleece was presented to King Sigismundus at the Warsovian Parliament by the Count of Ligny in the name of the King of Spaine his Master King Sigismundus made Oath that he would preserve sincere Friendship and Brother-hood with the Prince of that Order and would propagate that Catholike Religion by endeavouring to his power the extirpation of Hereticks What therfore might be expected by the Duke and themselves who had abjured the Roman Profession Surely King Sigismundus swearing at the reception of that Order to propagate the Papall Creed by extirpating the Hereticks was injurious and perjured as to his Coronation Oath taken in Suethland In the year 1604. Duke Charles and the Orders of Suethland assembled again in Parliament at Norcopia upon the sixth of February wherin they ordained severall things tending to that Nations Emolument As 1. Concerning the revising correcting reprinting republishing of the Lawes and Constitutions of the Kingdome of Suehtland in all Provinces thereto belonging those to whom the same was committed to have allowance from the Crown for their subsistence untill it were perfected 2. The grievances of the Subject with their redresse from and by Missionary and Military Quarterings 3. The valuation of their Coine 4. The Tolls or Customes 5. Against imposition of Taxes by Deputies or Officials without the chief Superiours Command 6. The power of Provinciall Law-makers or of great Rulers 7. The Measures Weights and Balances measuring of Lands lustration of Regall Goods 8. Marriage of the Royall Progeny 9. The placing of Crafts-men in every Territory and Ware-houses in each City wherinto all Cloath to be brought and viewed before the fame were vended 10. Against the detention of Tenths Contributions and emergent Exactions by such as hold any Copyhold profits from the Crown 11. Concerning the payment of Subsidies or customary Tributes and by whom 12. The Provinciall Statutes of the late King Gustavus Erickson to be reviewed corrected according to the present occasions by the Supervisors of the Lawes of Suethland and together with them to be published and observed 13. Against undue and fraudulent exportation of Iron the punishment of Offenders 14. Touching the Grants of immovable Goods unto any person made by Kings or Princes 15. That the Moyety of Territoriall Fines should accrue to the Provinciall Judge the other Moyety to be reserved in the Territoriall Chamber Lastly That Emergencies requiring the absence for some time of the King or Kingdomes Governour the stay not to be beyond the day of
Bartholomew-tide For the better satisfaction in all which particulars the curious are referred to the Acts as also the Proceedings made in order to Hogenschield and Claudius Bielke with the other Prisoners and Fugitives their Children and Posterity In like manner their Ordinance for the leavy and maintenance of nine thousand Foot and Horse for three yeares against the Polander the Military Salary to be monthly paid besides the other Souldiers to be maintained by his Highnesse out of the Crown Revenues are therein more fully to be seen the present intention being only to mention the Parliamentary conclusious relating to the former differences between the King his Nephew and the Kingdome In Order hereunto they shew that Duke Charles for sundry considerations by him alleadged was willing to decline the Soveraign Rule and had made unto them these two ensuing Propositions That either they would be reconciled to King Sigismundus or otherwise accept of his Brother Prince John for their King Wherunto they had answered that they utterly rejected the first as being willing to run any hazard rather then to return under his obedience And as for Duke John albeit he was neerest in blood according to the Hereditary Union yet forasmuch as he was of under age and had likewise upon the sixth of that present month in presence of sundry of the States of the Kingdome renounced his right therunto resolving to adhere to the Lincopian Constitutions and had entreated Duke Charles to accept of the Scepter and had likewise sealed this Norcopian Decree religiously promising never to act in prejudice therof under the penalty of losse of his successive right unto the Crown of Suethland as also of his Dukedome and those Hereditary Goods which he possessed in Suethland In like manner that he would never make any Transactions with King Sigismundus his Sons or Successors but to resist them vigorously protecting preserving and defending Duke Charles his Consort Children and Successors in the Jurisdiction at that present designed unto them And therfore for those and other lawfull causes some of which were mentioned in the Lincopian Decrees they could not admit of Prince John unto the Kingdomes rule for which cause they had most humbly and earnestly reiterated their desires to his Highnesse not to reject the Soveraignty which his Highnesse at last moved with their assiduall and unanimous Suit had assented unto And that forasmuch as in consideration of the causes fore-specified in the renunciation and others elsewhere mentioned the Male Line of King John was wholly deprived of the Suethish Diadem and the same designed and conferred upon Duke Charles and his lawfull Heirs they had therfore now renewed their ancient Hereditary Union and had framed and fitted the same unto the condition of the time present They further decreed that if any person at any time therafter should secretly or openly act contrary to the Union and constitution then made by endeavouring to translate the Crown unto any other Family so long as any of the Progeny of their designed King or of Duke John should survive or to render it as formerly Elective by which State many mischiefs as their Annals made mention had sprung up Or finally excluding the Gustavian Race should himself surprise the Regall Chaire they would with joynt Forces endeavour that he or they should incur the punishment of Traytors to their Country and their Goods to be confiscated And if their Children were of years to be knowing and conscious of those Treasons and did not discover them they were to undergo like punishment But upon discovery of their Parents Nefarious practises they should undesputably enjoy their Parents Estate the Parent punished as aforesaid But if they had not attained the years of discretion so as not to be guilty of those treacherous Devices they should not by their Fathers act or suffering losse of life and goods be defamed yet should enjoy only the goods of their Maternall not their Paternall Inheritance If the Mothers were in like manner conscious of the Conspiracy and Treason with their Husbands the Inheritance of the Wife as well as of the Husband should be confiscated and accrue to the Crown without any regard had to the Children This was the substance of the Norcopian Parliament confirmed by the hands and Seales of Prince John Duke of Ostrogothia and Hereditary Prince of Suethland together with the severall Orders therof respectively the twenty second of March 1604. The same likewise Coroborated with the Seales of the Towns and Provinces from whence any of them had been delegated The Reformed hereditary union forementioned was of the same date equally subscribed and Sealed by the Senators and Orders of Suethland Earles Barons Prelates Gentrie Clergie Commanders Burgesses and others who were present at the Norcopian Convention as well in the names of their respective Provinces as in their own and imported that from the time of the Arosian Convention An. 1544. the Kingdome of Suethland formerly Elective had been under Gustavus Erickson of excellent memory rendred hereditary to him his heires Males and their line Masculine so long as any one of them should survive in consideration of the desolations intestine Seditions Sanguinolent profusions multiferous destructive detriments sustained by that Kingdome whilest Elective without regard to a lawfull regall succession One Person or Party preferring one Prince the other Party another to the Royall throne from whence multiplicious discords and pernicious dissensions had overflowed the inhabitants to the almost ruine of the whole Kingdome That the motives inducing thereunto had been his vindicating them from the immanity of Christierne the second of Denmarke That before his migration hence he had composed a certain last Will and Testament for the regulating of his children toward each other and toward their Subjects Upon which Testament the Orders of the Kingdome had grounded their hereditary union and as a marke had made it their aime not obscurely insinuating that unlesse the Gustavian succession made that their rule they could not therby pretend any advantage nor any right unto the Crowne more then that Testament conveyed unto them The close whereof contained that his Children and Successors should cherish and maintaine divine worship and the precious word of God without any superstition or traditions of men according as himselfe had endeavoured to promote and publish the same Next that they should embrace each other with continued mutuall affection governing and protecting their Subjects rightly and justly and according to their legally acquired priviledges That according to the hereditary Union grounded as aforesaid they had crowned Ericke the Eldest of that line But in regard his rule was not corresponding to the Paternall Testament and Laws of Suethland they had deprived him and his heires of the Crowne of Suethland and substituted in his Stead the late King John of laudable memory as the neerest in Order to that Covenant of hereditary Union That he albeit retarded by the impulsions of perverse persons who suggested
unto him the pernicious change of religion which was mostly intended during his raigne had been vigilant toward those things that were consentaneous to Christianity and right and intended a just Government so long as his thred of life remained To which change of Religion as also sundry other things were to be imputed to the suggestions of evill Counsellors as the primary causers of that want of brotherly confidence which of right ought to have been between him and his Brother Duke Charles They also affirme that contrary to his Fathers sayd Testament and his owne Oath for true observation thereof Sigismundus his Son afterwards King of Poland had been by him permitted to be educated in the Pontificiall Religion and that by the fore-specified impulsions and perswasions of perverse Counsellours he had sent his sayd Son out of the Kingdome to receive the Crowne of Poland from whence as from an overflowing stream all those innundations of evills which had covered their Country proceeded It would be over long here to repeat their formerly so often reiterated Criminations against King Sigismundus nor the fore-mentioned Resignation by Duke John of his Hereditary right to the Kingdome They therfore proceed to pronounce Duke Charles by them formerly designed for their present absolute and lawfull Soveraigne with whom and for whose safety they would live and dye and that after him they would receive his eldest Son the Prince Gustavus Adolphus for their immediate and confirmed King Upon the younger Prince Carolus Philippus they thereby setled the Paternall Dukedomes of Sudermannia Nericia and Wermelandia Vosbogia and the Valensian Territory with the other Jurisdictions then possessed by his Father But that Duke John should enjoy the Dukedome formerly granted unto Duke Magnus with other large emoluments conceded unto him by the present Parliament as the Letters of Donation did testifie That if their designed King the present Prince Gustavus Adolphus should leave behind him any lawfull Regall or Ducall Heirs Males the eldest should succeed and he deceasing sonlesse the one after the other from Line to Line should sway the Scepter and so his Highnesse Sons that should be borne unto him should be by them and their Successors designed and accepted for lawfull and Hereditary Kings of Suethland But if the Prince Gustavus Adolphus should depart this life not leaving any lawfull Heirs Males the second Son Prince Carolus Philippus should obtaine the Crowne as their designed elected and confirmed King of Suethland and after him his lawfull Heirs Males in like manner should succeed as hath been expressed toward the Line of Prince Gustavus Lastly That if Prince Carolus Philippus should change this mortall State without any lawfull Male Issue to rule the rains of the Kingdome the Royall dignity should then devolve unto the illustrious Duke John in the same manner word for word as it had been decreed and confirmed unto the forenamed Princes Gustavus Adolphus and Carolus Philippus He also dying his eldest lawfull Son should obtaine the Regall Wreath and so each from Line to Line as had been designed and concluded unto the Heirs of the two Princes before named in the foregoing Articles And that forasmuch as Histories give ample testimony of tumults dissentions and multiferous detriments which over-fruitfully flock into a Common-wealth when the Line of a lawfull Family is not regarded the Kingdome and the Government thereof being in jeopardy by a perillous election of Governours this Inhabitant voting for one Candidate or pretender that man for another And that on the other side it may be collected out of Histories that much Concord and Tranquility hath ever flourished in a Common-wealth when according to Divine providence the States or Orders of a Kingdome have not swarved from the right and lawfull Line of a Regall Family If therefore which they besought God gracionsly to divert the like inconvenient should befall the Kingdome of Suethland that the whole Masculine Gustavian Progeny should be taken away and none remaining of that Regall and Ducall Family but Female Heirs they did bind themselves by promise and voluntarily and by mature Counsell did thereby unanimously and concordially universally and singularly for themselves in generall and particular and for all their Successors ingage and sweare that they would accept that Princesse and Regall Daughter if such should be living or of the Ducall Line for Queen of Suethland and that they would not obtrude any Husband upon her without her will and consent and especially that they would not permit or procure her a Husband of any People enemy to the Suethish Nation or that had any way sought after their ruine or hurt nor yet any of a perverse Religion or adhering to a Doctrine differing from their Christian profession That withall the Queen should be and thereby was prohibited from any manner of Matrimoniall contract with any person of such a Nation or Religion under the penalty of deprivation of Rule and Dignity but that she should rather wed some one of the Suethish Nation whom she could affect and who might be usefull to the Kingdome or some Prince of the Ducall Families in Germany descended from the illustrious Gustavian Progeny of Suethland and of the same Religion with them except such marriage were forbidden by propinquity of blood That the other Regall and Ducall Daughters of that Family then remaining should be provided of Dowries and other necessaries befitting their condition and dignity according to the Gustavian Testament and the conclusions of the present Parliament Yet with these conditions and cautions that not any of the Regal or Ducal Daughters should contract Matrimonie with any person without the free consent and approbation of the Orders of the Kingdome But not intentending hereby that the daughters of the King Sigismundus if any were or his Sister should be comprehended they being rejected from ever obtaining any jurisdiction in Suethland And forasmuch as all the tumult warr and dissention which of late times had molested them had their maine Originall from the difference of religion between his Majesty of Poland and the Orders of Suethland he having contrary to his Grand-fathers last Wil and Testament deserted their Christian profession and embraced the Papall erroneous doctrine they therefore unanimously constituted and decreed that they would never prefer any person unto the Royall Chaire who should not be of the same Religion with them And that if any of their Hereditary Princes should decline the pure word of God comprehended in the Propheticall and Apostolicall Books and depart from the Augustane Confession presented to the Emperour Charles An. 1530. grounded upon the Word of God as also from other former transactions and laudable Constitutions partly framed in the time of King Gustavus partly since tending chiefly and above all things to the advancement of Christs Church and the propagation of Religion and to the preservation of the best policy both in Spiritualls and Temporalls or whosoever should not do
and promove whatsoever he shall know may tend to the honour of God or should not attend to those things which might concern the profit and emolument of the Countrey he should be 〈…〉 terly deprived of that Hereditary Jurisdiction which by the Act of union was due unto him In like manner under the penalty of like deprivation their Hereditary Princes were prohibited Marriage with any Wife of an erroneous Religion contrary to that above specified for avoyding those dissentions might thereby grow between the Subjects and their Lords as had befallen with King Sigismundus neither should contract Matrimony without acquainting and thereupon advising with the Orders of the Kingdom whether such Marriage would be commodious for themselves and the Realme All Inhabitants therein at present or after times who should seduce advise or perswade any of their Hereditary Princes to imbrace or be brought up in any false Religion or in other then that above mentioned should be accounted as Traytors to the Kingdome and undergoe punishment accordingly of what soever condition they were high or low Senators or others They likewise concluded and decreed that not any of their Hereditary Princes should be raised to the Royal Throne who did accept of another Kingdome and that no Hereditary King had power to accept of any other Realms or Territories unlesse he would constantly remaine in the native Soyle they having by sad experience found by the transactions of former times and moderne tumults what inconveniencies had been derived unto them by their Kings acceptance of Forraigne Crownes That in order to what before expressed they who were or had been present did promise and sweare according to the tenour of this Hereditary Regall Inauguration and designation of the forenamed severall Princes and their respective Heirs from Line to Line all fidelity obedience and assistance to their utmost power and the hazard and expence of their estates and lives in confirmation whereof they engaged their Christian faith honesty conscience lives and possessions as they desired God to be propitious unto them and each for himselfe and his Successors after their manuall Subscription sealed the same with their Capitall Civicall and Territoriall Seals upon reciprocall engagement for their Government according to the pure Word of Cod the Laws and justly acquired Priviledges of Suethland Norcopia the two and twentieth of March 1604. By the fore-specified Parliamentary Decree and Hereditary Union it may appear they utterly renounced the Soveraignty of King Sigismundus who had not once only but severall times first abondoned them therby say they adhering neverthelesse to the right Family according to the Tenor of the Lawes of Suethland and the Acts of Hereditation and concurring with those of Poland who had written to their King then absent for whose return they had prefixed a peremptory day that they could not long subsist without their King by reason of many incident dangers not to be obviated but by the Regall presence and that if he did not return unto them by the time prescribed he should not think strange if they did subrogate another in his place it being impossible for them to live without a King and head to defend them by his Regall power and authority Which reasons say they the Suethes had often suggested and tendred to King Sigismundus notwithstanding that his severall returnes had not been unaccompanied with various inconveniencies apparent in the preceding discourse That all those things being by them passed over they had frequently written to advise and intreat him to return into his Hereditary Kingdome it being no less incommodious for them to live without a King and certaine form of Rule then for the Polanders to which Letters he had not daigned any answer and that they therfore had been deservedly moved to exclaime with those of Poland shall Suethland be longer without a King in no wise A King we must have c. They further affirm that as then Princes meet to be premoted to the Regall Chair were not wanting unto them they having the election of two without swarving from the Regall Family to wit Duke Charles by them now elected and Prince John who albeit they did ingeniously acknowledge him for the neerest as being the younger Son of King John of famous memory and unto whom in that regard they had not once but often presented the Crown yea even at the Solemnity of the Coronation of their present King yet for so much as he was not then of so ripe years as to undertake so troublesome a Government of the Kingdome in such a season and that at Norcopia before the renovation and confirmation of the fore-specified hereditary Union he had upon the sixth of the same month of March in presence as hath been already said of sundry Senators and other Members of that Parliament tendred his just excuses in form as followeth MOST High and Mighty Prince Beloved Lord and Uncle When I silently revolve in my mind the benefits conferred upon me by your Dilection ever since that by reason of the decease of my Parents I came unto your Court I certainly find your affection to have been so great as I cannot sufficiently extoll much lesse deserve or recompence the same I will not at present speak of the Paternall care exhibited toward me by your Dilection in my Instruction and Education in all Christian and Ducall Vertues But desire chiefly to be mindfull of the care exercised by your Dilection least I should have fallen into the hands of Jesuites and have been seduced unto their most pernicious Religion Wherfore seeing I can never be sufficiently able to merit or requite that Fatherly care diligence and trouble I will first and above all things with all earnestnesse crave of the most high God that he will please abundantly to returne the same upon your Dilection your most loved Consort and your Illustrious Children both in this life and that which is to come In the mean time I will diligently endeavour by all manner of obedience and humility to the utmost of my power to make at least some measure of requitall of that faithfulnesse which your Dilection frequently hath and daily doth declare unto me But whereas your Dilection did some daies past propound unto my deliberation certain Articles and hath gratiously required me to declare my resolution upon them as the Orders of the Kingdome have since done in like manner I have therefore thought good to answer your desires humbly entreating your Dilection favourably to accept of and interpret this my serious Resolve wherunto I have decreed to adhere constantly The Universal Orders of the Kingdome most mighty Prince beloved Lord and Uncle in divers Parliamentary Conventions as also in this present Assembly have Unanimously and Concordially acknowledged and received your Dilection for their Lord and Governour unto whom henceforward as to their natural and most beloved King they have promised all obedience due fidelity security and utmost assistance In regard your Dilection
in repute in that Kingdome and that a Law lately there enacted remits to him the whole matter of the Treaty with Poland whether he may not nullifie all the Acts that shall be done in as much as himselfe hath not signed the said Commission And albeit he may have consented that some other signe the same for him yet is this of lesse force in regard that one Tutor cannot substitute another On the other side to passe by smaller ones the Suethes complained of these maine errours in the Polish Procuratorials which they affirme must necessarily be corrected before any meeting could be granted 1. That the King of Poland did usurpe the Title of King of Suethland not onely in the beginning but in the end also of his Procuratory 2. That the name say they of their gracious Lady and Queen is wholly omitted and in lieu thereof the Suethish Commissioners which phrase amongst the Polanders by reason of their Kings pretensions is of a double sense and the like are intermingled 3. In either of the Procuratorialls as well that of the King as of the Common-wealth the Commissioners of her Majesty are not obscurely albeit by way of Amphibologie or doubtfully called the Commissioners of the King of Poland as in the peculiar Commission of the King it is sayd Wee do also promise that whatsoever by Ours and the Commissioners of the Kingdomes c. As also in the Procuratoriall of the Common-wealth it is expressed thus Promising that whatsoever by the Commissioners of both Parties shall be concluded We and the Common-wealth shall most willingly approve and ratifie the same Which notwithstanding they may by the adverse party be smoothed over in a contrary sense are yet so clear as they admit of no palliation Whilst thus each side insisting on their owne reasons argue and dispute these errours and shew their zeale in maintaining the rights and titles of their Principalls they appear so strict in the observation of their Instructions that at this very beginning a present rupture rather then a continuance was to be expected insomuch as the Suethes that same day retired to Elbing and the Polanders being about to depart on the morrow his Lordship after a long conference with them severally and in company of the Brandenburgers joyntly concluded that he would go thence to Elbing and there employ his utmost endeavour to perswade the Suethes to more conformity as he with the Electoralls did the day following where he was honourably received The next morning the Commissioners of Suethen with the Electorall Ministers came to his Lordship to finde out if possible some way of reconciling the differences arising from the Alternall Procuratories It would be overmuch to particularize the arguments used to that effect seeing they could not be prevalent the Commissioners protesting as they had formerly that bound by the strictnesse of their Instructions they could not admit of those mediate wayes propounded by his Lordship and at last onely condescended to send to their Principalls for Instructions more complying then those they then had and thought that at least six weeks would overpasse before they could receive an answer by reason of the Winter season crosse Winds and the passage in many places stopt with Ice And this they agreed unto conditionally that the Polish Commissioners would in the meane time procure other Procuratories from their King and therein not onely abstaine at least during the Treaty from all title to the Kingdom of Suethland but also in the same give their Queen her full and due titles it being otherwise in vaine to hope for any further meeting These things being by his Lordships Letters signified to the Polish Commissioners they would not listen to any mutation of their Procuratorials affirming that they dared not so much as once motion the same to their King much lesse offer to perswade him thereunto for which cause necessity so requiring and rather then a work so profitable for the State of Christendome should remain unperfected for the meer scrupulosity of Titles his Lordship hoping by his Solicitations in the name and Authority of his Master to dispose the King of Poland to some milder strain offered himself to undertake a journey with them to Warsovia and to that end commended to them his Letters for his Majesty of Poland in which with due respect he acquainted the King with his arrivall and intention for his Court. His Lordship the day following returned to Dantzig the Commissioners of Poland having remained still at Morung waiting for milder resolutions from the adverse party or imagining that at length they would accept of those Mediate waies w ch by the Ambassadors of great Brittaine and Brandenburg had been propounded unto them or at least that some such thing should by the Subdelegates have been proposed whereby an inclination to peace might have appeared But seeing that none of these things were done all hopes of peace excluded they resolved upon their return so to be present at the Parliament to be held at Warsaw and therein to give the King the States of Poland and great Dutchy of Lithuania an account of their actings according to their Commission and of the pains prudence and industry his Lordship had used to promove the Treaty and as before so now againe they solemnly by Letters protest their sincere and reall inclination unto the desired Peace and that they were not the causers of the Treaties dissolution not doubting but that his Lordship would signifie unto the King his Master the readinesse of their King and State unto the so much wished accord and on the other side the refractorinesse of the adverse Party The Declaration often urged by the Subdelegates for the renuing of the Treaty they suspend untill their Kings intention be knowne yet so that they are content to remit the same to the authority and intervention of Great Brittains Ambassador conditionally that the contrary Party leaving aside differences of smaller moment will returne to the Treaty observe the former Articles of the Truce and abstaine from unjust Marine exactions All which they signified unto his Lordship and that they expected an answer from their King and so to proceed toward Warsaw His Lordship was certified within few dayes that his Letters were most acceptable to the King of Poland as well in regard of the assurance he thereby had of his safe arrivall as of the King his Masters sincere affection testified in lending his helping hand to this Pacification which reall friendship as he had ever promised to himselfe so he could not but take his Lordships endeavours in good part Wishing withall that they might be so effectuall as to breake the contumacious perversnesse as he tearmed it of the adverse Party and to vindicate his injuries now manifest to all the World concluding that as the notice of his Lordships arrivall was most welcome so to see him at Warsaw would be no lesse gratefull To this effect were the Kings
resignation and restitution then by having an equall regard to the Honour and Dignity of his Majesty of Poland and to the security of the State of Suethen In reference to the King it would be necessary that the Lawes made in Suethland wherby King Sigismundus and his Posterity had been deprived of the Inheritance and Succession to that Crown should be repealed and nullified and as violent Edicts to be razed out of the publike Records Concerning the State and Kingdome of Suethland it would be sufficiently secured if his Majesty of Poland in regard of the neernesse of consanguinity between him and the Princesse Christina did remit to her during her life the right he had to that Crown conditionally that the lawfull Heirs of his body might enjoy their right of Succession in the future or those failing Heirs And in case such Issue should faile on both sides that then the right of Election should return to the States of the Kingdome Hereunto it would also be requisite that in the point of the Queens future Marriage the King of Polands consent should be in friendly manner required and in case of doubts or scruples arising the approbation of his Electorall Highnesse of Brandenburg might be desired That it would be conducing hereunto if King Vladislaus should joyn in marriage with a Family allied to the Kingdome of Suethen by friendship or confederacy the consent of the States of Suethland concurring Neither could there be a better way to remove all doubts and jealousies then if the young Queen of Suethland were joyned in marriage with Prince Casimirus brother to his Majesty of Poland Concerning the restitution of the other Lands and Provinces taken in War which those of Poland demanded the main question of the Kingdome being decided that would follow of it self Quoniam sublata causa tollitur effectus those pretences having been the cause of that War Neither could the Suethes in lieu of the said restitution demand any re-imbursment of charges for then the Polanders and his Electorall Highnesse of Brandenburg and others might with far more reason require reparation of their losses and restitution of the Tolls extorted beyond measure even contrary to the Articles in the late six years Truce that it was now time to cease and abrogate those unjust oppressions and exactions upon forraign Trade and to reduce commerce to its former freedome That in like manner it was consentaneous to reason that the Elector of Brandenburg having sustained damages so great as not equall compensation could be hoped for should now at least have a full restitution of all his Ports Fortresses Towns Lands and Possessions Lastly that regard was to be had also of the Duke of Curland who having by means of the War received infinite prejudice ought in reason to share in the benefit of the Peace His Lordships Proposition being read in presen 〈…〉 of the Mediators Berkman heretofore named in the name of Marquesse Sigismund and the rest of the Electoralls exhibited one somewhat more breife but in effect the same The French and States Ambassadors delivered theirs by word of mouth these later named varying little if any thing from what the others had delivered in writing The French Ambassador a Cavelier of admirable endowments and singular Eloquence at first opposed his Lordship representing that it would be of no advantage and would be inconvenient likewise to bring againe upon the Stage and to determine that unrellishing and odious question of the Kingdome that it were otherwise if this were a case which could be easily decided or that might be tryed before a Tribunall On the other side it was mainely insisted on as notoriously injurious and prejudiciall to other like Governments At last it was unanimously consented that the day ensuing a proposition should be made to the respective Parties by way of question onely Whether his Majesty of Poland would be pleased as also the young Queen Christina to renounce both for himselfe and his Relations their right in Suethen under these two Conditions I. That the young Queen Christina and her Issue fayling King Vladislaus and his lawfull Heirs might obtaine the right of succession unto the Crown of Suethen II. That restitution be made of all such places and Territories as during the War had been taken either in Leifland or Prussia from the King and Crown of Poland Hereupon the consultation ending all the Mediators the Electoralls excepted retyred from the Castle to their severall lodgings in the Town The severall mediating Ministers and Parties interessed meet the second time at Stumbsdorff where as at first they divide themselves his Lordship with the Brandenburgers repaire to the Suethes the French and States Ambassadors to the Poles and urge the Sequestration of the Procuratories that so they may more confidently proceed in the maine businesse The Polanders affirmed they had new Procuratories but refused to consigne them unlesse their acceptance were secured by attestation as also their restorement in case of Peace or Warr. On the other side the Suethes delivered up theirs with a protestation in writing and the draught of an attestation which his Lordship with the Electorall Ministers rejected not permitting any prescription of their Acts to be made to them by any but their owne attestation to be sufficient The Commissioners of Poland understanding that the Suethes had delivered up their procuratoriall Letters sent theirs to the French Ambassador then in the Mediatoriall Tent but committed their protestation to the Ambassador of great Brittaine and intimated their expectancie of an attestation with the first opportunity Hereupon the Mediators exhibite to each of the Parties the Procuratories received from the other Those of Poland would not once overlooke that of the Suethes saying that without seeing they gave credite thereunto as not being incredulous and would not so much as take notice of their Protestation But on the other side the Suethes did deliberately Supervise and ponder the Polish Procuratories and againe complained that their Queenes titles were imperfectly couched the word Great relating to Princess of Finland being omitted neither would accept thereof notwithstanding all the perswasions the French Ambassador could use He with the Hollanders made relation of this unthought of difficultie to the Commissioners of Poland who hearing it were somewhat troubled imputing the errour to the ignorance or heedlesness of the writer affirming that they were free therefrom but to remove that rubb the Lord Chancellor Zadzick did offer to supply the defect with his owne hand in presence of the Mediators there being no other meanes to rectify the same nor any possibility of recovering other Procuratories This offer of his was excepted against by those of Suethland who alledged that the Chancellor had no power or authority to change or correct ought after the King had once signed the same as also that the Procuratory would be therby imperfect and blemished in regard nothing could be added without interlining At last through the
entreaties of the French and States Ambassadors and the perswasions of his Lordship they yeilded thus far that they would accept of the foresaid correction of that defect conditionally that forasmuch as new Procuratories from the States of Poland could not be obtained without a Parliament first called others were procured from the King within ten dayes space that otherwise and save onely to gratifie the Mediators they would not have so easily accepted the same This sharpe answer exceedingly irritated the Commissioners of Poland who spared not to say that they had made peace with sundry Nations even Barbarous and Infidels and had not found so much difficultie with them as with the Suethes affirming withall that they were not lesse ready for a War in case of rupture then the adverse party with which constancy of theirs or rather by the endeavours of the Mediators the Suethes somewhat mollified accepted of the interlyning before offered the Mediatoriall attestations being deferred untill their return to Marienburg The disputes and differences about the Procuratories being thus determined it will not be amisse to shew briefly in what forme they with the Acts relating to them were couched the scope of the sayd Letters Procuratoriall being to either party That whatsoever they or the greater part of them the absence of one or more notwithstanding shall each with other agree or conclude upon either touching perpetuall peace or longer Truce the same should be fully accepted of and ratified with all due and requisite formes The full Titles of either of the Princes interessed were abreviated with an c. c. as no way derogatory The Protestation of the Polish Commissioners was to this effect That the King of Poland c. albeit his Hereditary right to the Crown of Suethland for the maintaining whereof there had been so long and bloody Wars was no lesse cleare then the Sun and could not be impaired by any arguments to the contrary had notwithstanding at the instant requests of the mediating Ministers of so many and potent Princes and to manifest his a version to the effusion of Christian blood condescended so far as in his Procuratoriall Letters to his Commissioners to permit that to the most illustrious Christina the Title of Designed Queen of Suethes Goths and Vandalls Great Princesse of Finland c. c. should be inserted and the sayd Title in the adverse Procuratorialls to be by his Commissioners accepted of yet without prejudice to his Hereditary right and therefore they the sayd Commissioners of Poland did in his Majesties name make this solemn protest in the most ample and usuall form in such cases accustomed and required in presence of the Ambassadors of the Princes mediating for the indemnity of his sayd Majesties Hereditary right of succession to the Crown of Suethland in evidence and testimony wherof as well for the present as future they desired attestation from the sayd mediating Ministers under their hands and seals The Protest of the Suethish Commissioners imported That they having observed that the King and Re-publike of Poland in their severall Procuratoriall Letters had omitted certain Titles due to their Queen as Esthonia Carelia and Ingria which hither to they could not be induced to give no more then to raze out of their own the Title of Suethland ascribed to the King of Poland for the effecting wherof they had long and earnestly endeavoured yet now at length and at the earnest requests and intervention of the mediating Ambassadors to shew their propensity to Peace as also that the adverse party might be more equitably complying in the future they had assented to the acceptation therof With this solemn Protest interposed and consigned into the hands of the Mediators and by them fully accepted as appeared by their attestation therupon That the same should not either in present or future time any way prejudice or diminish the Right and Dignity of their Queen and of the Kingdome of Suethen much lesse that any Title or Right was therby conceded or given to his Majesty of Poland either directly or indirectly expressed or implied And thus ended the second meeting at Stumbsdorff The Mediators and the Parties being assembled now the third time in the foresaid place the former according to promise delivered their respective attestations that of his Lordship and the Electorals containing That forasmuch as it had pleased the parties to commit their Plenipotentiaries into the hands of the Mediators untill the Negotiation being brought to a happy Peace if it should so please God the same might be framed to the satisfaction of both parties and accordingly re-delivered They had received the Plenipotentiary of the Lords Commissioners of Suethland with a Protest and this Caution therin inserted That in case the Treaty should not have the wished end the said Plenipotentiary should be restored and the Mediators receive back their present attestation That they had also accepted of the said Protest the same to be referred to the publike Acts. The French with the States Ambassadors gave the like to the Commissioners of Poland Thus at last these difficulties about the Procuratorials were after the consumption of foure months by the Mediatoriall endeavours removed and a proceed unto the Principall and more weighty businesse of the main Treaty intended To which end the Mediators dividing themselves remonstrated to the severall parties what had been three daies before concluded at Marienburg The Suethes at the first overture answered Negatively to both the Conditions wherby the Kingof Poland as had been conceived might be moved to a resignation affirming that as to the Succession and Hereditary Right pretended by King Vladislaus and his Heirs unto the Crown of Suethland there was a decree of the States of that Kingdome expresly against the same which they might no way contradict and added withall that of future contingencies to which sense the Posterity to ensue might be referred there could be no certainty determined And to the other Viz. the restitution they would not once treat thereof unlesse they were first assured of an absolute and entire resignation that being the ground-work of the whole Affaire which being obtained they would declare themselves in most effectuall and friendly manner This was all that his Lordship could obtain by way of answer notwithstanding many arguments used to have gained further which he with the Electorals referred to the judgment of the Mediators in generall And from the Polish Commissioners by the Ambassadors of France and Holland was delivered an answer in almost the same termes by way of conversion to wit that the meer motion of a renunciation was no lesse odious to them and that they were as far from consenting therto unlesse a restitution were first conceded The Mediators pondring these extreams feared least the relating of them might further exasperate the parties who appeared already more prone to War then Peace and therfore resolved to return and desire of them that forasmuch
as they had hitherto answered far from the matter they would come neerer and declare themselves more cleerly The Suethes did still insist upon an absolute resignation in reference wherunto they declare for their Cathegoricall resolution that the same being granted by the Polanders they to shew their good inclination toward Peace would restore the rich Country of Prussia conditionally that they might be re-imbursed of their Charges which offer of theirs not being in any sort satisfactory to his Lordship and the Brandenburgers they insisted by way of anticipation upon the restoring of Leifland also but finding the Suethes utterly averse therunto they without obtaining further returned to the Mediatoriall Colledge In the mean time the Commissioners of Poland urged by the other Mediators upon the two foresaid Conditions desired to have them in writing with time of deliberation untill the day following wherin they would further declare themselves touching the same The Mediators upon consultation agreed to satisfie the request of the Polanders conditionally that there should be no further treating by writ as being both slow and dangerous this being given as a help to memory only On the other side the Suethes understanding that the adverse party had required that daies respite to consider of the conditions propounded and the grant therof by the Mediators they were exceedingly incensed with that delatory answer in regard that they having sincerely discovered themselves as far as they could in a manner the Polanders had not daigned to make any equall return for which cause they saw no reason said they to condescend to another meeting before they had some resolution in the point of resignation His Lordship endeavoured to moderate their violence tending to a Rupture but in vain insomuch as he left them discontented He was but newly entred into the Tent of the Polish Commissioners but that Secretary Lording followed to tell him that his Lords the Suethes had consented to the next daies meeting All parties hereupon convening the fourth time the first point was to learn how those of Poland would declare themselves upon the former conditions to them the French and States Ambassadors repaired and received this answer That they did not reject the foresaid conditions but that they found them not to be sufficient wherby the King might be induced to make a resignation They therfore requested the Mediators to consider of some other more equall termes These words when related seemed very strange to the other Mediators and not fit to be communicated to those of Suethen except they were accompanied with other circumstances After a serious debate amongst themselves they pitch upon five other Articles 1. That the harsh Lawes enacted against King Sigismundus and his house might be abolished so as the Suethes might freely elect Kings to themselves out of that Family 2. That satisfaction should be made to the King and his Brethren out of the Territory of Leifland as the King and the States should agree 3. That there should be firm friendship between the two Kingdomes and the Queen Christina to be married into a Family not Enemy to the King and State of Poland King Vladislaus also to match in like manner 4. The Children lawfully proceeding from Vladislaus and his Wife on the one side and Christina and her Husband on the other side to be joyned in marriage 5. To be mutually assisting against the Enemies of each other With these his Lordship and the Electorall Ministers went to those of Poland The French and Hollanders at the same time acquainting the Suethes with the said Articles the Polanders required that they might transcribe and have time until the Munday ensuing to deliberate that then they would declare their finall resolution But in the mean time the Suethes absolutely rejected these new Conditions as being worse then the former and derogatory from the Dignity of their Queen and the Kingdome of Suethen and again insisted upon an entire renunciation without which no Peace to be hoped for The answer of either party being rehearsed in the Mediatoriall Colledge it was thought good that the Poles informed of the perseverance of the Suethes in the point of resignation should be pressed to open their minds more freely and that the Sueths should be perswaded to meet upon the Munday following against which time the Polanders were to deliberate upon the five Conditions newly propounded by the Mediators Hereupon the French and Hollanders returne to those of Poland who no sooner heard that odious word of Resignation againe repeated but they became exceedingly enraged chiefly Duke Radzivill who replyed Let not your Lordships suffer your selves to be thus mocked by the Suethes neither will we any longer if they desire yet any further declaration upon that point this is our resolution we will rather dye then Resigne During this the Agent Master Gordon had in his Lordships name endeavoured to move the Suethes to meet againe the Munday following to whom before he could end his speech they answered peremptorily That they would not meet any more That they were deluded the time protracted and nothing hitherto effected except the meetings worthy of the Mediators paines That at Jonas Dorff they would expect the resolution of the Polanders touching the point in question The Mediators very solicitous how to wade out of those difficulties at last prevailed so far with the Polanders as to meet whensoever they should by Letters appoint the same The day following his Lordship with Master Gordon and the States Ambassadors repaired to Jonas-Dorff to visite and perswade the Suethes to a future meeting on the 23. May 2. June as also to treat with them particularly about what they had further in Commission touching the Tolls exacted from the Subjects of their Principalls Trading in those parts And here in the first place the Suethes consented without difficulty to the meeting they had refused the day before excusing the same by their mistake as having conceived it had been chiefly desired by the adverse party not by the Mediators and professed they would meet at their instance whensoever it pleased them From this purpose his Lordship and the Hollanders converted to that of the Tolls remonstrating to the Commissioners of Suethen that sundry unjust and intollerable exactions had been practised in their Tolls and Customes Yea so farr as it was affirmed that upon due computation proofe would be made that one Shipp passing and repassing had payd sixty Rexdollars upon the Last notwithstanding that in the late Treaty six years past a far lesse sum even the third part had been allowed They affirmed also that over and above the same sundry other extraordinary exactions as Anchor-gelt Mast-gelt Passeport Seale-gelt Clerks Fees and others of the like kinde had been extorted all which things introduced against the wonted custome were now grown common The Ambassadors therefore by vertue of their Commissions and Instructions required of the sayd
Commissioners that with all conveniency those excesses might be abstained from the things being in themselves unjust and derogating from their Masters Dignities to be practised they present and not able to relieve the injured Plaintiff Count Brahe in the name of the rest made auswer that indeed sundry complaints had been made unto him about the Tolls but so far as he knew none had ever proved that any new exaction or burthen had been introduced contrary to the agreement that moreover they had no Commission to treat of this matter untill the businesse of the Pacification were ended which done they would conforme themselves strictly unto their Instructions in that point That in the mean time they would send Peter Speiring their Toll-Master to inform their Lordships of all things and that they would enjoyne him to cease all extraordinary burthens if any had crept in Thus ended that conference The same night his Lordship certified the Polish Commissioners of the meeting to be as formerly appointed The time being come their first work was to see what the Polanders would declare upon the Mediatoriall conditions last propounded who to his Lordship and the Electoralls returned the same answer as to the former Viz. That they rejected them not but found them not such as might move their King to renounce a Kingdome which was no small matter and therefore desired the Mediators either to supply the defects of those or to propound others This answer being repeated in the Mediatoriall Colledge what before seemed strange was now judged wholly impossible none knowing what to propound of new that might be acceptable to both Parties whom therefore they resolved not to smooth any longer but that if themselves had ought to propound they might do it Hereupon they part his Lordship to the Suethes the French to the Polanders each accompanied as before but when the Suethes found themselves againe frustrated of the promised resolve from them of Poland they began not without passion to rehearse how much they had already granted to the adverse party Whereas we sayd they desire nothing from the King of Poland but an empty Title we are content to surrender the most noble and rich Province of Prussia which compared together was but as a Feather to a Wedge of Gold That they were sorry they had declared themselves so farr and assured that so soon as their Army should arrive from Suethen they would not onely retract Prussia but likewise treat in tearms much more difficult That as touching Leifland they would not part with the least ●lod thereof neither was it once so much as mentioned in their Instructions The Commissioners of Poland were no lesse stiff toward the French and Hollanders repeating what they had formerly spoken but being somewhat pacified they yeilded so far as to deliver to the Mediators those things under trust which as a supplement they thought fit to be added to the five fore-mentioned Conditions 1. That the young Queen dying King Vladislaus might be chosen King of Suethland 2. That the Suethes should consider how compensation should be made to the Kings Brothers and Sisters 3. That it might be free for them to Elect the Posterity of Vladislaus 4. That Prince Casimir the Kings Brother might Raign in the Regall absence 5. That the young Queen Christina might be married with the Kings advice 6. That Esthonia should be surrendred as a part of Leifland 7. That all the Ordinance taken away in the great Dutchy of Lithuania should be restored 8. That the Ships detained in Wismar and else where should be set free 9. That they should abstain from Extortions hitherto practised in the Customes 10. That reparation should be made for the losses sustained by particular persons in their Possessions and Priviledges and Exiles to be restored to their former Estates The Mediators conferring hereupon and finding the answer of both sides tending to a breach they conclude to tell the Suethes that those of Poland seemed to give some hopes of a renunciation seeing they had not hitherto absolutely denied the same That in order therunto they had added some supplies to the Conditions last propounded about which the Mediators being willing to consult seriously desired the next generall meeting might be deferred for foure daies wherunto the Sueshes yet not without reluctancy consenting the others did so likewise The said day being the 29 8 May June they congregated the sixth time and the Mediators pains were the greater by how much the parties dissenting in extreams seemed to breath nothing but present War No new Counsell remained no mediate means could be more found out neither was it doubted by the Mediators but that the supplements added by the Polanders as aforesaid would cause a certain breach Yet that they might not be wanting to their Mediatoriall Office they agreed setting the Polish conditions aside to demand of each party as for the last time their finall Declarations and how far their Commissions extended From the Suethes whether by their Instructions they had not power to treat of an entire restitution of all things taken away that if they had ought in reserve they should produce it if otherwise that they would do well to have recourse to their Principals the States of Suethland by Letters wherby they might happily be moved to send them instructions more complying Unto the Commissioners of Poland it was remonstrated that albeit the Mediators had duely considered the Supplements delivered unto them they could not conceive that any good would be effected by them and therfore if they had ought remaining touching the resignation that they would entrust them with it for otherwise there would never be an end of going to and from which being tedious in it self they also began to grow weary therof The Suethes to whom the French Ambassador had repaired replyed that seeing nothing had been hitherto offered unto them from the contrary party they had already enlarged themselves too far by a tender of the restitution of Prussia wherunto they could add nothing That they wondred much that these and the like things were almost daily required of them wheras they could not heare of ought from the other side tending toward a Peace That they sufficiently knew the States of Suethen would not be induced to grant any other Commission or Instructions then what they had already That Parliament could not be called in lesse then foure months and that some time would be wasted in making a journey into Suethen but that it might so happen as that their Generall Jacobu● de la Garde whom they ere long expected with a Navy might bring them some further power The Commissiones of Poland complained that the Mediators had relinquished the conditions they had tendred affirming that their King would never be perswaded to a resignation for the restitution of Prussia and Leifland meerly neither had they ought in their Commission more then what they had already declared To
confirm this they instanced recent examples drawn from the Turks and Russians For said they albeit their King had in the late Treaty of Peace with the Muscovite renounced his right of former Election to that Empire which neverthelesse was much weaker then the Hereditary Right he had to Suethen yet he did it not but upon very advantageous conditions they giving him for the same three great and large Provinces extending to above five hundred miles That in his late Wars also against the Turke he had shewed himself so resolute as not to yeild to the least disadvantage that when beside the Peace they desired of him some small Gift not by way of Superiority or Tribute but in token of Friendship onely he would not condescend therto but chose rather to wage most cruell Battell Wherin to his eternall Fame being twice Victor he made Peace with them according to his own desire That they might easily therfore conclude the King of Poland would never be induced to renounce his Hereditary right to the Crown and Kingdome of Suethland for Prussia and Leifland only by the restitution wherof no Emolument or compensation was derived to the King and his Family but only some satisfaction to the Common-wealth of Poland At last overcome with the earnest perswasions of his Lordship and the Ministers of the States Generall they did promise to write once more to the King about the resignation saying that they expected him to be suddenly at Thorne from whence they might within three daies obtain a Cathegorick answer All these things with the resolution of the other party being throughly scanned by the Mediators conclusion was taken that the Commissioners of Suethland should be perswaded to meet on the Wednesday next following against which time the Polanders expected a finall answer from the King in point of resignation no other means appearing to hinder a present dissolution of the Treaty and yet it was feared the event would not answer their desires Neverthelesse his Lordship and the Hollanders undertake the Work relating to the Suethes the answer of the contrary party as sparingly and mincingly as they could As they had presaged so it fell out for so soon as these understood that they were again delayed they interpreted all to be but meer delusions calling God to witnesse with what candour and sincerity they had hitherto treated Whereas quite contrary the adverse party said they had used nothing but Subterfuges not once daigning them an answer which might be so termed They complained of perversnesse and arrogancy in their Adversaries which they affirmed should not passe unrevenged saying that of a certain they should never obtain that Province of Prussia which they had over officiously offered and concluded that they could not be in reason required or desired to meet any more at these Conferences before the King had declared concerning the point in question To this their tartnesse his Lordship and the Ambassadors of Holland replyed as became Mediators by whose dexterous arguments and perswasions the Suethes became so tractable as that they promised without dissolving the Treaty to attend the finall resolution touching the resignation at Jonas Dorff their place of residence The Commissioners of Poland understanding the impatiency of the Suethes were moved with indignation rememorating their humanity and moderation used towards them by waiting a far longer time for their Procuratorials and entreated the Mediators to afford them a meeting and conference on the 6 16 of that month at a Village called Newendorff Hereunto the Mediators consented as having ever shewed themselves ready to contribute their utmost endeavours to advance the publike Interest which by the six generall meetings past may evidently appear The Mediators almost tired with daily journeys enjoyed now some daies of rest in which time his Lordship and the Hollanders spent part therof in giving severall audiences to Speiring fore-named about the Tolls much alteration and dispute being had about the same albeit to small effect The day prefixed being come all the Mediators the Fench excepted went to Newenaorff each being desirous of the Treaties happy progresse wherby the so much desired Pacification might be attained Being met they began their conference at the point of the renunciation that so they might have wherof to certifie the Suethes Commissioners who impatiently expected the same therto they added that the present Truce being neer expired and but little of the Treaty as yet concluded they thought good to advice a prolongation therof untill the ensuing first of August September November and for the more assurance a new Instrument to be made all hostility to be during the same forborne on both sides whereby the Treaty might have a longer course and if God so pleased be brought to a wished Period The Lords of Poland made answer that they had at length prevailed so far with their King in the point of resignation as he would be content to do it upon certain honourable conditions whereof the first and chief was that the Suethes should entirely restore all things formerly taken away that the others might be more easily agreed upon and that they would refer them to the arbitration of the Mediators concerning the prorogation of the Truce they left it to them also this declaration was so much the more gratefull as it gave hopes of a successefull renovation of the Treatie The French Ambassador with the Hollanders repaired to Jonas dorff the day following acquainting the Suethes Commissioners with the declaration made by the Polanders and remonstrated the necessity of prorogating the Truce yet albeit nothing could have come more welcome unto them they would not give any answer as then but promised to send their Subdelegate unto Marienburg the next day And though not materiall to the present purpose I shall heare insert that Mr. Gordon the Agent forenamed took leave of his Lorship and repaired for England upon great and weighty occasions Secretarie Lording Subdelegate to the Suethes being sent to the Mediators according to promise told them in the name of his Principalls that they having heard what the Polanders had declared in reference to the point in question to the end the Treatie the greater part whereof was yet unperfect might not be scanted by time the Truce being neere expired had consented to the prorogation thereof untill the time motioned provided that the Commissioners of Poland would treate more really in the future Herewith the Hollanders charged themselves to acquaint those of Poland and in the name of all the Mediators to require their consent Their answer imported that notwithstanding the prorogation desired would be to their prejudice yet to shew their desire of a happie end of the matter in agitation and to gratify the Mediators whose care for the publike appeared in this as in all other passages they would not refuse the same but there expect him that should be sent to perfect the instrument therof Hereupon two Copies were accordingly
to the Mediators drawn up in Substance as followeth That whereas the late truce for six yeares between the high and mighty Princes and States the Kings and Kingdomes of Poland and Suethen or Viceversa was now almost expired and that the Treatie of Pacification happily begun could not in that scantness of time attaine a wished issue the Ambassadors of the Mediating Princes and States had thought good to propound to each of the Parties a Prorogation of the said Truce Whereupon the foresaid Truce for six yeares remaining in full force and vertue in all the circumstances and clauses thereof the Commissioners of either Party had consented as they doe by these presents consent and agree unto a prorogation of the said Truce untill the first day of August September November next ensuing that in the meane time by the intervention and industrie of the Mediators the present Treatie for an entire and perfect Peace might by Gods assistance be happily finished And it was also hereby enacted that during the said Prorogation no acts of hostility should by either of the Parties be used or permitted to be used toward the other for the greater assurance and better observation whereof the Commissioners deputed from either of the Parties together with the Mediating Ambassadors had signed and sealed the same the eighteenth day of June 1635. The Ambassadors of the States Generall undertooke the care of sending this instrument to the Suethes by their Secritary for Signature they being still at Jonas dorff who promised to returne it the next day by their Subdelegate in perfect mannner Here by the way we may touch that the end of the Sequestrations approaching certain places of Prussia as Marienburg Stume Lochstadt c. which had been during the six yeares Truce entrusted by way of Sequestration into the hands of the Elector of Brandenburg were to be restored unto the Suethes the 12 23 June as also the Memeln and Brunsberge by them to his Electorall Highnesse within three dayes after the Marquesse Sigismund with the other Electorall Ministers as also the rest of the Mediators began to consider of some new residence Risenberg a little Towne in Prussia the Ducall was pitch't upon whereupon the Marquesse Sigismund taking leave went thether the same day Yet here may not be omitted that the Commissioners of Poland insisted earnestly against the exchange of Sequestrations affirming the same to be Ipso facto a breach of the Treaty and as it were a Summons to the War if made before the Treaty were finished and in their favour the Mediators chiefly his Lordship endeavoured what they could yet could not perswade the Suethes to hearken therunto But let us return to that from whence we have digressed Whilest the Mediators expect the Subdelegate from the Suethes they send the other Copy of the Instrument of Prorogation by the foresaid Secretary unto the Commissiones of Poland to be by them signed and sealed which was done without delay In the Interim Secretary Lording came to Marienburg with a new form of Prorogation which not being conform to the other Copy drawn in manner of a Patent nor the full time of the Prorogation unto the first of August inserserted as also that the Subscription of Count Brahe alone did not correspond to the plurall number of Commissioners mentioned in the beginning and middle of the said Instrument it was rejected and the foresaid Secretary of the Hollanders returning with full satisfaction from those of Poland who were to begin their journey toward their King then at Thorne the next day early he was sent to Elbing to acquaint the Suethes therewith and to move them to subscribe the Instrument drawn by the Mediators which at last they did This Remora removed the Mediators also repaired towards Thoronia a faire City belonging to the French and the States Ambassadors not having as yet saluted his Majesty They with the Electorals were honourably and magnificently received each severally according to their Dignities his Lordship also by young Prince Radzivill great Chamberlain of Lithuania and Baron Gildenstierne was received in the Kings Coach many others attending with a great Troop of the Polish Nobility on Hors-back and so conveyed to his lodging not far from that where the King then lay The Mediators in their particular audiances declared the true State of the Treaty and that without absolute resignation all hopes of Peace were desperate neither was any argument left unused wherby something might be gathered from the Kings own mouth or be moved to afford his Commissioners more ample Instructions But to a Courageous and a Victorious Prince such Solicitations being disrellishing they were also ineffectuall Wherfore the usuall Visites and Complements being added the main conclusion was that the meetings at the fore-specified place and time should be again resumed His Lordship having taken leave of the King by a private Audiance set forwards with the Hollanders towards Risenberg The French Ambassador doing the like as also the Brandenburgers about two daies after The Mediators being now altogether and understanding that the Commissioners of Poland were likewise returned to Marienwerder the Marquiss Sigismund as neerest concerned undertook to invite by Letters the Suethes to meet again on Munday the 29. June 9. July at a Villagenamed Honigsfeldt equi-distant from Mar 〈…〉 nburg Risenberg and Jonas Dorff but sundry of those Commissioners being gone to the Pillaw to receive the Generall Jacobus de la Garde who was newly arrived from Suethland with a Navy and an Army the meeting was therby retarded The French Ambassador signified the same to those of Poland who to gain time Duke Radzivill now hastning his journey towards Littaw to make provision for the War in case it should so fall out desired a conference at a Village named Leutznaw where a Polish Gentleman had a house fit to receive them Being met the Polanders were urged by the Mediators joyntly by all fair perswasions to declare in a word their Kings sinall resolution touching the resignation it being to be feared that if the last former condition which mentioned the restitution entire of Prussia and Leifland for the said resignation were still insisted on the first meeting would be the last The Commissioners of Poland having retyred themselves about an hour returned and sayd they wondered much to heare the Mediators desire of them a more full Declaration that themselves stood firme to the former and that Prussia and Liefland should not onely be absolutely restored but that the Laws also made in Suethen against King Sigismund and his Heirs should be utterly abolished and satisfaction made to the King out of the Provinces of Suethland all which things they urged as Sine quibus non The other conditions as restoring of Ships Ordnance and exiled persons would be more easily reconciled Whereunto the French Ambassador made answer in the name of his Colleagues that apparently upon these termes Peace was rather to be
from which I have digressed The p 〈…〉 d delatory answer had so moved the Sueths as they talked of nothing save a present departure and a most just War whereby to requite the contempts and delusions as they called them of the Polanders committing their cause to the Divine Justice his Lordship who had imparted the same having lost his labour certified those of Poland thereof by an expresse who in their answer protested their own sincerity and accused the obstinacy and arrogancy of their Adversaries alledging that in duty it behoved them to acquaint their King with this new proposition of a Truce whose mind therin they expected by Saturday following the 11 21 July which having received they would immediatly communicate unto the Mediators and that done they would also be ready to depart They likewise recommended again to his Lordship their Ship detained as aforesaid in the Rode of Dantzig These things being shewed to the Suethes they changing their minds were contented to expect the Kings answer untill the Sunday next saying withall that if any of them should go to Elbing in the interim they would return by the day prefixed The 12 12 July the electoral Ministers whom the Marquis Sigismund had imployed to Marien werder came to Marienburg whither the Mediators were now returned bringing the Kings Declaration concerning the Truce propounded which was to this effect That albeit he rather inclined to a perpetuall Peace yet to shew his desire to Concord he would condescend to a Truce so it were for ten at most for fifteen years reserving unto himself a part of Leifland by the River Dyna Hereunto the Suethes would not consent nor to any Truce but with these three inseparble Conditions 1 The time to be for fifty years 2. The King of Poland to forbear during the same the Title of King of Suethland 3. A summ of money to be given unto them for the transporting of their Army These Conditions seeming intollerable the Mediators vehemently contradicted them but finding the Suethes unmovable they judged this Treaty for a longer Truce to be likewise in desperate tearms and the rather because the Suethes taking leave at the same instant retired to Elbing About three daies after his Lordship with the States Ambassadors repaired to Elbing to salute the newly arrived Generall Jacobus de la Garde as also to confer about the Treaty and about the Tolls They met with the French Ambassador returning thence who shewed them what new and not small difficulty he fore-saw about the Title of Suethen which was wholly to be omitted of the Polish side or that otherwise there could be no Treaty and that he was then meditating upon a journey to the King about the same Herein his Lordship gave a short but very sound advice saying that the King of Polands Title in things relating to Suethland might be concealed under an c. c. wherby the same was neither totally excluded nor included This counsell was pleasing both to the French and Hollanders wherwith they parted Being entred the Town his Lordship visited the Generall and ceremonials being ended they had a long conference about the fore-passed Negotiation of perpetuall Peace and of the longer Truce in present agitation as also about the disorders and exactions used in the Tolls The States Ambassadors then also entring they unanimously require a longer prorogation of the Truce currant Afterwards his Lordship propounded the Mean of abbreviation about the Title by an c. c. as abovesaid and as the main of all he desired that the number of years might be reduced to thirty which yet he thought that those of Poland would not or hardly consent unto neither within the memory of man could the example of any Truce be produced exceeding thirty years With exceeding humanity and courtesie did the Generall De la Garde reply to the Mediators assuring them that so far as his authority or power could extend he would endeavour and employ the same for Peace and the publike good and said that to the same end he would confer with the Commissioners that very day and certifie the Mediators of their resolution early the next morning by the Commissary Nicodemie Whilest there his Lordship received Letters by an expresse from the Commissioners of Poland containing that moved with the arrogancy of the Adverse Party who as they understood were retired to Elbing they were now ready to depart likewise committing their cause to the Supream Judge who abaseth the proud not doubting withall but that his Majesty of Poland who desired but could not obtain an equall Peace being forced to take up just Armes should prosper victoriously Withall they rendred thanks to the Mediators for their unwearied pains wherby they had obliged the King the Common-wealth and themselves in particular and by way of Postcript desired that their Procuratorials might be restored unto them The French Ambassador received the like Letters at Marienburg wherwith he being troubled acquainted De la Garde by an expresse that so the Suethes informed of the resolution of the Polanders might obviate the same in time The communication therof served probably to bring the Suethes to milder termes for the next day they declared to his Lordship and the Hollanders that they were contented to make Truce for forty years and absolutely to restore Prussia Leifland they would wholly retain as having wonne it by the Sword withall that the King of Poland must forbear the Title of Suethen that in order therunto they would prolong the cessation of Armes untill the fifth of August in which time the Mediators might if they thought good repair to and return from Thorne Herewith his Lordship and the Hollanders returning to Marienburg set forth the day ensuing for Thoronia whither the French Ambassador was gone before the day of their arrival all the Mediators had successive audience and joyntly pressing and obtaining the Suspention accorded by the Snethes they certifie them therof by Letters referring the rest to relation The next day all the Mediators together with the Commissioners and certain of the principall Senators of Poland assembled before the King to receive the last resolve which after long dispute the Parties and Mediators concurring was dilated unto these heads 1. That the Truce should continue for twenty years 2. That entire restitution should be made to the King and Kingdome of Poland as also to the Elector of Brandenburg Duke in Prussia of all places that had been taken in Prussia by the Suethes in the same State they now are with the Ordnance and all other things belonging to the Crown of Poland as Church Ornaments Bells c. 3. That neither at nor before departure ought should be exacted or taken away from the Inhabitants nor they to be burthened publikely or privately 4. That during the Truce the Suethes should possesse all the places they now hold in Leifland yet so that the River Evest
should separate what belonged to Poland and to Suethen and should include one Castle now not inhabited named Marien haus 5. That all Rights and Priviledges appertaining to Cities Colledges or private persons should remain entire 6. That the Titles of either party should be couched in all Instruments Vladislaus 4. Rex Polinae Magnus Dux Lith c. c. and Christina Regina Sueciae Magna Princeps Finlandiae c. 7. The Customes and commerce in Prussia should return to the same state they were in before the War 8. A generall Amestia 9. The Ship lately detained in the road of Dantzig should be restored 10. Exercise of Religion to remain in the state it was before 11. That during the Truce and within two or three years at the furthest a perpetual Peace should in the Parliament of either side be treated of the Truce remaining still unviolate 12. That a time and manner should be settled for deduction of the Armies 13. That the Tolls in Leifland should be moderated and reduced to what they formerly had been 14. That the administration of Justice in the Confines of Lithuania and Leifland and of those parts of Leifland belonging to Poland to be as before 15. That Security should be given as well by the King as by the States of Poland and great Dutchy of Lithuania as also by the Elector of Brandenburg with the Cities of Dantzig and Conigsberg that during the Truce they should not permit any Ships to issue out of those Ports to prejudice or endamage the Kingdome of Suethen neither should they either by themselves or others attempt ought in prejudice of the present Treaty Almost to this effect were the Conditions propounded by the Halianders with addition that for the better settling of firm friendship and confidence between the two Kingdomes and for a sure ground-work to a perpetuall Peace an equall and honourable Marriage should be thought of sor the King of Poland which in their opinion could not be in a more Illustrious and Royall Family then if contracted with the eldest Daughter of the late Prince Frederick King of Bohemia Elector Palatine of Rhyne that Family being so Illustrated by Antiquity Dignity Nobility and Princelyalliances within and without the Romane Empire as none other could be preferred before it From which and the Marriage of Queen Christina with some Prince of the same Family Children might proceed by whose future Conjunctions the two Kingdomes might be joyned in assured friendship as before and the said Marriage might likewise produce other great advantages by reason of the affinity and alliance with other Kings and Princes by whom the differences and difficulties occurring from either or both the Kingdomes internally or externally might be in time remedied With the conditions aforesaid which were admitted by the King of Poland the Mediators made their repaire to Marienburg his Lordship reparing withall to Elbing whence after severall conferences upon the sayd heads with Generall De la Garde and the Commissioners they all determined to returne to Marienburg where the Mediators and the sayd Commissioners being assembled the fifteen conditions forementioned whereby the King of Poland might probably be perswaded to a truce were produced whereupon they being many the Suethes desired respite for consultation untill the day following which was granted the houre being come and all parties convened the Suethes exceptions to those Articles were 1. That touching the terme of Truce they could not accept thereof for lesse then thirty five years and that by their Instructions they were precisely tyed to forty that neverthelesse they retracted five by the approbation and permission of the Generall whose authority chiefly in Military affaires was of great consideration in the Kingdome of Suethland 2. That the title of the Queen of Suethen should be expressed in manner following Suecorum Gothorum Vandalorumque Regina Princeps haereditaria Magna Princeps Finlandiae forasmuch as they could by no means give way that the Hereditary right of their Queen most justly acquired should be obscured or overslipt much lesse be taken away 3. That a considerable sum of money was to be given for the deduction of their Forces That these three points being consented unto the others might be treated on and happily concluded withall that if the prorogation of the Truce which the Mediators desired were to be continued for eight dayes longer these three Articles by them expressed were first to be agreed unto by the Polanders The Mediators upon this answer take journey for Crowdentz a Towne of Prussia where the King with his Army had as then pitched his Tents The next morning early at the Chancellours lodging the Commissioners being present with severall Palatines and Senators consultation was held concerning the particulars propounded from the Suethes in the afternoon all the Mediators had audience together in the Castle of Crowdentz the chiefe of the Nobility being present the dispute continued from three untill ten at night The terme of years after long controverting was specified to be twenty five but the Title of Hereditary Princesse and the money demanded for deduction of the Army were absolutely denyed the first as prejudiciall to the King the other as dishonourable to them These things being afterwards delivered to the Commissioners of Suethen they crave liberty of deliberation untill the next day and promise a timely answer which to hasten the more the Mediators repaire to them into Marienburg Castle where they declare that they could not admit of lesse then thirty years and that they would not abate a day that in due regard to the advice of the Mediators they were contented that the title of Hereditary Princess should be included under an c. That concerning the Money demanded they sought it not directly from the King but to them it was alike whether it came from the Tolls or otherwise With this resolution indeed more mild then was expected the Mediators returned toward Croudentz where the King being busied about wighty affaires their Audience was deferred untill the next day and appointed to be in the Camp the King having resolved to take a generall view of his Army and was not unwilling that the Mediators should have a sight therof The Army Horse and Foot being drawn into order the first that presented was the Infantry the greater part wherof was Natives commonly called Heyduckes a people inured to hardship strong and able bodies but not much accustomed to Discipline some companies of strangers various but not many The Horse consisted for the most part of Lanciers known there by the appellation of Hussars braver men for personage better Horsed nor more superbly Armed can hardly be seen elsewhere consisting wholly of their Gentry yet their Vassals not more to them then they to their Captains obedient howbeit elsewhere they account themselves their equals Their Armour rich and glistering with Gold and Silver the better sort wearing over it loose Mantles
one who to coroborate the friendship of that fore-named Crown the more firmly to his Master would undoubtedly advance the interest therof which indeed he did so far as he might without evident blemish to the Impartiality of a Mediatoriall Dignity But now the Treaty being in a fair way of conclusion and howbeit not for an absolute Peace yet for a Truce of so long continuance as would see many changes over-passe before it expired and the Crown of Suethen being freed therby of all apprehension of hostility from that side might prosecute the War in Germany the more intensively and so be the more concurring with the designs of the King his Master and afford him the greater assistance by a more powerfull diversion it was neither contrary to reason or policy that he should endeavour at the last cast to ingratiate himself into the favour of the Polanders and to remove the jealousies they might have conceived of his aversnesse towards their affairs and the rather because sundry advantages might be therby derived to the advancement of the King his Masters Service by the entertaining of Officers and Souldiers especially the strangers in the Polish Army into his Masters Pay which he afterwards assayed to have done but with small successe the Emperours Ministers who also gaped after the disbanding of that Army preventing him therin by drawing Colonell Butler by them made Generall Major with severall Commanders as well English and Scots as Irish and others with most of the Infantry into the Imperiall Service so to recruit the old or frame a new Army in Silesia For these and other considerations it may be and was conceived that he might not unwillingly cast in that Bone the rather for that the businesse being almost ended and the Parties by how much neerer to peace in their hopes by so much the more affected unto it so as they would not break off upon slight occasions not doubting but that either by the Parties or the Mediators a meane would be found out to make all even againe and if he were not the first mover of that point then which he could never have pickt out one more specious or that could carry more lustre nor render him more gracious with the Polanders especially with their Clergy who bear a great sway in that Kingdome yet it may be supposed that by his forwardnesse therein he animated the Polanders to a greater pertinacy and obstinate perseverance in that contest which was longer and more hotly continued then any other neither was any one more likely to have caused a finall rupture As to his pretended conscientious zeale albeit there can be nothing better then to retain a good conscience in all things yet the conscience of one man cannot be obligatory to that of another much lesse to a generality and especially to their prejudice the same consisting of a mans inward disposition towards God and Man wrought in him by that spirit wherewith he is acted and therefore a mans private conscience ought not to be instanced as an inducement to a State in matters of Religion and especially of a different Creed But notwithstanding all these designes there wanted but little that the King having gotten such an advantage had not made use thereof to thwart all their hopes of a reconcilement and to advance his owne ends for the Warlike Prince fortunate in all his former undertakings against his Enemies and breathing new Conquests had as was conceived no inclination to the Truce but rather desired to have vindicated his pretensions to the Crowne and Kingdome of Suethland by the Sword seeing very well that he should not obtaine the same by Treaty And as the Commissioners for the Republike of Poland observing they could not get a restitution of Leisland whereupon they insisted at the first as well as for Prussia would make no generall Peace choosing rather a Truce after the expiration whereof their pretences to Leifland were still the same even so King Vladislaus perceiving that as well by the one as the other there was little appearance of his regaining the Crown of Suethen did equally distast the Peace and Truce and was induced to a condescention meerly by the Potency rather then the perswasions of the Polish Senators who bending wholly to what was for the present behoof of the Republike had little regard to the particular interest of their Prince a thing usuall in Elective Kingdomes whereas the King was desirous to have recovered his pretended right by force of Armes seeing it could not be otherwise gained wherby he might have assured his Posterity of a hereditary Kingdome in case they should come to be preter-mitted in the Elective as himself had almost been and wher the eldest would not alone be assured of a Crown but the younger likewise would be secured of Principalities and Dukedomes answerarable to the Dignity of their birth which in Poland they were not by any Right or Title for these reasons it may be conjectured that the King was not un willing to embrace any occasion of a rupture and even of late by standing stiff upon sundry points of smaller consequence he had not obscurely discovered his mind neither could he have a more glorious pretence as to them then that of Religion wherby also he might reap another and no small advantage to wit the razing out of his Subjects minds especially those of the Clergy an opinion they had conceived that he favoured the reformed Religion more then they desired he should albeit that surmise of theirs had no other ground then that they knew those of the Reformation had deserved better of him at the time of the Election then themselves had done yet this might be a motive to the King to make a cleer demonstration of his zeal to the contrary by sticking so fast to this particular wheron indeed he insisted most earnestly and so far that the Chancellour who at his first pressing therof did not think that ever it would have come to that height was more puzled therwith then with any other point which before or after the same came to be discussed in the whole Treaty as well how to satisfie the King as to salve their own honour and prevent a breach the same being feared by many and was not undesired by some but I will now leave this and return to the matter from which I have digressed further then I intended The French Ambassador having ended his Apologie the inducement to the former digression and successively gained a good opinion with the Polanders howbeit not without irritating his old Friends the Suethes and being therfore the more desirous to see an end of that controversie which himself had first broached did earnestly require from the Commissioners of Poland their finall resolution upon the point in question after two or three houres spent in debate the Polish Lords agreed that another form should be conceived in writing wherby in place of the words Ritus and Cultus liberty of conscience and
facility of blasting the wisest and best consentred counsels of the Sons of men and overturning the Rock-like appearances of their strongest cemented Constitutions by that Omnipotent and ever-Adorable Power through whose Divine permission things conducing to the un-erring ends by him preordained in the Decrees of his Eternall Providence are brought to passe here below for the pulling down and setting up of Princes Sundry examples wherof are set before our eyes even of late years and particularly in this royal Gustavian Line To John and his Heirs the States of Suethland by a most solemn Act in the year 1590. confirm the Succession but hath this ought more of stability Sigismundus his eldest Son albeit Crowned in Suethland An. 1593. enjoyes it not but with his Seed is for ever expelled from that Kingdomes Regall Chaire by Parliamentary Act in the year 1600. and that expulsion confirmed An. 1504. by a like Act and a renewed reformed Hereditary Union whereby his Seat and Dignity is conferred upon the Person and Heires of Charles Duke of Sudermannia Nericia and Wermelandia who was Crowned An. 1607. being the youngest Son of Gustavus Erickson and younger Brother to John fore-named But here it may be demanded albeit Sigismundus had forfeited the Crown of Suethland both for himselfe and his Posterity yet what offence had the Prince his Brother John the younger Son of King John aforesaid committed to be pretermitted in that Elective Hereditary Succession seeing themselves acknowledge him to be the neerest as he was by how much a Son is neerer then a Brother or a Brother then an Uncle and to be induced to rest so contented with the Dukedome of Ostrogothia as to resigne for ever his whole right unto that Crown unlesse the same should chance to drop upon the head of some one of his Posterity by the decease of the totall lawfull Male Issue of the new King Charles according to the fore-cited Entail 1604. whose second Daughter the Princesse Mary Elizabeth he married An. 1612. Howbeit of him or of any Issue by them we read not Hereunto for answer is offered what themselves alledge and which hath been already touched in their Parliamentary Acts An. 1600. and 1604. Viz. His Minority by some years and that Kingdomes necessity of a Prince of ripe and experienced Judgment with their apprehension of his entring through prevalency of naturall affection into such Covenants with his Brother King Sigismundus or his Heirs as might be destructive to their present King his Uncle Charles and his Family as also his owne voluntary resignation of his Interest in the Suethish Crowne unto his said Uncle as fore-cited An. 1604. which againe confirmed and fully concluded at Orobrogia An. 1606. We may lastly add what themselves do there likewise assert That forasmuch as the most Illustrious Prince Duke John had at the time of the Regall Coronation of his Uncle attained unto the nineteenth year of his age and so might well discern of those things which concerned his Interest they were therfore confident that his Highnesse could not deservedly impute ought unto them and the rather if he should with them duly animadvert into such examples as might in like case be derived from other Kingdomes and Kingly Families which do abundantly testifie that sundry have been ejected from their Hereditary Jurisdiction and others of the same Family surrogated in their stead for causes lesse weighty then those wherby they had been therunto moved That they had seriously considered what that conjuncture of time chiefly in that most afflicted state of their Countrey required Viz. Such a Governour as could with prudence steer the Kingdomes Helme which unlesse speedily provided for utter ruine would have thence overflowed the whole Kingdome Moreover that they had been compelled by those dangerous and subite Plots or Machinations which on every side threatned their Countrey to choose him for their Lord their King and Governour who was endowed with Prudence Experience and maturity of years meet for so weighty a charge King Charles after ten yeares of a laudable Raigne paying the debt that all men owe to nature whereunto by the Eternall decree of the Almighty the most Potent Princes as well as the poorest Peasants are equally subject his Son Gustavus Adolphus succeeded and was Crowned King of the Suethes Gothes and Vandals c. An. 1617. He was as aforesaid cut off in the strength of his years being about the eight and thirtieth of his age An. 1632. at that fatall field of Lutzen yet a day so glorious ro his Fame as all Military men may in like case desire The yeare ensuing his translation from the toiles of this to the Joyes of a better world a Parliament convened at Stockholme the heads wherof as by them couched in seven Articles I shall heere touch at and referr the further curious unto the Act it selfe In that Assembly the Senators Peeres Earles Lords Bishops Gentrie Clergie Military Officers Citizens and Commonalty After a sad Commemoration of their unrecoverable losse by the death of their late Soveraigne whom they rearme their head their King their Father and Pater Patriae under whose most excellent Raigne they above other Nations had lived in safety and tranquility And that to the aggravation of their misery they were destitute of Heirs-Male proceeding from his loynes to possesse his Fathers Seat whereby their and the Kingdomes care and danger was the greater upon due consultation of the best conducement to the Kingdomes good They declare that by the help of their Almighty and in the Name of the blessed Trinity they had decreed confirmed and established IMprimis That his late Majesty having left no Heire Male nor any Children of any Hereditary Prince which might succeed according to the Laws and Constitution of the Realme They did approve of and confirme the Act formerly concluded at Norcopia An. 1604. concerning the Daughters of their Kings and Heir-Princes at the renovation of their Hereditary Union In reference whereunto as also to the Act concluded at Stocholme the fourth of December An. 1627. in case his Majesty should happen to decease They did thereby unanimouly establish and confirme as also advisedly freely and without constraint declare and pronounce The High and Mighty Princesse Christina Daughter of his renouned Majesty Gustavus Adolphus the Second and Great King Queen of the Suethes Goths and Vandalls lawfully chosen as also Hereditary Princesse Great Dutchesse of Finland Dutchesse of Esthonia and Carelia their most deer and gracious Queen And did by these presents oblige themselves c. with all the Inhabitants of the Kingdome and Subjects thereof to render to her Majesty all true and due Service and Obedience and did Inaugurate and establish her sayd Majesty in whatsoever in righteousnesse they might be answerable for before God and Man so that she had full power and authority to command them in all things They likewise confirmed and ratified the Lawes of the Realm for her Majesty And further obliged themselves to
the premises at Stockholme the fourteenth of March 1633. Thus was the young Princesse Christiana then aged about seven yeares designed Queene of Suethes Goths and Vandalls c. as before fully expressed conforme to what had been decreed in her Fathers time at the forespecified Stockholmian Parliament An. 1627. Her Person and Kingdome was governed by the Tutors untill the yeare 1650. in which she was Crowned and hath since in a continued single condition swayed that Scepter more absolutely the Surname of Augusta may be not unduely attributed unto her for certainely that Princesse happy in a wise Councell and valiant Commanders hath done great things and for many yeares since her Fathers death hath held up the Bucklers against the Imperiall and Austrian Forces even in the heart of the Empire and left it unconstrained with honourable conditions both for her selfe and her Allyes Casimirus King of Poland Great Duke of Lithuaniae c c. Ao. 1649 But this Princesse borne bred and habituated to raigne hath in one late action outstript all her former by resigning uncompelled that the World hath heard of that Crown and Kingdome unto her Kinsman the present King A concession to be admired and which after Ages will perhaps account rather fictitious than true Examples of such great voluntary renounciations seldome hapning amongst men nor doe we reade of more than two Dioclesian a Heathen divested himselfe of the Imperiall Wreath Charles the fifth likewise after a forty years Regall and thirty six years Imperiall Domination in the fifty and sixth of his age surrendred his Kingdomes to his Son Phillip and the Empire to his Brother Ferdinand But from the weaker Sex which by how much it is so is the more avidously tenacious of Power by what meanes soever acquired as Histories Divine and humane doe testifie none to be excepted nor any equall President to be produced Neither had this Lady those motives which may be conceived to have induced that great Emperor last named to quit his severall Soveraigneties thereby to live eternally in the memories of men As the neernesse of Relations mentioned his advance into years under the burthen of such occasions as could not but render him sensible of having received as he had caused unto others infinite toiles and troubles having undergone nine Voyages into Germany six into Spaine seven into Italy foure into France ten into the Low Countreys two into England two into Affrica besides eleven times traversing the maine Ocean Certainely He having been mostly Successful in continued Wars might be apprehensive of a Reverse of fortune and therfore not unwilling to prevent it as he did by a Monasticall Retirement But this Princesse never exposed to personall hazards hath denuded her selfe of a Royalty and therwith invested her neerest Kinsman yet more remote then either a Son or a Brother What Women do we read of that ever refused ought of Glorious Much lesse doth History record any Princesse who in the prime of her years hath freely relinquished a long continued hereditary devolved Possession of a Diadem this Lady excepted who by this Conquest over her self hath atchieved a greater then by all her Commanders she ever could which happily may incite some accurate Pen to afford the World an Elogium befitting the Magnanimity of that Act in one of the fairer Sex then which former Ages have not preduced a more lofty Subject wheron to ground the Gallantry of a Discourse That Queen hath all along demonstrated a good inclination to preserve a faire correspondency with England even in the heat and height of its late troubles In An. 1644. Shee sent Mr Hugh Mowet her Agent to the Parliament then sitting in which publike Ministry he was employed about two yeares Neither did he make in all that time the least addresse or application elsewhere Severall subsequent entercourses have since continued the Amity between this and that Nation Neither have her respects as well to our present Government as to the Person of his Highnesse the LORD PROTECTOR been obscurely testified by her solemne Reception and honourable Entertainment of the Right Honourable the Lord Whitlock late Ambassadour Extraordinary in Suethland and by her faire compliance with what desired for the good of both Nations which having concluded and as witnessing to the World that She would Dignifie that Act by rendring it the last of her Raigne she soon after resigned her Kingdome Crown and Scepter unto CAROLVS GVSTAVVS the present King of Suethes Gothes and Vandals Great Prince of Finland Duke of Esthonia and Carelia Lord of Ingria who hath ratified the same and setled a future good understanding between the Realmes of England and Suethland by a most Solemne and Magnificent Embassie He was borne in Ostrogothia about the year 1620. if information erre not Son to the most Illustrious Prince John Casimir Duke of Zwey Bruchie descended from the Electorall House Palatine and of the most Illustrious Princesse Catherina eldest Daughter to the often fore-named Charles the ninth King of Suethland and half Sister to the Great Gustavus Adolphus He was in England An. 1640. since which time he hath been Generalissimo of all the Suethish Forces in Germany and there gave beginning to those great expectations of himselfe which have rendred him the desire of the Suethes who have Crowned him their King in An. 1654 He was as I have been informed entitled to that Kingdome by Act of that Nations Parliament in the year 1650. if the then Queen Christina should decease without lawfull Male Issue His early great Commencements as well before as since his Exaltation to that Crown do promise an equall progresse and the addition of Semper to his sur-name of Gustavus which literis transpositis is Augustus for a perpetuating of the Glory of that Gustavian Line unto whose name and Scepter he hath so happily succeeded as his late Armed Entry into Poland and Successe hitherto may seem to witnesse The Motives that induced him therunto the Curious may read in his Letter to the present Emperour Ferdinand the third dated from Wolgast in the month of July of the year currant 1655. But leaving this Digression In the Treaty of Pacification continued Vicissitudes may be seen somtimes hopes of accommodation other whiles nothing but present rupture to be expected about empty Airey Titles or not much more And when things seeme most desperate and without mediate meanes of reconcilement the stiffer Partie comes fairely to hand by a gentle complyance We may observe the Mediators turne Parties for precedencie and formalities which in a just valuation what amount they unto thereby necessitating in a manner the Parties to become Mediators and so make compensation for Offices received In its Signature how little trustis to be imputed to the assurances of great ones doe they not measure observation of promises by the rule of Interest or selfe pleasing In the Ambassadors life we may see one nobly descended sprung from a race of Ancestors honoured by
Not consented unto The Regall Declaration Unsatisfactory to the Duke Regall assecuration Propositions made by Duke Chalres King Sigismund retires to Lincopia Letter of Duke Charles Answer Reply Another Letter from the Duke Safe conduct interchangable granted Assertions of the Suethes Further assertions Vide Exegis Historiaca Sueciae page 233 234. Treaty of Pacification at Lincopia between the King and Duke Shipping restored The King steers to Calmar in stead of Stocholme Friendly Letter from King Sigismundus to Duke Charles The Dukes answer Second Letter Ducall reply King Sigismundus requires more Ships for the transporting of his Army and sundry things to be restored The Prince was born in England An. 1565 whose Mother the Lady Cecily Daughter to King Gustavus Erickson and Sister to Erick Iohn and Charles all Kings of Suethland Wife to Christ Marquesse of Baden came then into England to visite Queen Elizabeth and by the Queen his God-mother named Edvardus Fortunatus The Duke complains of the Kings going to Calmar King Sigism excuseth his going to Calmar Promiseth a repair to Stocholme Promise not kept the King returned to Dantzig Parliament at Ienecopis The Dukes Letter and Objections to King Sigismund Letter to King Sigismundus from the Parliament of Suethland The Prince his Son invited to be there educated and to receive the Crown No answer returned Parliament at Stocholme Rejection of King Sigism His Son Uladislaus accepted of conditionally Parliamentary Letters to King Sigismundus not answered Parliament at Lincopia Dnke John declined Dukedome of Ostrogothes conferred on Duke John King Sigism with his Heirs rejected Duke Charles designed King of Suethland Gustavus Adolphus to succeed After him Duke Iohn conditionally Triall of Captivated Senators Sentence of execution Others pardoned Some but repreived Sentence in Finland against Arvidus Gustavus and Axell Kurck confirmed by Parliament Other offendors for smaller Offences gradually punished by losse of goods or Fine Second Parliament at Stocholme Duke Charles again solicites King Sigism to send his Son into Suethen No answer returned but new broiles raised Further Objections The same continued Parliament at Norcopia Heads of what therein transacted Duke John renounceth his pretence to the Crown of Suethland Duke Charles contented to accept of the Crown Hereditary union renewed reformed Duke Charles pronounced King and his eldest to succed The younger to enjoy his Fathers Dukedomes Male issue of the eldest failing the second to succeed That also failing in him Duke Iohn to inherite the Crowne The Female Regall and Ducall issue adopted into the succession This hath reference to the fore-cited Parliamentary conclusions at Stocholme the seventh of March 1590. but is here imperfect in the Original as wanting the words Eldest unmarried as is there expressed Provision for younger Regall and Ducall daughters conditionall The daughters and sister of King Sigismund rejected No Prince of a contrary religion to inherit Such or Apostates to be deprived Hereditary Princes prohibited marriage with an wife of contrary religigion All seduce●s of Prince● to a contrary religion to be punished as 〈…〉 s. No hereditary Prince to accept of another Kingdome unlesse to live in the Patriall Soile Oration of Duke John in Resignation of his right Warrs between King Sigismundus and King Charles Continued by his Son Gustavus Adolphus Death of Sigismundus Uladislaus his Eldest Elected and Crowned A second treatie instituted Preface to the treaty The Mediators Englands Ambassador arrives at Dantzig Writes to the Commissioners of the Crownes interessed Answer of the Polanders The Suethes complained of The Suethes answer with reciprocall complaints The Treaties commencement Elector of Brandenburgs Ambassadors Commissioners of Poland Commissioners of Suethland Meet at Holland town in Prussia Interchangably exhibite their respective Plenipotentiaries and agree upon a second meeting His Lordship came to Holland Desects in the Suethish Procuratories The like in those of Poland Rupture appearing the parties depart The Mediators repair to the Suethes at Elbing Condescention of the Suethes conditionall Commissioners of Poland return to Warsaw His Lordships receives invitation to come to Warsaw There was but one and that for his Lordship He contracts sickness Difficulties about the place of treaty Mariemburg appointed to be the Mediators residence The Mediators meet and consult Repaire to the Suethes The conclusion certified to the Polanders The Subdelegates meet Difficulties about the place for the generall meeting The Mediators return to the Suethes Their propositions Not admitted Objections His Lordship repaires to the Polanders Their conditional conclusions Englands Agent sent to the Suethes Their finall resolution Intimated to the Polanders who promise complyance Instrument o● Security renewed The Ambassadors of France and Holland come to Mariemburg The Mediators intervisite and joyntly repaire to Stumbsdorff the place of Treatie The parties arrive Meane used for avoyding competitions Proposition Not consented unto Demand made by the Suethes Answer and demand of the Polanders Result of the Mediators Accepted by all That dayes conclusion The Mediators meete His Lordships proposition in Order to the whole matter The other Mediators deliver theirs The result The new Procuratories interchangably communicated new difficulty about the Title Reconciled Scope of the Procuratories Polish Protest The Suethes Protest Procuratoriall difficulties removed Former result communicated to the parties Suethes answer Negatively The like given by the Polanders Offer made by the Suethes The Poles desire respite The same granted The Suethes therwith offended The former offer waved by the Poles as insufficient Five other mediate means propounded Taken by the Poles into deliberation Rejected by the Suethes Reply of the Poles in point of resignation The Suethes refuse to meete His Lordship goes to the Suethes They consent to meete Certaine greivances complained of by his Lordship and the Hollanders to the Suethes Their answer The Polanders persist as before The Parties willed to propound The Suethes enter into passion Those of Poland add ten other Articles for a supplement to the former Things tending to a breach the Mediators desire respite Finall declarations demanded by the Mediators from the Parties The Suethes decline to declare further The Polanders likewise and give their reasons The Suethes againe incensed At end the finall resolution at their quarters A meeting with the Mediators desired by the Poles Prolongation of the Truce desired Result of the Polanders conditionall Prorogation of the Truce assented unto Purport of the Prorogation Continuation of Sequestrations insisted on by the Poles but refused by the Suethes The Prorogation signed The Mediators vepair to the King Their overtures uneffectuall The Poles desire a meeting with the Mediators Declaration ur 〈…〉 Ultimate result of the Polanders Treaty for finall Peace in termes desperate Complaints of the Poles D. Radzivils departure for Littaw A longer Truce insisted on The Suethes Declaration in point of longer Truce The Poles re 〈…〉 to the King Argument ●●●d by his Lordship Misconstrued The Suethes again in heat Yet ca 〈…〉 ed and contented to meet The Kings conde scention
then Duke of Sudermannia c. by them Parliamentarily Constituted Governour of Suethland is demonstrated The heads of the severall Letters which passed between that King and his said Uncle in that conjuncture and even when the Armies of both sides were in the Feild and in sight of each other are touched The Kings bad successe the accord ensuing between them with his Retreat into Poland contrary thereunto set forth Contents of their subsequent as well as preceding Acts of Parliament inserted Their renouncing of Fidelity and Subjection to him and his Heirs for ever with their exaltation of the forenamed Duke Charles unto his Nephews Throne manifested The Warrs thereupon between them with advantage to the Suethes and upon other intervenient occasions a Truce mediated and concluded for six years An. 1629. hinted That Truce neer expiring a second Treaty being set on foot An. 1634. for a finall Peace or longer Truce and the latter for six and twenty years assented unto by both Parties the year following the daily passages thereof are faithfully couched Lastly A breife Commemoration of the Ambassador who from England did Mediate that Truce A touch likewise of sundry as aforesayd Emergencies in Germany relating to Englands and the Protestant Interest there in those times not unnecessary for the better understanding of Passages referring as well to the sayd Treaty as to the Ambassadors Person and Death wherein sundry occurrences not usuall may be observed with a cursory mention of the now Raigning Princes of Suethland and Poland and the present posture of affiares in those Nations conclude the Triple Narrative SUETHLAND AND POLANDS TROVBLES Preceding Causing and Ensuing the Expulsion of King SIGISMUND the Third from the Crown of SUETHLAND The Rise of the WARS between Suethland and Poland THE Crown of Poland as also that of Suethland untill of latter Ages hath ever been and still is Elective and albeit not neer so ancient as the other in the Title of a King 〈…〉 yet at present not of consideration inferiour to most in Christendom the same being the only Bulwark in those parts against the incroaching power of the insulting Turk and his Blood-hound the numerous over-running Tartar Unto the time of Boleslaus sur-named Chrobrus that Country was governed somtimes by Dukes otherwhiles by Palatines But Otho the Third the Germane Emperour who in the year 997. first instituted the Colledge of Electors for the choice of future Successors to the Imperiall Crown after an expedition by him made into Italy undertaking a Journey into Poland to visite the Tomb of S. Adelbert and being there Magnificently received and entertained by the said Boleslaus in requitall therof and to tye him in the more strickt Bonds of Amity towards himself and the Roman Empire Of Duke stiled and Crowned him King of Poland about the year of Grace 1000. After whom the said Title continued by the space of 82. years unto the time of Vladislaus the first who abandoned the same using only that of Prince or Duke in which frame the Government remained for the term of 213. years at the end wherof Lescus Niger deceasing and the State distracted into divers Factions being for some time without a Prince the supream Rule was at last electively setled upon Primislaus surnam'd Posthumus who resumed the Title of King An. 1295. That Royall Title hath been ever since retained by his Successors yet not fully established untill the Raign of Casimir the second stiled the Great after whose death his Nephew Lewis King of Hungaria son to Charles King therof by Elizabeth Sister of the said Casimir succeeding electively to the Regall Chair of Poland deceased without Heirs Males and Mary eldest Daughter of the said Lewis being chosen Queen of Hungaria Heduigis the younger was elected to the Crown of Poland and married unto Jagello great Duke of Lithuania who in contemplation of the said Match and the Crown of Poland wherunto he was therby advanced became a Christian in the year 138● by the name of Vladislaus the fifth and wrought so with his Subjects the Lithuanians as that they also embraced the Christian Profession and likewise united his said Dutchy of Lithuania with Samogitia and that part of Roxo●ania which was under his obedience unto the Crown of Poland for ever To which three conditions he was obliged by the Articles of his Marriage The first was forth with the second soon after effected albeit not without reluctancy as may be conceived where a People is rooted and therby become obstinate in Idolatrie The third point the Union was yet more hard to compasse and took more time of deliberation neither was it fully accomplished untill of latter years For the Princes of the Race of Jagello who after him succeeded to the Crown of Poland being unwilling to deprive their Posterity of their Hereditary Estates and to submit the same to the election of the Polanders least being pre-termitted therin they might remain deprived of their ancient Patrimonicall Rights and Dignities deferred the fulfilling therof from one time to another alleadging that the States and people of Lithuania would not consent therto as apprehending future prejudice by that Conjunction But at last seeing that of the one side their Princes Males began to fail as they did in the time of Sigismundus Augustus and on the other part apprehending the power of the Russians and the renewing of former pretensions the Lithuanians condescended to the Union in the Raign of the said Sigismundus who procured that the Lithuanian Bishops the Palatines and a certain number of Castellans should have Session and Vote in the Parliaments of Poland at the election of their Kins and all other Priviledges which the Native Polonians have wherby the Rights of the Lithuanian Princes to their Patrimoniall Estates might seem secured It may be generally observed that in those Elective Kingdoms regard is had to the next in right line unless known to be unfit and unworthy of so great a Power as is apparent in Hungaria Bohemia and Suethland before the same became Hereditary in Denmark also and in Russia most usually and at present is and hath been practised in Germany since the time of Charles the fifth By virtue of this regard to the Progeny of well deserving Princes the Jagellonian Posterity hath continued successively elected to the Crown of Poland ever since his death about 137. years under the Raign of six Kings Viz. Vladislans the sixth his Son Casimir Son to the said Vladislans John Albert second Son of Casimir the elder being pre-termitted by reason of his embracing the Crowns of Hungaria and Bohemia Alexander the third Brother and these two dying without Issue Sigismund fourth Son of the said Casimir succeeded and to him his Son Sigismundus the second sur-named Augustus the last Prince of the Issue Male of Jagello who deceased about the year 1573. After him was chosen Henry of Valois Duke of Anjow second Son to Henry the second King of