the other for it's Founder But then the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the peculiar Epithet of Monarchy will beare another sence then I have hitherto given it And will not only signifie the King to be Supream for so the Rulers of a Free State are within their owne Territories but compared with other Formes of Supremacy to be the most excellent Monarchy being in it selfe least subject to Disunion or civill Disturbance And for that Reason pronounced by the wisest Stateists to be that Forme of Governement into which all other incline naturally to resolve themselves for their perfection But by Governours in that place understanding as he doth not the Senate in a Free-state but the Subordinate Magistrates under a Prince the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most certainly belongs to the King To whom the Apostle there assignes the Mission of Governours as one of the Essentiall Markes and Notes that He is in His owne Realm Supream And thus Sir having drawne the portraiture of Regall Power to you by the best Light in the world but with the meanest Pencill I know you expect that in the next place I should shew you what Rayes or Beames of this power are Inherent in our King Which being a taske fitter for one of our greatest Sages of the Law then for me who being One who doe not pretend to any exact knowledg in the Fundamentall Lawes or Customes of this Kingdome which are to stand the Land-marks and markes of partition between the Kings Prerogative and the Liberty of the Subject may perhaps be thought by drawing a line or circle about either to limne Figures in the Dust whose â—…ate bangs on the Mercy of the next Winde that blowes the steps by which I will proceed leaving you to the late writings of that most learned and honest Iudge Ienkins for your fuller satisfaction in this point shall be breifly these two First I will shew you what are the Genuine markes and properties of Supream power Next how many of them have been challenged by the King and have not hitherto been denyed Him by any Publique Declaration of the Parliament Sir if you have read Aristotles Politicks as I presume you have you may please to remember that he * there divides the Supream Powere of a State into three generall parts The Ordering of Things for the publique the Creation of Magistrates and the Finall resolution of Iudgment upon Appeales To which he afterwards addes the power of Levying Warre or concluding of Peace of making or breaking Leagues with forraigne Nations of enacting or abrogating Lawes of Pardoning or Punishing Offendors with Banishment Confiscation Imprisonment or Death To which Dyonisius Halicarnassensis addes the power to call or dissolve Comitia or publique Assemblies As well Synods and Councells in Deliberations concerning Religion as Parliaments or Senates in Deliberations secular concerning the State To all which markes of Supreame power a * Moderne Lawyer who only wants their Age to be of as great Authority as either addes the power to exact Tribute and to presse Souldiers In the exercise of which two Acts consists that Dominium Eminens or Dominion Para mount which the state when ever it stands in need And that too to be the Iudge of its owne Necessity hath not only over the Fortunes but the Persons of the Subject In a measure so much greater then they have over themselves as the publique poole is to be preferr'd before the private Cisterne Now Sir if you please to apply this to the King though good Lawyers will tell you that the power of making or repealing Laws be not solely in Him but that the two Houses have a concurrent right in their production and Abolishment yet they will tell you too that His power extends thus farre that no Law can be made or repealed without Him Since for either or both Houses to produce a Statute Law by themselves hath alwaies in this State been thought a Birth as Monstrous as if a Child should be begotten by a Mother upon her selfe They usually are the Matrice and Womb where Lawes receive their first Impregnation and are shap't and formed for the publique But besides the opinion of all present Lawyers of this Kingdome who like that great example of Loyalty dare speak their knowledge it hath alwaies been acknowledged by the Law made 2. H. 5. By the sentence of Refusall Le Roy S' Avisera and indeed by all Parliaments of former Ages That the King is thus farre Pater Patriae that these Lawes are but abortive unlesse his Consent passe upon them A Negative power He hath then though not an out-right Legislative And if it be here objected by your Friend that the two Houses severally have so too I shall perhaps grant it if in this particular they will be modest and content to go sharers in this Power And no longer challenge to their Ordinances the legality force of Acts of Parliament As for the other parts of Royalty which I reckoned up to you As the Creation of Officers and Counsellours of State of Iudges for Law and Commanders for Warre the Ordering of the Militia by Sea and Land The Benefit of Confiscations and Escheats where Families want an Heyre The power to absolve and pardon where the Law hath Condemned The power to call and disolve Parliaments As also the Receipt of Custome and Tribute with many other particulars which you are able to suggest to your selfe They have alwaies been held to be such undoubted Flowers of this Crowne that every one of them like his Coyne which you know Sir is by the Law of this Land Treason to counterfeit which is an other mark of Royalty hath in all Ages but Ours worne the Kings Image and superscription upon it Not to be invaded by any without the crime of Rebellion And though as your Friend saies this be but a regulated power and rise no higher in the just exercise of these Acts then a Trust committed by the Lawes of this Kingdome for the Governement of it to the King for I never yet perceived by any of His Declarations That His Majesâ—…y câ—…aimed these as due to Him by Right of Conquest or any â—…er of those Absolute and Vnlimited waies which might render His Crowne Patrimoniall to Him or such an out-right Aâ—…odium that He might Alienate it or chuse His Successour or Rule as He pleased Himselfe yet as in the making of these Lawes He holds the first place so none of these Rights which he derives from them can without His own Consent be taken from Him For proofe hereof I will only instance in three particulars to you for I must remember that I am now writing a Letter to you not penning a Treatise which will carry the greater force of perswasion because confâ—…st by this Parliament The first was an Act presented to the King for the setling of the Militia for a limited time in such Hands as they might confide in A clear Argument that without such
an Act past by the King the two Houses had nothing to do with the Ordering of it Another was one of the Nineteen Propositions where t was desired that the Nomination of all Officers and Counsellours of State might for the future go by the Maior part of Voyces of both Houses Another Argument That the King hath hitherto in all such Nominations been the only Fountaine of Honour The third was the passing of the Act for the Continuation of this Parliament Another Argument that nothing but the Kings consent could ever have made it thus Perpetuall as it is Many other Instances might be given but so undoubtedly acknowledged by Bracton By Him that wrote the Book call'd The Prerogative of Parliaments who is thought to be Sir Walter Raleigh By Sir Edward Cooke by the stiles and Formes of all the Acts of Parliament which have been made in this Kingdom and by that learned Iudge who wrote the Examination of such particulars in the Solemne League and Covenant as concerne the Law And who in a continued Line of Quotation and Proofe derives along these and the other parts of Supreme power in the King from Edward the Confessour to our present Soveraigne King Charles that to prove them to you were to adde beames to the Sunne Here then For the better stating of the Third thing I proposed to you which was That granting the King to be Supreme in this Kingdome at least so farre as I have described him how farre He is to be Obeyed and not Resisted Two things will fall under Inquiry First supposing the King not to have kept Himselfe to that Circle of power which the Lawes have drawn about Him but desirous to walke in a more Absolute compasse That He hath in somethings invaded the Liberty of his People whither such an Incroachment can justifie their Armes Next If it be proved that He hath kept within his Line and only made the Law the Rule of His Governement whether a bare Fear or Iealousie That when ever he should be able He would change this Rule which is the most that can be pretended could be a Iust cause for an Anticipating Warre The Decision of the first of these Inquiries will depend wholly upon the Tenure by which he holds His Crowne If it were puerly Elective or were at first set upon His Head by the Suffrages of the people And if in that Election His power had been limited Or if by way of paction it had been said Thus farre the King shall be Supreme thus farre the people shall be Free If there had been certaine Expresse conditions assigned Him with his Scepter that if he transgrest not his limites He should be Obeyed if He did it should be lawfull for the people to resist Him Lastly if to hinder such Exorbitances there had been certaine Ephoâ—…i or Inspectours or a Co-ordinate Senate placed as Mounds and Cliffes about Him with warrant from the Electours that when ever he should attempt to overflow his Bankes it should be their part to reinforce Him back into his Channell I must confesse to you being no better then a Duke of Uenice or a King of Sparta In truth no King but a more splendid Subject I think such a Resistance might be Lawfull Since such a Conveyance of Empire being but a conditionall contract as in all other Elections the chusers may reserve to themselves or give away so much of their Liberty as they please And where the part reserved is invaded 'T is no Rebellion to defend But where the Crowne is not Elective but hath so Hereditarily descended in an ancient line of succession from Kingâ—…o â—…o King that to finde out the Originall of it would be a taske as difficult as to find out the Head of Nilus where the Tenure is not conditionall nor hangs upon any contract made at first with the people nor is such a reciprocall Creature of their Breath as to be blowne from them and recalled like the fleeting Ayre they draw as often as they shall say it returnes to them worse then at first they sent it forth In short Sir Where the only Obligation or Tye upon the Prince is the Oath which He takes at his Coronation to rule according to the knowne Lawes of the place Though every Breach of such an Oath be an Offence against God to whom alone a Prince thus independent is accountable for his Actions yet 't will never passe for more then perjury in the Prince No Warrant for Subiects to take up Armes against Him Here then Sir should I suppose the worst that can be supposed that there was a time when the King misled as your Friend sayes by Evill Counsellours did actually trample upon the Lawes of the Kingdome and the Liberty of his Subiects derived to them by those Lawes yet unlesse some Originall compact can be produced where 't is agreed That upon every such Incroachment it shall be lawfull for them to stand upon their Defence unlesse some Fundamentall Contract can be shewen where 't is clearely said that where the King ceaseth to governe according to Law He shall for such misgovernment cease to be King To urge as your Friend doth such vnfortunate precedents as a Deposed Richard or a Dethroned Edward Two disproportion'd examples of popular Fury The one forced to part with his Crowne by Resignation the other as never having had legall Title to it may shew the Iniustice of former Parliaments growne strong never justifie the Pitcht-feilds which have been fought by this Since If this supposition were true the King being bound to make the Law Hiâ—… Rule by no other Obligation but His Oath at His Coronation Then which there cannot be a greater I confesse and where 't is violated never without Repentance scapes vnpunish't yet 't is a trespasse of which Subiects can only complaine but as long as they are Subiects can never innocently revenge But this all this while Sir is but only supposition And you know Sir what the Logician saies suppositio nihil ponit in esse what ever may be supposed is not presently true Iâ—… Calumny her selfe would turne Informer let her leave out Ship-money a greivance which being fairely laid a fleepe by an Act of Parliament deserved not to be awakened to beare a part in the present Tragedy of this almost ruined Kingdome she must confesse that the King through the whole course of His Raigne was so farre from the Invasion of His Subjects Rights that no King of England before Him unlesse it were Henry the first and King Iohn whom being Vsurpers it concern'd to comply with the People the one having supplanted his Eldest Brother Robert Duke of Normandy the other his Nephew Arthur Prince of Britaine ever imparted to them so many Rights of his owne To that Degree of Infranchisement that I may almost say He exchanged Liberties with them Witnesse the Petition of Right An Act of such Royall Grace that when He past that Bill He almost dealt with His
people as Traâ—…an did with the Pratorian praefect â—…ut his sword into their Hands and bid them use it for Him if he ruled well if not against Him In short Sir Magna Charta was a Uine I confesse cast over the People but this Act enabled them to call the shade of it their owne An Act which if your friend will please to forget Ship mony being in no one particular violated so farre as to be instancâ—…d in by those whose present Ingagements would never suffâ—…r such Breaches of Priviledge to passe unclamâ—…ur'd will obâ—…ge posterity to be gratefull as often as they remember themselves to be Freemen Thiâ—… then being so the next inquiry will be whether a bare Iealousy that the King would in time have recalled this Grace and would have invaded the Liberty of his Subjects by the change of the Fundamentall Lawes could be a â—…ust cause for such a praeventive Warre as this To which I answâ—…re that such a Feare 〈◊〉 built upon strong presumptions cannot possibly be a just cause for one Nation to make Warre upon another much lesse for Subjects to make Warre against their Prince The Reason is because nothing can legitimate such a Warre but either an Injury already offered or so visibly imminent that it may passe for the first Dart or Speare hurled Where the Injury or Invasion is only continâ—…ent and conjecturall and wrapt up in the wombe of darke Counsells no way discoverable but by their own revelation of themselves in some outward Acts of Hostility or usurpation to anticipate is to be first injurious and every Act of prevention which hath only Iealousie for its foundation will adde new justice to the enemies Cause who as He cannot in reason be pronounced guilty of anothers Feares so he will come into the Field with this great advantage on his side That his reall wrong will joyne Battle with the others weake suspition But alas Sir Time the best interpreter of Mens Intentions hath at length unsee'â—…d our eyes and taught us that this hath been a Warre of a quite opposite Nature The Gentleman who wrote the Defence of M. Chaloners Speech and M. Chaloner himselfe if you marke his Speech well will tell you that the quarrell hath not been whether the subject of England shall be Free but whether this Freedome shall not consist in being no longer Subject to the King If you maâ—…ke Sir How the face of things hath alter'd with successe How the scene oâ—… things is shifted And in what a Nâ—…w stile they who called themselves the Invaded have spoken ever since their Victories have secured them against the power of any hat shall invade If you consider what a politick use hath been made oâ—… those words of Inchantment Law Liberty and Propriety of the Subject by which the People have been musically enâ—…ced into their Thraldome If you yet farther consiâ—…er the more then Decemvirall power which this Parliament hath assumed to it selfe by repealing old Lawes and making Ordinances passe for new If you yet farther will please to consider How much Heavyer that which some call Priviledge of Parliament hath been to the Subject then that which they so much complained of The Kings Prerogative so much heavyer that if one deserved to be called a Little finger the other hath swolne it selfe into a Loyne Lastly if you compare Ship-mony with the Excise and the many other Taxes laid upon the Kingdome you will not onely find that a whippe then hath been heightned into a Scorpion now but you will perceive that as these are not the first Subjects who under pretence of Liberty have invaded their Princes Crowne so farre as the Cleaving of Him asunder by a State Distinction which separates the Power of the King from his Person so ours as long as he was able to lead an Army into the Field hath been the first King that ever took up Armes for the Liberty of his Subjects Vpoâ—… all which premises Sir I hope you will not think it faâ—…e Logicke if I build this Conclusion so agreeable to the Lawes of the Kingdome as well as the Lawes of God Thaâ—… supposing the Parliament all this while to have fought as was at first pretended for the Defence of their assayled Liberty yet fighting against the King whose Subjects they are it can never before a Christian Iudge make their Armies passe for just But being no way necessitated to make such a Defence their Liberty having in no one particular been assaulted which hath not been redrest if S. Paul were now on earth againe and were the Iudge of this Controversy between them and their Lawfull Soveraigne I feare he would call their Defence by a Name which we in our Moderne Cases of Conscience doe call Rebellion And thus Sir having as compendiously as the Lawes of a Letter will permit given you I hope some satisfaction concerning the first part of your zealous Friends dispute with you which was whether the Two Houses which he calls the Parliament have not a Legall power in Defence of their Liberty to take up Armes against the King I will with the like brâ—…vity proceed as well as I can to give you satisfaction in the second part of his Dispute also which was whether Religion may not be a just Cause for a Warre The Termes of which Question being very generall and not restrained to any kind of Religion or any kind of Warre whether offensive or defensive or whether of one Nation against another or of a Prince against his Subjects or of the Subjects back again against their Prince allow me a very large space to walk in In which least I be thought to wander and not to prove It will first be necessary that I define to you what Religion in generall is And next that I examine whether every Religion which falls within the Truth of that Definition may for the propagation of it selfe be a just cause of a Warre and so whether all they who either are of no Religion or a false may not be forced to be of the true Lastly what the Duty of Subjects is towards their Prince incase he should endeavour by force to impose a Religion upon them which they think to be false and can probably make it appear to be so by proofeâ—… tâ—…ken from the Scripture Religion then to define it in the dearest Termes is saies Aquinas Uirtus reddens debitum Honorem Deo A virtue which renders to God his just Honour This payment of Honour to God as 't is built and founded upon his Creation of us by which he hath a Right to our Sâ—…vice and Worship of him so in the contemplative part of it it consists in these foure Notions or Apprehensions of him First that there is a God and that there is but One. Next that he is not any part of this Visible World but something Higher and more excellent then any Thing we see Thirdly that he hath a providence going in the World and takes care of
own true genuine light they appeared so many cleare transparent Copies of a sincere and Gallant Mind Look't upon by the People of whom you know who said populus iste vult decipi decipiatur through the Answers and Observations and venomous Comments which some men made upon them a fallacy in judgement followed very like the fallacy of the sight where an Object beheld through a false deceitfull medium partakes of the cosenage of the conveyance and way and puts on a false Resemblance As square bright angular things through a mist show darke and round and straight things seen through water show broken and distorted It seems Sir by your Letter to me that your Friend with whom you say you have lately had a dispute about the Kings Supremacy and the Subjects Rights is one of those who hath had the ill luck to be thus deceived Which I doe not wonder at when I consider how much he is concern'd in his fortunes that the Parliament should all this while be in the right Besides Sir Having lookt upon the Cause of that Side meerly in that plausible dresse with which some pens have attired it And having entertain'd a strâ—…ng prejudice against whatever shall be said to prove that a Parliament may erre it ought to be no marvaile to you if he be rather of M. â—…rinnes then Iudge Ienkins's Opinion And perswade himselfe that the Parliament having if not a superior yet a coordinate power with the King in which the People is interested where ever their Religion or Liberty is invaded may take up Armes against Him for the defence of either But then Sir finding by my reading of the publick writings of both sides that both sides challenged to themselves the Defence of one and the same Cause I must confesse to you That 〈◊〉 a while the many Battailes which so often coloured our fields with Bloud appeared to me like Battailsâ—…ught â—…ught in Dreams Where the person combating in his slâ—…epe imagines he hath an Adversary but a wake perceives his error that he helâ—… coâ—…flict with himselfe To speak a little more freely to 〈◊〉 Sir the Kings Declarations and the Parliaments Remonstrances equally pretending to the maintenance of the same Protestant Religion and the same Liberty of the Subject I wondered a while how they could make two opposite sides or could so frequently come into the field without a Quarrell But since your Friend is pleased to let me no longer remain a Sceptick but clearly to state the Quarrell by suffering the two great words of Charme Liberty and Religion from whence both sides have so often made their Recruits to stand no longer as a Salamis or controverted Iland between two equall Challengers And since he is pleased to espouse the defence of them so wholly to the Parliament as to call the Warre made by the King the Invasion of them Both for his and your satisfaction who have layed this taske upon me give me leave to propose this reasonable Dilemma to you Either 't is true what your Friend saies that the Parliament hath all this while sought for the defence of their Liberty and Religion or 't is only a pretence and hath hid some darker secret under it If it have been only a pretence there being not a third word in all the World which can afford so good Colour to make an unjust Warre passe for a just the first discovery of it will be the fall and ruine of it And the People who have been misled with so much holy Imposture will not only hate it for the Hypocrisie but the Injustice too If it be true yet I cannot see how they are hereby advantaged or how either or both these joyned can legitimate their Armes For first Sir I would fain know of your friend what he means by the Liberty of the Subject I presume he doth not mean a Releasement from servitude Since amongst all their other complaints delivered in Petitions to the Parliament they never yet adventured to say that they were govern'd as Servants by a hard Master not as Subjects by a Prince Nor doe I find that the King was such a Pharaoh to them that they were able to say that he changed a Kingdome of Freemen into a House of Bondage Some Acts of his Government I confesse some have call'd Illegal namely the exaction of Ship-mony But this certainly was a grievance which if it had not been redrest deserved not to be reckoned among the Brick kills of Aegypt or to denominate his Government despoticall too Next then doth your friend by Liberty meane a Releasement from Tyranny as Tyranny allowes men to be Subjects but not much removed from slaves Had the King indeed made his Will the Rule of his Government and had his Will revealed it selfe in nineteen years of Injustice had he like Caligula worne a Table-book in his pocket with the names of the Nobility in it design'd and Markt for slaughter Had he without any Trialls of Law made his pleasure passe for sentence and lopt off Senators heads as Tarquin did Poppeys Had he in his oppressions of the People made them feele Times like those which Tacitus describes where no man durst be virtuous least he should be thought to upbrayd his Prince where to complaine of hard usage was capitall and where men had not only their words but their very looks and sighs proscribed his Raigne would beare that Name But alas Sir you your selfe know that these are Acts of Tyranny which were so farre from being practised that they have not yet been faigned among us 'T is true indeed certain dark Iealousies were cast among the people as if some Evill Counsellors about the King had had it in their designe to introduce an Arbitrary Government But these were but Iealousies blown by those whose plot 't was to make the popular hatred their engine to remove those Counsellors that by their ruine they might raise a Ladder to their own Ambitions For if the Calamity of these times have not quite blotted out the memory of former people cannot but remember that no Nation under Heaven more freely enjoyed the Blessing of the Scripture then we every one secure under the shade of his own Uine perhaps a grape or two extraordinary was gathered for the publique But if any did refuse to contribute I doe not find that like Naboth they were stoned for their Uineyard If therefore the Gentleman your friend understand Liberty in this sense the most he can say for the Parliament is that they have taken up Armes against their King not because he was but because he possibly might be a Tyrant Which feare of theirs being in it selfe altogether unreasonable and therefore not to be satisfied could not but naturally endeavour as we find by sad experience it hath done â—…o secure it selfe by removing out right the formidable obâ—…ect which caused it which being not to be done but by the Removall of Monarchicall Government it selfe could not but cast them at length
obeyed yet he is not to be resisted Since such a Resistance would not only change the Relation of inequality and Distance between the Prince and People and so destroy the Supremacy here given him by S. Peter but 't would actually enter duell with the Ordinance of God which ceaseth not to be sacred as often as 't is wickedly imployed Irresistibility being a Ray and Beame of the Divine Image which resides in the Function not in the Religion of the Prince Who may for his Person perhaps be a Caligula or Nero yet in his Office still remaine Gods Deputy and Vicegerent And therefore to be obeyed even in his unjust commands though not actively by our compliance yet passively by our sufferings This Doctrine as 't is agreeable to the Scripture and the practice of the purest and most primitive times of the Church so I finde it illustrated by the famous example of a Christian Souldier and the censure of a Father upon the passage This Souldier being bid to burne Incense to an Idoll refused But yeelded himselfe to be cast into the fire Had he when his Emperour bid him worship an Idoll mutinied or turn'd his speare upon him saies that Father he had broken the fift Commandement in defence of the second But submitting his Body to be burnt the only thing in him which could be compelled instead of committing Idolatry he became himselfe a Sacrifice I could Sir second this with many other Examples but they would all tend to this one pious Christian Result that Martyrdome is to be preferred before Rebellion Here then if I 〈◊〉 suppose your Presbyterian Friends charge to be true a very heavy one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the King miscounselled by a Preâ—…ticall Court Faction when he first Marcht inâ—…o the field against the Armies raised by the two Hâ—…uses of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aâ—… inteâ—…t to subvert the Protestant Religion and to plant the Religion of the Church 〈◊〉 Rome in it's stead yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to me that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 King or the two Hâ—…uses to be his 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 their two Oathâ—…â—…f 〈◊〉 and Alleageâ—… that in so â—…ing â—…e for 〈◊〉 his Crowns and wâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 over all persons and in all â—…auses as well â—…vill as â—…cclesiasticall within the 〈◊〉 of his three Kingdomes supreame Head and Governour I know no Armes which coâ—…â—…wfully be used against Him bâ—… these which S. 〈◊〉 used against an Arian Emperour Lachâ—…as Suspiâ—…ia Sighes Tears and Prayersâ—…o â—…o Godâ—…o â—…o turne hiâ—… heart And therefore Sir when your Friend doth next aske you Flow it could stand with the safe â—…onscience of any English Protestant to stand an idle spectator whilst Queen Maries daies were so ready to break in upon him that He was almost reduced to this hâ—…rd choyce either to follow the Times in the new erected fashion of Religion or live in danger of the stake and Faggot if he persisted in the old yâ—…u may pâ—…ease to let him know from me That as I have no unruly Thirst or irregular Ambition in me to dâ—…e a Martyr Not am so much a Circumcâ—…lee as to court or wooâ—… or in case iâ—… fled from me enthusiastically to call upon me my own Death and Execution So if it had been my Lot to live in the fiery times He speaks of when a Protestant was put to death for an Heretick as I should not have quarreld with the Power that condemned me so I should have kist my funerall pile And should have thoughâ—… it a high peece of Gods favour to me to call me to Heaven by a way so like that of his Angell in the Book of Iudges who ascended thither in the Flame and aire and persume of a Sacrifiâ—…e But what if this be only a Jealousie and suspition in your Friend â—…ay 〈◊〉 if it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Disguise and paâ—…t to some Ambitious mâ—…s 〈◊〉 who to walke the more 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thâ—… darke and politick ends â—…ave stiled thâ—…mselves the Dâ—…fendours when they have all this while been the Invadors And have calleâ—… the King the subverter who hath all this while to his power been the Defendor of this Religion This certainâ—…y if it be proved will very much 〈◊〉 and aggravâ—…e their sinne and dye it in a deep sâ—…let through all the progresse of it But because I rather desire to east a mâ—…tle over their strange proceedings then to adâ—…e to their Nakednesse which hath at length discover'd it selfe to all the World all that I shall say to deliver so much Goodnesse from so much misrepresentation it this That the report which at first poyson'd the mindes of so many Thousand well minded people That the King had an intent by this â—…re in destroy the Protestant Religion could at 〈◊〉 have no other parent but some mens either crasty Malice or needlesse Feare appears clearly in this that after all their great Discoveries they have not yet instanced in one considerable Ground fit to build more then a vulgar Iealousy upon The Kings affection to the Queene His Alliance and confederacy with Popish Princâ—…es abroad and the Gentlenesse of his Raigne towards his Popish Subjects at home being premises 〈◊〉 unfit to build this inference and conclusion upon that Therefore He took up Armes that he might introduce theiâ—… Religion as his in Aristotle were who because it lightned when Socrates toâ—…k the Ayre thought that his walkingâ—…use â—…use â—…hat commotion in the skyes For that the Root and Spring of such a report could be nothing but their own deluded fancy they must at length 〈◊〉 esse unlesse with their Faith they have â—…ast off their Charity too Let 〈◊〉 Friend Sir read â—…ve any one of His Majesties Declarations and whâ—… sacred Thing 〈◊〉 there by which he hath not freely and uncompelled obliged and bound Himselfe to live and dreâ—… a Protestant By what one Act have these many Vowes been broken Who made that Court Faction which would have miscounselled him to bring in Popery Or let your Friend if he can name who those Miterd Prelates were who lodged a Papist under their Rotchet If he cannot let him for beare to hold an Opinion of his Prince and Clergy which Time the mother of Truth hath so demonstratively confuted And let him no longer suffer himselfe to be seduced by the malitious writings of those who for so many years and from so many Pulpits have breathed Rebellion and Slander with such an uncontrouled Boldnesse and Sting that I cannot compare them to anything so fitly as to the Locusts in the Revelation which crept forth of the Bâ—…ttomlesse pit every one of which worethe Crowne of a King and had the Tayle of a Scorpion In short Sir If he have not so deeply drunke of the Inchantedâ—…uppe as to forget himselfe to be a Subject let him no longer endanger himselfe to east of their Ruine too who for so many years have dealt with the best King that this Nation ever had as Witches are said
to deale with those whom they would by peece meale destroy first shap't to themselves his Image in waxe then prickt and stab'd it with needles striving by their many Reproaches of his Government and Defamations of the Bishops to reduce his Honour by degrees to a consumption and to make it Languish and pine and wither away in the Hatred and Disaffection of his People But perhaps Sir your Friend and I are not well agreed upon our Termes If therefore he doe once more strive to perswade you that notwithstanding all this which I have said to the contrary the King would if he had not been hindered have destroyed the Protestant Religion pray desire him to let me know what he means by the Religion which he calls Protestant Doth he mean that Religion which succeeded Popery at the Reformation and hath ever since distinguisht us from the Church of Rome Doth he meane that Religion which so many Holy Martyrs seal'd with their Blood that for which Queene Mary is so odious and Queene Elizabeth so pretious to our memories Lastly Doth he meane that Religion which is comprised in the 39. Articles and confest to be Protestant by an Act of Parliament If these be the Markes these the Characters of it let him tell me whether this be not the Religion which the King in one of his Letters to the Queene calls the only Thing of difference between Him and Her that 's dearest to Him whether this also be not the Religion in which if there be yet any of the old Ore and Drosse from whence 't was extracted Any thing either essentially or accidentally evill which requires yet more sifting or a more through Reformation Any thing of Doctrine to offend the strong or of Discipline or Ceremony to offend the weake His Majesty have not long since offered to have it passe the fiery Tryall and Disputes of a Synod legally called To all which questions 'till He and his Com presbyters give a satisfying Answer however they may think to hide themselves under their old Tortoise-shall and cry out Templum Domini the Temple of the Lord They must not take it ill if I aske them one question more and desire them to tell me whether this be not the Religion which they long since compelled to take flight with the King and which hath scarce been to be found in this Kingdome ever since the time it was deprived of the Sanctuary it had taken under the Kings Standard This then being so hath your Friend or his fellow Assemblers yet a purer or more primitive Notion of the Protestant Religion which compared with the Religion which we and our Fathers have been of will prove it to be Idolatrous and no better then a hundred years superstition Let them in Charity as they are bound not to let us perish in our Ignorance shew ut their Modell If it be more agreeable to the Scripture then Ours have more of the white Robe and not of the new invention we may perhaps be their converse And their Righteousnesse meeting with our Peaâ—…eâ—…ay â—…ay 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eaâ—…h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 timâ—… Sir 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wiâ—… not define â—…e Protâ—…stant Religion so bâ—… Negâ—…tives 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 No Bishops No Liâ—… or No Commâ—… â—…er Boâ—…ke These we 〈◊〉 yâ—… coâ—…vinced to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 goâ—…d 〈◊〉 but not Essâ—…ntialls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we câ—…l the Proâ—…t Religion 〈◊〉 Siâ—…e Their Negation then can bâ—… 〈◊〉 true Essentiall Constituent of the same Religion on theirs There is but Onâ—… positive Notion more in all he world 〈◊〉 whiâ—…h câ—…n pâ—…ly â—…nderstand Them when They say Tâ—…ey have all this while Fought for the Defence of the Protestant Religion Tâ—…at iâ—… thâ—…t by the Defence of the Protestant Religion if they meane any Thing or if this â—…ave not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tâ—… 〈◊〉 more dangerous secret They meane the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 New Directory and their aâ—… length concâ—… Goâ—…rnment of the Church by Presbyters If this be theiâ—… 〈◊〉 And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should rock my Invention I câ—…not make 〈◊〉 find â—…other The Second part of that most Holy and Glorious Cause which hath drawne the eveâ—… of Europe upon it and renderd the Name of a Protestant a â—…roverbe to expresse Disloyalty by That Pure Chast Uirgin without spâ—…t or wrinkle-Cause which like the Scythian Diana hath been feâ—… with â—…o many Humane Sacrifices And to which as â—…o another Moloch so many Men as well as Children have been compell'd 〈◊〉 through the Fire resolves it selfe into this Vnchristiaen Bloudy conclusion That an Assembly of profest Protestant Divines hâ—…ve advised 〈◊〉 Two Parliaments of Englandâ—…nd â—…nd Scotland confeâ—… Subiects to take â—…p Arâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 King their Lawfull Severaigne Hâ—…e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Three Kingdoms in a â—…lame been the Aâ—…rs oâ—… more Protâ—…stants 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Civiâ—… thâ—…n 〈◊〉 â—…ave served to â—…ver the Palaâ—…ate by a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 buâ—… thiâ—… vnnâ—…cessary â—…vell accidentall Considerâ—…on Tâ—…t the King 〈◊〉 compell'd by Force would never consâ—…nt not indeed without Perjury could to the Change 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ancient Primitive Apostolike Vnâ—…versally received Government of this Church by Bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 new vpstartâ—… Mushrome Calvinisticall Government 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Preâ—…bytery of Spirituall Lay-Elders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by â—…rinciples â—…en both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…ture proved â—…o yâ—…u iâ—… the mâ—…st 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Râ—…sistance 〈◊〉 no aâ—… Invasion of the Higher 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Higher 〈◊〉 being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gods Oâ—…dinance 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Warre made against God â—…imselfe And â—…he Authors 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unlesse they repent and 〈◊〉 â—…hemselves tâ—… timely râ—…turne to their Obedâ—…ence in â—…anger to draw upon themselves this other sâ—…d tragicall irresistible Conclusion wâ—…ich St Paul tels us is the inevitable Catastrophe 〈◊〉 Disobedience which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you may English iâ—… swift Destruction And thuâ—… Sir Though â—…ll weakâ—… Defences have something of the Nature of prevarication 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aâ—…d he may in part be thought to betray a Cause 〈◊〉 feebly argâ—… for 〈◊〉 I have return'd you a large Answere 〈◊〉 the two Quere's 〈◊〉 your short Letter which iâ—…â—…ou shall vouchsafe 〈◊〉 Satisfaction you will very much assiâ—…t my Modesty whicâ—… will not suffer me to thinke that I in this Argument have said more then Others Only being so fairely invited by you to say something to have remain'd silent had been to have consâ—…stâ—…ny â—…ny 〈◊〉 convinced And my Negligence in a Tâ—…me so seasonableâ—…o â—…o speak Truth in might perhaps in the Opinion of the Gentleman your Friend have seemed to take part with those oâ—… his side against whose Cause though not â—…ir Persons haâ—…e thuâ—… freely armed my Pen Sir I should think my selfe fortunate if Any Thinge which I â—…ave 〈◊〉 in this Letter mighâ—… make him a Proselyte But this being rather my wish then my Hope all the Successe which this Paper aspires to is this that you will accept it as a Creature borne at your Command Anâ—…â—…hat you will place it among your other Records as a Testimony how much greater my Desires then my Abilities are to deserve the stile of being thought worthy to be From my Chamber Iune 7. 1647. Your affectionate servant JASPER MAYNE Jude 13. 2. * Levit. 26. 12. * Esay 52. 11. * Esay 52. 11. †2 Pet. 3. 16. †Col. 3. 5. * Mat. 13. â—…am 3. 6. â—…1 〈◊〉 qualifi 〈◊〉 5 15. Luk. 2â—… Acts 9. The aâ—… insinua himself 4. Unity of blies 〈◊〉 3. 16. 5. â—…ty of minds Mat. 15. 1 2 Cor. 10. â—…b 11. 29. â—…r 4. 7. division 1 The comâ—…ance 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…he frailty of â—…d designes * Exod. 3. 〈◊〉 first abuse â—…eir functi 4. â—…he second aâ—…e of their â—…nction 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…jury ofâ—… to God â—…ek 13. 3. â—…ay 30. 10. The conc sion * c. 7. v. 〈◊〉 2 Tim 3. 6 Imago nos tantùm ut memoriale excitat uti Iesuitae passim Dico non esse â—…am certum in Ecclesiâ an sint faciendae imagines Dei sive Trinitatis quaÌ„ Christi sanctoruÌ„ hoc enim ad fidem â—…ertinet illud est in opinione Bella. de imag l. 2. c. 8 Inanimata spiritualem quandam virtutem exconsecratione adipiscuntur c. Tho. p. 3. q. 83. art 3. Deum imaginibus inhabitanteÌ„ colunt Deum â—…utem virtuteÌ„ stam spiritualeÌ„â—…etrahere alâ—…quando sive 〈◊〉 fatentur Cajetanus hac â—…n re ne Gentiâ—…ibus quidem â—…apientior haâ—…tur * Pro. 26. 4 5. * Psa. 〈◊〉 1. * Pro. 26. 18. 19. * Mat. 5. 22 * 2 Pet. 1. 20 * v. 9. * v. 17. * V. 5. * Deuter. 17. v. 16 17 18 19. Lib. 4. c. 4. Grot. lib. 1. c. 3. de Iure Belli pacis * Iudg Ienkins * Sir Iohn Banks * 〈◊〉 Sae q. â—…0 c. 3. * Grot. l. 2. de Iure Belâ—…i ac pacis c. 20. * Adv. Mathemat p. 3â—…8 * Lib. 2. de jure bell pacis c. 20. * Act. 17. 30. * Luke 9. 54. * v. 55. 56. * Luke 9. 5. * C. de Iudiciis dist 45. * Iu Arcanâ Historiâ * Luke 14. 28. * c. 13. 20. * Revel 9. * Cabinet Opened * Rom. 13. 2. * V. 2.