their kingdomes by their subjects Pharoah suffered ten plagues for his tyrannie God suffers not rebellion to be one but Frogs Locust Caterpillars Famine sc Herod is destroyed not by subjects but by Lice It seemes God would not doe them the honour as to perish by the hands of men not by women Abimelechs feare not by enemies Sauls feare much lesse by subjects but in simili as they lived like beasts so must they be consumed Rebell not then doe not Tyrants that to much honour expect a while Gods potent and just revenge he is best skild how to suit and proportion punishments to the persons of Kings hee can take them away by some contumelious death and can send Arm es of Locusts Frogs and such base Vermin to destroy them You see how easie it is for God to take vengeance of his owne Kings No neede of deepe plots of many yeares contrivance no neede of hearing of incumbrance and distractions of your owne making and the wrath of God to the rest when Flies and Lice and Frogges in Pharaohs Chamber may serve the turne When as God not the people saith Calvin may turne Nebuchadnezzar to grasse among the beasts or the fielde And also that if notwithstanding this you will destroy your Kings remember whose places you supply of the most contemptible vermin living you who remaining in obedience are men not Iewes but Christians one day not men 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Kings in Gods owne kingdome by rebellion yee make your selves not Angels not Christians not Iewes no not men no not beasts of the better sort but Locusts but Frogs but starved Kine and Lice Nay yee shall bee as the dust of which God made the Lice and the Angell of the Lord scattering you It was an evill custome among the Goths to destroy their Kings upon any small displeasure and Barclay tells us of a custome in Burguney if they yeare brought forth no Corne they removed their King contrary to the proverb In Tacitus malum regem sterâ—lem annum aequo feramus Kings ruled with Burgandians by a prophetique Almanacke I pray God we in this Land prove not Burgundians If our luxurious and earthly pleasures and profits be crossd by the doctrines of the learned and pious Clergie or by the commands of the King though for our owne securitie and peace if we misse any of our former delights then Burgundian like Terra non peperit hoc anno nos ilaque pariamus what novum clerum novum Kegem noves leges new nothing but new confusion new distractions new schismes new incests new for number adulteries and when after lamentable experience you shall compare the old and new government together ye will say as our Saviour did of wine no man drinketh new Wine but faith the old is better I doe not here reprehend the whole people I have learned more Rhetorick from Quintiliâ—n I know many went along with Absalon to the paying of his vow who were not in the rebellion many both menand women are like the Disciples going to Emaus whose hearts are warme within zealous for the truth but their eyes are holden by the seditious ignorant Ministers of the times that they cannot see the true face of Christianitie No I speake not to these but I speake to Burgundian Subjects Almanacke subjects who would faine change their King with their Religion and that once a yeare at least I speake to men ingaged to this earth to their covetousnesse to their lusts drunkennesse swearing gluttonie not in the Vniversitie onely but in the Towne and Country where not who when any rate or subsedie for the publike good either curb their customes in expensive vâ—ces or crosse their tenacious humours then Burgundian like Terra non poperit hoc anno Etevestigio there arise under thoughts of the King they expound his actions with disadvantage to his honour at length come up to him boldly to him with impudent questions Quid agis why are wee governed otherwise then we have a mind to be governd our selves Hard to hard is the condition of Kings if so much libertie be allowed to the Subjects if they at their unbounded pleasure may report a religious King to be superstitious a devout King a hypocrite if grave and serious austere and sullen if pleasant dissolute if mercifull to be defective in spirit and valour if severe against rebellion tyrannicall if bountifull though in policie profuse if provident for his Royal posteritie covetous if such insolent disgraces may passe uncensurd on the persons of Kings then actum est de regibus down with Kings and kingdomes Church and State and all union among the sons of men Fourthly May we not by natures principles question and remove evill Kings from us as wee doe evill beasts for the securitie of our estates and lives An answer from nature shal consure the question Drinke naturally quencheth thirst but if you take it in a feaver it will more inflame you then you may not consult with the inferiour appetite but with reason let bloud purge and potion directed by the direction of the Physitian not your own sense so in a Common-wealth diseased by Tyrannie the people may not use the inferiour right of private nature for in a Common-wealth private persons have given up their private right of punishing they cannot punish a private person for certaine not the King to whom their right is resignd what then if the disease be hot upon us we wee must be let bloud purge our luxuriant passions our inflamed rebellious humour remove each man his particular sinnes consult with the Physition of States by prayers and teares beseech the King of Kings and Lord of Lords who hath the hearts of Kings in his own hand and can upon submission to himselfe and his King either remove him or amend him Haec est expedissima via reprimendi tyrannidem saith Salibur Peccata enim delinquentium sunt vires tyrannorum Fifthly may not the people say unto the King what dost thou Or what art thou without the people Are not we the strength of a King Did not Pyrrhus say to his Souldiers they were his wings and he but the body I desire no greater honour to be given to the King then to be thought the body to a paire of wings goe see if he can flye without that body so it may be said next unto God in the King your body yee live and move and have your being and for your strength it is true yee have enough but for what even to eate up one another alive as it is in the Jewish proverb Sixthly But if the people have not those rights and priviledges which they enjoyd under his predecessors may they not come then to him with quid agis First all Kings in an elective kingdome by successionare pares they enter naturally upon jus integrum so that if any rights have passed from former Kings pejudiciall to the Crowne jure regni they returne againe yet Secondly if any right
of the subjects for rights they have have passed from them to former Kings in consideration of such priviledges it is both honourable and just that they be recompenced or restored back again Seventhly what if he violate the conditions propounded to him and his predecessors upon his entrance to the Crown may not the people question him for that Not so far I believe as is commonly thought summum imperium conditionatum may very well bee conseniasanea and not opposites In the Persian kingdome hee is sworne to the laws of the Persians which ought not to alter and yet none may question him if he violate these lawes In the Jewish government wherein Kings were absolute and uncontroleable by their subjects there were some cases conditions in which jure he had no power to Iudge as de Tribu de pontifice de propheta as is plain Ier. 38.5 yet although these conditions were delivered by God Himselfe if the K. as appeares in many places of the book of Kings and Chron. did intermeddle it was not in the power of the Iewes to question or derrive him of his government But what if it be a condition that if he breake these laws he shall ipso facto void his kingdom as it hath bin in some States This will be found a most prejudiciall condition both to King and people for wee living in this world not by mathematicall demonstrations where there is no medium between rectum â—â—rium but by morall rules where there are many formae interjectae between rectum curvum vice and vertue Some vertuous actions comming neere vice are deemed vitious and some vicious comming mere vertue are reckoned vertuous it will bee very hard to know what when a King punctually keeps al his conditions but at the pleasure of a prevailing faction in the people he will be judged either directly or by consequence to have broken the conditions on which his kingdome depends this kinde of government must be very doubtfull and destructive to a Common-wealth Lastly may not the people come unto the King with quid agis if he intend and threaten to destroy the whole State as Nero and Caligula or if he intend to give up himselfe and his kingdome without the subjects consent not only in Patrocinium but in ditionem to another Prince In both these cases ex hypothesi that there hath been no rebellion in the subject and then the cases are morally impossible Grotius Barclay and Abbas Winzelus are of opinion that the Law of nature doth return unto the people again both for to defend themselves and elect againe But the holy Abbat is of a better opinion that the Law of Nature is not alwayes to be resumd by Christians especially here where it cannot be taken but with many inconveniences and uncertainties both from our not knowing what is a full intention and for defect of a lawfull Judge and in regard of appeales to other Nations and beside these a breach of many Lawes of Christianitie His advice is rather than to injure our Christian profession to betake our selves to fasting and prayers and removing from us our particular lusts and wickednesse provided thus for death expect Gods providence who never failes religious men and kingdomes in this generall preparation for death either God may turne him and his armies from us put a hooke in his nostrills or else confound his person with some sudden judgement even Lice may consume his unnaturall bowells or if not non â—â—cet sed purgat Saint Ambrose hee doth but hasten us to a better kingdome an everlasting one in heaven Durus est Sermo sed tulit Iudeus fâ—rat Christianus Now in the name of Religion in the name of the peace of the Common-wealth and the honour of the King let me aske you these questions You that come up so boldly to the face of a King for the Relion who should clamare a facie ejus are yee sure the Religion yee question him for is the right Religion are yee sure your inspirations are not from the Devill are yee sure your Ministers are both for learning and manners such as in whom yee may conside in a matter that so concernes your soules And that they doe not humour you contrary to their owne consciences out of respect to preferment in the Church which at another time either their povertie in parts or poverty in manners could not attaine Are ye sure that those that from your Pulpits declaime so fervently against superstition and Idolatry have not themselves beene leaders in that which they now condemne in others and so cannot bee fitt Iudges what is Idolatry Or else themselves are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Againe are yee all of one Religion that the King may satisfie you all at once If yee be not all of one Religion tell us how many your are of if you can And if you should chance to be one Religion at any time hereafter are yee sure to continue in it That the King may not bee troubled Burgundians like to establish a new Religion once every yeare for you If you be not certaine of all these as I am sure you are not how dare yee certainely confound King Church and State for an uncertaine Religion Again for your Policy and civill government are ye certaine of the fundamentall lawes of the land Are ye sure ye cannot digest an Arbitrary government under the notion and terme of fundementall lawes It is not an impossible thing in nature that are ye sure if the King be not absolute and sole judge of fundamentall lawes to be freed from avarice and ambition in the interiour Iudges and Magistrates two inseprable vices in Aristocracy Both which are satisfied in a King ambition in that he is summu Avarice in large estate Are yee sure of the same Senate alwayes and if you be extreme now time may come when others may be as extreme now time may come when others may be as extreame and so the kingdome hurried betweene two extreames the peoples rule being to run from one extream unto another Lastly are ye sure if ye put any more insolent questions to the king you may not turne a meek and pious King as ever sate upon this Throne into a Tyrant A learned Church as ever any in this Kingdome or else where into ignorance Aflourishing stat as any in the Christian world into a confusion a long and happy peace into as long and unhappy warre a fulnesse into famine your wives to widdowes your children to Orphants your selves into your grave and you leave this nation behind you a Desolation a hissing a reproach a by word to the nations round about us And now God forgive mee if in this discourse I have not intended rather the liberties and rights of the subject then the prerogative of the King I remembred all this while what Saint August saith Tolle Iura Regum et quis potest dicere haec volla mearst take away the Kings sole and absolute government and who can secure his own life and estat they must needs be subject to a thousand alterations I besech you therefore by your deare and many Children by the antient Protestant Religion by the antient and fundamentall lawes in this land for obedience King sit down with prayers and tears for these many distractions Saint Bernards way non scuta sed fletu reparate rempub Amend your lives be charitable and kind on to another fit downe togither in peace under your vines as people who hope hereafter to fit downe in the kingdom of heaven In a word feare God honour the King neither people nor Church nor Nobility nor inferiour Magistrate of the land lay unto the King by the way of rebellious contradiction What doest thou FINIS
A SERMON PREACHED IN THE CITIE OF LONDON By a Lover of Truth Touching the Power of a KING and proving out of the Word of GOD that the Authoritie of a King is onely from GOD and not of Man ECCL 8.4 Where the word of a King is there is power and who may say unto him what doest thou London Printed 1643. Eccles 8.4 Where the word of a King is there is power And who may say unto him what doest thou BEfore I shall adventure to apply this Text for to expound it is needlesse to such persons both in Towne and Countrie who make it their only Religion to but prate rebellious questions concerning the priviledges and actions of Kings I were best bee assured I can prove my Text to be the expresse Word of God or else those people who question Kings will be sure to question me There is but one that ever questioned this Preacher and if Tertullians rule be true Quicunque est unus est haereticus wee must rather assent to the generall tradition of antiquitie by the words you will know that one to bee Martin Luther he saith this booke is like a man on horse-backe without boots or spurres never keeping a certaine pace but you all know the driving of that man was like Iehu he drave furiously both against Church and Kings Every spirit that moved not Luther pace bee it the spirit of Solomon the wisest prince in the world yea although that spirit be a fresh inspired by Gods spirit yet Cessator est ego calcaribus but of the two rather thinke Luthors tounge wanted a bridle wee therefore in the feare of God and authority of his holy Church will acknowledge the spirit and power of God to be in this booke and in this Text 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and will say unto our King in the words of the Psalme Ride on we wish thee good lucke in the name of the Lord. Where the word of a King c. IT is well wee finde in Scipture terminis terminentibus or else wee might have lost him Ego dixi dij estis there might be some evasions hence there is mention of Judges and under-Magistrates in the Land Psalme 82.6 they might assume this unquestioned power and question those whom we call Kings Saint Paul he names some in authority but the Pope may come in for his supremacie In the latter time there are Calvins Magistratus Populares Beza's superiores potestates Brutus Iunius optimates regni Daneus ordines regni Buchanus publica administrationis participes Althasius Ephori Paraus inferiores potestates so many names as head of the beast in the Apocalip But here wee have Melecke a King be not subject to subjects or inferiour Magistrates but subjecti estote regi tanquam supereminenti 1 Pet. 2.13 Whence and what Kings are are doctrines I thinke sutable both to this Text and these times their originall is from God a good beginning Per me reges regnant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith Saint Chrysostome The ancient forme of salutation used by the Bishop of Rome was In eo per quem reges regnant then was it not his owne holinesse Rex regum is written upon Christ owne thigh Apoc. 19.16 and Melchisedeck his owne first type and King was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without father or Mother Kings are not the off-spring of man but the generation of God Ego dixi Dij estis God help Kings if people undertake to make them if they may turne Gods verse to nos diximus Dij estis if they may change Christs words from thou shouldest have no power over mee unlesse it were given thee from above to thou shouldst have no power over me unlesse it were granted thee de subter from beneath No all Kings and Kingdomes are Gods Cujus jussu nascunter homines ejus jussu Constituuntur Principes Iraen Inde suis potestas unde spiritus Tert. Even all their ornaments and imperiall ensignes are from God Diadomae regis in manu dei Esay 62. His their Crowne Tuposuisti Psalme 21. Hee puts it on The Emperours stampe on their Coines was a hand comming forth out of the Clouds holding a Crowne putting it on their heads His is their Scepter Virga dei in manibus ejus His their Throne Reges in solie collâ—cat in perpetuum saith Iob. He fastens them in it for ever His also their annointing Touch not mine Annointed I have annointed David my servant annointed with oyle for supremacie and continuance in his Throne not uncti as Priests but Christi Domini saith the Bishop of Winchester thirtie three times so stiled in the Old Testament and once in the New Their manner of annointing also was diverse from the Priests They were annointed on the forehead Kings on the head saith Erotius in his annotations to Cassenders consultations in a word saith Saint August they are uncti ante unctionem before we can touch them v. e. decreto Kings whether good or bad they are from God Per me Reges regnant was spoken when there was but one good King upon the face of the earth Solomon Haec dicit Dominus Cyro uncto meo He a Persian a Heathen It repented God of what that he had made Saul King Ego dedi vobis in ira mea regem Hos 13.11 Angry I was when I gave you I gave him through and there in that honour he must remains though he become Onus Populi an heavie burthen upon the necke of all his subjects Nebuchadnezar who slew and kept alive whom he pleased I gave him His Majesty Dan. 9. I have raised up Pharaoh and placed him in his Throne to make my power knowne on him who had deserved it that is one sence whatsoever is the other And the Holy Ghost in Scripture stiles not only David and Salomon Kings but takes in the rest Hiram and Pharaoh and Hadad and where the Scripture doth not distinguish neither may wee be their religion or manners what please them by God they are made and may not bee marrd by the people In nature every thing is dissolved by the same meanes it came together in Law institution and destitution belong to one in Divinity also the Prophet in one and the same verse saith Ego dedi vobis regem in the former and in one breath abstuli eum in the latter Dominus dedit Dominus abstulit and then and not till then the people to say benedictum sit nomen dei And well it is that God hath placed them so neere himselfe post Deum primus secundum Deum proximi Tert. Humani Ioves Plant the subiect then may not come so neere him as Nathan to tell him tu es homo without Nathans Commission but tu es Rex tu es Deus Terra a God on earth so neare and so one are Kings with God that the accusation of Naboth whereby the story he spake nothing of God but of the King they bring in the verdict Naboth Maledixi Deo Regi
as if hee could not bu blaspheme God that spake ill of his King though of Ahab Nequissimus regum They are much mistaken who think that God was offended with the Jewes for chosing royall government in opposition to the judâ—ciall or the Shawhedrim established by God under Moses for Royall government hath beene most ancient and universall in the world in the Law of nature before the Taâ—les Saint Chrisostome saith therefore Eve was taken out of man not out of the earth that mankinde might acknowledge one head one Superiour one King and Sir Wal. Raleigh in his second book of the Hist of the world Royall Government from Paternall which indeed are or ought to bee both in one effect and so we reade of Abraham the Patrarch is termed a Prince Genesis 23.6 And David the KING is named a Patriarch let mee speake boldly to you of David the Patriarch jus regum comes from jus paternum both have one commandement Honour thy Father as God alone rules the whole world and as the Sunne gives light to all creatures so the people of one Land doe most naturally yeeld obedience to one head one King All Nations were first governed by this forme Assyrians Gresians Aegyptians Iewes Percians Scythians Turkes Tartares English French Spaniards Poles Danes and in the Iudges Neither doth sacred Scripture make mention of other Rulers then Kings He that will know more in so cleere a case may if he please read Plato Herodotus Zenâ—phon Saint Cyprian Saint Ierome Soveraignty in one person is most naturall most reasonable most honourable most necessary most divine So that God was not angry at the choyce of the kinde of government but that he thereby was cast forth from being King of the Iewes whom hee in the place of a King had governed for above three hundred and fiftie yeares for neither Moses nor the Sawhedrim nor any Judge in Israel had in themselves jus imperatorium the Right of a King but onely jus hortatorium punitivum if they transgressed the written Law of God God only was their King who faine would still besides the generall protection of the world have ruled as an earthly King among the rest and a patterne to them but they would no longer live by faith and expectation of his wonted direction in government and deliverance but rather to be as the Nations round about them they chose a man and refused the living GOD Hee is ejected from his immediate Royalty This the ground of Gods displeasure at the Iewes for choosing them a KING Ancient and universall hath beene the government of the world by Kings Saint Ieromâ— in one of his Epistles saith that two Governours in a Common-wealth are like Esau and Iacob two Princes in the wombe of Rebecca so they in one Kingdome rend and teare in peeces Rome would not endure two brothers In navi unus guberrator in Ecclesia unus Episcopus in Domo unus Dominus in exercitu unum signum in imperio unus imperator The onely way to recover and preserve unity and peace among us is one King This for the Originall and antiquitie of Kings whence they are and when Now secondly what they are which is best knowne by that whereby they are formaliter or finaliter tales their power Where the Word of a King is there is power c. Salomon the wisest of men as well as Kings Proverbs 8.15 placeth Kings before the Creation of the world better not to bee at all then under no Governement which is none without power and that power if to any purpose must bee such as with which no earthly power may contest the owner of it is evermore Alkum one against whom there ought to bee no rising nor any rebellion at all Darius his three servants in Esdras wrote their wise sentences 1. Forte est vinum 2. Fortis est Rex 3. Fortiores surt mulieres sed supra omnia est veritas I am somewhat afeard it was a Prophesie they are indeed at this day stronger then our Darius Their fond Pharasaicall and seditious religions are as ridiculous and as changeable as their fashions and attires their ungrounded zeales their nourishing and feeding of the vulgar and rebellious of the Clergie those illiterate talkers in the Pulpit will nisi supra omnia sit veritas if the God of truth doe not speedily offend be stronger then either King or Church David although a man of valour and pietie yet complaines he that the sonnes of Zervia were to hard for him But our Kings and Church may both complaine of the daughters of this Land That they are and will be to hard for us nisi supra omnia veritas unlesse God support the integrity of our King and the sincerity of the Protestant Religion A more pregnant place for the power of Kings is in Wisdome 26 2. speaking of the extreme vengeance which God will bring upon the heads of evill Kings at the last day he proves the certainty thereof by an argument which will seeme very strange in these rebellious dayes Quoniam Dominus non vevebitur faciem cujusque unto you O Kings doe I speake hee is not afraid of the persons of Kings hee dares call them to account A very vaine idle argument to prove his unmastered deity and power in that he is not afraid of Kings Who is afraid of them Doth God indeed say Ego dixi Dij estis Wee can take up the next verse and be even with him he shall fall when we please like one of the Princes No such great matter of feare is the person or power of a King now a dayes when every poore ignorant pesant or shop-man can define confine and pinch up the prerogative of the King when the vulgar Clergie those Gibeanites not fit to draw water for learned men can pricke and gird the person of the King for the space of three or foure houres When every petty but insolent Towne can neglect if not contemne his presence when be vouchsafes to come and see us So that if God will prove his securitie to us hee must quit the old argument of feare due unto Kings from all but himselfe and fetch one sutable to our late religions and governments in Church and Common-Wealth As that he is not afraid of the Popes holinesse or of a presbysteriall discipline or a popular discipline Thus Scripture and reason the arguments of the wise must bee turned to and fro to follow the unconstant humour of this present world But we in feare of God and honour of his King will lay the ground of our allegiance fast and such as whereupon wee may build up a peece of obedience that may procure us a Crowne of immortality at the last day by Saint Gregories rule arcessemus Rivum fidelitatis de fonte pietatis not only from customes and fundamentall lawes in a private land who are most-what both imperfect and obscure but from the plaine and easie Text of Gods owne Law which as it
is sufficient for any mans salvation without the blasphemous expositions of these times So in the point of obedience unto Kings a maine principle in Christian doctrine without which no man shall enter into the Kingdome of heaven it is very plentifull and plaine among the rest this is one Where the word of a King is there is power The word of a King IT is as the roaring of a Lion It is Divalis jussio say the councells Eloquium divinum est in ore regis saith Salomon and Barclay cites three fundamentall lawes in Scotland in honour of the word of a KING Si quis in alterius quam regis verba juraverit capitale esto Si quis in jussu regis without his word homines in armis habuerit morte crimen expiatur Solius Regis nomine jus onme redditur conventus judicatur concilia convocanter But I chose rather to apply my selfe to Gods Word and then will prove the power of the word of a King There are two powers of Kings plaine in two places of Gods Word the first is Potestas What hee may and ought to doe in equitie That is set downe In capite volum Deut. 17. The second is Potentia jus impunitatis what he may doe and yet may not be questioned by his subjects for so doing This is in 1 Sam. 8.12 and to the 19. The former is his owne rule as he will answer God if he transgresse the latter is his peoples rule for their obedience The former power what is religious and just towards God and his people his grave Divines and skilfull Lawyers who are about his person are bound to explaine The one to rehearse Otho Frigensis his sentence to him or such like concerning the day of judgment Cum horre dum sit omni mortali incidere in manus dei viventis Regibus tamen eo erit horribilius quo ipsi caeteris possent peccare liberius They should be informed that Kings come from Christs owne thigh Apoc. 19. On his thigh is written King of Kings and Lord of Lords That they come from the thigh of God their government ought to bee paternall and easie to use his subjects as his owne Children as God useth man that they ought not to weare Reheboams fingers much lesse his Fathers loynes but Abrahams yea Christs loynes more compassionate and kinde to his people under the time of Christiâ—nitie then before That their Scepters are not given them to dish out the braines of their innocent subjects but that it was derived from Davids sheep-hooke to lead his people by the waters of comfort that the people are not to be goared with whips and Scorpions and intolerable taxes and oppressions but to be led like sheepe by the hands of Moses and Aaron That they are anointed with oyle in token to make glad the hearts of all their subjects not besmeare them ore with Vineger And not only religion but also in Policie his Councellours and Lawyers are bound in Conscience to exhort him to keep within the bounds of equity and imperrall right Catose counsell oft repeated to him Potentes parce uti debere potestate ut diu possint They ought to advise him that few Lawes whether in Church or Common wealth are admirable preservatives both of Kings and kingdoms The government of the Iewes had not continued long under the Ceremoniall Law the burden too heavie for them to beare had not God watched over them with severe judgements And if many Lawes be enacted and those not closely united to reason but only depending on the placitum of the Law-maker if also thereby he tye both their Consciences and purses to which the Consciences of most men are tyed it is not morally possible but such a kingdome by the malice of men will shortly after bee confounded They ought to informe that he ought to rule more Turcico His people are not mancipia nor more valdesiano they have possessions under him neither 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without fault in the subject to be in his power But that his subjects are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in subordination and subjection only That a little leaven leaveneth the whole lump a little oppression makes all his subjects source especially if the people bee aforehand seasoned with the leaven of the Pharisees with hypocrisie who have nothing of Religion ssave names of faith and tread-water-grace inspirations markes of Election of their owne choosing reprobating all besides themselves even Kings if they please them not having the forme of godlinesse but denying the power thereof even the power the Kings The power they are bound to advise the King of who are imployed about his person Wee who have to deale with the people are bound to deliver his secundam power nifi impunitatis who may say unto the King if he doe amisse What doest thou Kings are not to be questioned The first wee finde in this sacrilegious forme to Moses a Deputie no King was Corah and his complices and as their way was not the common way of obedient subjects so neither was their death the common death of men For say they could charge Moses and Aaron with intrusion into their rights must the form needs be by the way of question interrogative Cur elevamini there are many other wayes to have done it more meekely and if you marke it it is no ordinary quare lamma but an imperious terme umaddans what is the reason Ephori like we require an account of the administration of the Common wealth This saucy forme of questioning the Jewes kept till our Sauiours time Is not this the Carpenters sonne Is it lawfull to pay tribute unto Caesar who made thee a ruler over us It was the Donatists forme in Saint Augustine Quid nobis imperatores It is the Popes forme It is the Presbyterians-factious form It is the devils form of coming to Kings with insolent questions Quid agis we expect satisfaction not the word of a King only for what hath bin governed amisse Quanquam dignus sit haec contum lia c. Here in the Text is an answer as large though not as unreasonable and that in the same way by way of question Who may say unto him 1. Quis e clero 2. Quis ex optimatibus 3. Quis e Magistratibus regni 4. Ques e Populo may dare say to Him Him annointed with oyle for supremacie and continuance in his Throne Him unctum but Christum Domini Him Not man but God what subject what profane person what mortall man may dare say unto him What doest thou I. Quis e Clero WHo of all the Church for matters of Religion or Sacriledge may question the authoritie of a King Begin wee with our Lord and Master of Religion our Saviour Christ hee suffered not Saint Peter to resist the Magistrate Saint Austin reprehends both Moses and Saint Peter Contra Manich ille fraterno hic domanico amore peccavit nec pro fratre
the KING what doest thou Were it not thinke you a very ungratefull sight to behold a Bull or an Vnicorne pushing at the Lion or the Falcon to seize upon the Eagle So and much more unseemely were it for the Princes of the Land to question their naturall King or to reprehend his government otherwise then by advise and humble intreatie And here I have no minde at this time to undervalue the persons and honours of the Princes of the Land though but in a comparative way in that the people will conceive all spoken absolutely which may be delivered by way of comparison and with the King only pro quo caeteri c. And so have their lives in no honour And their deaths in contempt and derision a fault too generall in this kingdome at this day John a Prince â—n Israel slew his Master he had peace because he had a Commission saith Iustin Martyr But had Zimri peace that slew his Master David a Prince under Saul tooke up foure hunddred men but with no intent to oppose the person of Saul but to preserve himselfe And Hugo Grotius grants that to have beene lawfull under the government and law of the Iewes which is not under the law of Christians we being bound to more perfect patience and obedience in regard of better promises concerning another kingdome so that David case is no president for us moreover there is no necessitie to thinke that David intended so much as a defensive war against Saul but rather as the Iewes under Antiochus to depart into the wildernesse and defend himselfe against the wild beasts or to take some townes of the Philistims untill the day of the death of Saul Thus dum timuit oleum servavit inimicum All that David did when he could have cut his throate was that he cut off the skirt of his garment and even of this he repented percussit eum cor ejus And it is this day a tradition amongst the Iewes saith Lyranus that David was punished in his death respectively to this sinne that no clothes could keepe him warme quia oram vestis Sauli abscidit in vestibus quibus opertus erat non calefiebat There is ground for this in the booke of Kings But whether true or no ficta arguunt the morall is good Princeps non est austeroris verbiense faedandus nec vel ultimae super fluae actionis corum quasi finbriam vituperando decorpere presumâ—mus Absalom a Prince Davids sonne rebells with the rairest pretence that both Religion and Justice could make for him forsooth that neither were duely executed in the land he would doe it yea and that speedily in the gates of the Citie but marke his end suspensus erat quasi in patibulo he was gibbeted without a Hangman transfixus tribus sagittis 1. For disobedience to his naturall Father 2. For opposing his naturall Soveraigne 3. For spoyling both Church and state under shew of Religion and Justice even when he lay with his Fathers Concubines upon the house toppe And let all the enemies of the Lord the King bee as the young man is 3. Quis e Magistratibus regni May say unto the King what doest thou A vinculis delictorum liberi sunt reges saith Saint Ambrose and Saint Austin to moderate the zeale of any inferour Magistrate affirmes if they command any thing it is not to command but a presumption and obedience to them proficiet ad paenam non ad premium quam ad contumeliam pertinet creatoris ut contempto Domino colamur serai spreto imperatore adorentur comites No counsell or Sanedrim could lawfully question Moses who was no King but Legatus Dei. Howsoever Philo in honour of him stiles him King There is no question but the generall counsell of a kingdome is the most incomparable medium of preferring both King and people that the reason of man can possibly invent But then the power of it must be onely directive not coercive For I would aske by what law by the Kings No man is bound to give a prejudiciall judgement against himselfe and if any equall have no power over an equall much lesse an inferior over a superior Lawes made by the King are not Buchanans to tye him down under the judgement and censure of his people but they are Organs or instruments of the power that governeth at once thereby to reach the whole people not coactively to binde the legislator for the K. In whom humane power doth reside is a person that cannot by his owne power be controlled much leste by the power of any subject moreover every active abilitie whether in nature or in morals is per se cause or principall of alteration corruptively in another body not in the body in the which it selfe resides Wherefore if Divines or Lawyers affirme obligation in Princes to their laws they teach herein only the bond of conscience They are not Idonei judices they appeale straight to God Tibi soli peccavi But to put an end to all questioning of Kings by any under Magistrate whatsoever I require an answer to the Law of God in these following questions Who questioned Saul for slaying the Priests did the Sanedrim who questioned Salomon for his revolt to Idolatry did the Sanedrim who questioned Ioram a Paracide and 6. times a murtherer of his Nobles did the Sanedrim who Ioas for his Idolatry and slaying the High Priest did the Sanedrim who questioned Theodosius for murthering 6000. innocent soules who questioned Constance Valens Julian the Apostate who traduced their persons and dignities who offered them tumultuous affronts unlesse wee will skill more in Religion then the former part of the Jewish and Christian world Desinamus ogganire plura reges percontari Remember that of Cicero Regum haec sunt imperia animadverte edicto pare preter rogitatum si loquare moriere And that of the Persian King mementote parendum vobis esse magis quam suadendum even the fundamentall lawes of this kingdome are by chance or good providence plaine for the unquestioned power of the King by any lower Magistrate Thomas of Walsingham speakes from a Parliament held at Lincolne An. 130. That the King of England from their preeminence and custome at all times have not to answer before any Judge either Ecclesiasticall or civill And Henry or Brachton cites a fundamentall of this land that if any thing bee to bee obtained of the King Cum breve non currat contra Regem there is nothing left to them but intreatie and prayers that hee would correct himselfe which if hee please not to doe it is enough that he expect the Lord from heaven as his only revengers De Chartis Regis facta Regum nec justiciaris nec privatae personae debent disputare For certainely if there be in a Common-wealth a reluctancie between two governments each watching its advantage and prioritie it cannot be but as Esau and Iacob strugled in the wombe so these in
the state will breed convulsion fits each contending who shall come forth in government one of them at length will come forth with scarlet strings on his hands and bloudie banners If a body have two heads they will not easily agree upon motion To end this questioning by Magistrates wee will call Tertullian Reges sunt super omnes homines ante omnes Deos And that proverb of the Rabines Nulla Creatura Iudicat Rogem Quis e populo May dare say unto the KING what doest thou GOd blesse this poore people it is totus in questionibus busie in speculations questions concerning things that do not much concerne them they have beene in Divinitie long agoe as whether faith onely or good workes justifie and such like questions the Divines have been vehement in those disputes and the people conceivd straight matter of salvation to be in the knowledge of them then they undertake to discusse the question in conclusion believe nothing but their own phantasies and resolve to do no good works at all Then whether the Common-prayer be not diservice new English for the new Religion of whom it may be fitly said as Tullie of Anthoâ—y for his pientissimus quod verbum latino sermone non est id ad tuam singularem pretatem exprimendam inventum est Whether kneeling at the Sacrament that tremendum mysterium of the commemoration of Christs passion bee not Idolatry whether Jesu-worship be lawfull and that resolved to their hands whether to worship God in entrance to his house in the presence of his Angels saith Terullian be not superstitione O tempora Whether we may repeate the Lords Prayer that Idol O mores whether the signe of the Crosse used in Tertullians time be not now popery O ridiculum but I may not excusse the rest by name so few come wee neerer to the Text whether if our Clergie will not preach unto us such Pharisiacall seditious ignorant Diabolicall doctrine wee may not chuse others in a case so concerning the destruction of our soules And then whether if the King Himselfe will not conforme to our vaine senselesse religions so many now for number infinite for qualitie so blasphemous that it is impossible for one man to know them all and for rationall man to practice any of them wee may not question his government whether to make the question more semblable a King in a State bee not like a Marriner in a ship if one will not another must The Marriners thought so in the last tumult vix vera esse nisi cunctanter crederem nisi his oculis videram In sum whether both for Religion and civil policie we may not as we have done to the Clergie so to the King put up insolent questions Quid agis Why dost thou rule otherwise then we please to be ruled our selves O that my head were a fountaine of teares c. Jerem. 1. For Religion We read of rebellion intended against Ahashuerus 2 Hester ver 21.22 No reason set downe but in diebus illis and what were those dayes you might know them by the story Ahasuerus had married Ester his Queene a vertuous woman but of another Religion Bigthan and Thares T is like were crossed in the match but see they draw their arguments from popular heads to interest 127. provinces in the rebellion Ahasuerus our King matcheth with a Jew one of a Religion hated among us one that cares neither for Mithra nor Wamasdres one brought in to ruinate the establish'd religion in Persia which by our Law ought not to be altered Thus they are zealous on the suddaine as the fashion of the world is This jealousie delivered downe and digested by a prevailing faction in the people they forthwith although there be no cause are ready tumultuatim to runne up to the King with Quid agis Why dost thou change our Religion Good people for so I may rhetorically call them if you intend a new religion take not rebellion in your way for a thing that I will tell you in Luthers reformation when was more need then now is the rule of obedience was not duely observed and there fell in or upon that reformation 100. thousand of the people before then that you need a reformation before you adventure upon the dangers Barclay accuseth Luther for it I dare not defend him I finde him in his booke Contra regem Angliae very familiar and impudent to the King stoliditas vestra asinitas vestra cornicula avum aut regem nasci aut fatuum and I wish there be no such Sheimies such felly tounged reformers abroad in this our pious reformation Barclay chargeth Luther yet farther of the death of all those people that when he had moved them to rebellion and could not accomplish his owne ends he was the first that moved the Magistrate to ruine and destroy them all how true God knowes but this the people may know is true in Policie in States men under the larve of Religion to draw the people to one side but if they faile in their plots and ambitious Projects they to preferre themselves must be the first and most active in cutting the peoples Throates whom they have stirred up Againe in the Reformation after the death of so many thousands and there issued forth so many Schismes from the Anarchie that holy Melancton who loved not Poperie confessed for unities sake they must all returne to the Church of Rome againe and Prot in his An on Cass Porf speaks little lesse better to endure one extreamitie then Twentie better admit of one tyrannicall Religion then a hundred And I pray God it bee not the effect and resultance of our many Schismes and distractions in our Church at this day To come with questions contradiction to a King for Religion was not heard of in the Iewish Government The Law in Deutren mie 13.6 was if thy brother or thy sonne or thy wife or thy friend intice thee to Idolatry sistas coscoram judice not if thy Father or thy Husband or thy Judge for certaine not thy King The manner of Balthasars deposition for abusing Gods Religion and Temple is very remarkable by all good Subjects None of his Subjects must dare to draw up the order no a hand writing out of the wall from God must declare it and when it was there none of all the people were able to read it so strange a thing to a subject is a deposition of his King no nor the Astrologers nor South-sayers no nor the Devill himselfe is able to understand it Daniell is sent for he only by divine revelation is able to read and what is it Mene Mene tekell uparsin God not the people hath numbred thy Kingdome and finished it Joseph 17. chap. 36. Tells us of the sect of the Pharisees who to the number of sixe thousand in zeale to their hypocriticall Religion were in a covenant by themselves against Caesar some of that number came to our Saviour with that question for that
is still their forme is it lawfull to give Tribute unto Caesar They are resolved not to doe it before and these Sectaries proved the ruine of the Iewish Government with whom Docter Iackson compares the Schismaticks of his and these times growing on so fast that both he and Sir Walter Ral. 2. Hist spake out of propheticke wisdome that they would hazard the ruine both of this Church and State and they would force it into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and confusion For indeed what else can bee expected when every one may assume his owne Religion and such a one as may encourage him to contradict the established government of the Church on the one hand and the fundamentall Lawes of the Land bee obscured on the other and the Majestie and power of the Kings person contemned what remaines but we may say over this Church as Iugurtha over Rome O urbem venalem lite perituram si emptorem invenerit 2. For Civill Government As the people for Religion may not question the King so neither for the policie and civill affaires may they say unto him what doest thou And here the people are furnished I know not whence with as many questions to molest the quiet of the state as they have beene of late to disturbe the peace of the Church And first may not his own Lawes say unto him Quid agis Directive they may coactive they neither may nor can if the King be in an errour he can make new lawes to defend his errour saith Saint Augustine and Sir Walter Ralleigh reprehends Bracton though a Philachrist for saying that a King is King by the Law Me ito debet res tribuere regi quod lex attribuit ei nam lex facit ut ipse sit Rex Whereas saith Sir Walter Bracton ascribes this power to humane Law hee is mist ken for Kings are made by God and Lawes Divine and by humane Lawes are only declared to be King But is he not a King by our election Election doth not make him King although unlesse he had beene chosen he had not beene such As they are to say of good worke they are via ad regnum non causa regnandi so may wee of election t is not the cause but the way to the kingdome and so we find in Scripture where the people chose God made the King it is not nos but Ego posui regem super Israel and it was Gods admirable wisdome when the world could no longer subsist under paternall Government in that men and malice increasing in the world paternall indulgences would not doe right respectively every mans injuries both expresly in the Iewish government and in other States by the Law of reason doe prompt them to elect one man as their common Father that this one man this common Father this King not interested in private respects might distribute Iustice impartially and punish offences in equitie and also that the people by their owne act of election might bee obliged the more to obey him although he proved rigid and austere as they would and ought to obey their naturall Father which act God evermore confirmes in Heaven this may appeare better in a similitude Originall sinne is remitted in Baptisme but not ex opere operato yet if there bee no opus operatum there is by vertue of the covenant ordinario no remission of the sinne and after opus operatum it is impossible for the Priest to revoake the sin againe remitted in heaven So is it in elective kingdomes and all are such naturally the opus operatum of the people sc there election doth not make the King neither is he made King without it and after election he is so made and confirmed in Heaven that their act cannot ex jure be reversed againe For election according to Gods Lawes right reason is not a conditionall of tying of Kings downe to the peoples ends so as if he answer not their ends he shall be no longer King but it is a resignation of our naturall and private interest of revenge of all our paritie which wee have with him by the Law of nature into the hands of God that he would place him super nos It might have been said as to Ananias and Saphira was it not your owne before such election and resignation of your rights If now you shall demand your right againe and question his Prerogative and immunitie it may be said as to them why have yee lyed to the Holy Ghost Secondly what if hee breake the fundamentall Lawes of the Land to which he is sworne It is an old principle Perjurium iure non solvit regnum Salomon answers Eccles 10. Rex insipiens prodet populum not populus insipiens prodet regem as it is now this day Now a King by changing the Lawes and antient government doth civilly destroy the kind of his people But what if bee be not of capacitie to understand the Lawes As if the lawes bee not to be understood such there be in the world But if they bee the Prophet Hosea 13. tells you Vâ—â— ibi terracujus Rex puer est not 〈◊〉 ubi Rex cuius terra c. Thirdly what if a Tyrant may we not question him then for that injuria Tyranni est in facto usurpation of a Kingdome not his own Ius regis est in facti impunitate God will reckon with Kings one day for abusing his Image in the meanest of his subjects But if touch him you may Athenian like expell one Tyrant and gaine thirtie if not more Peritt Nero sed nullo successu one yeare after his death proved worse than foureteene of his Tyrannte And it was the Country-mans proverbe I wish they had it againe Antigonum effodio wee shall have a worse master a worse King when this is gone The Iewish Government was more subject to tyrannie then any Nation then in the world or since in that they lyed under a spec all forme of punishment to keepe them in more perfect obedience As if a private man offended many of the people suffered death either meritory in themselves for their sinnes though occasionaliter from the sinne of another person or else from Gods absolute dominion over the temporall life of man But if a King transgressed many thousands perished 70. thousands dyed for Davids sinne in numbring the Souldiers here is a strange tyrannie over the lives of the subject and yet David was not chased too and fro in his kingdome and the power of calling his souldiers taken out of his hand And yet as David spake I have sinned let me be punished as for this people quid fecit So the people may invert the words wee have sinned and one wickedly but for this righteous King quid ille fecit Daniel under the names of beasts foretells certaine Kings degenerating into tyrannie according to the severall qualities and kindes of tyrannie In the New Testament Tell Herod the Fox But we read not that they were deposed of