Account of which he may be deprived of c. And pag. 23. he says of these Principles That they have poisoned the very Springs and Fountains of Government and so deeply tinctur'd Mens Minds that he prays God we may not still live to see the miserable Effects of it Thus Dr. Sherlock even since his Conversion But you may say how does it appear that this Author now sets up these Principles You shall be Judge Pag. 49. he says That it is ill trusting any one any King with such a Power This is in his c. 3. s 1. n. 8. Again c. 1. n. 10. p. 11. he expresses himself in these Words viz. The antient Government with which he the King was intrusted p. 41. he falls upon those who stopt the Bill of Exclusion with this wholsome Advice Never to trust Men of King James's Principles and Religion with a Power that may destroy us Here the King's Power is onely what the People please to trust him with Pag. 57. He says That it is not the King's Money that pays the Soldiers but the Kingdoms and thence it will follow that they are not the King's Soldiers but the Kingdoms 67. He says That every Law is certainly a Compact between the King and the People wherein by a mutual Consent they agree on a Rule by which he is to govern and according to which they oblige themselves to pay him Obedience That therefore the People may as lawfully dispence with their Allegiance to the King 68. as the King dispence with the Execution of a Law That the Subjects have no other Security for their Liberties 77. Properties and Lives except the Interest they have of chusing their own Representatives in Parliament Whereby he will exclude by very much the greatest part of the Nation from having any security for their Lives c. i. e. all but the Electors of Parliament men for none other have any Vote in chusing their own Representatives But the Author makes them amends by giving every one of them a power to dispence with their Allegiance to the King when ever they think that the King dispences with the Execution of any Law He makes them all Popes to dispence with Oaths or any other Duty when they think it reasonable And as he gives them Power over their Oaths of Allegiance so he does over the King's Treasury and Army It is Their Mony Their Army and why should not They command them The King himself acts but by their Commission and by all Rule and Right every Man is accountable to him from whom he has his Commission But now our Author is upon the Rode you shall see how he improves He derives the Eccles Authorily from the People p. 206. he stops at nothing And since he is a granting to the People they shall have all even the Ecclesiastical Authority which is trusted in the Crown shall be derived from the People and transferrable by them to whom they think fit For he makes King James's breach of trust in the Ecclesiastical Authority a provoking temptation to his People to think of transferring it to some other Person This will gratify the Phanaticks as well as Commonwealth-men That even the Ecclesiastical Authority is derived from the People His Interpretation of its not being Lawful upon any Pretence to take Arms against the King c. pag. 221. n. 3. And now to Crown all He gives as large and loose an Interpretation of that famous Principle of the Ch. of England viz. of it s not being Lawful upon any Pretence whatever to take Arms against the King c. as Bradshaw Rutherford Bellarmin or Mariana could desire viz. He says it was only meant That private Men should not take up the Sword or resist the King upon any Pretence that is says he upon any Pretence of private Injury or Wrong done to them in particular Beyond this none of the Republicans Phanaticks and Jesuits in the World could go So that this was no very distinguishing Principle of the Church of England as we us'd to call it But if you will allow the same Parliament which enacted the abovesaid Principle of Non-Resistance to the King c. to understand their own Meaning or think that the declared Sense of the Legislators is the true Sense of the Law then our Author has widely mistaken his Mark and misinterpreted this Law For 12 Car. 2. c. 30. it is declared That neither the Peers nor Commons nor both together nor the People Collectively nor Representatively in Parliament or out of Parliament nor any other Persons whatsoever have any Coercive Power over the Kings of England Now judge whether all this is meant only of Private Men as our Author would make you believe And take Notice that this is not to be taken as a Grant from that Parliament It is a Recognition wherein they declare what was the Law before them And they vouch that this Prerogative of the King to be exempt from all Coercive Power is by the undoubted and fundamental Laws of this Kingdom And that neither Lords nor Commons nor any other Persons not only now have not or hereafter shall not have any such Power over the King but that they never had or ever ought to have such Power I hope our Author will confess That this is somewhat a greater Authority and ought to have greater Weight with us than his single Opinion which he has taken up but of late And to confound that Distinction of the Parliament being Coordinate with the King and making the King but one of the three Estates which would imply their having something to do with the Sword which is the Supreme Power of Government joyntly with the King and therefore in some Cases might restrain him by Force which was the Pretence in 41. to obviate all this the Militia which is the Sword of England is by Act of Parliament put in the Hands of the King alone And it is declared in express Words 13 Car. 2. That the Sword is solely in the King's Power and that neither one nor both Houses of Parliament can or Lawfully may Raise or Levy any War offensive or defensive against his Majesty c. The Title of this Section p. 221. is King James and his Party endeavoured to destroy the Protestant Religion by misrepresenting the Persons and Principles of Protestants But it is not in the Power of Jesuit or any you can imagine to misrepresent the Protestant Principles more than this Author in this same Section as you have seen that is if you will allow that the Protestants did ever represent them Right before And whereas he Objects in the foremention'd Place That by it the abovesaid Principle of Non-Resistance it was never intended to give up the Constitution of the Government or to part with the Liberties and Privileges of the Kingdom The Answer is very easy for by the Judgment of what he calls the Constitution of the Government viz. King and Parliament
shewn For being by a particular Clause in that Act enabled by themselves or whom they should appoint to try and purge out all insufficient negligent scandalous and erroneous Ministers they erected Tribunals in every Presbytery as arbitrary but more senseless than the Inquisition and did but one good Act to purge out those Episcopal Presbyters who complied with their Schism and Usurpation for which they could never want a pretence because Ordination or Collation from Prelates was always made one Article in their Visitations and thought erroneous enough to spew any out of their Churches But as to these Deprived Clergy I must here take notice of a distinction much used in England to mollifie Lay-Deprivations viz. That the Bishops and Clergy Deprived by Act of Parliament lose not their Character only are barr'd by the Secular Power to exercise it in such Districts But Act 35. of Sess 2. of the first Parliament of William and Mary in Scotland those Ministers who did not Pray for King William and Queen Mary and were therefore Depriv'd were afterwards prohibited to preach or exercise any part of the Ministerial Function either in Churches or elsewhere upon any pretext whatsoever And in the 38th Act of the same Session they do as much confound our State-distinction of de Facto and de Jure which they say is cunningly of late spread abroad to weaken and invalidate the Allegiance sworn to their Majesties And therefore they order a Certificate to be subscrib'd by all who take the Oath declaring K. W. and Q. M. to be King and Queen as well de Jure as de Facto And they say That in all these things they have dealt more frankly and plainly if not more honestly and sincerely than we have done in England They think it more fair and open Dealing plainly to Foresault the King for Male-administration than to Abdicate him for flying to save his Life And when he is gone that he should not take the Right to the Crown along with him and leave K. W. nothing but a de Facto Possession which they think a Betraying K. W. to the last Degree and making him no better than an Usurper They think it the same thing to debar Clergy-men from the Exercise of the Ministerial Function as to leave them no Place to exercise it in And as Charitable to allow nothing to the Depriv'd as to name something for them and put it into Hands where they are sure never to come by it But I know not so well how they 'll solve that Contradiction which seems to be betwixt their Claim of Right 11 Ap. 89. and their Confession of Faith Ratified and Established Act 5. of 2 Sess 1 Parl. William and Mary Read over in their Presence and inserted Verbatim in the Body of the Act. The Claim of Right begins in these Words Whereas King James being a profest Papist did assume the Regal Power c. And the first of their Claims is in these Words That by the Law of this Kingdom no Papist can be King or Queen of this Realm And yet in the abovesaid Confession of Faith Chap. 23. It is Decreed and Established as the true Christian Doctrine in these Words viz. Infidelity or Difference in Religion doth not make void the Magistrates just and legal Authority nor free the People from their due Obedience to him But I must not exceed the bounds of a Preface For if I should only Name all the Hardships and Oppressions the illegal and arbitrary Proceedings of which the Jacobites complain of in Scotland say they are ready to make good by undeniable Vouchers I should swell this beyond the Bulk of Dr. King's Book and that the Truths of the Proceedings in Scotland would if possible out-number the Falstoods he relates of Ireland But for a fuller Account of these Scots Affairs I refer you to a small Tract called A Letter to a Friend giving an Account of all the Treatises that have been Publish'd with Relation to the present Persecution against the Church of Scotland Printed for Jo. Hindmarsh Among these as to the State Affairs be pleased to consult that Tract called The late Proceedings and Votes of the Parliament of Scotland contained in an Address delivered to the King And for the Affairs of the Church An Account of the present Persecution of the Church of Scotland in several Letters The Case of the present Afflicted Clergy of Scotland The Historical Relation of the late General Assembly held at Edinburgh And the Presbyterian Inquisition And there you will find such Cruelties used towards the Loyal and Episcopal Party in Scotland as were unheard of in Ireland and by Dr. King's Principles would justifie any Foreign Prince to interpâ—se on their behalf And if it be true which he lays down as the Foundation upon which he builds all that he says in his Book viz. That if a King design to destroy one main Part of his People in favour if anâ—ther whom he loves better he does Abdicate the Government of those whom he designs to destroy contrary to Justice and the Laws If this be true the Episcopal Party in Scotland think it would free them from all Obligation to K. William's Government But how far it is Applicable to the Protestants in Ireland to justifie their Carriage towards King James will be seen in what follows Suppose say they it were true which Dr. King asserts as it is most false That K. James while he was in Ireland did endeavour totally to overthrow the Church Established by Law there and set up that which was most agreeable to the Inclinations of the major Number of the People in that Kingdom who are Roman Catholicks The Jacobites ask if this were so Whether it be not fully vindicated in the 4th Instruction of those which King William sent to his Commissioner in Scotland dated at Copt-Hall 31. May 89. in these Words You are to pass an Act Establishing that Church Government which is most agreeable to the Inclinations of the People By which Rule they say That it was as just to set uâ— Popery in Ireland as Presbytery in Scotland And that the Law was not more against the one in Ireland than against the other in Scotland That the Parliament in Ireland was liable to less Exception than that in Scotlandâ— The one called in the usual Form by Writs from their Natural King to whom they had Sworn the other by Circular Letters from a Foreign Prince to whom they ow'd no Obedience who could not nor did pretend any other Authority over them or Right to the Crown besides The Inclinations of the People Which therefore they say in return for their Kindness he has made the Standard for Church Government as well as the Government of the State That it is only alleged that King James intended to do in Ireland what he did not do when it was in his Power and what King William actually did in Scotland viz. To overturn the Church then by Law Established
Passive Obedience from Reason and Scripture reach only Cases where the Mischief is Particular or Tolerable But this gives us no surer Marks than we had before For what does he mean by Tolerable Tolerable If it be as much as a Man can bear No Passive-Obedience-man can stretch it higher Since no Man can bear more than he can Therefore he must mean what a Man can bear Easily or till he begins to think the Burthen to be Intolerable that is Hard to be born and then you may be sure he will not let it grow too heavy for him And no Rebel in the World can desire a greater Latitude than this For whenever he says he is hurt or has a mind to bear no more then no more Passive Obedience Thus much for the Word Tolerable Now for the other Qualification Universal viz. Particular that is as he explains it p. 3. when the Mischief is not Universal Universal may be either as to its Tendency that is where a Mischief done to a particular Person may be a Precedent to have the like done to another and another and so till it comes to be Universal And in this Sense our Author will not allow that any Mischief from a Government can be particular If the King take one Man's Life or Property from him contrary to Law this will not be call'd a particular Case but the Case of the whole Kingdom Thus Mr. Hambden contested his Assessment which was about 20 Shillings and brought on the whole Case of Ship-money which embroil'd the Reign of King Charles the First Magdalen-College was not thought a particular Case and did no small Service against King James 2. In short all Mischief is done to some Particulars and Universal is but many Particulars Therefore what is done to one may be inferred to the rest and in this Sense no Mischief can be Particular Will this Author say that the Business of Glenco n. 19. Appendix was only a particular Mischief On the other hand if by an universal Mischief you mean where the Mischief does not only in its Tendency but Actually assect the Universal that is the whole People In this Sense it is not Universal if any part of the People be Excepted And then according to our Author 's own Rules Passive Obedience takes place in all Cases except where the Government designs the Destruction of the whole People that is as Grotius has explain'd it where the Governors are all suppos'd to be mad Which has been spoke to already But not to take any Advantage of this for no King not Nebuchadnezzar was ever so mad as to design the Destruction of a part of his People Then the Question will be Whether it be greater Destruction to the People to run the hazard of this under the Protection of God while in Obedience to his Commands rather than to raise a Civil War to Remedy this And our Author seems to answer this n. 4. of his Introduction which bears this Title A War not always a greater Evil than Suffering Observe here the Modesty and withal the Cunning of our Author He calls it a War which is a general Word and therefore may lead you off the Question which is not at all concerning Lawful War as that may be betwixt Independent Princes But concerning Subjects Levying War against the King or the Government under which they Live which therefore is called Rebellion And it is of this only that our Question proceeds viz. Whether This or Suffering be the greatest Evil And our Author says It is not always a greaâ—er Evil than Suffering This was Cautious indeed It is not always so But what if it be so for the most part Is it therefore to be Chosen This or nothing is our Author's meaning He begins this n. 4. p. 5. thus If then in some Cases the Mischiefs of submitting may be worse than a War which is begging the Question and point blank contrary to the Law of the Land and which this Author has often subscribed viz. That such a War of Subjects taking Arms against the King is not Lawful upon any Pretence whatsoever Which if it be true then our Author's in some Cases is but a Deceit For the Law allows of no such Cases nor any Pretence whatever to take Arms against the King One would think it pretty hard for our Author to get over this A Passage out of Faulkner misapply'd He attempts it but faintly c. 1. n. 8. p. 10. where he says That this may not seem a new Doctrine I would have the Reader observe that I only transcribe the learned Faulkner c. Why Who said it was a new Doctrine Was that the Question No doubt many have and do hold it In the next place suppose you do transcribe Faulkner will that excuse you You will not stand by all that Faulkner says in that Book for you know no Man is more opposite to your now Opinion if it be your Opinion Why then do you Quote one part of him if you will not believe another For either he must contradict himself and then his Authority cannot be great either way or else you lay no value upon his Judgment while you plainly dispute against his Notion of Passive Obedience which you cannot deny and is visible to every one that reads his Book and I will shew you presently when I come to examine his Quotations more at large But our Author has pick'd up this Sentence out of him And though all the Words our Author quotes are in Faulkner's Christian Loyalty l. 2. c. 5. l. 2. n. 19. yet I must charge him with a false Quotation for he leaves out such Words as plainly shew that Faulkner does not set this down as his own Opinion but only to follow upon a Supposition which he Quotes out of Grotius but does not say that he approves of it Grotius thinks says he that ultimo Necessitatis presidio such defence is not to be condemned And if this be true says Faulkner it must be upon this Ground that such Attempts of Ruining do ipso facto include a disclaiming the Governing of those Persons as Subjects and consequently of being their Prince or King And then the Expressions of our publick Declaration and Acknowledgment would still be secured that it is not Lawful upon any Pretence whatsoever to take Arms against the King Thus Faulkner as our Author quotes him and all he says is that upon the Supposition of a King disclaiming the Government and consequently ceasing to be King then though we do take Arms against him we do not break the abovesaid Declaration of not taking Arms against the King because then he is no King For a King that disclaims the Government is no longer King and says Faulkner if Grotius's Position be true it must be upon this Ground But he does not say that Grotius's Supposition is true On the contrary in the very next Words as if it were confuting this Opinion of Grotius he
Absolute and Despotick Power in the King They were fit Instruments to sacrifice the Laws and Religion of the Kingdom to the Will of their Sovereign P. 40. They neither knew nor feared nor cared for the Laws P. 82. The Members of Parliament would not stick to sacrifice the Liberties and Laws of the Kingdom to the King 's Will. P. 153. They devolv'd the Power of Making and Repealing Laws on the King's Pleasure P. 24 It was impossible the Grand Segnior should have fitted himself better with Instruments for promoting an Arbitrary Government than he K. J. did P. 31. No body can deny but they were well chosen for the Work for which he designed them Yet this Author could not think they were so very well chosen when he makes them stand up for the Laws and struggle with the King against Arbitrary Power till they made his Nose burst out a bleeding for vexation as you have heard before Now would you believe that this K. J. who was so highly bent to be Absolute and Arbitrary would be content to be a Vassal to France Yet this Author asserts it so positively p. 45. as to say that it is manifest And p. 183. That he took care to put it out of his own Power to help the Protestants Qui occidere quemquam nolit posse velit It is not natural for an Arbitrary Man to desire any thing to be out of his Power much less would he take care to put it out of his own Power If he did it must proceed out of an inveterate malice to the Protestants yet they all think His being there was their Preservation that he hindered the Irish not only from Massacres but from Burning or Plundering Dublin and the whole Country when they left it and many other Outrages And our Author when he is upon painting out the Barbarity of the Irish does frequently confess it and insist upon it and as frequently deny it when his Spleen rises against K. J. He cries out c. 3. s 13. n. 3. d. 4. p. 172. And when men were thus slaughtered with his K. J's approbation This is a very heavy Charge and what was the reason of it Because says he they were killed with K. J's Protections in their Pockets I am afraid there is no Case where we could come upon the Comparison betwixt the Protestant and the Irish Army in Ireland Of K. J. keeping his Protections with more disadvantage to the Protestants than that of keeping their Protections or punishing the Breaches of them In this I appeal to Secretary Gorge's Letter in which he gives a remarkable Instance of K. J's both granting Protections to the Protestants and making it good to them notwithstanding the greatest provocations viz. Secretary Gorge's Wife and Family were not only Protected and Preserved by K. J. in Dublin while he was in so considerable a Post against K. J. as to be Secretary to the General Schomberg then at the Head of an Army in Ireland to drive K. J. out thence but upon their application to K. J. he gave them leave and his Pass port to go to the Secretary to Schomberg's Army And thus by K. J's Clemency he had his Wife and Family restored safe to him at the same time that he was endeavouring to dispossess K. J. of all he had in the World The Secretary in his Letter aggravates the Breach of Protections and want of Discipline in Schomberg's Army by shewing how regularly King James governed his Army and not only threatned severe Penalties upon the Breach of his Proclamations and Protections but duly exacted them The respective Penalties injoyned in the said Proclamation says the Secretary viz. K. J's Proclamation against plundering and other Irregularities are severely and impartially executed on the respective Offenders My Family tells me that the Week before they left Dublin there were two private Soldiers publickly executed before a Protestant Baker's Door for stealing two Loaves not worth a Shilling And a Fortnight before a Lieutenant and Ensign were publickly executed at a place where on pretence of the King's Service they prest a Horse going with Provision to Dublin Market Two others were condemned and expected daily to be executed for the like Offence These severe Examples confirming the Penalties of these publick Declarations contribute so much to the Quiet of the Country that were it not for the Country Raparees and Tories theirs 't is thought would be much quiâ—ter than ours The truth is too many of the English as well as Danâ—s and French are highly oppressive to this poor Country whereas our Enemies have reduced themselves to that Order that they exercise Violence upon none but the Proprieties of such as they know to be absent or as they Phrase it in Rebellion against them whose Stock Goods and Estates are seized and set by the Civil Government and the Proceed applied for and towards the Charge of the War These are the Words of the Secretaries Letter where you see it was K. William's Army that destroyed and K. James's that protected the Country And as many Protestants as staid at home and trusted themselves to King James's Protection preserved their Goods and Improvements and live now plentifully while those that fled from him lost what they had and smart now severely under these Necessities which their Neighbours escaped who either would not or could not fly from the Mercy of their Natural Sovereign The Secretary says here That they seized the Estates of the Absentees But I must add to this That where any Application was made in behalf of Absentees and any tollerable Reason given for their not returning there was not only no advantage taken of their not coming in within the time limited in K. J's several Proclamations to that purpose but they had Time sine Die given them come when they could and in the mean time their Goods were preserved and though seized by the Sheriffs for the King's use being forfeited by the Laws there the King commanded the Sheriffs to deliver the Goods into the hands of such Friends of the Absentees as made Application for them And where the Irish Sheriffs refused or delayed to deliver such Goods they were severely punished and forced to do it or others put in their places that would For you cannot imagine but it went mightily against the Grain with them to be forced to restore the Goods of those who as they supposed were in actual Rebellion and their declared Enemies and which they expected and they thought reasonably as a Reward for their Services For who would not take the Spoil of their Enemies The Irish understood it as if the King still had an Eye towards his Protestant Subjects and preferred their Interest though in Rebellion against him before that of the Irish though at that time serving him or as Dr. Gorge words it better That King James considered the Protestants who were in Arms against him rather as deluded Subjects than as obstinate Rebels The Irish Protestants who staid
present Government Thus excellently does our Author argue Now Imagine he had such a Story as Glencoe to tell of any of King James's Officers in Ireland how easily cou'd he by his Art make it Reflect upon the King himself and absolve all those High-landers from their Allegiance and give them leave to Protect their Lives another way O what Declamations we should have had of the Bloody Irish Cut-Throats Massacrers c And what use would he have made of their giving it under their Hands that what they did was by the Kings Express Command and none Punish'd for it He would never have given K. James Liberty to Deny it or make any Defence but would have Represented to the Three Kingdoms what they were to Expect from him who could give such Orders exceeding in in Cruel Barbarity the Wild Irish or Tartars He would have made more of this than of all the Storys he has Collected in his Book if they were all true But his Zeal must be Commended p. 206. n. 8. where he reckons as a means of Destroying the Protestant Religion the Debauchery and universal Corruption of Manners that then prevail'd Take his own Words p. 207. The Perjuries in the Courts the Robberys in the Country the Lewd Practices in the Stews the Oaths â—lasphemys and Curses in the Armys and Streets c. And these indeed are a means to Destroy not only the Protestant but any Christian Religion I cannot wish as I hear one did that the Irish Army were more Guilty of this than the Protestant Army But that these are Increas'd beyond former Examples in the Protestant Army all of them that retain the least sense of Religion do bemoan with Regret but I have mentioned this already I am sure it can be no good Religion which is promoted by these Means or suffers them to secure any Interest whatsoever God does not need our Vertue much less our Vices to help him to Govern the World And he will not be serv'd by the Breach of his Commands Can we expect says Dr. Gorge in his Letter Sodom to destroy Babylon or Debauchery to destroy Popery Our Enemy says he Fights with the Principle of a Mistaken Conscience against us we against the Conviction of our Principles against them I might inlarge upon this Subject But to returne to our Author He speaks with Just Indignation p. 173. against General Rosen's Stratagem of bringing the Protestants in that Country before the Walls of Derry and to threaten to Destroy them all if the City would not receive them which would have brought a Famine into the Town and forced them to Surrender I need not take pains against the Barbarity of this design For K. James express'd his Just Resentment of it and Countermanded it upon the first notice And in his Circular Letters to the Governors of Towns and Officers Commanding in chief in the North to whom these Orders of Rosens had come he Commands them by no means to obey these Barbarous Orders of Rosen's And accordingly Rosen's Orders for the Driving were not Executed in most places in the North. This I have from the Officers to whom these Orders were sent and from several Protestants who have seen them and can produce them But our Author discovers his skill in War when he says that he never met with any thing like it in History nor do I believe says he it was ever Practis'd by any Nation unless the French have used it in their late Wars Many instances might be given him of as Barbarous Exploits in War particularly that of Reducing places by Famine But to speak Impartially Is not Starving a County or a Province as Barbarous as Starving a City And was not Crowding all the Irish Men Women and Children over the River Shannon done on purpose to reduce them to Famine And it had its effect and many of them Dyed and Women Miscarried and many were Starv'd in that Driving over the Shannon insomuch that some of the Protestant Officers who were employed on that Expedition expressed the greatest Regret to see such Lamentable Spectacles and were asham'd of their Commissions And those who were thus Driven had King William's Protections in their pockets In exposing these things our Author should take care not to Wound the Government through the Sides of the Irish But his Zeal carry'd him too far where in the Heads of his Discourse he makes this one That when the Bishop of Meath apply'd to King James concerning this Driving King James he sayes excus'd Rosen And when you turn to the Book to see this made out p. 174. All you find is that King James told the Bishop That he had sent Orders to stopt it and if he Rosen had been his own Subject he would have call'd him to Account for it This is a strange way of excusing him But it shews how sharp-sighted this Author is in finding Faults You may be sure by this that none have escaped him Nor can he spare them even where it plainly Reflects upon the present Government which he pretends to Complement But this is only by Innuendos Tho' he has brought it so near as to make the Application very easie This Author Renders the Kings Preregative Hateful to the People and Inclines them to a Common Wealth This is more pardonable than his plain and express proclaiming War against K. William and Q. Mary That is Sounding an Alarum to the Nation to beware of them and watch them narrowly as their greatest Enemies He sayes p. 4. That Certain and Infallible Destruction will be brought to England as it was to Rome and in a Great measure to Florence if ever the Prerogative do swallow up the Liberties and Priviledges of the Subject p. 77. That their choosing their own Representatives is the only Barrier they have against The Encroachments of their Governor p. 57. That it is the Kingdoms money that payes the Souldiers p. 85. That Abuses in the Kingdom proceeded from the Long Disuse of Parliaments p. 133. n. 6. He would Limit that Prerogative of the Crown of Coyning Money and by his Quotation in the Margent would take it quite away giving the King no power To change his Money nor impair nor inhanse nor make any Money but of Silver without the Assent of the Lords and all the Commons Yet he cannot forget to have heard of Leather Money Coyn'd in England and past-board in Holland Here he discovers what he would be at To Depress the Prerogative even to a Common-Wealth And this or Arbitrary Monarchy must be the Consequence of dividing the Interest of King and People and setting them up to Fight against one another to Watch and Guard against one another as the Greatest Enemies that if one prevail the other must be destroyed A Kingdom divided Mat. 12.25 This is not altogether so pleasant a prospect as the Passive-Obedience-Men afford us while they represent the Prerogative as the greatest Safe-guard of the Rights and Priviledges of the People
AN ANSWER TO A BOOK Intituled The State of the PROTESTANTS IN IRELAND Under the Late King JAMES's Government In which Their Carriage towards him is Justified and the Absolute Necessity of their endeavouring to be Free'd from his Government and of Submitting to their present Majesties is Demonstrated London Printed in the Year 1692. TO THE READER READER I Did not intend to have troubled you with any Preface But this is occasioned by a Pamphlet lately published called An Answer to GREAT BRITAIN's JUST COMPLAINT wherein pag. 54. there is this Character of the Book I have Answered which he calls Dr. King's whom I have not nam'd but now may from the Authority of this Author A Book says he writ with that known Truth and Firmness of Reason that every Page of it is a Demonstration which hath been often threatned with an Answer but the long silence of the Party shews Guilt and Despair For the long silence I must tell the Reader That this Answer was prepared upon the first coming out of Dr. King's Book and therefore the Quotations of the Page are according to the first Edition of it in Quarto in the later Editions the Doctor has found cause to make some Amendment which I have taken notice of That this Answer has not before this time appeared in Print has been occasioned by the severe Watch that is kept over all the Presses which has made many interruptions and long delays considering which it is more to be wonder'd at that it has now got through the Briars than that it has stuck so long This must excuse a Difference you will find in the Paper in some Sheets and other Eye-sores of the Impression being done at different Times and Places For these I shall be less concern'd if you will pardon one which was occasioned by the Importunity and Fears of some of the Printers that is to call People by their usual though not proper Names like the Woman of Samaria's de Facto Husband Joh. iv 16. or as Oliver was called a Protector and Absalom a King This Answer to Britain's Complaint recites some of the grossest Mistakes of Dr. King's Book and from his Credit delivers them for most undoubted Truths As pag. 54. That the Repeal of the Acts of Settlement was carried on by King James 's own Sollicitation and that he did struggle with his Bishops and Judges to carry it and after he was duly informed of the Cruelty and Injustice of it that he still pressed it and at last got it passed The notorious Falshood of which I have shewn from undeniable and good Protestant Vouchers and more are to be had if either of these Authors have the hardiness not to submit upon that Point Pamphlet pag. 55. Every where Protestant Churches were taken from them by Force and given to Popish Priests by the Order or Connivance of the late King Which is so far from Truth that Dr. King himself gives Instances to the contrary and tells c. 3. s 18 n. 11. how King James did struggle against the Popish Clergy in behalf of the Protestants and turn'd out the Mayor of Wexford for not obeying His Majesty's Orders in Restoring the Protestants Church there which the Popish Clergy had usurp'd and that He appear'd most zealous to have the Church Restored and exprest himself with more passion than was usual upon that occasion And Dr. King cannot name one Protestant Church in Ireland that was taken from them either by King James's Order or Connivance His Majesty was so very careful in this Point that even at Dublin where he kept his Court neither the Cathedral nor any Parish-Church in the whole City was taken from the Protestants The King only took Christ-Church for his own use which was always reputed as the King's Chappelâ— And Dr. King himself and others then preached Passive Obedience in their own Pulpits in Dublin to that degree as to give offence to some of their Protestant Hearers who thought they stretched it even to Flattery Pamphlet This was done in those parts of Ireland where the Protestants were very peaceable under King James That is where they were so under his Power that they durst not stir for none else then in that Kingdom were quiet and even those who lived under King James's Protection were giving Intelligence against him and betraying him all they could which Dr. King does not only confess but justifies it and was himself one of the Chief which I have sufficiently shewn and I suppose he will not deny but reckons it now as his Merit Pamphlet Those Protestants who scaid in Ireland were oppressed c. But it is evident that they preserved their Effects Houses and Improvements better than those who left the Kingdom and now live Richer and have more to shew which they preserved by King James's Clemency than their Neighbours brought with them from the Countries whither they fled from his Protection Pamphlet Upon Complaint no Protestant could have Redress I have shewn many who had And I believe Dr. King cannot shew one who had not as far as was in the King's Power to grant it And that much more than they deserved at his Hands by their own Confession at this Day and many of them do complain that their Grievances have not been so well Redressed since And if King James can be represented by these Men as a Tyrant and a Bloody Persecutor while he Courted them and sought by all winning Ways to gain them which was certainly the Case while he was among them in Ireland it may bring Men into suspence to believe what is told of the French Hungarian or of any other Persecution But I will not Anticipate what you will find in the following Leaves to which I refer you Only I think it necessary to acquaint you That Pag. 8. of this Answer upon the Head of One Prince interposing between another Prince and his Subjects when he uses them Cruelly I refer to a Book which I thought would have been Published as soon as this and therefore said little to that Point But now that I see no Hopes of its coming out give me leave to enlarge a little and tell Dr. King what advantage the Jacobites make of this Doctrine They say it would justifie King Lewis or any other King to interpose between them and King William For they pretend that they are much more Cruelly used by King William than even Dr. King himself says the Protestants were by King James In England they tell us That their Clergy are Deprived that they are imprisoned without Law for no other fault than Reading the Liturgy of the Church of England in their Houses They complain of Double Taxes Excessive Fines and Bail and Illegal Imprisonments That in Ireland besides the Deprivation of the Clergy all Men and Women who refuse the New Oaths incur a Premunire That in Scotland they are Fined Imprisoned Massacred as Glen-coe c. and put to the Torture against the very Claim of Right
Book of Common Prayer where-ever they could find it calling it the Mass in English This was the Western Fanatick Rabble who began their Work upon Christmas Day to be witty in their Malice That at Edinburgh it self the Tumult was so high that the Mob forced the King's Palace rifted the Chancellor's Lodgings gutted the Chappel designed for the Order of the Knights of St. Andrew carried the King's Picture to the Mercat-Cross and there publickly stabb'd and tore it with the like Indignities as some ungrateful and bruitish Villains express'd in the rancor of their Hearts against the King's Statue at Newcastle and Glocester That upon these violent Disorders the King being gone from England and no settled Government in the Nation the College of Justice at Edinburgh took Arms and kept Watch and Ward to secure the Peace of the City and their Clergy from being Rabbled That then a Proclamation came from the Prince of Orange commanding all persons to lay down their Arms That the College of Justice did thereupon lay down their Arms but the Fanaticks did not for they said that they knew the Order was not intended against them and they proceeded to greater Insults against the Episcopal Clergy and fell upon those they had not medled with before and a Tumult was raised at Glasgow and those of the Rabbled Clergy who thought themselves protected by the Prince's Proclamation and thereupon returned to their Churches and Livings were much more rudely treated than before and particular Favours were granted to the Town of Glasgow by 15 Act of 2 Sess of 1 Parl. of W. and M. for the Zeal of the Community of the said City who were the principal Rabblers for the Protestant Religion as it is expressed in the Act. That the Rabbled Clergy made application to the P. of O. for Protection from this Outrage and sent Dr. Scot Dean of Glasgow who assisted by Dr. Fall Principal of the College of Glasgow did represent their deplorable Condition to his Highness who gave them no other Answer than to refer them to the Meeting of the Estates which did not assemble till 14 March following That they suffering unspeakable Hardships and Indignities all that time from December to March made the same Request for Protection from the Rabble to the Meeting of Estates then convened In answer to which That the Meeting of Estates by their Act 13 Apr. 89. excluded from the Protection of the Goverument all the Ministers who had been Rabbled before that day and were not then in Possession of their Churches And being turned into a Parliament by their Act 7 June 90. declared That these Rabbled Ministers had Deserted their Churches and therefore adjudged them to be Vacant and ordered those Presbyterian Ministers who without any Law had taken possession of them when the Incumbents were driven away by the Rabble to continue their possession and have Right to the Benefices and Stipends according to their entry in the Year 89. viz. when the Incumbents were Rabbled And to this being an Act of Parliament the Royal Assent was given That these Ministers Rabbled before 13 Apr. 89. and for that only reason declared to have abdicated by the Parliament were about 300. That the foresaid Act 13. Apr. 89. obliged all that remained to Pray for K. W. and Q. M. as King and Queen of Scotland and read a Proclamation publickly from their Pulpits against the owning of King James And that they might not have too long time to consider of it it was to be read under pain of Deprivation the next day viz. 14 Apr. 89. by all the Ministers of Edinburgh the 21st by all on that side the River Tay on the 28th by all be-north Tay which was hardly time to have the Proclamation transmitted to them all At Edinburgh the Proclamation came not from the Press till late on Saturday night and it was to be read at Morning-Service next day so that many of them it is supposed had not an hours time to resolve That this severe Act was more severely executed by the Earl of Crawford then President of the Council and other Presbyterian Lords and that near as many were turn'd out by the Rabble within doors as the Field-Rabble had done That Matters being thus prepared for total Abolition of Episcopacy all haste was made to do it An Act was framed for that purpose and Instructions were sent to the Commissioner in these words You are to Touch the Act already passed Abolishing Episcopacy as soon as you can and to Rescind all Acts inconsistent therewith That the haste required was observed for these Instructions were signed by King William at Whitehall the 17th of July 89. and the Act was Touched at Edinburgh the 22d of the same month Thus fell Episcopacy in Scotland Two Months and eleven Days after King William and Queen Mary took upon them the Crown of that Kingdom which was the eleventh of May 89. That those Presbyterian Ministers who were ejected by Law Anno 1662. upon the Restoration of Episcopacy were restored to the Churches they had before by Act of this Parliament 25 April 90. without any Provision made for those who were ejected That they did not pretend to that Regard to any who should be Deprived as the Parliament of England seemed to do by allowing Twelve of the Clergy who should refuse the Oaths the Third of their Bishopricks or Livings during their Life and left it to K. W. to apply it to which Twelve of them he thought fit But that he has applied it to none lest they should fare better than their Deprived Brethren in Scotland That not only those Presbyterian Ministers who were outed by the Bishops Anno 1662. but even those who had been Deposed and put under Censure as Incendiaries and wicked Men by their own Presbyterian Synods Anno 1660 and 1661. without being released from those Censures by any Synod or Ecclesiastical Authority of their own were Restored Anno 1690. by Act of Parliament That these as being most violent were most esteem'd and one of them Mr. Hugh Kennedy was made Moderator of the General Assembly Anno 1690. while he lay under the Censure of their own Kirk which was not taken off till the end of that same Assembly That thus their Church was established by Men thrust out of their Church as the State by Men Forefaulted by the State That by Act of their Parliament 7 June 90. Setling Presbyterian Church Government the whole Church-Government and Authority is placed in the hands of those Presbyterian Ministers outed since the first of January 1661. who were not then above Fifty or Sixty in number and such as they should admit exclusive of all other Presbyters which was a greater Superiority settled in one Presbyter above another than that which they Abolished in the Bishops as an insupportable Grievance And these new-modell'd Presbyters invested with Episcopal Power in Opposition to Episcopacy did exercise it with a Tyranny and Lordliness the Bishops had never
their free Consent they would do what they promised without Swearing and if they did not all the Oaths in the World would not make them Did Augustus for this expect no Allegiance from his Subjects Or are not the Eastern Monarchs pretty Absolute because the Law in those Nations does not require Oaths But after all by the Common Law in England and Ireland all above 16 are to swear Allegiance to the King and it may be exacted from them in their Leets And this is the Reason they gave for imposing the new Oaths in Ireland to King William and Queen Mary before there was an Act of Parliament for it And therefore there was as much Law of the Land for swearing of Allegiance to K. James in Ireland after his Repeal of the Oath of Supremacy as our Author can pretend there was for swearing to K. William in Ireland before the new Act imposing the Oaths there So that our Author is out too in matter of Law Sixth Reason in answer to the Question Who shall be Judge But the main of the Difficulty is yet behind and that is That upon our Author's Scheme of dissolving Oaths and Government for such Reasons as he thinks fit he has not told us who shall be Judge of these Forfeitures or Abdications This I have urg'd already but you have not heard our Author's answer He says c. 2. s 1. n. 2. p. 12. it is commonly Objected Who shall be Judge and he resolves it thus That either the People must be left to judge of the Designs of their Governors Or else they must be oblig'd to a blind and absolute Submission without imploying their Understanding in the Case Thus our Author like a mighty Man Yet this Sophism is as poor a one as the last about the Oaths For in the Case we are upon of determining a Cause 'twixt the Government and the Subjects when we say who shall be Judge The meaning is not who shall have Power to think in his own Mind We say Thoughts are free And this sort of passing Judgment or of being a Judge can no more be taken from any Man than his Power of Thinking But when there is a Contest 'twixt King and People which is the Case we are upon the Question who shall be Judge is who has Authority to determine the Cause betwixt them as a Judge does between two contending Parties In which Sense none can be a Judge but he that has a Commission from some who has Power to invest him with that Authority viz. to judge 'twixt King and People which none can have but God alone And to say that every Man who is not such a Judge as this has not leave to imploy his Understanding in the Case because he has not Power Authoritatively to determine the Case so as to oblige and tye up the contending Parties is what this Author would slily pass upon you undiscover'd but it is too plain to bear an Argument Well then The Question is concerning an Authoritative Judge and our Author proceeds I dare appeal says he to all the World whether it be safer to leave it to the Judgment and Consciences of a whole Kingdom to determine concerning the Designs of their Governor or to leave it to the Will and Conscience of the King whether he will destroy them One of these is unavoidable and I am assured it is less probable that the Generality of a Kingdom will concur in a Mistake of this Nature and less mischievous if they should mistake than that a King by Weakness wicked Councellors or false Principles should design to make his People Slaves subvert the Antient Government or destroy one part of his People whom he hates in favour of another Thus our Author And the Case is plausibly laid down and no doubt would gain the Cry at an Election But there is another Prospect of this Case which our Author takes care to conceal and that is What if a Cunning and Designing Incendiary makes a Party and prevails Universally among the People and perswades them to their own Destruction Misrepresent their Governor and Impose upon them That a Civil War is better and by this means get them to Destroy and Consume one another Thus did Absalom thus did Sheba thus Oliver and all the prosperons Rebels There is no other way of moving the People unless you could bring them all to a fair Vote which is only Impossible at least it was never done and therefore we justly may suppose it never will be Let us leave these Disputings in the Clouds and bring this Author to matter of Fact Are not all Revolutions carried on by making Parties Combinations of Leading-men Aspersing your Opposites using all Arts to Byass the Mob to your side Did ever any in such Cases speak nothing but the honest Truth of the Governour against whom they took Arms Did they leave it freely and impartially to the Judgment of the People without any Misrepresentations or invidious Insinuations And was it Equal to them whether the People upon a fair Hearing determin'd against them as Rebels or for them as Patriots Can there be a Method for the People to have such a fair Hearing of the Cause and to determine it Judicially If our Author cannot say that any of these Things has been or are ever likely to be done he must acknowledge That there is infinitely more hazzard of Giddy Peoples being debauch'd by Insinuating Crafty Men who seek their own Advantage in it to entertain Jealousies and Fears of their Governor's Designs and to over-rate every Hardship and ill Usage they receive from him than that a King should design to destroy his People which would be to destroy himself And if one of these is Unavoidable as our Author says It is easy to see where the most danger lyes The one has been our own Case and is almost every day The other is Imaginary without an Instance in the World in the Extremity our Author puts it and at the worst many degrees preferable to a Civil War as will be shewn Nor will the Number of the People or Greatness of their Leaders excuse any thing It makes their Rebellion more Fatal Numb 16.12 In the Rebellion of Korah there were 250 Princes of the Assembly famous in the Congregation Men of Renown And All the Children of Israel The whole Congregation c. 14. v. 24. mutiny'd against Moses and Aaron and were chusing another Captain and returning into Egypt And Korah gather'd all the Congregation against them c. 16. v. 19 41 49. and on the morrow all the Congregation murmured against ' em For which God destroy'd 14700 by a new Plague Now judge with your self if such a Governor as Moses could not secure himself from the Power which Ten Leading Men had with the People for they were no more who caus'd this Mutiny of the whole Congregation Num. 14.2 viz. Ten of the Twelve Searchers of the Land what Governor 's Virtue Sufficiency or
Diligence can secure him We know how Absalom stole the Hearts of the People from David his Father And they follow'd him in the simplicity of their Hearts says the Text as many did at first in the Rebellion against Charles the Martyr But I cannot tell if our Author will allow that for an Instance I know not how far his new Principles have carried him It is hard to stop in such a Course Their Repentance is Rare especially of those who are Converted to it from contrary Principles And if there be a visible Motive of Interest it makes their Return still more difficult But to conclude this Point in our Author's Phrase I dare appeal to all the World whether it be more dangerous to exempt the King from the Judgment of the People or to put it in the Power of any Discontented or Ambitious Men to endeavour to disgust the People against the Government and lead them into a Civil War at their Pleasure For that is the true state of the Question We know how many Mahomet has perswaded And by what means False Religions and Seditious Principles have spread through the World No doubt this Author intended his Book should take among the People He knew People could be Impos'd upon and never so much as when they are cajol'd and told fine Stories of their Power Paramount to all Kings and Governors That it is in their hands to pull down one and set up another to bind their Kings in Chains and root up all Governments at their Pleasure for this Argument of our Author's militates equally against all Sorts of Government And he may appeal again to all the World The Question Who shall be Judge apply'd to Parliaments and States Whether it be safer to leave it to the Judgments and Consciences of a whole Nation to determine concerning the Designs of their Governors whether Parliaments or States or to leave it to the Will and Conscience of the Parliaments or States whether they will destroy them And one of these is unavoidable If you say It is not likely that a Parliament or States should design to destroy the People That is another Question Compar'd with Kings But pray tell me Would any Member of the Parliament of States loose so much by the Destruction of the Kingdom as the King Therefore it is less probable that he should Design its Destruction than any of them There may be an Equivalent given to any of them to Betray and Ruin his Country and there are Examples of it in all Ages Jugurtha Brib'd the whole Senate of Rome even when he was at War with them About 20 Years ago the French Faction among the Burghers of Amsterdam were able to Out-vote the other And some believe it is so still How has the allarm of French Pentioners disturb'd our Parliaments But more that of Court Pentioners Who are Free to give our Money the sooner we shall have done but Deaf to Grievances and Miscarriages Was there ever a Parliament Convention or Senate where the major Number was Un bribable Or was there ever a Bribe offer'd to a King to Betray or Sell his Country Deceiv'd he may be or take wrong Measures but it is inconceavable he shou'd Design the Ruin of his Country Therefore whoever you make Judg of the King's Designs must from a stronger Reason be Judg of the Designs of Parliaments and States And this will unhinge all Governments in the World But our Author endeavours to smooth all this by saying in the beginning of this Section Of Fears and Jealousies n. 1. p. 12. That Fears and Jealousies in such a Case ought not to pass for Arguments or be brought in Competition with a certain and plain Duty that is with Obedience to Lawful Governors The Arguments therefore brought by Subjects to prove their Governors design to destroy them ought to be so plain and evident that the Consciences of Mankind cannot but see and be convinc'd of their Truth especially the Generality of the Subjects themselves ought to be fully satisfied and acquiesce in them But all these fine Words leave us just where we were For every Man is Judge still and he is Judge when he himself is satisfied and will acquiesce in the Arguments brought against his Governor And Men that are Deceived do think themselves in the Right else they were not Deceived So that the Rule of Government is still left Loose and Precarious as Uncertain as the Giddy Motions of the Mob And laid open to all the Attempts of Ambitious and Designing Men. Our Author says That Jealousies and Fears in such a Case ought not to pass for Arguments This needs some Explanation For what more can there be of a Governor's Design to destroy us which is the Case in hand besides a Jealousy and Fear of it Till the Action be done we cannot be sure of it not so sure as our Author requires viz. we can have no such Security that ought to be brought in Competition with a certain and plain Duty that is with Obedience to Lawful Governors There is hardly an Action in the World but may be done out of several Designs and none so much as the Actions of Governors and Matters of State And therefore there is nothing so easy as to be Mistaken in these Designs Especially if these Designs be kept as Secrets of State among Princes themselves French League Such was the suppos'd League which K. James was said to have made with K. Lewis of France to Root out all the Protestants not only of England Scotland France and Ireland but all the World over This was so Industriously spread abroad and vouched with such Confidence that it was given out the P. of Orange had procur'd the Original sign'd by both Kings and would produce it in Parliament This was believ'd and clamour'd about by Multitudes of silly People But neither the Prince in his Declaration nor the Convention in their List of Male-administrations against K. James did mention the least tittle of this which would have served more to their purpose than all the rest they had to allege And the might have added that Lord Sunderland in his Letter n. 15. Append. quoted in this Author's Book p 145. protests he never knew of any and that French Ships were offer'd to join with our Fleet and they were refused Nor has it been heard of since from the mouth of any who pretend to common sense or the least knowledg of Affairs till we were Rattl'd with it out of the Pulpit in this Authors Thanksgiving Sermon before the Lords Justices of Ireland Nov. 16. 1690. A League says he Notorious and Remarkable for its Folly and Falshood so contrary to all Sense as well as Faith that the Great Princes concern'd in it are yet asham'd to own it But he knows better Things he understands all their Cabals He tells page 5. 9. 16. of the Sermon How England Holland the Pope and the Emperor might be cully'd and wheedled
quotes an Authority against him which is Bishop Bilson whom our Author too quotes for having set down this Opinion of Grotius with what he supposes to be the Ground of it he immediately subjoyns a contrary Authority But Bishop Bilson says he speaking of such Popish Cruelties adds That if the Laws of the Land do not permit them to guard their Lives when they are assaulted with unjust Force against Law or if they take Arms as you do to depose Princes we will never excuse them from Rebellion Thus Bilson as Faulkner there quotes him Now judge what reason this Author had to produce this Passage of Faulkner and how sore the was put to it when he could find nothing else to say to bring himself off from that Declaration which pursuant to the Law of the Land he had so solemnly read in the Presence of God and His Church in the Time of Divine Service The Evils of Tyranny and of a Civil War compar'd But leaving his Quotations to be Examin'd in their proper Place Let us go on with him to the Merit of the Cause to the Reasons he has to offer why submitting to the Tyranny of our Lawful Governors is a greater Evil than raising a Civil War in the Nation to prevent it for that is the Case And is the Explanation of what he meant above by Tolerable and Universal Evils N. 3. p. 3. viz That we ought to bear only with Tolerable Evils from our Governors or when the Mischief is not Universal or if it be Universal where it is yet Tolerable and not so mischievous in the Consequence as a Civil War Thus our Author And indeed he has given advantage enough against him in this Comparison which he advances of the Evils of Tyranny and Rebellion or a Civil War as he more gracefully Words it For do but bear with any King and think nothing Intolerable from him till he destroy as many as a Civil War I will not take the full advantage of the Comparison Do but stay till he destroys the thousand part as many or bring such universal Ruin and Devastation to the Kingdom and I 'll undertake there is no Passive-Obedience-man in the World but would conclude him as mad as Nebuchadnezzar and no more to be obey'd than a Man Raging in a Feaver So vast a Disproportion there is 'twixt the Evils of Tyranny and Rebellion So much is the Remedy worse than the Disease The Cruelty of a Tyrant says one is like a Clap of Thunder it strikes with great terror But a Civil War is like an Inundation which sweeps down all before it without noise Thus one Man brought upon the Scaffold by the Arbitrary Command of a Tyrant makes more noise than Ten thousand kill'd in the Field in a Civil War But that does not make the Evil the less but the greater while we are made willing to destroy our selves And do it more effectually in one day than the bloodiest Tyrant could find in Heart to do in his whole Reign All the Men put to death by the Arbitrary Command of Tyrants since the beginning of the World in all the Kingdoms of the World will not amount to half the Number of those who perished in the Roman or the English Civil Wars Those who have perished within these Three years in Ireland are many more than all the English Tyrants ever put to death So much safer are we in God's hands than in our own In their hands where God has plac'd us and though he often makes them like the Sun and Sea scourges for our Sin yet he has promis'd to keep their hearts in his hand and to turn them as seemeth best to him Prov. 21.1 we have more promise of Safety there than when we are delivered over to the Beasts of the People whose madness David compares the Raging of the Sea Psal 68.30 In short the Restraint of Government is the true Liberty and Freedom of the People since if they were at Liberty from Government they would be expos'd to one another which would be the greaten Slavery in the World The great Mistake is in the foolish Notion we have of Liberty which generally is thought to consist in being free from the Lash of Government as School-boys from their Master and proves in the Consequence only a Liberty to destroy one another This Author's Remedy for Tyranny to kill half the Nation And yet to purchase this Liberty our Author thinks it worth the while to cut the Throats of one half of the Nation These are his Words To lose even half the Subjects in a Civil War is more tolerable than the loss of Liberty Here is a terrible Sentence one half of a Nation cut down at a Blow we must expect some very good Reason for this He says An Age or two will repair the Loss of Subjects But if Liberty be Lost it is never to be retrieved Now I thought the quite contrary to this had been true That Men might be Rescu'd from Prison but not from Death That therefore Liberty might be retriev'd but Lives never He says An Age or two will repair the Loss of Lives that is other Men will live But does that Retrieve those that are Lost He may as well say That I regain my Liberty if another Man gets his Liberty But he says If Liberty be lost it is never to be retrieved Why then would he Sacrifice half the Nation to seek to retrieve it He says It brings certain and infallible Destruction And will he contend against Infallible Destruction I would ask whether he thinks the Irish Protestants did not loose their Liberty under King James If they did not His whole Book is false If they did Has not K. W. retriev'd it If not Let him answer his Thansgiving Sermon But if K. W. has retriev'd their lost Liberty then his Position is false viz That if Liberty be lost it is never to be retrieved So far is it from being certain and infallible as our Author assures us But let us see if we can find out the Reason of this strange Assertion And you have it not obscurely hinted in the Words immediately before viz. And indeed the greatest Mischief of a Civil War is the Danger of subjecting the State to the Absolute Power of some potent General as it hapned at Rome Florence and in England in the late Civil War This indeed is the Mischief and Danger of a Civil War Since the same Power that enabled your Deliverer to Rescue you will enable him also to keep the Power when he has got it And who will not keep it when it is in his Power As Oliver did in the late Civil War of England and happen'd in Rome Florence c. But now our Author has told us the Disease he ought to have given us the Remedy if he knows any For you cannot take Arms against a Tyrant but under the Command of some General And then how do you know but he
as the worst of all People And howsoever they call themselves or be named of others yet are they indeed no true Christians but worse than Jews worse than Heathens and such as shall never enjoy the Kingdom of Heaven And the third Homily speaks in these Words How horrible a Sin against God and Man Rebellion is cannot possibly be expressed according to the greatness thereof For he that nameth Rebellion nameth not a singular or one only Sin as is Theft Robbery Murther and such like but he nameth the whole Puddle and Sink of all Sins against God and Man against his Prince his Country his Country-men his Parents his Children his Kinsfolks his Friends and against all Men universally all Sins I say against God and all Men heaped together nameth he that nameth Rebellion And besides the dishononor done by Rebels unto God's holy Name by their breaking of their Oaths made to their Prince with the Attestation of God's Name and calling of his Majesty to Witness And in the fourth Homily having shewn the horrible destruction of Corah Dathan and Abiram and others for their Rebellions and Murmurings Now says the Homily if such strange and horrible Plagues did fall upon such Subjects as did only murmur and speak evil against their Heads What shall become of those most wicked Imps of the Devil that do Conspire Arm themselves Allemble great Numbers of Armed Rebels and Lead them with them against their Prince and Country Spoiling and Robbing Killing and Murthering all good Subjects that do withstand them as many as they may prevail against Though not only great Multitudes of the Rude and Rascal Commons but sometime also Men of great Wit Nobility and Authority have moved Rebellions against their Lawful Princes Though they should pretend sundry Causes as the Redress of the Commwealth which Rebellion of all other Mischiefs doth most destroy or Reformation of Religion whereas Rebellion is most against all true Religion though they have made a great Shew of Holy Meaning by beginning their Rebellion with a Counterfeit Service of God as did wicked Absalom begin his Rebellion with sacrificing unto God Yet neither the Dignity of any Person nor the Multitude of any People nor the Weight of any Cause is sufficient for the which Subjects may move Rebellion against their Princes And for so much as the Redress of the Commonwealth hath of old time been the usual feigned Pretence of Rebels and RELIGION now of late beginneth to be a Colour of Rebellion let all Godly and Discreet Subjects consider well of both and first concerning Religion What a Religion it is that such Men by such Means would restore may easily be judged even as Good a Religion surely as Rebels be Good Men and Obedient Subjects and as Rebellion is a good means of Redress and Reformation being itself the greatest Deformation of all that may possibly be But as the Truth of the Gospel of our Saviour Christ being quietly and soberly taught though it do cost them their Lives that do teach it is able to maintain the true Religion so hath a frantick Religion need of such furious Maintainers as is Rebellion and such Patrons as are Rebels Now concerning Pretences of any Redress of the Commonwealth made by Rebels every Man that hath half an Eye may see how vain they be Rebellion being as I have before declared the grearest Ruin and Destruction of all Commonwealths that may be possible Wherefore to conclude Let all good Subjects considering how horrible a Sin against God their Prince their Country their Country-men against all God's and Man's Laws Rebellion is being indeed not one several Sin but all Sins against God and Man heaped together considering the mischievous Life and Deeds and the shameful Ends and Deaths of all Rebels hitherto and the pitiful undoing of their Wives Children and Families and disinheriting of their Heirs for ever and above all things considering the Eternal Damnation that is prepared for all impenitent Rebels in Hell with Satan the first Founder of Rebellion and Grand Captain of all Rebels Let all good Subjects I say considering these Things avoid and flee all Rebellion as the greatest of all Mischiefs And as the fifth Homily ends knowing these the special Instruments and Ministers of the Devil to the stirring up of all Rebellions avoid and flee them and the Pestilent Suggestions of such Foreign Usurpers and their Adherents and embrace all obedience to God and their Natural Princes and Sovereigns c. These are the Words of our Homilies which have much more to the same purpose But I am afraid I have transgressed upon your Patience in repeating so much of them But I was in more than ordinary concern to see our Author so gravely vouch the Homilies on his side which might pass with those who have not consulted them therefore forgive my insisting so long upon them and I will not trouble you to apply all this to his Hypothesis I should reckon it an Affront to your Understanding to attempt it Only I pray keep this with you That you know what stress to lay upon this Author 's Confident Vouching We are now come to our Author 's lesser Quotations which might be spar'd for after examining what he offers from Reason from Scripture from the Homilies and Publick Acts of our Church and from our Acts of Parliament and the Laws what Private Writer can have Authority to over-ballance all these But if even those very Authors he quotes either make nothing for him or make directly against him then we must suppose That he thought his Cause very destitute when he could find no more to say for it From Grotius He begins with Grotius Introduction n. 1. p. 2. these are the Words of his Quotation This is Grotius's Opinion says our Author in his Book De Jure Belli Pacis lib. 1. cap. 4. § 11. where citing Barclay he says Ait idem Barclaius amitti Regnum si Rex vere hostili animo in totius Populi Exitium feratur quod concedo consistere enim simul non possunt voluntas imperandi voluntas perdendi quare qui se hostem Populi totius proficetur is eo ipso Abdicat Regnum sed vix videtur hoc accidere posse in Rege mentis compote Qui uni Populo imperet quod si pluâ—i nâ— Pâ—pulis imperet accidere potest ut unius Populi in gratiam alterum velit perditum If a King be carried with a malicious design to the Destruction of a Whole Nation he loseth his Kingdom which I grant since a Will to Govern and to Destroy cannot consist together therefore he who professes himself an Enemy to a Whole People doth in that very Act Abdicate his Kingdom But it seems hardly possible that this should enter into the heart of a King who is not mad if he govern only one People but if he govern many it may happen that in favour of one People he may desire the other were destroyed
This is the Author's Quotation wherein I find fault first with his Translation of Grotius and leaving out some of his Words on purpose to hide his meaning and next I will shew that it is nothing to his purpose if it were as he would have it First The Case which Gratius cites out of Barclay is Si Rex vere Hostili animo If a King really with a â—ostile Mind that is as an open Enemy in totius Populi exitium feratur do attempt the Destruction of his whole People Now our Author to bring this Case nearer to his Design and to pass upon the English Readers instead of a truly hostile Mind which is being a perfect Enemy words it only the King having Malice in his Mind a malicious Design which may be easier pretended and infer'd from a hundred things than an open hostile Attempt to cut off a whole Nation if it be not true for Peoples Eyes will undeceive them in that But what would our Author make of this a King's Design to destroy the whole People Grotius says in the above-quoted place That it is hardly possible to enter into the heart of a King who is not mad And our Author does not so much as pretend it against King James but only that he design'd to destroy the Protestant Interest in Ireland Therefore we must come to the other part of what Grotius says viz. That if a King Govern many People it may happen that in favour of one People he may desire the other were destroy'd Thus our Author But Grotius gives his Reason in the Words which our Author conceals viz. Ut Colonias ibi faciat which governs what he said before viz. That a King may design to root out a People where he intends to make a Colony That is so far as to make room for his Colony as it is with our Plantations in Ireland and in America which no Man will stretch farther than to bring the Natives under Subjection not to destroy them all And take notice that these Words Ut Colonias ibi faciat are all the Words which remain of that Section our Author has quoted viz. De Jure Belli Pacis lib. 1. cap. 4. § 11. Our Author has repeated every Word of that Section except these four Words which do conclude it and shew plainly Grotius's meaning to be quite different from what our Author would have us believe why otherwise he should be at the pains of Transcribing that Section and putting it verbatim in his Margin and omit only the four last Words he will give us a Reason in his next Besides Grotius consents to Barclay in that Case of a King 's designing to destroy his Whole People that he thereby demits the Government of them because as he rightly infers a Will to Govern and to Destroy cannot consist together but he does not say that a King may not destroy a part to preserve another Part or that if he does he does thereby Abdicate the Government of those whom he so seeks to destroy There is no such thing in Grotius and there is nothing else would have been to this Author's purpose Remember the Reason of the Thing we were upon before we are now only upon the Quotations And Grotius in this Quotation as set down by our Author puts the Case not only of a Governor's Design to Destroy his People but that he Professes himself an Enemy to his whole People And this is the Act which Grotius says supposes him to be mad and to abdicate his Kingdom which will no ways serve our Author's purpose unless he prove that King James did not only design but profess himself an Enemy to his People nor can you make him Abdicate by this Quotation unless you make him to be mad at the same time But I have said enough as to Grotius From Hammond the next Authority he produces is Dr. Hammond who this Author says in his Vindication of Christ's reprehending St. Peter from the Exceptions of Mr. Marshal approves this Passage of Grotius And so he might without making any Thing for this Author's purpose as I have shewn but how does Dr. Hammond approve it Dr. Hammond says That Grotius mentions some Cases wherein a King may be Resisted as in Case a King shall Abdicate his Kingdom and manifestly Relinquish his Power then he turns Private Man and may be dealt with as any other such Dr. Hammond says That Grotius said so but does Hammond approve of it No not in that place but he brings it as an Objection of his Adversaries which they Quoted out of Grotius against him and he thought it made so little against him that he said they would find little Joy in it and other their like Quotations our of Grotius whom the Doctor in the same place strongly vindicates And indeed what Joy could Mr. Marshal or the Author find in that Saying of Grotius to serve their Principle of Resistance For if a King should voluntarily and manifestly Relinquish his Power and Abdicate his Kingdom and becomes thereby a Private Man and though he may then be Resisted Will it follow that a King may be Resisted That would make this sort of Argument viz. Because a Private Man may be Resisted therefore a King may be Resisted and as Dr. Hammond said I wish our Author Joy of this Quotation But pray tell me if you can imagine what it was could possess our Author to appeal to Dr. Hammond Will he abide by Dr. Hammond's Judgment in this Cause No certainly he will not he writes in flat opposition to him What then Did he think to pick up some odd scrap out of him to give credit to his Cause by naming Dr. Hammond on its side Whereas every one that reads him must see that he runs diametrically opposite to the Principles for which he is produced Nay in the very Paragraph which this Author quotes Dr. Hammond is vindicating Grorius's Principles for maintaining That neither Publick nor Private Persons may lawfully wage War against them under whose Command they are and That it was the greatest injury that could be done to the Ancient Christians to say That it was want of Strength not of Inclination that way that they defended not themselves in time of most certain danger of Death and much more to the same purpose From Hicks The next Man this Author quotes is as unlucky for his Design It is Dr. Hicks Dean of Worcester who wrote Jovian in Answer to Julian the Apostate He is now one of the Deprived Clergy of this Kingdom for his constant adhering to his old Passive Obedience Yet this Author will needs quote him on his side and would have the Reader believe that he is against Passive Obedience even in that Book which he wrote purposely in its defence Some of which you have already heard quoted Well! let him be produced we will hear what he says in this Cause First our Author states the Question Suppose a King endeavours to destroy his
put the Sword in the hands of those of his own Religion and to make them the Ballance of the Nation which was natural enough for him to wish yet I do not Justify it But that ever he design'd to Massacre or Extirpate the Protestants I confess I cannot believe And his Carriage in Ireland by all the Accounts I could have of it nay take it altogether even as this Author tells it is a Demonstration to the contrary But I am too long upon this Subject Let us return to our Author's Quotation And here I must tell him That though Faulkner is against having such Cases put as abovesaid yet it is not that an Answer cannot be given for he gives it out of Bishop Bilson in the very same Place which our Author Quotes but he takes care to conceal the Words which if he had set down it would have appeared very ridiculous to have said as he does that Bishop Bilson seems to allow the Doctrine of Resistance The Bishop's Words are these as quoted by Faulkner first finding fault with such Cases being put That they are able says he to set Grave and Good Men at their wits end But then he adds yet we stand not on that and positively determines in these words which I had occasion partly to Quote before If the Laws of the Land where they converse do not permit them to save their Lives when they are assaulted with unjust force against Law or if they take Arms as you do to depose Princes we will never excuse them from Rebellion Thus Bilson And the very first words of the Chapter which our Authour quotes of Faulkner viz. Book 2. c. 5. puts the Case as directly against our Authors Position as if he had read our Author's Book and wrote on purpose to confute it There have been some says he who grant the unlawfulness of taking Arms against a Soveraign Prince to be a General Rule for ordinary Circumstances but yet they pretend there are some Great and Extraordinary Cases in which it must admit of Exceptions And the proposal of these Cases as they are by them managed is like the Pharisaical Corban an Engine and Method to make void the Duties of the Fifth Commandment And then he goes on and undertakes in this Chap. the defence of that Assertion of Barckley who proposeth the Question Nulli nè Casus c. May there no Cases fall out in which the People by their Authority may take Arms against their King And his Answer is Certainly none so long as he is King or unless ipso jure Rex esse desinat This is the same he Quoted Dr. Hammond for before viz. that the Person who was King may be Resisted when he does voluntarily Relinquish his Power and becomes a private Person for then indeed ipso jure he of Right ceases to be a King But may be our Author will say that ipso jure and ipso facto â—e ceases to be a King whenever he Designs to destroy a part of his People I will not repeat what I have said before in Answer to this as to tell what part of the Peoplâ— is mâ—aâ—t That this is an Eternal pretence for all Restless Spirits c. But it brings into my mind an Answer a Scots Presbyterian Minister whose Principles as to Government our Author has but licked up gave to the Objection in the 23 Chapter of their Confession of Faith upon the Head of the Civil Magistrate viz. That Infidelity or Difference in Religion does not take away a King 's Right to his Crown nor absolve his Subjects from their Allegiance to him The Minister replied That is true for if a King turn Infidel he does ipso facto cease to be a King So that our Author was not the Original of this pretty Distinction Faulkner in the same place shews our Author's Doctrine to be borrow'd from Mariana Bellermine and other Jesuitical Doctors Jesuit and Puritan are convertible Terms in the Point of Loyalty only that the Jesuit is the Elder Brother and determins against them N. 3. That the Agreement of the Whole body of the People or the Chief and Greater part thereof can give no sufficient Authority to such an Enterprise viz. of taking Arms against the King And with respect to this Kingdom he quotes our Laws which declare it Unlawful for the two Houses of Parliament though Jointly to take Arms against the King Faulkner goes on and proves as directly against our Author in this same Chapter which our Author quotes on his side as Words can be fram'd But there are none so blind as they that will not see These are all the Quotations he brings to support his new Hypothesis and how far they serve to his purpose I leave it to the Reader and from the whole I shall only mind our Author of the Instances I have already given him viz. The Condition of the Jews in Egypt in Babylon under Ahasuerus and the Romans The Gibeonites under Saul and the Primitive Christians in their several Persecutions more especially in the last Decennial Persecution And then apply this to the Rule he has given us viz. That Non-Resistance does reach only Tolerable Evils and where the Mischief is not Universal I wouâ—d be glad likewise to have his Opinion of the Carriagâ— of the Protestants towards Queen Mary The Protestants undeâ— Qu. Mary He will not say but â—â—â—ir Circumstaâ—ces were much more Dâ—plorable than under King James even at the worst that he does represent him There Numbers were fewer and she as much bigotted as King James married to the King of Spain overturn'd our Religion by Law and set up Fire and Fagot broke her Promise to the Protestants who set her upon the Throne in opposition to Queen Jane a Protestant There was but one Branch of the Royal Family that were near the Crown a Protestant that was the Princess Elizabeth and she was declared Illegitimate by Act of Parliament and to secure the Business was sent to the Tower in order to have her Head cut off And after her the Royal Line run out of Sight among the Papists so that the Protestants had a very lamentable Prospect Yet they bore it with an admirable Patience till God with his own hand wrought their Deliverance taking away Queen Mary without their Guilt or Rebellion and placing that condemned Princess upon her Sisters Throne to establish the Protestant Religion in a Legal manner And these Protestant Martyrs even at the Stake declared it Unlawful to take Arms against Queen Mary in defence of their Religion but exorted their Fellow Protestants to Patience and Resignation to the Good Will of God But by no means to Rebel for that was Damnation They did not Plead that their Evil was Intolerable when they were going into the Fire or that it was Universal reaching to their whole Religion in the Kingdom These were Excuses they were too dull to find out to save their Lives and their Religion But let us
which was carried to the Earl of M. discovering the said Massacre intended The foolish but artificial Alarm of the few Disbanded Irish cutting all our Throats in England did not fly more Incredibly to be in all Parts of England on the self same Night than this of the Letter found at Cumber flew through Ireland and wrought Prodigious Effects upon a People fitted for such an Impression When this News arrived in Dublin as the faithful History before quoted tells us pag. 8. It so alarm'd the City that above 5000 Protestants appeared in Arms that same night and many Hundred Families embarqued from all Parts in such confusion that they left every thing but their Lives behind them and yet all this as this Historian says he is very well assured was only a contrivance devised as the readiest means to engage the E. of M. who till then was deaf to all arguments for entring into their Association and to animate a dejected People who of themselves were backward to all Arguments of that nature Thus the Historian and that Letter did attain its desired end for not only the said E. of M. did heartily engage and after took upon him to be General of the Association in the North but the generality of the People as if all set on fire at one How to their Arms as readily as they could be commanded so that the whole North of Ireland appeared on the sudden all in one Blaze all in Arms all Marching up and down and all in confusion as themselves give the Account It was this made Derry shut their Gates and was the occasion of all the confusion that followed The Man they first pitcht upon for their General was the E. of Granard who was upon all accompts more competent for that Imployment than any amongst the Associators Pursuant to this Resolution Mr. Hamilton of Tollimore went to Dublin to Represent to his Lordship the number and posture of the Protestants in the North and to invite his Lordship to put himself upon the Head of their Troops But that Noble Lord would not suffer himself to be perswaded by the seeming Advantages of appearing so early and in so considerable a Post for the P. of O. wherein he might by all humane reckoning have turn'd the Ballance of that Kingdom For he wisely considered that tho the Protestants in the North were numerous and arm'd and of Resolution and Courage to excess yet they were Undiciplin'd all Voluntiers and consequently not Party for a form'd Army he told Mr. Hamilton that he did not know what it was to command a Rabble But besides that he had lived Loyal all his Life and would not depart from it in his old age and he was resolved That no Man should write Rebell upon his Gravestone this was his very expression and he pursu'd it for he not only refused to Command the Associators in the North but persuaded them to leave off their mad Enterprise told them they would be ruin'd as it came to pass and Sign'd several Proclamations declaring them Rebels and summoning them to lay down their Arms. Now this Alarme of the intended Massacre and Mr Hamilton's Invitation to the E of Granard to Command the Army of the Northern Association was in the beginning of December 88. about the 6th or 7th and therefore before K. James left England and before the shutting up of Derry against the E. of Antrims Regiment and before Eneskillen refused to quarter the two Companies sent to them by the Lord Deputy which was the 16th of December 88. as you will see in Hamiltons actions of the Eneskillen Men p. 3. So much has the Authors Information fail'd him when he avers without any hesitation That the shutting up of Derry Gates and this of Eneskillen as avovesaid was all that was done by any Protestant in Ireland in opposition to the Government till King James deserted England Though as I have shown before it would not have served much to the use for which our Author brought it if it had been done after the King went away or any time before the Convention declared his Recess to be an Abdication c. But now here is a more material Thing coming and that is The Descent of King James's Army into the North of Ireland in March 1688. Our Author would make us believe That it was wholly Causeless as to any Provocation given by the Protestants but that it was only a Design of my Lord Tyrconnel's to involve the Kingdom in Blood and that therefore he made all the haste he could to send down that Army and that no Perswasions would prevail upon him to defer fending it till the King should come lest there should be any Terms proposed or accepted by the People in the North and so that Country escape being Plundered and Undone This is in his num 10. § 8. of ch 3. p. 106 which has this Title in the Heads of his Discoure viz. Lord Tyrconnel hastned to run them into Blood before King James's Coming In the num before p. 104 105. he tells us there was no Provocation or not Sufficient given for the Descent of that Army and here p. 106. what was the true Cause of it We will Examine both For the first he asserts p. 105. They the Protestants were not so much as summoned by him the Lord Deputy This shows the unreasonable haste and precipitancy of the Lord Deputy To send an Army and enter into Blood without so much as summoning the offending Party But our Author goes on Nor did they the Protestants enter into any act of Hostility or Association or offend any till assaulted But finding that continual Robberies and Plunderings were committed by such as the Lord Deputy had intrusted with Arms and Employments The Gentlemen in the North to prevent their own Ruin entered into Associations to defend themselves from these Robbers their Associations did really reach no farther than this nor did they Attempt any thing upon the Armed Robbers except in their own Defence when Invaded and Assaulted by them Insomuch that I could never hear of one act of Hostility committed wherein they were not on the Defensive This was all the Reason the Lord Deputy and Council had to call them Rebels and to charge them in their Proclamation dated March the 7th 1688 with actual Rebellion and with Killing and Murthering several of his Majesties Subjects and with Pillaging and Plundering the Country whereas it was notorious they never kill'd any whom they did not find actually Robbing And for Plundering it is no less notorious that they Preserved the whole Country within their Associations from being Pillaged when all the rest of Ireland was Destroyed And their great Care of themselves and their Country was the Crime which truly provoked the Lord Deputy and made him except from pardon Twelve of the principal Estated Men in the North when he sent down Lieut. General Hamilton with an Army which he tells us in the same Proclamation would
here do tell it The Earl of Inchiquin and Captain Henry Boyle with the generality of the Protestant Gentlemen in the Province of Munster having entred into an Association in Decemb. 88. as the Protestants in Ulster and Connaught had done they resolved to seize upon Corke and Bandon as the places of greatest Strength and Consequence in the Province Their Design took effect at Bandon which joyned with them But the Lord Deputy having notice of their Proceedings sent Major-General Mac-Carty now Lord Mount-Cassell to observe them He pretending to keep fair with them they attempted bringing him over to declare for the P. of Orange and some of them had hopes of it but he proved too cunning for them prevented their seizing of Corke and when Captain Henry Boyle upon that disappointment fortified his House Castle-Martyr he besieged him there Upon this Sir Tho. Southwell in the County of Limerick and several other Protestant Gentlemen marched with the greatest Force they could make to raise the Siege in their march they seiz'd on all the Papists Horses and this Mr. Browne who was then one of them took the Horses of Neagle of Moyallow who was then High-Seriff of the County of Corke and a Man was killed in the Fray and all this our Author calls only making his escape from those who came to plunder him But to tell out my Story Sir T. Southwell and his Company hearing upon their March that Castle Martyr was surrendred he endeavoured to make his way to Sligo to joyn the Lord Kingston and other Associators in Connaught who were all in Arms and as this Author tells p. 170. he and 200 of his Men were taken by a small Party of K. J's Dragoons not much to the Glory of their Courage And this Author says p. 171. That they were over-persuaded to plead Guilty though they had not been guilty of any Overt Act that could be construed Treason What this Author means by Overt Acts or what by Treason he will tell us in the next and likewise give us some probable Reason why K. J. should Reprieve and afterwards Pardon Sir Thomas Southwell and all the rest who were engaged in that business and have such a particular Malice only at Browne whom he knew as little as any of the rest Otherwise he must give us leave to suspend a little our belief of his Narrative in this matter particularly that K. J. should influence either Judge or Jury to take away Mr. Brown's Life and that he should be inexorable in Mr. Brown's Case alone and yet so very merciful to all the rest is a Contradiction to believe if his Case or Circumstances did in no ways differ from theirs But it is no wonder that this Author cannot keep him self from Contradictions through the whole Series of his Book when the very Titles the Heads of his Discourse are contradictory one to another which one would think an ordinary Care might have avoided C. 2. s 8. n 10. the Title is That K. J's Desire to be absolute induced him to change his Religion And yet c. 3. s 1. n. 5. the Title is Zeal for his Religion made him act against his Interest to that Degree says this Author in his Prosecution of this c. 3. s 1. n. 5. p. 46. that the Protestants could not but conclude that K. J. was so intent upon destroying them that so he compassed that Design he cared not if he enslaved himself and the Kingdoms P. 45. That he had a setled Resolution not to mind any Interest which came in Competition with his grand Design of advancing Popery and the Slavery of the Nations To effect which it is manifest he was content to be a Vassal to France Thus the Author Here are Contradictions upon Contradictions That K. J. should be content to be a Vassal that he might be Absolute If you say that must be understood only of his other Grand Design viz. advancing Popery which had the Ascendant even over his Interest or his desire of being Absolute This will contradict the other Head of Discourse which gives the desire of Absoluteness in him the Ascendant over his Religion as being the Ground-work and Motive which induc'd him to change his Religion And yet page 10. of his Thanksgiving-Sermon Perhaps says he K. J. chiefly desired an Absolute Authority over his Subjects that he might compel them into the bosom of his Church And it does not appear a less Contradiction than any of these that a King should change the Principles of the Church of England as then taught for those of Rome out of a desire to be the more Absolute The Church of Rome 4 Coun. Lat C. 3 c. gives Power to the Popes to Depose Kings and they have shewn many Examples of it On the other hand the Church of England when K. J. forsook her Communion damn'd this Deposing Doctrine and the Practice of it and valued themselves upon the Principle of Non-Resistance to their King upon any Pretence whatsoever as their distinguishing Character and an essential part of their Religion and they had never varied from it nor was it thought by any or themselves that ever they would I am sure if they were not in earnest with it then they can give no demonstration now that they can be in earnâ—st with any thing and it is in every bodies mouth That K. J's trusting too much to their Passive Obedience hastened his Ruin which could not be if he had not thought this to have been their Principle Now for a King of this Opinion to quit this Church and go to that Church which teaches the Deposing Doctrine to do this out of a desire of Abâ—â—luteness is such a Contradiction as this Author would have seen at another time C. 3. s 12. n. 15. p. 153. he makes K. J. most absolute in the Parliament in Ireland That this Parliament openly profess'd it self a Slave to the King's Will and that he was look'd upon as a Man factiously and rebelliously inclin'd that would dare to move any thing after any Favourite in the House had affirm'd that it was contrary to the King's Pleasure Accordingly the Author instances several particulars of K. J's Absoluteness in this Parliament particularly That upon his signifying his dissatisfaction to the Repeal of Poyning's Act the Parliament let it fall with several other Acts tho' the Irish had talk'd much and earnestly desired the Repeal of Poyning's Act it being the greatest sign and means of their Subjection to England Yet p. 37. you have the Irish dispute his Orders and and stand on the Laws and they would not suffer him to dispense with their Act of Attainder c. And yet p. 18. They pish'd at the Laws as Trifles and declared they liked no Government but that of France that they would make the King as Absolute here as that King was there P. 31. The Temper and Genius of these Men were at Enmity to the Laws and fitted for Slavery They promoted and
Castle Yet when he reduced that Castle which he did the same Night he not only gave Quarters for their Lives but would not suffer his Men to take any Plunder There Major Colaghan shot one of his Men for putting his Hand to a Protestant after Order given that they should neither be Killed nor Plundered Nay farther The Major-General was so careful lest the Souldiers so exasperated should do prejudice to the Protestants in the Town that though the Foot had Marched sixteen Miles that Day and fought in the Evening without any time to refresh themselves and many of them actually Fainting with the Toyl yet he would not suffer them to come into the Town but drew them up upon an adjacent Hill where he kept them all Night and early next Morning Marched them back to New Town a Town belonging to Sir Robert Colvil into which he would not suffer them to enter for the same fear of their doing any prejudice to the Protestants who wholly inhabit that Town He only took a Guard of Horse and some Officers with himself into the Town to refresh themselves where not one Protestant was hurt or toucht There he dismist all the Prisoners he had taken at the Fight of Killileagh requiring no other Conditions of them but an OATH not to bear ARMS again in Opposition to King James which we know how well they kept the first Opportunity they had to break it And tho' these Prisoners as well as those that were killed had then King James's Protections in their Pocket of which King James did very justly Complain though this Author Wonders at it yet the General did not require them to take out New Protections but said the Old should be as Effectual to them as before their Insurrection and they were made good to them to the Day that Schomberg Landed The General here sent home the Foot to their Quarters and went himself with some Horse to Port a Ferry in the Ardes where he took one Thomas Hunter Prisoner And having settled that Part of the Country returned As the Irish Forces Marched over Belfast Bridge going to their Quarters their Officers stopped them and searched to see if any of them had taken any Plunder in that Expedition And what they found caused it to be delivered to Mr. Pottinger then Sovereign of the Town to be put up in the Town-House in order to be restored to the Owners as they should be known which was accordingly done And the Officers would not permit the Souldiers to make the least halt in the Town for fear of Disorders but Marched them straight thro' to their Quarters at Carrickfergus In which they were so strict that Major Colaghan broake a Souldiers Head for taking a Glass of Ale at a Door as he Marched by Only the Regiment Quartered at Antrim staid at Belfast that Night not being able to march so faâ—â— but committed not the least Disorder Had the Protestant Officers of King William's Army been as careful of their Fellow Protestants in that Country Ireland had not been that Wilderness and Desolation which we see it this Day It is just and commendable to give our Enemies their due and not to conceal or lessen what they do worthily because they are our Enemies Many of the Irish Officers were kind to the Protestants not only in making good their Protections to them but even where they had not Protections and were perfectly at their Mercy I could give many Instances which I have heard from the Mouths of Protestant Gentlemen and Ladies who remained in Ireland while King James was there of the great Civility of several of the Irish Officers to them When the general Rout was given to the Protestants in the North of Ireland at Drommore upon the first Descent of King James's Army on the 14th of March 1688. and all were flying to the Sea as fast as they could several Protestants sell into the Enemies hand at Donaghadee a Sea-Port in the County of Down where they sought Opportunity of Shipping to have fled out of the Kingdom Among these was Mrs. Hawkins Wife to John Hawkins Esq of Raffer-Island in the County of Down one of the most zealous and active of any in the North for the Association in which Cause he was a Colonel and had his Commission from the Prince of Orange as all the rest had before he was made a King He was among the first Associators and made himself Secretary to the Association carried on at Moyrah by the Lord Blayney Sir Arthur Rawden c. All the Declarations of this Association were Signed Per Order John Hawkins This was before the Establishment of the Council of Five or more General Association in the County of Down the Seventh of January 1688. who sent an Address to the Prince of Orange dated at Hilsborough the 19th of January 1688. which his Highness answered by his Letter from St. James's dated the Tenth of February 1688. and sent by Captain Leighton with his Commissions to them for Colonels Captains and Subalterns But this is a Digression It is only to shew you that no man was more obnoxious to the Irish and to the Government than this Mr. Hawkins in so much that he was one of the Ten excepted from Pardon in the Proclamation before-mentioned of the Seventh of March 1688. This Gentleman's Lady being taken among many others making her Escape at Donoghadee instead of being Plundered was civilly treated and suffered to go off to Sea not only her self but with all her Goods Furniture c. and when she offered her Coach as a Present to Major Colaghon he refused it and did not take the Worth of a Penny from her I could give you many more Instances which I have heard But we must not make too great Digressions I am afraid of being tedious Let us Return to our Author 's bloody Massacre of the Protestants in the County of Down by Major-General Buchan which was the Subject from whence we have been carried thus far It was one of this Author 's unfortunate days that he light upon Major-General Buchan to make the Masacrer in cold Blood c. For all that know that Gentleman know him to be a Soldier and incapable of any such Brutality It is so far from it that the common Voice of all the Irish Protestants does proclaim how much they owe to Lieutenant-General Hamilton to this Major-General Buchan and to Major-General Maxwell for their great Care and even Generosity to the Protestants in Ulster though what they did even that of Major-General Maxwel's preserving Belfast and all the Country when Schomberg Landed was as themselves own by King James's express Order But he must have no share of the Thanks even by those Protestants who extol his Officers for nothing but duly executing his Orders The Irish were as much offended on the other hand against these Three Scots Generals for their Partiality as they called it to their own Countrymen tho' in Rebellion because they
near Dublin where their Allowance they say for four Days might without Excess be Eat at a Meal and being thus out of the reach of their Friends who could not come at them to give them any Charity they Dyed there miserably in heaps They Complain too that a great many poor Men were forced from their Families to swell up the Number of Prisoners who were reported to be Sold to the Jew who Furnished K. W.'s Army with Bread But the vast Number of poor harmless Natives who were daily Kill'd up and down the Fields as they were following their Labour or taken out of their Beds and Hanged or Shot immediately for Rapparees is a most Terrible Scandel to the Government which the Protestants themselves do Loudly Attest and many of the Country Gentlemen as likewise several Officers even of K. W.'s Army who had more Bowels or Justice than the rest did Abhor to see what small Evidence or even Presumption was thought sufficient to Condemn men for Rapparees and what sport they made to Hang up poor Irish Pnople by Dozens almost without pains to Examine them they hardly thought them Humane Kind And since the Peace have first Robbed them tho' under the Capitulations of Limerick and then suffered them to Starve in Ditches and Eat dead Horses in the High-way which I have been told by many Protestant Gentlemen who have seen it and extreamly Lamented it to see Men Divested of common Mercy or Compassion Lastly The Irish do Complain of Breach of publick Faith to those who Submitted to the Government upon K. W.'s repeated Declarations notwithstanding of which they are Out-law'd and Prosecuted see the Resolution of the Judges at Dublin Numb 7. Appendix And that by Disarming of Gentlemen contrary to the Articles of Limerick taking away their Fowling Guns as well as Riding Arms both Swords and pistols with such Difficulties and Conditions required to make their Right of being Included in the Capitulations appear and their open grudging and repining to make good one Article saying openly That they will have them Revers'd in Parliament Besides the Country Militia falling upon and Robbing the poor Irish who came out of Limerick and the rest of K. James's Quarters and by many other Indications they have made it known what Security is to be expected from their Protections and whether K. James's or K. William's Protections were best observ'd The Truth is there are none of the Protestants that belong to the North of Ireland that I have met with but do confess That the Irish while among them in Summer 89. kept their Protections better to the Protestants than the Protestants have kept theirs to them since Nay one who was of considerable Post there at that time told me in these words The Truth is said he it was in the Power of their Gentlemen and Officers to make their Protections be observed but that is not in our Power For our Country Folks will not be restrained from falling upon the Irish Doctor Gorges Letter in the Appendix vouches this But to come to an end of this Head of this Authors manner of Representing K. J. he sayes cap. 3. § 18. n. 11. p. 213. That K. J. appeared most zealous to have the Church of Wexford which had been seized by the Popish Clergy Restored to the Protestants and expressed himself with more passion than was usual that he would be obey'd and turned out the Major of Wexford for not Restoring the Church when commanded Notwithstanding our Author tells that the Clergy would not obey him Here the King has wicked Ministers but Himself is Good and Kind to the Protestants But cap. 3. § 6. n. 1. p. 82. he is so mad against them That for the Advancement of Popery He design'd the Ruine of Trade in all his Kingdoms But p. 83. n. 2. Whatever be said of the general Design it is certain sayes the Author K. James Rained the Trade of Ireland in prosecution of his purpose of Destroying the Protestants there Now comes a Mystery for p. 87. n. 8. he sayes That K. James went a great way in destroying the Trade of the Roman-Catholicks also and left the most considerable Roman-Catholick Traders in Ireland without Estates or Credit to follow their Trade or Answer their Correspondents abroad Why What is the matter now These were the Citizens chiefly of Gallway who had purchased Estates under the Acts of Settlement This seems as if he had gone upon a principle of Justice to Ruine their own most Considerable Traders where-ever they thought their Title unjust But if they made not Justice their Rule which our Author supposes then Why might they not have Excepted their own Merchants and Purchasers by particular Proviso's or given them Reprizals out of the Protestant Forfeited Estates But I stay not with this K James sayes our Author Of K. James letting the English Fleet Decay p. 82. purposely let the Ships of England Decay and Rot that the French might grow great at Sea and Destroy the Trade of the English Here is a piece of politicks of our Authors Refining What was the Design of this To humble his Subjects sayes the Author This was a deep plot But would not this Humble himself too Yes as I told you before our Author sayes p. 45. It was manifest that he was content to be a Vassal to France A delicate Receit to make himself Great and Arbitrary If we consider the Condition sayes the Au-p 82. in which their present Majesties found the English Fleet the thing will not want probability This was a perilous Argument Suppose many Ships had been Lost and Decayed might it not be by misfortunes or neglect There came a Lift to the Parliament last year of above Thirty Men of War Lost and Eight disabled by several misfortunes since the present Revolution annexed n. 12. Appendix will any say this was done on purpose to let the Dutch for example grow great at Sea And destroy the Trade of the English What would such a Malicious Observator deserve And above One Thousand Merchant Men have been taken by the French the Loss several Millions during the present War As appears in the Petition of some of the Merchants of London presented to Queen Mary her self and after to her in Council by some of the said Merchants last October 92. with several other Grievances and Impositions upon them by the Government to the Ruine of their Trade as Pressing their Seamen out of their Ships obliging them to give Bonds to go to such Ports and no other Embargo's c. Since the Fleet have come in this Winter 92. there were printed Lists which were sent to the Admiralty-Office and to the several Captains with the Names of the Men who have Deserted their Majesties Service as the Lists speak out of the several Men of War which came in That printed Sheet which I saw was fill'd with the Deserters of two Ships only viz. The Royal William and the St. Andrew I took the
expended by Parliament and little of the Credit come to K. James Whereas in Sir Peter Petts Speech n. 10. Apendix and other Vouchers you will see That K. James expended Millâ—ons out of his own Pocket upon the Navy Then you say in the Latter End of K. James's Regin Innuendo as if he had not minded the Navy from the Beginning of his Reign The contrary to which you will see in the short Abstract of Mr. Pepys's Account of the Navy n. 11. Appendix And no doubt your Informer could have told you this as well as the rest if you had had a mind to be inform'd But the Reason you give of your former Mistake is beyond all this You say You were led into this Inference viz. Of K. James's letting the English Fleet Decay on purpose to Rume the Trade of England that the French might grow Great at Sea by hearing that the then Prince of Orange found no Opposition at Sea when he came for England Could there be no other Reason why the Prince of Orange found no Opposition at Sea but K. James's purposely letting the Ships of England Decay c What if the Prince of Orange missed the English Fleet which was the Case He found no Opposition at Salisbury neither Our Author might hence as well infer that K. James purposely let all the Pikes and Guns in England Rot and Rust c Are these Inferences fit for a Bishop upon his serious Repentance for his publick Breach of the Ninth Command and Slandering the Foot-steps of GOD's Ancinted And yet in the same Breath continuing to do it still again in Malice that grows Ridiculous with its Rage For in the next words after his Confessing his Mistake he would have you believe that K. James did own this Lye against himself But the preceding Discourses of K. James sayes the Author are exactly Related What were these Discourses You have it told in his Book in the same place where his Recantation is viz. c. 3. § 6. n. 1. Where he tells How many Roman Catholicks who pretended to know his K. James's mind confidently affirmed That he purposely let the Ships of England Decay and Râ—t that the French might grow Great at Sea and Destroy the Trade of the English And sayes the Author the King himself could not sometimes forbear words to the same purpose Now this the Author even in Penitentials Affirms to be Exactly Related And no doubt he must think his stock of Credit very great that upon his bare Word we should believe so very improbable a Story as that K. James should himself tell so great a Lye against himself to render himself the most Odious to England that could possibly be Contrived All the Aspertions which his Enemies cast upon Him put together would not Blacken him so much in the Eyes of English-men as such a Design to Ruin their Trade on purpose to let the French get it And indeed it must raise a very strange Idea of him to all People in the World that a King could have so much ill Nature so much Treachery as to Ruin and Betray his own People who were then very kind to him on purpose to bring them into the Power of their Enemies and that he should be transported with such an implacable Malice against them as to be content to Ruin himself to be Revenged on them to make himself a Vassal to France that they might become French Slaves Which our Author sayes is Evident as I have before Quoted him And that a King should be so fond of this Character as to Invent Lyes against himself on purpose to have it believed And to harden the Hearts of all English-men against Him at the same time that He was Courting them and as Dr. Gorges's Letter tells us spoke the kindest Things of them upon all Occasions and as this Author in several places of this Book that He Reckoned much upon His Friends in England And c. 3. near the end of § 13. that the Irish Papists Refrained from Massacring the Protestants in Ireland lest It should shock many of their Friends in England and Scotland from whom they expected Great Matters And that K. James depended on some Protestants in England for Succour and Assistance rather more than on the Roman Catholicks c. Judge then how probable it is that K. James should Report such things of himself as He knew must Disgust all these and indeed all Honest Men But the Author finds a Reason for it It was sayes he in his loose Recantation to incourage the Irish Nation into the Facility of Invading England And was there no other way to do it but for King James to tell so Scandalous a Lye of himself And which my Lord Tyrconnel and many others of the Irish Nobility and Gentry besides all the English knew to be false The chief Encouragement they had to come to England was what our Author tells the Friends they supposed they had especially the Protestants in England and Scotland To whom this Account of King James especially from his own Mouth would have been a strange sort of a Recommendation But if that thing in which K. James was most to be admired and took greatest Pains and which was most Visible viz. his care of the Navy can by this Author's Art be thus turn'd into the Greatest and most Invidious Objection against him what fair Representation of K. James can be expected from such an Observator as as this Or what Credit to any thing he has said Who would have you believe him because he takes God to Witness of his Sincere Representing K. James and his Party in this Book And even where he must Cenfess his Error Repents as you have seen But we have been too long upon this Pray God this Author's Repentance for this pretended Repentance and all other his Sins may be more sincere and hearty before he Dye And particularly that God may give him Grace to Repent Sincerely and Confess Honestly all the Errors Willful or Malicious Representations in this Book of his with which I now proceed C. 3. § 12. p. 148. n. 6. He Reflects upon K. Jame's Sincerity who in his Answer to the Petition of the Lords for a Parliament in England presented 17. Nov. 88. gave it as one Reason why he could not Comply because it was Impossible whilst part of the Kingdom was in the Enemies Hands to have a Free Parliament Thus he and to make you believe him very exact he qutoes the Kings Answer in the Margent But on purpose leaves out those Words which would shew the Inference he makes from it to be very Inconsequential his Inference is That the same Impossibility lay on him K. James against holding a Parliament in Ireland The Kings Words quoted in his Margent are these How is it possible a Parliament should be Free in all its Circumstances whilst an Enemy is in the Kingdom There are but a very few Words more in that Answer which are these And can
And therefore to be Lov'd by the People and kept Great and Inviolable as their Greatest Security and Glory The Author's Conclusion Protestation of his Sincerity It is now time to come to a Conclusion If I have not tyred you I am sure I have my self I will therefore Close this Discourse with a small Reflection upon this Authors Conclusion p. 239. Wherein he protests before God That he has not Aggravated or Mis-represented the Proceedings against us out of Favour or Affection to a Party c. By this he would seem as equal to the Irish as to the English to the Papist as to the Protestant For which I must Refer you to what has been already said But if this had been his Principle why would he lay such Loads upon a Popish King for choosing to trust Papists in his Army and even to prefer them to the Protestants Is it not the same reason as for a Protestant Prince to desire a Protestant Army And if in such a Case you could not sind persons so Qualify'd as you desire would you not take the best you could get and give them time and opportunities farther to Accomplish themselves This Author knows very well this was King James's Case with the Irish That there was not a Gentleman among them but was employ'd My Lord Chief Justice Keating in his Letter to Sir John Temple 29. Decemb. 88. sayes The Roman Catholick Nobâ—â—â—â—y and Gentry of the Kingdom are Vniversally concerned in the present Army and in that which is to be rais'd p. 351. of this Authors Book But he King James was forc'd to take in the Scum likewise to make up an Army Yet this Author makes it one of the Heads of his Discourse p. 25. The insufficiency of the persons Employ'd by King James And Improves that to an Argumnnt for his Abdication I am very sensible of the many ill Steps were made in K. James's Government and above all of the Mischievous Consequence of the Lord Tyrconnel's Administration which the most of any one thing brought on the Misfortunes of his Master But when by what means soever things were brought to that pass that K. James was deserted by England and the Protestants in Ireland no Man in his Senses can blame him for making use of the Irish nor my Lord Tyrconnel for Arming Inlisting Arraying them c. In doing whereof considering the great Trust reposed in him no man of Honour or Moral Honesty can truly blame him Says my Lord Chief Justice Keating as inserted by this Author p. 349. And this Author knows very well that Lord Chief Justice Keating was a firm Protestant and a Man of Sense And this Author does Confess p. 101. n. 5. That these new made 〈◊〉 were set on Foot partly on the first Noise of the P. of Orange's descent and partly in the beginning of Decem. 88. Now at this time to hinder K. James to raise an Army of Irish to assist him is the Argument our Author had undertaken and for which he blackens K. James to the utmost He says p. 166. That without any Necessity at all he K. James threw himself upon these People he Encourag'd them he Armed them gave Commissions even to those that had been Torys c. Some such perhaps he might Employ I have known a High-way-Man an Officer in the Army in K. Charles II. time and no Notice taken of it but it was because he could get no better as is said above But to say he had no Necessity at all to raise these Men cannot have common Sence in it unless this Author thinks that at that time the Protestants of Ireland would have Fought for K. James against the P. of Orange and so that he had no need of the Irish If that be our Authors meaning I hope he will Explain himself And likewise whether he does not a little Aggravate the Case which he protest before GOD he does not when he assures us p. 15. That K. James did Prosecute the same if not worse Methods towards the Protestants in Ireland than the K. of France did with the Hugonots in his Dominions Why Was there any Dragooning in Ireland such as we have heard of in France Yes Our Author tells us C. 3. § 8. n. 15. p. 112. This was perfect Dragooning to the Protestants Terrible Dragooning Pray what was this It must raise a Dismal Apprehension in the Reader some Exquisit Torture Protestant Bridles or some-thing like Amboina Parturiunt Montes The whole matter was Disarming the Protestants in Dublin 24. Feb. 88. But what Occasion was there for this Disarming What Reason had the Government to be Apprehensive of these Protestants All the Protestants Generally in Vlster Connoght and Munster in all Ireland except Dublin and other Parts of Linster whom the. Lord Deputy kept in Awe with what Forces he had were then actually in Armes in Opposition to the Government and had enter'd into Associations to carry on their War But may be these Protestants in Dublin were more Loyal than the other Protestants of Ireland What Reason had the Lord Deputy to Suppose that But this Author tells us in the same Section p. 97. That they had a Plot to Seize my Lord Deputy himself and the Castle of Dublin with the Stores Ammunition c. But when was this It was says the Author when the News came that K. James had sent Commissioners to Treat with the P. of Orange This was very early And what if the â—râ—nce had Aâ—cepâ—â—d of a Treaty How did they know but the King and Prince might have Agreed But they were resolv'd to Anticipate all this And not to wait even the Princes Commands They were for Supererogation and to shew Zeal Extraordinary But after all if their Numbers were not Considerable in Proportion to the Kings Army or if they were not well Arm'd the Government might have over look'd their Rashness and let them alone In Answer to this our Author tells in the same Place That they K. Jame's Army were but a Handful to the Protestants there being Men and Arms Enough in Dublin alone to have dealt with them And p. 111. That they the Protestants had Arms enough to make the Papists Afraid and to beat them too if they had had a little Assistance and Encouragement of Authority to Attempt it And they knew how to Supply the want of Authority another way Now let any one Judge in the point of Reason Is there a Man in his Senses that had to do with these People in the Circumstances they and the rest of the Protestants of Ireland stood but would have Disarm'd them if he could And for our Author to Equal this to the French Dragooning is betraying of his Cause It is rendring the whole Suspected To Aggravate things beyond the Truth does not make them more but nothing at all What Notion does this give us of the French Persecution Had that King as much to say against the Hugonots as K. James had against
the Protestants in Ireland Did the French King use them no Worse than K. James did these Protestants Our Author says as above that K. James used worse Methods towards the Protestants of Ireland than the King of France did with the Hugonots If so Mounsieur Claud has mightily Misinform'd us in his Account of the Persecution of the Hugonots in France And since our Author will have this Comparison because he could not think of another would Render K. James so Odious I have a Curiosity to know his Opinion as to the Cause of these Hugonots viz. Whether their King 's breaking the Edict of Nants and using them as he did was Sufficient to absolve them from their Allegiance and to set up a King of their own Religion where-ever they could find him I doubt not but this Author will Answer in the Affirmative and that it was nothing but want of Power kept them from Abdicating that King who they thought had Abdicated the Government of them by his ill usage of them And this will be a better Plea for the French King to Rid himself of these sort of People than any I have yet heard offered for him But in this Comparison 'twixt King James and the French King our Author makes King James the more wicked Man of the Two using worse Method with his Protestants as you have heard And in his Character of the French King he gives him the Advantage over King James with an Innuendo-reflection upon King James in this same place p. 14. He reports the French King to be a Merciful Man in his own Nature and certainly says he a mighty Zealot for his Honour As if King James were not so indeed he was far from it as this Author represents him You see to what a Height this Authors Zeal has carried him when he will give so fair a Character even of the French King that he may thereby blacken K. J. the more And upon this Head I hope no Man will take it ill at least to do Right to K. James Would any Body desire him to be worse than the French King Therefore give me leave to say and in this I believe I shall have the Major part on my side That if the Hugonots in France had Invited a Forreign Hugonot Prince to enter France with an Army had joyn'd with him and Proclaim'd him for their King and Forc'd K. Lewis to Fly out of France and afterward recovering part of his own he should reduce the Hugonots in Brettaigne for example and they when they were come again under the Power of their Old Master should shew all the Signs of Disloyalty and Disaffection to him Deserting him every day to their new Hugonot King and giving an Account to him of the same disposition in them that could not make their Escape from K. Lewis and K. L. to know all this and that those that staid gave all the Intelligence they could to his Enemies and did all the Mischief they could to him their Natural King under whose Protection they then Liv'd And those of them that were able in Brettaigne to hold out in open Arms against him keeping two Towns in the same Province he had Reduc'd where they Fortify'd themselves and Declared for their Hugonot King and to Rescue those Hugonots that were under King Lewis I say if this had been the Case 'twixt K. Lewis and the Hugonots I believe I shall have the Major part of England of my Opinion That King Lewis would have dealt otherwise with them than King James did with the Protestants in Ireland And perhaps had any King in Christendom but K. James had them in his Power as he had for a whole Summer he would not have left them in a Capacity to have Driven him out of the Kingdom as they did And he was Morally assured they would do so when it was in his Power to have prevented them But rather than Destroy them he put it in their Power to Destroy him which they did without the least sense of all his Goodness to them which they Disdain'd to own but pursued him as a Tyrant Secretary Gorge Assures us in his Large Letter that the Irish Protestants were more Active against King James and were more dreaded by the Irish than any other of K. William's Army If K. James were as great a stranger to us as Caesar or Pompey and the Scene were plac'd as far off as those Times yet who would not have a Zeal to Vindicate the Truth who would not be mov'd to see a King who suffered himself to be visibly Ruin'd by his unprovocable Clemency to Obstinate Rebels represented by them for so doing as the Bloodiest Tyrant in the World To see this Authors Book Transport Men so far without examining as that the Principal Secretary of State should License a Pamphlet call'd The Pretences of the French Invasion Examined which 〈◊〉 14. lays the stress of our Objections against King James upon his Cruelty to the Loyal Irish Protestants while he was among them in Ireland His King James's Carriage in Ireland says the Pamphlet to the Loyal Protestants writ this viz. His implacable hatred to the Protestants in Capital Letters and it must be suppos'd they have Drunk deep of Lethe who can forget all this Thus positively does the Pamphleteer averr upon the Credit of our Author And therefore it is Incumbent upon our Author to produce some Catalogue of these Protestants in Ireland who remain'd Loyal to King James while he was there except those few who were in his Army whom our Author or our Phamphleteer cannot mean because they reckon these among the number of the Persecutors and by some thought worse of than the Papists for Assisting the Papists against the Protestants we desire a List of these Loyal Protestants in Ireland who suffered any thing from King James while he was there Can this Author find so many as their were Righteous Men in Sodom But this is much more certain that King James's Mercy to the Disloyal Protestants in Ireland put them in a Capacity to help to Drive him out of the Kingdom for his pains Does this Author really believe That King Lewis would have used them as kindly as King James did while he knew they were Plotting and would Joyn against him I Appeal to this Author Whether he would have thought himself so Secure in King Lewis's hands if he had been betraying his Councils and giving Intelligence to his Enemies as he was under these Circumstances in King James's Power But our Author never fails to make a round Character That King James should not be so Good a Man as King Lewis is not so great a Matter But now our Author's hand is in you shall see him carry King James's Character to be full as Inhumane as that of the Great Turk himself You have it â—nd of c. 3. § 20. n. 7. p. 224. The Vsage we met with being says the Author full as Inhumane as any thing they the
hereby declare that as soon as the War shall be ended they may again return to their former Habitations And as We shall take care that all such Papists that shall in compliance with this our Proclamation remove shall be civilly treated as other their Majesties Subjects and have the Countenance and Protection of the Government whilst they behave themselves as becometh So We hereby declare that all such Papists that from and after the fourteenth day of October next shall presume to dwell or shall at any time afterwards be found within ten miles of any of their Majesties Frontier Garisons as aforesaid or within ten miles of the River Shannon that they and every of them shall be looked upon as Spies and persons corresponding with their Majesties Enemies And shall be prosecuted accordingly Given at their Majesties Castle of Dublin 26th of September 1690. in the second year of their Majesties Reign John Davis Numb 5. By the Lord Deputy and Council A PROCLAMATION Tyrconnel FOrasmuch as several persons in the Province of Vlster and Town of Sligo in this His Majesty's Kingdom have entered into several Associations containing no less offence than High Treason and thereupon formed themselves into several Parties dividing and Marshalling themselves into several Regiments Troops and Companies marching well Armed up and down the Countrey to the great terror of the King's Leige People in manifest breach of the Law and of the Peace of this Realm And having resolved within Our selves to prevent the effusion of blood as long as it was possible by using all peaceable means to reduce the said Malefactors to their Obedience have of late issued out a Proclamation setting forth the said disorders requiring all the said Parties to disperse and repair to their several Habitations and Callings assuring every of them of His Majesty's Pardon and Protection And whereas We see the said Offenders instead of complying with our said Proclamation still do persist in their wickedness by continuing in actual Rebellion breaking of Prisons and discharging of Prisoners secured by due course of Law for Robberies Fellonies and other hainous Crimes by seizing upon His Majesty's Arms and Ammunion imprisoning several of His Majesty's Army disarming and dismounting them killing and murdering several of His Majesty's Subjects pillaging and plundering the Countrey and daily committing several other acts of Hostility and finding no other way to suppress the said Rebellion We the Lord Deputy have caused a Party of His Majesty's Army under the Command of Lieutenant General Rich. Hamilton to march into the Province of Vlster to reduce the Rebels there by force of Arms the consequence whereof cannot but be very fatal to that Country and the Inhabitants thereof and will inevitably occasion the total Ruine and Destruction of that part of His Majesty's Kingdom The consideration whereof hath given Us great disquiet and trouble of mind that a Countrey well planted and inhabited should now by the insolency and traiterous wickedness of its own Inhabitants be brought to ruine and desolation which we are still willing to prevent if any spark of Grace be yet remaining in the Hearts of those Conspirators hereby declaring notwithstanding the many affronts by them put upon His Majesty's Government notwithstanding the several Acts of Hostility by them hitherto Committed that if they will now submit and become dutiful Subjects His Majesty's Mercy shall be extended to them excepting the persons hereafter excepted and in order thereunto We the Lord Deputy and Council do strictly charge and command all such persons in Arms in Vlster or the Town of Sligo forthwith to lay down their Arms and that the principal persons among them now in the North do forthwith repair to Leiutenant General Richard Hamilton and deliver up to him their Arms and serviceable Horses and to give him Hostages as an assurance of their future Loyalty and Obedience to His Majesty and that all their adherents do deliver up their Arms and serviceable Horses to such person or persons as he the said Lieutenant General Richard Hamilton shall appoint to receive them And We do also farther charge and command all the principal persons of other Commotions and Insurrections in Sligo to repair forthwith either to Us the Lord Deputy or to Collonel Mac Donnald at the Boyle and deliver up their Arms and serviceable Horses and to give Hostages as security for their future peaceable deportment and their adherents to lay down their Arms to be delivered up together with their serviceable Horses to the said Collonel Mac Donnald We the Lord Deputy hereby giving safe conduct to such of them as will submit according to this Our Proclamation And we do hereby farther declare That such of the said persons as shall give obedience to these our Commands except the persons hereafter excepted shall have His Majesty's Protection and Pardon for all past offences relating to the said Commotions and Insurrections but in case they shall be so unhappy as to persist in their wicked designs and treasonable practices We the Lord Deputy do hereby command all His Majesty's Forces to fall upon them wherever they meet them and to treat them as Rebels and Traitors to His Majesty yet to the end the innocent may not suffer for the Crimes of the nocent and that the committals of inhumane acts may be prevented We do hereby strictly charge and command His Majesty's Army now upon their march to the North and all other his Majesty's Forces that they or either of them do not presume to use any violence to Women Children aged or decrepid Men Labourers Plow-men Tillers of the ground or to any other who in these Commotions demean themselves inoffensively without joining with the Rebels or aiding or assisting them in their traiterous actings and behaviours But in regard Hugh Earl of Mount-Alexander John Lord Vicount of Mazareen Robert Lord Baron of Kingstone Clothworthy Schevington Esq Son to the Lord Vicount Mazareen Sir Robert Colvill Sir Arthur Rawden Sir John Magil John Hawkins Robert Sanderson and Francis Hamilton Son to Sir Charles Hamilton have been the principal actors in the said Rebellion and the persons who advised and fomented the same and inveigled others to be involved therein We think fit to except them out of this Proclamation as persons not deserving his Majesty's mercy or favour Given at the Council-Chamber of Dublin March 7. 1688. A. Fytton C. Granard Limrick Bellew Will. Talbot Tho. Neucomen Rich. Hamilton Fran. Plouden Numb 6. The Declaration of William and Mary King and Queen of England Scotland France and Ireland To all the People of this our Kingdom of Ireland whom it may concern William R. AS it hath pleased Almighty God to bless our Arms in this Kingdom with a late Victory over our Enemies at the Boyn and with the possession of our Capital City of Dublin and with a general dispersion of all that did oppose us We are now in so happy a prospect of our Affairs and of extinguishing the Rebellion of this
Kingdom that we hold it reasonable to think of Mercy and to have Compassion upon those whom we judge to have been seduced Wherefore we do hereby declare we shall take into our Royal protection all poor Labourers common Soldiers Countrey Farmers Plowmen and Cottiers whatsoever As also all Citizens Townsmen Tradesmen and Artificers who either remained at home or having fled from their dwelling shall by the first day of August next repair to their usual places of Aboad surrendring up what Arms they have to such Justices of the Peace as are or shall be appointed by us not only to receive the same but also to Register the appearance of such of the said persons as shall come and submit unto our Authority For our Royal intention is and we do hereby declare That we will not only pardon all those poor seduced people as to their Lives and Liberties who shall come in by the time aforesaid for all Violences they have done or committed by the command of their Leaders during the War But we do also promise to secure them in their Goods their Stocks of Cattel and all their Chattels personal whatsoever willing and requiring them to come in and where they were Tenants there to preserve the Harvest of Grass and Corn for the supply of the Winter But forasmuch as many of them had a legal Right to the Tenancy of several Lands some holden from Protestants and some held from Popish Proprietors who have been concerned in the Rebellion against us Our will and pleasure is That all those Tenants who held from our good Protestant Subjects do pay their Rents to their respective Landlords and that the Tenants of all those who have been concerned in the present Rebellion against us do keep their Rent in their hands untill they have notice from the Commissioners of our Revenue unto whom they are to account for the same And as we do hereby strictly forbid all Violence Rapine and molestation to any who shall thus come in and remain Obedient to us so for those of this or any other Rank or Quality who are already in our Quarters and within our Power and Obedient to us We do hereby charge and require that they be not disquieted in any sort without our particular command For the desperate Leaders of the present Rebellion who have violated those Laws by which this Kingdom is united and inseparably annexed to the Imperial Crown of England who have called in the French who have Authorised all Violences and Depredations against the Protestants and who rejected the Gracious Pardon we offered them in our Proclamation of the twenty second of February 1688. As we are now by God's great favour in condition to make them sensible of their Errors so are we resolved to leave them to the event of War unless by great and manifest Demonstrations we shall be convinced they deserve our Mercy which we shall never refuse to those who are truly Penitent Given at our Royal Camp at Finglas near Dublin the seventh of July 1690. In the second year of our Reign A PROCLAMATION by the King and Queens most Excellent Majesties William R. ALthough it be notoriously known that the Papists of this Kingdom of all ranks and degrees were lately furnished with Fire-Arms Swords Bagonets Skeins Pikes Half-Pikes Scythes and other Arms offensive and defensive as also with great quantities of Gun powder And although we did by our Royal Declaration of the seventh Instant extend and hold forth our Mercy and Compassion to all Citizens Townsmen Tradesmen Artificers poor Labourers coommon Soldiers Countrey Farmers Plow-men and Cottiers and assured them not only of Pardon as to their Lives and Liberties for all violences done by them by the command of their Leaders during the War but also security in their Goods Stocks of Cattle and Chattels personal and that those of any other Rank or Quality within our Quarters and obedient to Us should not be disquieted in any sort without our particular Command And nothing more was expected on their Parts but either to continue in or return to their respective Dwellings and to give up their Arms and follow their several Trades and Callings But although several Persons have laid hold on our said Declaration and are received into our royal Protection yet few of them have hitherto brought in their Arms and most of those brought in are broken and unserviceable which we cannot but look upon as a very high Contempt and done out of a wicked Design on any opportunity to join with our Enemies and Rebels To the end therefore that all Persons may be left without Excuse and by obedience to our Commands may prevent the fatal Consequences of their Neglect and Contempt We do hereby strictly charge and require all Person and Persons of the Popish Religion within this our Kingdom of Ireland who are or reside within our Quarters or any part of our said Kingdom reduced to our Obedience that they and every of them do within ten days after publick Proclamation hereof in the City or Shire-town of that County wherein they respectively dwell or reside surrender and deliver all the Fire-arms Swords Bagonets Skeins Half-pikes and other arms offensive or defensive as also all the Gun-powder which they lately had in their own Custody or in the Custody of any other for their Use to the next Mayor chief Magistrate Sheriff or Justice of the Peace in the City Town or County wherein they respectively dwell or inhabit who are hereby required to register the same and to return a perfect List of such Arms and Ammunition as they shall receive by virtue hereof to us or the chief Governour or Governours of our said Kingdom of Ireland for the time being as also to lodge the said Arms and Ammunition in our nearest safe Garison to the place where they shall be received And we do hereby farther declare that if the aforesaid persons of the popish Religion do not by the time aforesaid deliver their Arms Gunpowder and Ammunition as aforesaid but shall neglect or refuse so to doe we shall look upon all such persons as Contemners of our royal Authority and as persons designing the Disturbance of our Government of this Kingdom and as Traitors and Rebels and will accordingly abandon them to the Discretion of our Soldiers or they shall be committed to Gaol without Bail or Mainprise And we do hereby strictly charge and command all the Protestants of this Kingdom that they do not keep or conceal any Arms or Ammunition belonging to any Papists but that they be forthwith delivered to the Magistrates and Officers aforesaid hereby appointed to receive the same as they will answer the contrary at their peril And we also hereby charge and require all Mayors chief Magistrates of Towns Sheriffs and Justices of the Peace and all the Officers of our Army and Militia to search seize upon and secure all sorts of Arms and Ammunition belonging unto or in the Possession of any Papist in this
and the Fall but they are kept to strickt Discipline You will I doubt not take care to make you and me easie in this matter of the Sheriff Shew no body this Letter but you may the other I am Your affectionate Servant J. H. For Mr. Thomas Pottinger Sovereign of Belfast at his Lodging at the Boot near St. Mary Abby in Dublin Numb 26. To the Kings most Excellent Majesty the humble Address of the Clergy of the Church of Ireland now in Ulster June 1690. Great Sir We your Majesties loyal Subjects out of the deepest Sense of the Blessing of this day with most joyful Hearts congratulate your Majesty's safe Landing in this Kingdom And as we must always praise God for the Wonders he hath already wrought by your Majesty's Hand so we cannot but admire and applaud your remarkable Zeal for the Protestant Religion and the Peace of these Kingdoms We owe all imaginable Thanks to God and Acknowledgment to your Majesty for the Calm and Safety we have enjoyed by the Success of your Arms under the happy and wise management of his Grace the Duke of Schonberg And we do not doubt but God will hear the Prayers of his Church and crown your Majesties Arms with such Success and Victory that these happy beginnings of our Joy may terminate in a full Establishment of our Religion and our Peace and with lasting Honors to your Majesty May Heaven bless and preserve your Majesty in such Glorious Undertakings give Strength and Prosperity to such generous Designs that all your Enemies may flee before you that your Subjects may rejoice in your easie Victory and that all the World may admire and honour you Give us leave great Sir after the most humble and gratefull manner to offer our selves to your Majesty and to give all assurance of a steady Loyalty and Duty to your Majesty of our Resolution to promote and advance your Service and Interest to the utmost of our Power and that we will always with the most hearty Importunity pray that Heaven may protect your Royal Person from all Dangers that we may long enjoy the Blessings of your Government and Victories And that after a long and peacefull Reign here God may change your Lawrels into a Crown of Glory FINIS THE INDEX Page 2. THE Division of this Answer into the Principles and Matters of Fact of the Author First for his Principles They are hard to be Collected because they are not clearly asserted nor set down in any Method His Principles are the old Exploded Common wealth and Rebellious Principles which he indeavours to conceal Page 4. He derives the Ecclesiastical Authority from the People Page 5. His Interpretation of that Law which declares it not to be Lawful upon any pretence to take Arms against the King c. Page 7. The several Schemes of Government which are set up Page 8. The Case of one Prince Interposing betwixt another Prince and his Subjects Page 9. This Author's Defence of his Principles from Reason Page 10. I. Reason of a King designing to destroy his whole People Ibid. II. A part of his People Page 11. III. Invading their Property Page 12. IV. To disarm them Page 13. The Author's Rule for Abdication considered Page 14. V. Of Dissolving Oaths of Allegiance Page 16. VI. The Question Who shall be judge Page 19. Apply'd to Parliaments and States Page 20. Compared with Kings Page 20. Of Jealousies and Fears Page 21. Instances in the French League Page 22. Prince of Wales Page 24. Earl of Essex Page 26. King Charles I. Bishop Laud. Page 27. Moses Page 28. Of Evils not Tolerable Page 28. Of Evils not Universal Page 30. A Passage our Author quotes out of Faulkner and misapplies Page 31. The Evils of Tyranny compar'd Page 31. The Evils of Civil War compar'd Page 33. Our Authors Remedy for Tyranny to kill half the Nation Page 36. Religion the worst pretence for Rebellion Page 45. VII A King designing to destroy our Religion Page 48. Some Instances of our Author's manner of Argumentation Page 50. This Author's defence of his Principles from Authority From Scriptures Page 52. Disproved from Scripture 1. The Jews in Egypt Page 53. 2. In Babylon 3. Under the Romans Page 54. 4. Under Ahasuerus 5. The Gibeonites 6. Our Saviour Christ Primitive Christians Page 55. From Jovian Page 58. From Homilies Page 63. From Grotius Page 65. From Hammond Page 66. From Hicks Page 68. From Faulkner Page 71. The Protestants under Q. Mary Page 72. Matters of Fact of our Author The principal Matter of Fact Page 73. Viz. Who were the Aggressors in the Revolution in Ireland 1688. shewn in many notorious and undeniable Instances Page 95. Of Lord Tyrconnel's haste to run the Nation into Blood Ibid. The Protestants in Ireland worse treated by K. W's Army than by K. J's Page 99. Character of K. J. from This Author Page 99. Character of K. J. from Lord Danby Ibid. 99. K. J. opposed the Act of Attainder and the Repeal of the Acts of Settlement Ibid. He encouraged the Protestant Lords to speak against them in Parliament Page 105. This Author Guilty of Treason against K. J. while under his Protection and Favour Page 108. The gross Hypocrisie of the Irish Protestant Clergy in praying for K. J. and the P. of W. Page 113. This Author formerly a zealous Man for Passive Obedience even in the beginning of this Revolution Page 117. Dr. Tillotson's Extent of Loyalty in his Sermon 2 Apr. 80. before K. Charles II. Page 118. And 5 Nov. 78. before the House of Commons Page 123. The behavour of the Clergy in taking the Oaths Ibid. Of the Deprived Clergy Page 124. Roman Catholick Loyalty Particularly of the Irish Page 126. Of the Roman Catholicks of England Page 127. Non-Jurors of the Church of England Ibid. Presbyterian Loyalty Page 128. Popish Principles which are embraced Page 129. Church of England vindicated Page 130. Matters of Fact set down by this Author at Random Page 132. By Inuendo's wherein his groundless and unjust Reflection upon the E. of Clarendon Page 134. Incredible Matters of Fact wherein is told the Story of Mr. Bell. Page 139. Contradictory Matters of Fact Especially with Relation to King James whom he does not treat with common Decency giving him the Lye c. Page 141. The Case of Mr. Brown and Sir Thomas Southwell Page 145. Of K. J. keeping his Protections Page 152. The Massacre of the Laird of Glen-coe with others of his Clan Page 153. An abominable Misrepresentation of this Author in relation to the Protestants in the County of Down Page 161. The breach of Articles charged upon K. J. upon the Surrender of the Fort of Culmore refuted Retorted in the Notorious Breach of the Articles upon the Surrender of Carick fergus and of Drogheda Page 162. Of Cork and Limerick and the cruel Usage of the Prisoners Page 166. Of K. J's letting the English Fleet decay with the Author's Recantation considered Page 173. The Insincerity of this Author in Quoting K. J's Answer to the Petition of some Lords for a Parliament 17 Novemb. 88. Page 175. And in some Quotations out of Grotius Page 176. He confesses that the Irish Papists were not the Aggressors in the late Revolution and gives Reasons why they were not so Page 178. This Author wounds the present Government in the Person of King James and the Papists Page 186. He renders the King's Prerogative hateful to the People and inclines them to a Common-wealth Page 187. The Authors Conclusion and Protestation of his Sincerity Page 189. In representing King James to be worse than the French King Page 194. Or the Great Turk and according to the Dublin Address than Pharaoh or the Devil APPENDIX Numb 1. King James's Speech to both Houses of Parliament in Ireland 10 May 1689. with their Address to his Majesty Numb 2. Dr. Gorge Secretary to General Schomberg in Ireland his long Letter Apr. or May 90. relating to the Affairs then in Ireland Numb 3. Mr. Osborn's Letter to Lard Massareen 9. Mar. 88. Numb 4. Three Proclamations in Ireland 26 Sept. 90. Numb 5. Proclamation 7 March 88. of the Lord Deputy of Ireland and Council Numb 6. King VVilliam's Declaration in Ireland 7th of July 90 and Proclamation 31 July 90. Numb 7. Resolution of the Judges of Ireland to the Queries of the Grand-Jury of Dublin 21 Novemb. 90. Numb 8. Two Speeches of the Lord Bishop of Meath one to King James the other to King VVilliam Numb 9. The Sea-mens Address to King James Numb 10. Sir Peter Pett's Speech to King James Numb 11. A short Abstract of Mr. Pepy's Account of the Navy Numb 12. A List of the Ships that have been lost or damaged since the Year 1688. to the 13th of Nov. 1691. Numb 13. The Oath of Allegiance given by the Irish Officers to the Protestants in Cork Limerick and some of their Garrisons when K. J. drew out the Souldiers from these Garrisons into the Field Numb 14. Dr Tillotson's Letter to the Lord Russel Numb 15. Earl of Sunderland's Letter 23 March 89. Numb 16. Reasons tendered to the Parliament Octob. 90. to examine into the Birth of the Prince of Wales with Mr. Ashton's Paper Numb 17. Some Passages taken out of two Observators of August 1682. Numb 18. A Commission from the Prince of Orange Numb 19. A short Account of the Bloody Massacre of the Laird of Glencce and others of his Clan in Scotland the 13th of Feb. 1692. Numb 20. K. James's Letter 3 May 86. for Reversing two Outlawries with the Earl of Clarendon's Proceedings thereupon Numb 21. King James's Speech to the Lord Mayor c. upon his quitting of Dublin soon after the Action at the Boyne July 2. 1690. Numb 22 The Address of the Lord Mayor c. of Dublin to K W. 9 July 1690 Numb 23. K. J's Protection to the inhabitants of Belfast 3 June 1689. Numb 24. Lord Melfort's Letter to Mr. Pottinger Sovereign of Belfast 9 July 1689. Numb 25. Colonel Hill's Letter to Mr. Pottinger Sovereign of Belfast May 1689. Numb 26. The Address of the Protestant Clergy of Ulster to King William when he landed in Ireland June 1690. The End of the INDEX
That Principle is the Constitution of the Government and consequently they are the Men that break the Constitution of the Government who Declare or Act against that Principle And as for the Liberties and Privileges of the Kingdom no doubt the Wisdom of the Kingdom in Parliament thought their Liberties and Privileges better preserved by that Principle than by the contrary of letting the People take Arms against the Government when-ever they thought themselves agrieved They had experience of both and we must believe they consider'd the Matter very well And that it ought not to be shaken by the Authority of this Author who is so young in this Opinion that he knows not by which handle to take it at least he will not let us know For he tells us not his Scheme of Government nor pitches upon any of those which are already set up by those of his New Party Several Schemes of Government Of which some lay the Foundation of all Government upon the Municipal Laws of the Land so that if a King goes about to break the Laws he thereby forfeits his Crown c. Others think That Laws which are the Result of Government cannot be the Foundation of Government However that it is not to be alleg'd in a Country where the Law it self makes it unlawful to Resist the King Which Dr. Tillotson has materially urg'd in his Letter to my Lord Russel See the Appendix n. 14. Others therefore fly higher to Original Contract which is suppos'd to be prior to all Municipal Laws and on which all Laws must depend But others again think this Plea to be too precarious and that it cannot be sufficiently prov'd And therefore they chuse another sort of a way which they call Abdication Which some think as perplex'd as any of the rest even in the present Case Lastly there is a wiser Set who think it most convenient to be always on the stronger Side and therefore they cry up Success as a Divine Right They have only one point of Prudence to observe not to Turn too soon least they mistake Providence Now this Author comes last and like a Man a Drowning he catches at some or all of these but holds by none They are too slippery and fly from him it must be part of the one and part of t'other that will serve this Hypothesis and therefore he does wisely not to pitch upon any one But yet without pitching upon some one and forsaking all other sticking close by it he can never demonstrate the Truth nor speak consistently with himself However we must follow him as he pleases to lead us though he fights in Clouds of Dust that it is not easy to find him out You have seen his Principles as to Government which he hides in Generals But it is plain they are Antii-monarchical though we cannot tell exactly the Glass to which they belong But what proof he offers for them is in his Introduction wherein he pretends to prove That a King who designs to destroy a People Abdicates the Government of them Thence c. 2. and 3. his business is to shew That King James had that Design Ergo But c. 1. he goes a little aside and undertakes this Subject viz. That it is Lawful for one Prince to interpose between another Prince and his Subjects The Case of one Prince interposing betwixt another Prince and his Subjects when he uses them Cruelly I do not meddle with this Chapter for two Reasons First It is undertaken by another hand Secondly My business is with the Duty of Subjects in which only they are Concern'd for whose benefit I write But I will give you this General Notion of it That by the Arguments he advances it is Lawful not only for every Prince but for every Neighbour to inspect into his Neighbour's Family and to dispossess him of his House of his Estate of his Tenants Servants Children of his Wife when he uses them Cruelly And this Charitable Interposer shall seize upon them all for himself on pretence of using them better He gives Examples of several Princes who have thus interposed 'twixt their Neighbour Kings and their Subjects and so he might many more the World is full of such Examples and of many other Examples which perhaps this Another won'd be a sham'd to justify But suppose that good Kings who have been so reputed have done this What then May not good Men have their Failings I do not think that David's Decision 'twixt Ziba and Miphihosheth would be a good Rule for future Justice Though our Author has not truly represented all the Instances that he produces which will be shewn But if they were true it is no Angument I shall only mind our Author of his own Words which I will have occasion to mention hereafter viz. That it is a most Unlawful Thing for any to call in a Foreign Force or erect a new Government to Redness unjust Laws And again That it is Intolerable for the Members of any State to flee to Foreign Succors out of Pretence that their own Governours have made Laws against Reason Conscience and Justice and Foolish to alledge in their defence That all Mankind is of one Blood and bound to help one another I leave our Author to Recant this or Reconcile it at his Leasure to this first Chapter of his Book Which because I do not expresly Undertake I will pass for this time and return to his Principles of Subjection to Government which is my present Task The Author's defence of his Principles Let us now come to examine the Defence he makes for these his Principles First We will consider his Arguments Secondly His Quotations and Authorities The Point he is to prove we will take in his own Words n. 1. of the Introduction viz. That a King who designs to destroy his People Abdicates the Government of them And here as to his Reasons or Arguments to prove this From Reason he disappoints us For his whole Introduction wherein he undertakes the Proof of this is nothing but Quotations which we are to examine by themselves But he tells us not his own Opinion you shall not fasten upon him He begins It is granted by some and I might answer What is not granted by some He is afraid at his first setting out N. 1. he has one Quotation out of Grotius and another out of Hammord N. 2. one out of Dr. Hicks and another out of Faulkner N. 3. he Quotes the Homilies and Dr. Hicks again And then N. 4. which is the last concludes from their Authorities All which is to be consider'd when we come to the second Class I have design'd to speak to that is his Quotations But for his Reasons he puts us to the pains to gather them by an innuendo viz. That what he Quotes out of others is his own Opinion Therefore laying aside his Authorities to their proper Place we will examine the Reasons which are produc'd Thus then he sets forth