weakest capacities that can only suspect not prove nor descerne He concludes the King as Criminous as the Earle and therefore he sayes insteed of detesting his ambition evill Councell violence and oppression of the people he falls to prayse his greate a bilities It had been a Kinde of slander to forbeare the due commendation of such abilities as all men admired and an vnexcusable injustice to reproach the memory of the innocent with the false accusations of malicious Enemyes If his Majest had recounted any faults of the Earle it had byn no satisfaction to his conscience for consenting to his death but it had been a signe of an vnsound minde to seeke matter of excuse for an illegall sentence from the disposition of the suffering partie and such Actions as the law had not made the merit of such a sentence The world is well informed now that those Rebells account the due performance of just authoritie violence and oppression and that their cheife hatred against the Earle of Strafford was for his fidelitie to king and Kingdome and his opposition of Rebellion his evill Councell That beneath the decency of a King he compares him to the sun which in all figurative vse beares allusion to a King not to a subject If such be the Kingly Prerogative that the sun beares allusion only to Kings not to subjects then must this libeller confesse himselfe to be of that sordid generation which by that influence are raysed out of sinkes and puddles to obscure that gloryous luster and his observation of this allusion might justly make him reflect vpon himselfe with detestation contending against such cleere light and slandring truth it selfe But vertue in other persons besides Kings hath been set foorth by allusion to the sun and his triviall exception at the decency of that allusion shewes him as insignificant as will full He hath a conceite that the King Knitts contradictions as close as words can lie togeather not approving in his judgment and yet approving in his subsequent reason all that Stafford did as driven by the necessitie of times and the temper of that people The Kings words are I cannot in my judgment approve all he did driven it may be by the necessitie of times c. And let the reader judge whether this libellers falsification be not Knit as close and words can lie togeather and its like he knew it by his impertinent vse of the Phrase close Knit to his supposed contradictions Though the King justly excused some things which he could not approve doth he therefore approve all and doth the libeller thinke that what a man cannot approve he must thinke inexcusable and that Circumstances doe not alter the qualitie of Actions But he sayes it is the marvell and may be the astonishment of all that have a conscience how he durst with the same words of contrition wherewith David repented the murthering of Vriah repent his lawfull compliance to that just Act. It is noe marvell to men that know theis Rebells though heeretofore it might have been the astonishment of all that such should offer to perswade others of their esteeme of conscience that make it their common scoffe and while this libeller charges the King with no lesse then murder in consenting vnwillingly and consequently in him to an vnjust sentence makes an exclamation why he should repent in Davids words for the like Cryme The libeller well knowes that if it had been to a lawfull sentence of condemnation yet blood guiltines lies where consent with the tongue had not the perswasion of the heart when the King thought blood lay on him should he thinke to hide his sin from God this prophane Sectary wonders a sinner durst repent These miscreants are loath to behold their murders in those bloody colours which the truth of God gives them therefore they wil call that Act just against the cry of their Consciences as they stirred vp the people to cry justice without knowledge of the fact It would have taken much from the heavines of his sin to have told God in his confession how he laboured what darke plots he had contrived into what a League entred and with what conspiratours against his Parliament Kingdome to rescue so notable an instrument c. Doubtles the King would have taken that course if he could have charg'd himselfe with any sinfull labour in that kinde That he ought to have vsed all his power and skill to have rescued that Earle was his dutie to God and a person so cruelly shamelessely oppressed And all men know what false feares were pretended what ridiculous plots were imagined to disorder the people and when there is such apparent discovery of Trayterous plots and such avowing of Trayterous Actions there can be none so infatuated to beleive that all necessary prevention of such wicked designes was not to withstand the ruine of the Parliament and Kingdome It was feare which made him fayne both the scruple and the satisfacttion And what feare could make him fayne a scruple whome could he feare if he had not scrupled but God only and where doth in appeare that he fayned satisfaction but it s the libellers want of the fear of God and men that makes him thus feareles of slandering and contradicting Repentance came not on him till a long time after when he saw he could have suffred nothing more though he had denyed the Bill Though the King say he could have suffred nothing more though he had denyed the Bill he never finds that repentance came not from him till long after but knew very well his repentance followed the fact close at the heeles He askes a question how be could vnderstandingly repent of letting that be Treason which the Parliament and whole nation so judged He hath already told vs it was al most the whole nation and the greater part of the Parliament but he finds now that any diminution induces doubt and it must be the Parliament and whole nation May not a man vnderstandingly repent because the whole nation was in the same fault how many Acts of Parliament have been made whereof it had been happy for King and people they had repented there neede not an enumeration in so Knowne a truth It was a worldly repentance not a consciencious or els a strange Tyrany which his conscience had got over him to vex him like an evill spirit for doing one act of Iustice to fortefie his resolution from ever doing so any more We may see what account this man makes of sin or conscience that thus derides the terrours of conscience We may beleive their consciences cauterized that are such strangers to vexations of conscience and that sin and Rebellion have got a strange Mastery of them that fortifies their resolutions against all repentance and the approbation of it in others This libeller cannot perswade himselfe that when he calls murther Justice and Rebellion loyaltie that he is beleived though he professe admiration that men
world may be informed how their cause hath been maintained They pretend to meete reason in any field but are resolved to contradict it and the Author will reproach and despise truth and reason as his Masters have fought against it and since their impietie cannot be denyed it must be avowed They glory in their victories in the field as theeves in their booties and boast that they can doe mischeife their victories being no other then the poysons and knives of Assassins that have destroyed Princes and successe is the evidence of their faith and reason He proceedes to say that he who at the Barr stood excepting against the forme and manner of his Iudicature and complained that he was not heard neither he nor his friends shall have that cause now to finde fault being mett and debated with in this Monumentall Court of his owne erectinge and not only heard but answeared But still he is vnwillingly heard and they which tooke his blood without hearing are loath to heare the cry of it and they endeavoured the same course with his booke they had taken with him to condemne it vnheard and as this worke was not chosen nor affected by Iconoclastes so was not the occasion acceptable to his Masters It hath been reported of some high way robbers that they vse a forme of Judicature vpon the Traveller when they take him and condemne him solemnely to lose his purse and Iconoclastes holds it strange he should stand excepting at the forme and manner of their Judicature It was the prodigie of insolence that Rebells presumed to bring their King to the Barr and the Prodigie of impudence in this libeller that imagines an expectation of the Kings submission to a Tribunall of Traytours But with Traytours where strength can act right and Justice are ridiculous considerations otherwise those Monsters that made themselves Judges without the least colour of authoritie the lower howse being not able to puinsh a wandring Rogue which the law allowes a Conestable would not so presumptuously sit in Judgment vpon a King and not only their own but of another Kingdome and professe wonder that any should thinke that they cannot bring any King to the blocke that they get into their hands Who may not defend the sins of intemperance to satisfie lust aswell as those of crueltie to satisfie ambition and why might not Ric 3 defame his mother and Kill his nephewes to secure his Tyrany aswell as theis men reproach and Kill their King doe outward solemnities legitimate Murthers and is a profest villanie innocent a secret only Cryminall Though those Murtherers before whome he stood at the Barr excepting had resolved that neither feare of God nor reverence to their lawfull king nor importunitie that moves such as the other respects doe not should prevaile with them yet he promises afaire debate though he justifies them and performes it with the same falshood offring clamorous reproaches and shamles vntruths instead of answeares erecting a Monument for him selfe wherein the defence of impietie and scorne of truth have engraven his infamy in everlasting Characters Which he sajes to do effectually if it be necessary that to his booke nothing the more respect be had for being his they of his owne partie can have no just reason to exclaime Truly his owne partie had reason to expect that from resolved Traytours his booke would have lesse respect for being his for having suffered greater crueltie in his person for being a King could they thinke his booke would have more respect for being his The Rebells themselves have published it a rule that a man borne in Scotland while the Kingdomes stood divided was not subject to their Judicature and therefore they vrged against Duke Hamilton that he was naturalized and yet they subjected the King to their will whome they could not pretend to have had that Ceremony and by the law of these miscreants the King must be more subject to them then any of his subjects of that nation and the Author might have spared the paines to seeke a reason for his impudent language for his Majest partie know it was for the interest of his Trayterous cause and a necessary effect of a Rebellious disposition The booke of any Author ought to finde respect according to its owne merit and its folly or injury to sleight or reproach it for the Authors sake and the like of a person for his office sake but they that reproach an office instituted by God or the person that beares that office for the office sake will hate a booke for the good that it conteynes and the Kings partie will never exclaime for the Authors detraction of the booke which they expected from him but they have just reason to detest his insolent language and impious assertions It were too vnreasonable that he because dead should have libertie to speake all evill of the Parliament and they because living or any for them have lesse Freedome It s too vnreasonable to bely the dead and to affirme his Majest to speake all evill of the Parliament when he well knowes that his Majest speakes nothing of them but what this breaker confesses to be true and if his Majest had spoken evill of a faction in Parliament it s too vnreasonable for him to censure it who not only speakes evill of a faction in Parliament but is the Advocate of those that not only speake evill of them but have destroyed them What if his Majest had spoken evill of the Lords house have this Authors Masters done lesse that have taken it away What if he had spoken evill of a part of the lower house have they done lesse that have imprisoned expelled the Members And if the King reprehend or reprove his subjects in the capacitie of Parliament or otherwise it is not only vnreasonable but damnable for them to censure and reproach him and most detestable for every licentious Pamphletter to traduce vilifie him Rebells vse not only feirce arrogancie but impudent petulancie and it makes for their designe that the scum of the people cast of all reverence and mention of superiours Have not the present Traytours reproacht and condemned the Parliament for their professions of loyaltie and dutie to the King Have they not made that the highest Cryme which the Parliament judged their necessary dutie to serve their King And may not the King complaine of their dealing with him as well as this Author with his new Masters can Iconoclastes reprove the Parliaments vote that it was Treason for the Army to overaw the Parliament which he doth in being Advocate for the Army against them And is it a Cryme in his Majest to represent their evill Actions against him The Parliament voted a Treatie with the King and voted his concessions to be a sufficient ground for peace the libeller taxes that vote for folly and falshood The Army remove that Parliament and call some Creatures of their owne the Parliament and they togeather take the person of
Bell the Dragon But he gives a reason why the King would speake sense for he thought sayes he Freedome to high a word for them and moderation toe meane for himselfe and he concludes this was not the way to prevent misvnderstanding It s sure this man tooke the way to make misvnderstandings that would have Freedome applyed to the people what ever the subject be that is spoken of and its like he would be well pleased that they had Freedome from law prosperitie loyaltie and obedience which might be as well spoken as the sense he hath framed to prevent mis-vnderstandings He sayes the King still feared passion and prejudice in other men not in himselfe and doubted not by the weight of his owne reason to counterpoise any faction it being so easie for him and so frequent to call his obstinacie reason and other mens reason faction He had greate reason to feare passion and prejudice in others which he had so often tryed and which they that then feared not have since found true and the concessions the King purposed and performed might make him confident to counterpoyse any faction but the libeller will have it beleived that he which graunted more then any of his Predecessours was obstinate and they that demaunded what former Parliaments thought vnreasonable and impious had reason But the King was deceived that had to doe with Monsters not reasonable men We in the meane while must beleive that wisedome and all reason came to him by Title with his Crowne Passion prejudice and faction to others by being subjects Kings have advantages above others for wisedome and reason they are assisted with diverse Councells and in publique affaires reason must be presumed in Kings and faction feared in subjects nature being averse to submit and interests and partialities incident to all greate Assemblyes and the detraction from the wisedome of Rulers in the Rebells foundation and a sure signe of corrupt intentions He was sorry to heare with what popular heate elections were carryed in many places To these words of the Kings he sayes sorry rather that Court letter and intimations prevailed no more to divert or to deterre the people from their free election of those men whome they thought best affected to Religion their Countryes libertie both at that time in danger to be lost They were in danger to be lost by a Trayterous conspiracie with an invading enemy but no other danger imaginable to any There was never lesse cause to complaine of Court letters and intimations nor ever greater mistakes of persons chosen the Countryes affections to Religion and libertie making way for the insinuations of Hypocriticall seducers and had the Countryes knowne the dispositions of the men they chose as their Actions have since discovered they would not have trusted them with their Religion and libertie which they have betrayed This Image breaker declaimes against the violence levitie of the people and heere calumniates his Majest for observing the popular heate whereby elections were carryed in some places it being a most knowne truth that popular heate is as frequent vpon such occasions as any other witnes the long annimosities between families and the greate contentions that arise from such Elections Among the many clamours in the late Parliament where malice was as busie as this Author is now to finde out Court letters to divert or deterre the people from free Elections there was not one instance produced of such letters or intimations How wickedly industrious many were to blow abroade jealosie suspition of the danger of Religion libertie how causelessely the people in many places were drawne into passion by vaine surmises is too well knowne and it is too late for the Image breaker to seeke to reduce the people into those misopinions which they have detected by too deare bought experience for they well see that there was no way so certaine to endanger Religion and libertie as they were seduced into vpon pretence to preserve them And such men they were as by the Kingdome were sent to advise him not sent to be Cavilled at because elected or to be entertained by him with an vndervalue and misprision of their temper judgment or affection Though such as were elected were not sent by the Kingdome but by the respective places one not intermedding with another yet if Iconoclastes had not been more forward to expresse his impotencie then warry in producing reason he would not have spokeÌ„ of being Cavilled at whereof he had not montioned the least colour and if he hold the persons of men elected so sacred the King faultie for not esteeming them as he ought what is the reason that he defends the Tumults that reproacht and assaulted them What is the reason he professes so much honour to those Masters that plucked them out of the house kicked them into prisons Kings send for their subjects to advise with them and Iconoclastes might finde by the Elections of members of the lower house that they were sent to doe consent to such things as should be ordained with the common Councell of the Kingdome and therefore mistakes their directions that sayes they were sent to advise him with what childish levitie doth he insult on his soveraigne for vndervaluing of the temper judgment or affection of persons chosen as if their Elections reâ—ned their natures sublimated their tempers as this mans Rebellion hath inflamed and besotted him In vaine was a Parliament thought fittest by the knowne lawes of our nation to advise and regulate vnruly Kings if they insteede of hearkning to advice should be permitted to turne it of and refuse it by vilifying and traducing their advisers or by accusing of a popular heate those that lawfully elected them If a Parliament were thought fittest by the knowne lawes of our Kingdome to regulate vnruly King it was certainly in vaine for such Kings as stories report mostirregular were least regulated by Parliaments but on the contrary the Parliaments concurd to their desires and in such extravagant Actions as were the greatest blemishes of their Government Iconoclastes doth well to make a supposition of knowne lawes for he knowes not any that thought his supposition true for the knowne lawes will not suppose an vnruly King and therefore cannot thinke of a way to regulate what they will not suppose but were it supposed that a Parliament were the fittest way toregulate vnruly Kings doth it follow that there wil be no heate in elections nor noe misadvice in persons elected Must the King take all for truth and reason that any of these advisers will tell him Or is a Major part of them so infallible as the whole Kingdome must stand or perish by the advantage of a few voyces perhaps one onely But this breaker hath broken out into this vnnaturall heate vpon the alone mention of heate in Elections a matter not only of possibilitie but knowne truth His owne his Childrens interest oblidged him to seeke
Common right What needed written Acts when as it was anciently esteemed part of his Corwne oath His Crowne oath is well knowne and may not be tryed by estimation but inspection The libellers estimation hath as litle proofe as authoritie He referrs the lawerlie mooting of this point to a booke called the rights of the Kingdome written it seemes by some Author of as much fidelitie in his quotations as this libeller in his narrations and to other law Tracts being neither his Element nor proper worke since the booke which he hath to answeare pretends to reason not to Authoritie And he holds reason to be the best Arbitratour and the law of law it selfe And it appeares by his writings that reason is neither his Element nor worke heere for had he vse of reason he would not referr vs to bookes that are onely of Authoritie to prove the ignorance and boldnes of the writer neither could reason judge it a law that a king should not dissolve a Parliament till all particular greivances were considered though the setting of it might prove an incurable greivance but his reason would have the Parliament defend the Kingdome with their votes as the Roman Senatours their Capitall with their robes against the Gaules The King must not be at such distance from the people in judging what is better and what worse That the people are not the best judges of what is better and what is worse the libeller himselfe acknowledges saying they are excessive in all their motions and is it not reason that the King then should be at such distance in judging but the libeller seekes to be at greate distance with truth that sayes the Kings owne words condemned him that he had not knowne as well with moderation to vse as with tarnestnes to desire his owne advantages Where as the King spake not of himselfe but others his words were If some men had knowne as well with moderation to vse as with earnestnes to desire advantages of doing good or evill Doth this man thinke reason the law of law or falshood the Master of both law and reason that soe palpably belyes the booke before him The King sayes a continuael Parliament he thought would keepe the Commonwealth in tune To this sayes to Libeller Iudge Commonwealth what proofes he gave that this boasted profession was ever in his thought The king doubtles thought not that every Parliament would keepe the Commonwealth in tune but a Parliament that preferred publique good before private faction The King saith as he relates him some gave out that I repented me of that setling Act. The Libeller sayes his owne Actions gave it out beyound all supposition for be went about soe soone after to abrogate it by the sword Heere the Libeller omitts a materiall word which the King vsed which was soone for the Kings words are that I soone repented It is well knowne that the wicked vse which the Traytours made of that setling Act might give the king just cause to repent him of it but as the king vsed not the sword till many Moneths after the passing of that Bill soe the cause of his Armes were the violent and Trayterous Actions of a faction not the abrogation of that Bill The King calls those Acts which he confesses tended to their good noe more Princely then friendly contributions as if sayes the Libeller to doe his dutie were of Courtesie and the giving backe of our Liberties stood at the mercy of his contribution He would have it beleived that Parents can doe nothing for their childrens good out of favour all is of dutie and noe thankes belongs to them from their children nor any from subjects to their Soveraignes or rulers for the greatest benefitts they receive by good Government and all the vigilance watchfullnes pietie of Princes for the peoples good is not at all thankes worthy theis are the Maximes of Rebells and if Kings will not yeelde vp their power they may be compelled and the quitting of Government for which Kings must give account to God is by theis mens Divinitie the giving backe of liberties being noe other then to give licence to all wickednes and beare the sword in vaine The kings sayes he doubts not but the affections of his people will compensate his sufferings for those Acts of confidence To this sayes the libeller not his confidence but his distrust brought him to his sufferings and he trusted nere the sooner for what he tells of their pietie and Religious strictnes but rather hated them as Puritans whome he allwayes sought to extirpate The libeller himselfe cannot deny but that if the king had not had confidence that those Acts of his would not have beē abused he would not have graunted them for if the had not been so confident it had been much more eligible for him to hav run the peril of a war without graunting them and wee have seene by experience that many as well as the king were deceived in those that profest pietie and Religious strictnes and though the king had just cause to hate the faction of the hipocriticall Puritan yet he thought that there could not soe much impietie lurke in many vnder such profession of pietie and Religious strictnes as hath since exceeded the most blasphemous Atheist and had the king sooner distrusted he had in humane reason prevented much of the Calamitie that hath befallen himselfe and his kingdome That those Acts of the Kings did not argue that he meant peace knowing that what he graunted out of feare he might assoone repeale by force It is noe argument that he would doe it because he might doe it but it is one of the libellers vsuall Arguments to conclude from the possibilitie to the being and there cannot be a greater Argument of a mans desire of peace then to part with his right to prevent a warr and by this rule of the libeller there must never be peace nor end of Rebellion but by the destruction of the king because their guilt is still vnsecure That the Tumults threatned to abuse all acts of grace and turne them into wantonesse This sayes the libeller is abusing of Scripture not becomming such a saint to adulterate sacred words from the grace of God to the acts of his owne grace And is it an abuse of Scripture to say the King did Acts of grace and whence then comes it to be an abuse of Scripture to say the people abused the Kings grace or turned it into wantonesse was it not a sin of wantonesse in the people and may it not be soe exprest without any abuse of Scripture Scripture is abused when it is applyed to a prophane ludicrous sense but the words heere are not transferred from a right signification There are diverse words that signifie both divine and humane Actions there is noe abuse of them in either sense And the libeller having excepted to the vse of an expression of Scripture presently makes bold with Scripture saying that
giddy wicked Rebellion in the people By what law was the king bound to attend these Lords or what authoritie had they to prepare matter for the Parliament more then any others of the Kingdome Is it not a knowne Treason to endeavour to depose the King and did not the late Parliament professe to abhorre the thought of it And how comes it to passe that these Lords have a power to threaten the King with deposing him What Rebells can be convicted by any law if this Action be not Treason The libeller getts nothing by this example but an evidence against his Masters for these Lords and their assistants had their pardon for that Rebellion And wherein did this Rebellion of these Lords differ from that of Jach straw and other Traytours mentioned by Mr. Sollicitour against the Earle of Strafford His folly in seeking to draw an Argument from the Actions of Rebells to prove a Cryme in the King is ridiculous to any reasonable man and it s not imaginable that the king should be bound to attend any meeting of his Peeres and Councellours which did tend towards a Parliament for by that Rule he must attend in as many places as there are factions noe sober time ever pretended that the king was bound to attend the Parliament which was to be called and dissolved by him and our Ancestours would be esteemed as voyde of reason as loyaltie if their Parliaments were governed by a Tumultuous rabble and the king were oblidged to doe what they would have though the whole kingdome were bleeding to death of those wounds which their impious and inconsiderate violence and fury had inflicted The king sayes the shame was to see the barbarous Rudenes of those Tumulte to demaund any thing And this the libeller beleives was the truest cause of his deserting the Parliament And was it not a just cause for him to desert the Parliament or faction in it when either they could not or would not restrayne that barbarous rudenes The worst and strangest of that any thing they demaunded was but the vnlording of Bishopps and expelling them the house and the reducing of Church discipline to a conformitie with other Protestant Churches And this the libeller would have noe Barbarisme What did the Parliament there if the Tumults may demaund the alteration of the Government of Church or state Can it be presumed that a rowte of Mechannicks could determine what was conformitie to other Protestant Churches The libeller at first remembred Mr. Solicitours discourse against the Earle of Strafford there he might have found that it was Treason to goe about assemble a multitude to alter the Government of Church or state And to seeke the vnlording of Bishopps by force in that manner they did was Treason by the law and we have seene that this desperate rabble whose demaunds the libeller sayes were but the vnlording of Bishopps and the like thinke the murther of the king and destruction of his family noe other then a but. They were demaunded by the Parliament which is vntrue but they were demaunded by a factton who suborned these Tumults to overaw and drive away the greatest part of the members of both houses The King in a most tempestuous season forsooke the helme and steerage of the Common wealth He withdrew himselfe from that storme which the Traytours had raysed against him and admitted not any steerage when all was whirled by tempestuous Tumults The libeller would willingly mince the causes of his Majest departure and therefore he catches hold of the mention of shame to exclude feare from the barbarous rudenes of the Tumults to demaund any thing he would conclude there were only demaunds noe barbarous rudenes and would make the last word to exclude all that went before To be importuned the removing of evill Councellours and other greivances was to him an intollerable oppression To offer violence to him for his protection of faithful Councellours the support of Government in Church and state was intollerable and though the libeller doe commend the violence of the Tumults yet heere he calls it only importunitie and the Kings denyall of the impetuous demaunds of a rabble to change the Government in Church and state denyall and delay of Justice If violence be lawful as he oftē affirmes why doth he mince his defence and soe often fly to these termes of importunitie and petitioning The advice of his Parliament was esteemed a bondage because the the King sayes of them whose agreeing votes were not by any law conclusive to his judgment for sayes the libeller the law ordaines a Parliament to advise him in his greate affaires but if it ordaine also that the single judgment of a King shall outballance all the wisedome of his Parliament it ordaines that which frustrates the end of its owne ordaining There is no doubt but in a Monarchy the dependence of the people is vpon the King the greatenes of whose interest in the prosperitie of the Kingdome is more likely to oblidge him to their preservation then any number of private men can be encleined to and as the law ordained a Parliament to advise him soe it forbidds them to commaund or prescribe him though the Major part of Parliament involve the whole It s against all reason to include the King who is allwayes furnisht by law with his other Councells may see good reason to preferr the Counsell of the smaller number and that law which ordained the Parliament to be called and dissolved by the King had destroyed what it ordained if the King had been bound to consent to all advices given him by the Parliament Such a restraint vpon the King not only makes voyde and vseles those select Councells which by law are continually to advise him but destroyes the Government of Monarchy which the law cannot intend and gives the Parliament the absolute soveraigntie which the people would not live vnder being contrary to their desires and dispositions the trust reposed in such as they elected The Kings judgment may dissent he sayes to the destruction of himselfe and Kingdome And soe doubtles may the judgment of a major part in Parliament and we have found by long experience that Parliaments have produced Acts to the preiudice of the state and corruption of Religion but this libeller holds all meanes frustraneous that beget not Rebellion and as in his affection he preferrs the judgment of the Parliament before the Kings soe any Company or committee of Lords that conspire against him as appeares by his late remembred instance against Rich the 2 And what power he would have in the Parliament over the King he would place in the Tumults his admired Iron flaile over the Parliament and prayes vnto God to send them that they may purge the Parliament and prescribe lawes both to the King and them and therefore he judges that it is vnlawlike that a remedy soe slender should be the vtmost meanes of publique safetie And we are sure that
Rebellion the only remedy which he approves is the destruction of al publique safetie and shewes the Libeller as vnable to judge of law as vnwilling to obey any He concludes that the Kings negative voyce was never a law but a reasonles Custome growne vp from flattery or vsurpation And how shall wee judge that soe long a Custome without contradiction was noe law that the contrary was an vnwritten law and constantly enjoyed claimed Can he thinke that because the support of Rebellion is a subversion of law that therefore Rebells reasons are the rule of law And yet he is confident it is better evidence then Rolls and records as they deale with law soe with Scripture making their fantasticke dreames Diabolicall infusions the Canon of their Religion And the Monarchy of David and his successours ordeined by God and that had both a negative and affirmative voyce was a reasonlesse Custome from flattery or vsurpation He proceedes to shew the strength of his Argument Because the negative voyce is claimed to one man not as a wise or good man but as a King And how doth he claime the power of the Parliament as to wise or good men or as to elected men And it may be easily supposed that the Major part of the Parliament may not be soe wise and good as their King especially soe assisted by other Councells as kings are and it were noe abusive thing to Summon Parliaments though the King doe take their advices by weight not by number but it were an abusive thing that such as were called to advise should take vpon them to determine The King sayes The whole Parliament represents not him in any kinde To this sayes the Libeller If the Parliament represent the whole kingdome the king represents only himselfe and a king without his kingdome in a Civill sense is nothing nor without nor against the representative and soe his negative as good as nothing and though we should allow him something yet not equall to the whole kingdome nor them that represent it But what answeare is this to the King that being not represented cannot be bound by the votes of them that represent him not Is the Libellers making him nothing or not equall to the representative any reason why he should be bound by their votes The King is by law reason the representative of the Kingdome as this sottish libeller cannot deny it out of Parliament so he might well see that the election of persons to advise him doth not take away that supream representation which the law hath given him there can be nothing more absurd then that an elected company representing subjects to their King should take away the Kingly representation it is a ridiculous sophistrie that because the king is not the subject therefore he is without his kingdome The people in Parliament are represented petitioning and consenting not commaunding and revolting it is repugnant to their condition to be equall or not inferiour to their King which were to destroy the relation of king subject The king maintaines to be no further bound to agree with the votes of both houses then he sees them to agree with the will of God with his just rights as a King and the generall good of the people The Libeller would allow him freedome with due bounds but not that he should have a negative vpon that which is agreed by the whole Parliament Where are his bounds now for if he have noe freedome where they agree he hath none at al for if they doe not agree he can neither consent nor dissent but such poore sophismes are the reason of these popular Tribuns and they will have both affirmative and negative in the Tumults but not in the King To know the will of God better then his whole Kingdome whence should he have it The Libeller doubtles will affirme that himselfe knows the will of God better then many whole Kingdomes and why will he deny that possible to a King I may aske him why he should call the judgment of the Parliament or a Major part of it the judgment of the whole Kingdome when the Major part of the Kingdome be of another minde if because they represent it then why may not the Kings judgment in the highest representation be preferred before theirs If the Libeller were put to tell whenever such an Action had happened that the king dissented from his whole kingdome he would hardly finde it when people have in greatest multitudes opposed their king they were rarely or never in the right To know the will of God better then his whole kingdome he askes whence should he have it Court breeding he sayes and conversation of flatterers was a bad schole But conversation with Sectaries Rebels was worst of al kings may be presumed to have better breeding then any others and the Libeller in another place argues from the kings breeding a greater expectation of abilitie Flatterers are most hatefull to kings and their principall breeding is to avoyde the insinuations of such deceivers but the present faction have outdone all Court flatterers in falshood The king could not judge of his owne rights but he had a right to keepe them when they were judged He sayes the king had noe right by law to judge in any Court. And yet he judged in all Courts all judgments being in his name and we are sure that the lower house could never judge of the smallest cases nor the higher but in respect of the kings presence among them because the king judges by his delegates doth he not judge or can they judge his Crowne to themselves That the king cannot judge of Treason fellony because he is held a partie And why did he then exclaime that the king should hold noe Treasons but against himselfe but if that were the reason his Judges were incompetent aswell as he but it is necessary that in a learned profession as the law the king should judge by others The kings rights he sayes must give place to generall good But it is generall evill to take away his rights He may not yeilde to Traytours that desire him to part with them for their owne advantages It is noe arrogance in a king to suppose a cleerer insight of the generall good then others though chosen for the Parliament whose breeding and condition could not quallifie them for such a descerninge and it is a fond imagination in the Libeller to suppose the Parliament the kings Councell and suppose the king voyde of Judgment to descerne the foundnes of their advice They have most authoritie to judge of the publique good who for that purpose are chosen out and sent by the people to advise him But it necessarily followes that he hath most authoritie whome they are sent to advise their authoritie being to advise his to determine and being sent to advise they destroy their owne authoritie and office when they Commaund If the King see oft the major
he hath made of the kings single judgment for the Lords house may not have a negative in his judgment notwithstanding their number But why is it offred the king if he may not reject it and whence hath it been that so many Bils have been rejected in al ages without any complaint When Kings come soe low as to fall vpon Philosophy which before he neither valued nor vnderstood is a signe they are then put to their last trump If the king had not valued nor vnderstood Philosophy he could not have made soe pertinent vse of it and if the Libeller had vnderstood Philosophy or valued truth he would have given better signes of it Could not his Majest discourse of his reason and will but it must be out of the way or above his abilities But why is this a signe that kings are then put to their trump why the vse of Philosophy more then other learning Though kings come low Rebells will come to seeke corners to hide themselves He shewes not how Philosophy breakes the necke of their cause or how he hath made advantage of Philosophy against the king but we finde how his elaborate contradictions have broken the necke of his owne cause through out all his discourses The king sayes he cannot thinke the Majest of the Crowne of England to be bound by any Coronation oath in a blinde and brutish formalitie to consent to whatever its subjects in Parliament shall require And sayes the Libeller What Tyrant could presume to say more And the law it selfe Religion and reason never said lesse It cannot but be yeilded that the oath which bindes him to performance of his trust ought in reason to containe the summe of what his cheife trust and office is But what if it doe not is there an argument to be drawne from what the oath ought to be but is not The oath may containe the generall dutie of Justice right but it neither did nor could comprehend all the wayes of effecting it The libeller sayes that the Kings negative voyce is not contained in that oath But that oath oblidges him to governe by just lawes which comprehends a negative to all vnjust lawes and can it impose an obligation vpon the king of doing Justice and not give him a libertie of judging what is just or vnjust The Libeller sayes that his oath requires only his assent to those lawes which the people have already chosen or shall chuse there is noe such word in that oath and his mention of the Lattine and old English of that oath are of another sense that the libeller was conscious of therefore he sayes All reason admits that the people should not loose vnder a new king what freedome they had before but their freedome consists not in an exemption from soveraigne power It is the custome of Rebels to contradict corrupt al lawes vpō pretence of their private reason allow no reason but what concludes against just authoritie he wel knew there was not that double sense he assignes but we wil make his sens the kings oath if the peoples choise be referred to the time past it implies not that their choise was or ought to be a law though they had a choise in the laws made as stil they have they could not loose what they never had the Parliament which at first mētioned the kings oath acknowledged that as they did not determine the questiō how far foorth the king is oblidged to follow the judgmēt of his parliament so as to conclude that a new law might be mad without his consent so they acknowledge that the contrary may be truly inferred out of al they had said That if the King deny what the Parliament hath chosen he makes himselfe superiour to his whole Kingdome And who doubts but he is doe not they which take the oath of supreamacie acknowledge it The libeller sayes the generall maximes of Policie gainsay it The general maximes of Rebellion doe but Policy cannot It is impossible in Policy that he to whome every soule must be subject should not be superiour to them all Our owne standing lawes gainsay it as hath been cited in Remonstrances that the King hath two superiours the law and his Court of Parliament The merit of those remonstrances are neere the rate of this libell though as yet they never mentioned such standing lawes if there had been such standing lawes the Author would have found them enrolled but that he doth not how absurdly such a pretence is obtruded whē the superiotie of persōs places is in quesstiō to name the superiority of law which holds comparisō with sciences not with persōs that the Parliament should be above the king who is the head of the Parliament without whom a Parliament hath no being is as Monstrous to reasō as law it is impossible that the law cā say that the king hath no superiour but God say that the Parliament is his superiour the king might wel say that this was blinde brutish formalitie and no part of the law his oath or dutie but such brutish formalities Rebells vse to blinde the people The King and Peeres represent only themselves the Commons are the whole Kingdome Which is as apparently false as that the Common Councell of London are the whole kingdome the commons in Parliament have no power from the people to doe any thing without the king Lords Infinite mischiefes may grow while our safetie shall depend vpon the over weening reason of one man And we finde by experience that desperate ruine inevitably followes when our safetie depends vpon the agreement of a multitude It is the nature of sectaries to be wise in their owne conceite and thence come arrogance and contempt of Government it is a principall in their schisme to improve this naturall insolence and contemne all Estates and abilities of men dissenting from them though his Majest were of most eminent natural endowments this libeller cals him a man neither by nature nor nurture wise Which shewes he vnderstood not wisedome in others nor was sensible of his owne folly soe apparent to all his readers That a King should want breeding to make him wise is strange in the libellers owne judgment and that the experience breeding of the King was eminently extraordinary the world well knowes He calls the Kings negative his will the Parliaments demaunds advice May not their demaunds be willfull and his negative advised The nature and nurture of this libeller is disobedience and therefore will have the Kings wisedome to be will the Rebells rashnes wisedome and it is impossible that men who have sucked in such principles should ever be obedient to any Government studying only how they may disaffect subjects to it He sayes the Kings errour was imperious and force was vsed not to dispell errour out of his head but to drive it from of our neckes These Rebells sought to be imperious
twists thornes and snares for himselfe by his shameles Calumnies seeking to make the assassination of a gracious king his owne demeritts A Crowne of gold is not due to him who cannot first weare a Crowne of lead not only for the weight of that greate office but for the compliance with them who are to Councell him A leaden Crowne may well expresse stupiditie and basenes and the Crowne of gold better agrees with sound Councell which is compared to apples of gold in picture of silver then lead which shewes only that imbast flexiblenes to the various and oft contrary Dictates of any faction and is only a weight of punishment not of office which the gold represents but Traytours cannot endure a Crowne of gold vpon the head of their king they will only allow him a Crowne of thornes or lead The libeller taxes the king for want of modestie in imputing want of reason and neglect of the publique rather to the faction then to himselfe because the faction was the Parliament And he must be a man voyde of all modestie that doth not judge such Actions as the king complayned of to proceede from want of reason negbect of the publique interest of parties partialities of private will and passion The sectaries were wont to deprecate all accusations of irreverence to their King and complaine that they were wronged but the question is now changed contempt of the King is their greate vertue The libeller throughout this whole discourse rejects the consideration of the Kings conscience heereto these words of the Kings I know noe resolutions more worthy a Christian King then to preferre his conscience before his Kingdomes sayes the sentence is faire in seeming but fallacious for the conscience may be ill edified And because it may be soe is it fallacious that conscience must be preferred before Kingdomes These hipocrites that pretend to Rebel for their conscience accuse the king for refusing to passe a law in regard of the contrary perswasion of his conscience and it must be an ill edified conscience in him to forbeare an act a rightly informed conscience in them that commit an act so bloody scandalous to the whole world so dangerous to the soules of many that were drawne headlong into that sin the Kings conscience cannot be preserved without his negative voyce and therefore he might justly assert it to be his right by law when the libeller can perswade men that Parliaments are infallible and free from faction that Rebells are best judges of what is for the Kingdomes good he may hope to be beleived that the king denyed that which law his oath and office bid him graunt And all men see that vnder the name of the advice of Parliament Rebels have introduced their owne wils for lawes Vpon the QUEENES DEPARTURE WHat concernes it vs heere to heare a husband divulge his houshold privacies extolling to others the vertues of his wife an infirmitie not seldome incident to those who have least cause Just Testimony to vertue is never an infirmitie but necessary from the husband where conjugall affection hath derived the hatred of his Enemies to his wife If the divulging of houshold privacies concerned him not it is his lewdenes to take occasions of derision base language from it Treasons to the minde are as pestilence to the body that turnes all diseases into its owne malignant humour for this Libeller cannot forbeare despite to the King for speaking that which he saith doth not concerne others nor to the Queene for being named How good a wife shee was to himselfe how bad a subject is not much disputed And to whome was shee a subject to the Rebells Those that acknowledge themselves subjects to the King wil have the Queene esteemed a bad subject for her Zeale to his State and safetie these evill spiritts that possesse the Rebells perswade men that it is a fault to be bad subjects and yet will allow none to be subjects but the King his wife and children It neede be made noe wonder though shee left a Protestant Kingdome with as litle honour as her mother left a Popish This mention of her mother shewer the extension of a Trayterous malice that spares noe relations nor conditions though vnconcerned Those that compelled the Queenes departure did more contribute to the dishonour of a Protestant Kingdome the Protestant Religion whereof they take the name without the truth then the greatest Enemy to the Protestant Religion could have effected what the case of her mother was wee enquire not but the world sees that theis injuries to her Majest exceeded example Rebells injustice fixes noe dishonour but on themselves The king sayes this is the first example of any Protestant subjects that have taken vp Armes against their King a Protestant The Libeller sayes it can be to Protestants noe dishonour when it shal be heard that he first leavied warr on them and to the interest of Papists more then of Protestants But then it is dishonour if he first leavied not warr vpon them And all that reade his booke must conclude that they first leavyed warr vpon him what els doth he meane by defending the Tumults seizing the forts and Militia raysing an Army vpbraiding the king with feares to hazard such a scuffle But were it otherwise the Protestants have disclaimed his Trayterous pretence of taking Armes against the King vnder colour of Religion or otherwise hold it dishonour to their Religion that such Rebellious principles should be charged vpon them and nothing could be more for the interest of Papists then that Protestants should maintaine and practice that doctrine of Rebellion The world is satisfied how disloyally the King was prosecuted by Armes and had it been otherwise subjects ought to petition not returne violence and in all the excuses that these Traytours have vsed they never mention any offer of satisfaction to the King or desire to lay downe his Armes but require his submission and giving vp his rights or otherwise they would take it by force The precedence of the Scotts warr will not take of the dishonour He sayes It s a groundles and dissembled feare that shee that was for many yeares averse to her husbands Religion should be now the more alienated can the Libeller deny but that the aversion of any may be encreast and confirmed by the wickednes of the persons of the contrary Religion how groundles then and shameles is his exception If the feare of her delinquencie and Iustice demaunded on her was any cause of her alienating the more to have gained her by indirect meanes had been no advantage to Religion As the King observed that this was the first example of Protestant subjects that tooke Armes against their king soe this of charging the Queene with Delinquencie was the first example in that kinde that trayterous impudence had produced when it shal be heard that a compaine of such vile persons charge the
John Hotham at that time was the ground worke of the succeeding evills and the same men that denyed justice at his Maj desire tooke reveng of the same insolencie afterward Hull was not the Kings owne towne but the Kingdomes And how became they a Towne have they not all their liberties and graunts from the King He might have said that Townes vnder a popular Government were the peoples but in a Kingdome it is a fantasticall dreame the lawes deny a possibilitie of any such propertie having placed the soveraigntie of the Kingdome in the King such a conclusion of right is inconsistent with a kingdome The Armes he sayes were publique Armes bought with publique money or not his owne If the king have money from the publique may they take it away againe to what end then doe they give him subsidies if the money be stil their owne and they may take away what is bought with it Had they been his owne as much as the private house and Armes of any man are his owne the law permitts not to vse them in away not private but suspitious to the Commonwealth If vulgar suspition may checke publique imployment he may not looke long to vse any thing And is it a cryme in the kinge to vse his private wealth in a publique warr No doubt but his Majest propertie is as much as any private mans els his kingly office had little honour or strength and he is not accountable for the vse which he makes of his Estate either private or publique and there was noe feare of the vse that the king would make but from Traytours that would prevent his defence The King by his overtalking seemes to doubt of beleife touching his patience at Hull He expected not nor valued the beleife of Traytours but such as soberly consider what he sayes will not judge him over talking but modestly expressing his owne temper which endured soe high a provocation The king sayes he could not but observe how God not long after pleaded and avenged his cause The Libeller sayes most men and commonly the worst are apt to interpret the judgments of God to the justifying of their owne cause It s possible the worst men may doe soe but we see it very frequent with the best The Prophet David often taken notice of Gods dealing with his Enemies wicked men The Libeller might hence observe his Masters the worst of men that interpret and expound the Judgments of God and the event of providence to the justifing of their Rebellion how often hath he in this Libell taken vp that Argument and in this very Chapter makes an observation of Gods Judgment vpon the King from their murther of him before his owne Pallace gate And how frequent are their successes produced as profes of the goodnes of their cause but this Majest observation is not grounded vpon the event but the evident Cryme of Hotham which all men held Treason but such as would allow nothing to be Treason against the King Although we know not the reasons of Gods proceedings who often leaves good men to suffer and wicked men prosper yet when we see the prime instrument of a wicked designe perish by the hands of those whome he served in his vnlawfull enterprize we may justly take notice of the proportion betweene the sin and the punishment His comparing Sauls conjecture of an advantage God had sent him in Davids being at Keilah hath noe resemblance to the taking away of Hothams life Saul being not only deceived in the advantage but conscious of Gods disfavour Hotham was safe and successefull while he continued true to the Parliament But the guilt of his conscience made him vnquiet If God had purposed such an end for his opposition to the King he would not have deferred to puinsh him till of an Enemy he was made the Kings friend nor have made his repentance the occasion of his ruine These presumptuous Rebells dare sit in judgment vpon Gods wayes and prescribe a rule for his proceedings It s true because judgment is not executed speedily the hearts of the children of men are set vpon evill the Libeller judges that if the judgments of God be not apparent in his time that is foorth with they are none at all God brought his judgment vpon the son of Ahab and not vpon himselfe because he humbled himselfe and God punisht the sins of David vpon his posteritie though he forgave him and we may conceive the judgment of God vpon a wicked Act not the repentance of it though it come after in time Strafford Duke of Buckingham was an active assistant to Rich the 3 in his vsurpation and after revolting from him perisht by that power he had raysed which all men looke on as a judgment vpon his first compliance with that Tyrant and the fate of Hotham and that Duke hold greate proportion in regard of their Actions and sufferings Glorious deedes done to ambitious ends finde a reward sutable And that the Libeller might justly apply vnto Sr. Iohn Hotham who made popular applause the end of his Treason and perisht by popular fury Mē may heere take notice what thākes he had from the king for revolting to his cause Repenting Traytours may have mercy but they deserve not thankes though his punishment may be remitted the infamy of his Act will survive Because God judges not by humane fancie therefore sayes he such events as are obvious to every fancie are most like to be erroneous And then such Acts of providence as make men say surely there is a God that judgeth the earth are most likely to be mistaken Although Common fancies are likely to be deceived it is a sorry inference from thence that what is obvious to every fancie weake and wise should be more likely to be erroneous The king soe farr pittied Hotham as he thought he at first acted more against the light of his conscience then many other men in the same cause To this the Libeller sayes They who act against conscience are least of all to be pittied either at the Barr of humane or divine Iustice Desperate sinners as most miserable are most to be pittied in Christian Charitie though justice proceede more severely against them pitties are part of justice the Libeller is acquainted only with the operations of malice not of pittie whereof his whole discourse shewes him destitute otherwise the kings pittie could not argue him destitute of the Common grounds of nature as the Libeller inferrs and shewes that he esteemes the common grounds of nature Acts of Tyrany and insulation vpon others ruine hatred and scorne being all the Charitie that Sectaries practise He sayes the king jerkes at some mens reforming to modells of Religion and that they thinke all is gold of pietie that doth but glister with a shew of zeale To this sayes the Libeller The pietie of his Prelacie modell glistered more vpon the posts and pillars which their Zeale and fervencie guilded over then
the King to breake this oath If Sectaries say the calling is vnlawful against the judgment of the vniversall Church must the king believe this thinke himselfe absolved of his oath The King never doubted that his oath could not binde him to sin but he was assured that it was a sin to breake his oath when it was no sin to keepe it and while his conscience was not informed of any vnlawfulnes in the matter of his oath his sin must be the more hainous to act against his oath aswell as his knowledge The Libeller talkes of lawes of God and truth of the Gospell But his schismaticall fancies must over rule lawes and oath though the German Emperours or other Kings had noe cause to leavy warrs vpon Protestant subjects vnder colour of a blinde and literall observance to an oath it had been a wickednes in their subjects to make a warr on them to compell them to breake that oath It is not to be imagined if what shal be established come in question but that the Parliament should oversway the King and not the King the Parliament Neither can it be imagined that he which is to be overswayed by the Parliament is a King By all law and reason that which the Parliament will not is noe more established in this Kingdome neither is the king bound to vphold it as a thing established Certainly lawes are very vainely said to be made by the King if he have no voyce in the making of them and if they may be vnestablished without him and it was a wickednes aswell as weakenes to binde him to vphold lawes and to governe his people justly that had not soe much as voyce in the making of their lawes that was bound to governe by wicked lawes if the Parliament would have them such Imaginary powers cannot consist with Religion law nor reason in the Government of England The King sayes had he gratified he thinkes their Antiepisconall faction with his consent and sacrifised the Church Government and Revenues to the fury of their Covetuousnes they would then have found noe colourable necessitie of raysing an Army The Libeller to this sayes It was the fury of his owne hatred to the professours of the true Religion which incited him to persecute them with the sword of warr when whipps pillories exiles and imprisonments were not thought sufficient It s certen such a generation of Traytours as have persecuted the King with a warr justly merited to be whipt out of all Kingdomes and while this Libeller frequently sports at the Kings necessities he is not ashamed presently to call the warr voluntary on his part If the Kings fury incited him to a warr he would not soe often have sought peace nor been denyed peace without the sacrifice of the Church But the Libeller sayes to colour this warr the King cannot finde wherewith all but that stale pretence of Charles the fifth and other Popish Kings that the Protestants had only an intent to lay hands on the Church Revenues The King neede not a colour for making a warr whereto necessitie enforced him It is apparent that the sectaries in England intended to devoure these Revenues and have effected it and they professe to seeke it by the sword because they could not have it otherwise But the Libeller sayes it was never in the thoughts of the Parliament till exhausted by warr their necessitie seized on that for the Commonwealth which the Luxury of the Prelates had abused to Common mischeife They neede not have been exhausted if reason Justice or Religion could have contented them They will make a warr and robb and steale from other men to maintaine it Did not their pretended necessitie come from their warr to take away Episcopacy and is not the necessitie of their owne making to get these Revenues What if goods dedicated to Gods service were abused to luxury were there none els in the Kingdome soe abused Must they make choise of the Patrimony of the Church for a sacrifice to their Covetuousnes that they may spare their private That the King consented to the vnlording of Bishopps at Canterbury the cheife seate of their pride for God would have it soe And can he tax the King for his allusions vpon the fate of Hotham and obserring the course of Gods judgments and himselfe make such an observation from the Kings passing the Bill at Canterbury May it not be an aggravation of the offence in passing the Bill there rather then a punishment vpon those that were wronged by it but Canterbury had not relation to their peace in Parliament but in Church and therefore his scene is mislayed The King sayes his consent to that Bill of putting Bishopps out of the house of Peeres was from his firme perswasion of their contentednes to suffer a present diminution of their rights The Libeller from hence argues the pure mockery of a Royall assent to delude for the present May not sober times revoke what distempered madnes had necessitated and had not the King just cause to thinke that after times would see the obliqutie of that Bill The Libellers consequence is that we may hence perceive the wisedome and integritie of those votes which voted his consessions at the Isle of weight for grounds of a lasting peace And why might they not be soe though some of them might not be thought fitt to last long And that by the judgment of both King and houses But what were they that voted were they not the Libellers Parliament in whose behalfe he hath soe often expressed his anger for the Kings disesteeme of them and calling them a faction and now will have neither wisedome nor integritie in them He sayes from the kings professing the continuance of his judgment touching Episcopacy there is a faire justification of the Parliament who notwithstanding his obstinate minde omitted not meanes and patience to have gained him They omitted not reproach and violence but other meanes or patience they vsed not and the Libeller hath contrived a conviction of his Parliament that their not gaining his consent to their demaunds was the cause of their warr which he hold justified by the Kings continued aversion The King sayes a greate shew of delinquents was made which were but consequences of his and others withdrawing or defence This sayes the Libeller is a prettie shift to mince the name of a delinquent into a necessary consequent It is injustice to make the name of delinquent a propertice and snare for innocence It s plaine that the faction would have all that adheared not to them or left them delinquents and if such an extension be not minced the law it selfe will be whose Rules will not define delinquents but the observation of them become delinquencie He sayes a Traytour is the consequent of his Treason and a Rebell of his Rebellion And such are certainly delinquents but for saking their societie is not a Cryme to denominate a delinquent and such only were by the faction called
Parliament requires we must all be slaves a proper inference and vpon this he concludes that petitioning was but forme because he doth not like the Kingly Government It cannot be soe absurd to binde the King to a blinde obedience as to confine the Parliaments reason to the will of one man Much more absurd to bind the King and leave subjects vnconfined That the King did nothing but what was opposite to his professed interest cannot be supposed but in his concessions to the late Parliament and we finde by sad experience that nothing is more ruinous to the Kingdome then a power in the Parliament over the King and they have been soe farr from a power to confine the exorbitancie of Kings that those illegall conventions which acted the Tragedies of some Kings were but the stales to vsurpers and moulded to their will That the King called them young statesmen he imputes to arrogance Doubtles the King might have said much more then what he did that most part of these propounders were young statesmen Is there a man in England that doubts it if he regard either age or experience how they have governed themselves and the Kingdome all men see who from soe greate tranquilitie have turned it into a lamentable combustion and despised the Kingdomes interest both at home and abroade that Phaetons miscarriage was never soe answeared by the practice of any rash and precipitate medlers in affaires of state as these vsurpers and as they drove furiously with Iehu soe they practized his hipocrisie that loved the Kingdome better then the commaunds of God and departed not from the sins of Jeroboam though he pretended Zeale for the Lord and that omen of confusion from such fury and madnes his Majest prayed God to divert but the Libeller is pleased with his owne prognostickes and makes augury a warrant for any villany though the wickednes of his Masters may give just occasion to thinke their vengeance fleepes not He comes now to dictate law and tumbling of his repetitions that the Parliament sit not as subjects but superiours called not by him but by the law And doth not this man know the Parliament sayes all this is false and that they are his subjects and called by his writ Surely this Libeller takes pleasure in outfacing all truth otherwise he would not vse such absurd and palpable falsities and that after himselfe had said the king was trusted with the summoning and dissolving of Parliaments Vnreasonable desires might be vnexpected by the king and denyed Wee may see that Iehues fury and Phaetons rashnes were not ill remembred to these men that held the enforcing of old lawes repairing of injuries moderate desires of reformation soe contemptible that nothing but the rooting vp of the foundation of Government could be a remedie for the kingdome whose greate prosperitie was their greatest greivance and all those good lawes which he commends were vseles and to noe purpose That they which came to the Parliament had no authoritie to redresse greivances but to desire the redresse was acknowledged a truth by the late Parliamēt befor their insolēce was confirmed by the kings concessions That their Fathers made as vast alterations to free themselves from ancient Popery is much mistaken for whoever lookes into the reformation of Religion in England shall finde that it moved from the head and that the Parliament conformed themselves vnto the Counsells taken by the king and made not the alterations the Libeller supposes Alterations were made where corruptions had entred into doctrine or practice but it was very farr from esteeming the primitive Church a time of superstition and plucking vp by the rootes what ever was planted in the first ages of the Church Sectaries are not to be judges of what varies from Scripture their opinions arising from disobedience must needes be full of errour and schisme and his Majest had good reason to preferre the doctrine and practice of the primitive Church before any moderne opinion of reformation and as all the pregnant and solid reasons of the Churches beyound the seas wrought lesse with the faction in Parliament then the Tumults and rabbles soe farr lesse with this Libeller that defends a schisime from them all vnder the divided Conventicles of Independancy and a crew of ignorant and irreligious Hobgoblins that eate the fat of robbery and oppression And he heere pretends the example of all the reformed Churches against Episcopacie and afterwards confesses the Lutherans who are the greater part of a contrary practice The falshood giddines of their oracles are more ridiculous thē ever were the superstitious pilgramages of blinde votaries he that thus reprehends the kings oppositiō to the change of Church Government while he strives for innovation exclaimes against it as a Cryme for he sayes they would vindicate the Government of the Church innovated corrupted he should have shewed from what time it was corrupted The king sayes such as were looked vpon before as factious in the state Schismaticall in the Church demaunded not only tollerations for themselves in their vanitie noveltie and confusion but alsoe an extirpation of that Government whose rights they had a minde to invade And the Libeller askes was this man ever likely to be advised who setts himselfe against his chosen Councellours and censures the Government of other protestant Churches as bad as any Papist Certainly such Councellours were very vnfitt to advise that were soe ill qualified such as the lawe judges offenders are incapable to judge of law that such were these demaunders is evident to al men that know the lawes and Government of England There are noe Protestant Churches that thinke their Government censured if others differ from it in any particular but they will hold it a Schismaticall insolence in any to endeavour to alter a Government well setled vpon pretence to introduce another against the will of the king It imports not any contempt of the kingdome if such as they chose be found either defective or false and to engage the kingdome in all the impieties that men act which are chose by them is as absurd as vainely pretended by the Libeller who will make a faction prevalent by Tumults and sedition to be the kingdome and the king should have had his kingdome in greate contempt if he had taken such a faction for the kingdome He drawes an Argument from the penaltie of being a Christian vnder the heathens and a Protestant vnder Papists And surely had they sought to introduce their Religion with the destruction of the Civill state such a fact would have merited the name of treason but their course was contrary to these Sectaries who sought only to enjoy the libertie of their conscience not to enforce others That our saviour comming to reforme his Church was accused of an intent to invade Caesars right as good a right as ever the Prelate Bishopps had the one being gotten by force the other by spirituall vsurpation Helpes not the Sectaries
the hearts of Rebells must necessarily make the words of the wise the wayes of the inst matter only of contempt and derision and such as have once broken the bounds of modestie thinke it dishonour to have shame and repentance and will advance their confusions insteede of order their Blasphemies for zeale their sacriledge for reformation their Tyrany for law and all the hell they feare is the losse of their vsurped power and the restoring of just right and their jealosies of loosing their owne greatenes provokes them still to an increase of their lewdenes making truth and right the object of their spite and persecution These debaucht Rebells proclaime that there is noe good but Rebellion noe worke of God but submission to it and repentance for opposing it If the Church of England be Antipapall how comes it to bo a schisme And why hath the libeller so continually made vp his discourses with inclinations to Popery Independencie knowes noe schisme for if it allow every meeting its libertie where is the schisme It s a Rule that noe Scripture nor ancient Creede bindes our faith to any Church denominated by a particular name But he rejects what was received by the vniversall Church What doth that contradict the Kings advice to his Son of his esteeme of the Church of England if he beleive as he did vpon good ground that it was agreeable in doctrine to the word of God It is apparent that these Sectaries are seperated from all Churches of the world and that Government which they call Catholique had neither precept nor practice in any Church being newly crept out of hell to persecute the Church Noe man was ever bid to be subject to the Church of Cornith Rome or Asia but to the Church without addition And why doth he deny to be subject to the Church without addition was there never Church before this day heere we have the builders of Babell none vnderstand what another sayes were not those that lived in those Churches of Corinth Rome Asia commaunded to be subject to the Governours of those Churches Is it not the Apostles Commaund to obey those that have the oversight of them and may every man despise their new independent congregations seeke for a Church without addition and where then will he finde him We may imagine what manner of state such Church reformers will erect and what it is they call reformation that looke vpon all Churches as schismes because not rent into as many parts as particular persons These schismatickes pretend the Church of England allmost growne Popish and yet nothing altered from the first reformation while they disguise their meaning by pretending popery to gett the vulgar vnawares to favour their dissembled zeale they demaund to have the Reformation vnestablished And the restraint of their Rebellion is Pharaohs prohibition to the Israelites that sought leave tosacrifise to God It was a greate testimony of the Kings zeale to the Church of God that he forewarned his Sonne to suppresse errours schismes his owne experience having taught him that these doggs and evill workers are the greatest evills to Church and state and these destroyers that are the reproaches of Religion the Scabbs and biles to be Church allow noe protestant Churches to be communicated with that are not tainted with the same putrifaction that hath corrupted them For the Civill state the kings precepts tend to the preservation of Civill libertie and it was farr from our Fathers to thinke that any humane lawes were immutable but further that lawes should be altered at the will of a mutable multitude and that their King should be excluded from the judgment of the reasons for a change He falls from the question touchinge repeale of lawes and talkes of saving the Kingdome we may better trust the King with saving the Kingdome then any number of men we can picke out whose private fortunes may be saved though the kingdome be lost The Turkes Iawes and Moores enjoy vnder the Turkish Government what their industrie and labour have made their owne If that be true the Libeller is much out of the way to thinke it a reproach to Civill Government to compare it to the Turkes what Civill libertie doth the freest nation claime more and what doe these Masters of the new Republique pretend to allow more Doe they not plainely tell the people they ought to have noe more then they will give them Thus he will defend the Turke Jew and Moore rather then be an Englishman There is noe doubt but the libertie of the subject depends on the Regall power in the first place There is noe libertie without Government and where the Government is regall the subject must maintaine it or be a Traytour and give vp his libertie for a prey to ravenous vsurpers That the King suffred it to be preached in his owne hearing that the subject had noe propertie of his goods but all was the Kings right Is a mainfest vntruth yet they which make advantage of such inventions practise what they reproach for doth not that thing they call a Parliament consisting of a few contemptible persons professe that all the goods of the subjects are at their disposing By the lawes of England noe act can be a law without the king though both houses propounded it and in that negative voyce of the kings the people reposed their libertie which they would not wholly intrust to a Major part of one or both houses The power of the whole nation is vertually in the Parliament But there is noe vertue in it without the king And is it vertually in such a part of the Parliament as either the Army or the Tumults shall picke out The Libeller hath borne wittnes for the kings Martirdome though he intended the contrary and while he names the Rebells war in their owne defence cannot avoyde to tell the world the Rebellion was to take away the Kings negative voyce and establish lawes at their owne will Every man will beare wittnes that it is Martirdome to die rather then burne incense to Idolls or Devills and he that refuses to introduce schisme and disorder into the Church and committ sacrilegious pillage of Church goods and is persecuted to death for his refusall is noe lesse a Martir then he that suffers for denying an Idolatrous worshipp and this is not to die for Religion because establisht but that establishment which we ought to preserve and all the painting dawbing of these Artisans of Rebellion will not deface that Martirdome which their owne wicked hands have testified There are no reformed Churches that have abolisht the Decalogue so long a king that dies by a wicked Rebellion for not consenting to Trayterours demaunds is judged a Martir by the best reformed Churches but he does not looke before he leape that brings in the Romish Priests executed for that which had been established for he might have knowne they were executed by lawes in force and for doing what noe
of the world that have beene as farr above others in Wisedome as they have beene in power Wee have lived to see that sore evill which the Scripture by the pen of a King and the wisest of men complained of to see Princes on foote Servants on horsebacke when the Licentious insolence of the meanest tramples vpon the Soveraigntie of the highest and the basest of the people revile their King He saies for their sakes that have not more Seriously considered Kings then in the gawdy name of Majestie and admired them their doings as if they breathed not the same breath with other men he will for it seemes he saies a Challenge both of him and his partie take vp the gantlet though a Kings in the behalfe of libertie and the common wealth Loyaltie hath no friends that so admire Princes as if they breathed not common breath of nature they wel know who hath said of Kings I have said you are Gods the guilt of their sin that disobey or revile thē yet non are ignorant that their breath is in their nosthrils that they shall dye as others They that are best instructed most considerate give most reverence to Kings They vnderstand that Princes have greater promises of wisedome frō God greater meanes to attaine it then others that by obeying them humane societie is maintained though they breath the same breath with them When Saul was made King of Israel there were wicked men that said how shall this man save us contemning his Authoritie because he was taken from among them selves in our dayes there is a Confluence of all the Rebellious inclinations that troubled the world pride of base people and disdaine of all Authoritie Because Kings are men must they not therefore Rule Must Gods vicegerents be despysed because they are men And because we know Kings to be men must wee beleive that seditious slanderers are more then men which are carryed as naturall brute Beasts The Archangell disputing with the Devill durst not bring against him a rayling accusation and such as take vp Rayling accusations against Princes partake of the wickednes of the evill and hate the holynes of the blessed Angell When the woman told David he was as an Angell of God did shee thinke he breathed not the same breath with others This Author by pretending to rectifie an errour that never was of admiring kings as if they breathed not the common breath of men would perswade men to scorne despise kings and Rebell against the king of kings God himselfe who wil be called king and to style that Title a gaudy name expresseth rather a scoffing Atheist then a profest Christian Ambitious Rebells that sow the seedes of disaffection to their king among the people begin with a plausible trueth that kings are men that they may erre that they may be wicked thence they come to application of particular Actions of their king represented as deceitefully as falshood can frame to the vnwary hearers because it may be so therefore in their logicke it must be so and experience it selfe hath made apparent how few or none admire Kings as if they breathed not the common breath of men and how many forgett their dutie to them that in Scripture are called Gods the prevalence of corrupt nature is so farr above reason that men are sooner infatuated by the plausible discourses of ambitious aspirers to beleive absurdities making way for Rebellion then mistaken of the nature of Kings by their sacred Title or dignitie for wee have seene men seduced to beleive they might make warr against the King so as they said it was aganist his evill Councellours and for King and Parliament that because the two houses sate by the Kings authoritie therefore him selfe had none That they made warr in their owne defence against the King and yet said they fought for King and Parlament and contrary to the knowledge of the whole world traduced his Majest Government which was the time if ever when his three Kingdomes attained the height of honour strength and wealth above their neighbours As the Arts of those seedes-men of sathan were jnspired by their Master to the ruine of mankinde so how farr they have effected it in his Majest three kingdomes by this logicke of the Devill all men are wittnesses All boundaries of right and wrong broken downe and any wickednes acted by authoritie that serves to secure the Tyranicall power will of the Rebell Masters What flouds of Christian blood what starving pininge to death of poore Captives have our dayes been wittnes of in England what jmpudent pretences of justice for publique Murthers scenes of Iudicature and theaters of slaughter honour and vertue prostituted to the Common Executioner so as the miseries of former times were but an Epitome of those numerous evills that have been brought vpon his Majest Dominions in these few yeares the facts would seeme incredible in after ages did not such as this Author undauntedly boast of the insolencies they have committed no historie yeilding on example of the like whether we reguard the impudence crueltie insolence and hipocrisie of the contrivers deceite imposture profannes of preachers or credulitie and precipitation of the vulgar The author might have done well to shew why his Majest booke seemed a Challenge it provokes no answeare nor handles any thing by way of controversie but his very devotions and instructions to his son seeme a Challenge Evidence of worth in the sufferer torments the persecutour and they cannot rest while the vertues live though the bodies are laid in the dust by their wicked hands But he wil take vp the gantlet that no man threw downe though a Kings He lately said Kings were puny Antagomists and no honour to begotten by writing against them and now he will take vp the gantlet though a Kings it seemes he reckons it a condescention to stoope to take vp a Kings gantlet those todes that thus swell wil breake with their owne venom This Authors pen shewes what libertie he loves to endure no justice towards the living or Charitie to the dead and to breake those fetters of modestie and truth wherein a Christians libertie consists Those pests of Government allwayes talke of libertie but it s only a licence to exercise their own inperious Tyrany over the people and when fire breakes out of the bramble to consume the Cedars nothing can be expected but insolence and crueltie wee have seene the libertie vnder the Rebells in England which is to rayle and Rebell against the King and destroy such as are loyall He saies its the drift of a factious and defeated partie to make the same advantage of his booke as before of his name authoritie and intend not so much the defence of his former Actions as promoting future designes Those whome he calls a defeated partie in so great contempt are never the neerer a faction for the successe that confessed Rebells have gained over
them Though Armyes have been defeated a good cause can never and though he would have his Trayterous faction beleive them that followed the king a defeated partie yet it seemes by his jealosie him selfe doth not Tyrants cannot sleepe while lawfull heires survive and the guilt of their consciences and vsurped power make their Enemies as terrible after they have lost Armyes as before When Rebells prevaile they declaime against Treason and in contempt of God and their consciences reproach such with their Crymes that most oppose them in their first Actions they made vse of the Kings name and authoritie their declarations cannot be retracted wherein they profest to be for King and Parliament that they fought not against the king but his evil councell The Cryme of fighting against the king was a Treason so knowne that shame as well as feare would have lessened their partie had they not made vse of the kings name pretended his authoritie and vnles they thinke that their assertions of apparent vntruths will have the same power over the reasons of men as their Armes have gotten over their persons they would not patch vp discourses with such incongruities objecting that the kings partie vsed his name and authoritie which vndoudtedly they had and which those men professe to destroy and which had been vseles to any had it not been the acknowledged power of the kingdome and a confessed Cryme to oppose it and which those Traytours would never have pretended had not the evidence of its right been so apparent nor have destroyed after so much vse of it had they not exceeded all former Traytours as farr as he did his Predecessours of whom the spirit of God saies there was none like him that sold himselfe to worke wickednes It s the drift of the Rebell partie to confirme and continue their power by the same Arts they have gained it deny justice to the memory of his Majest as before obedience to his Government Those whose power hath been gottē by the peoples credulitie would willingly deprive them of reason whereby they might see their errour which is the cause that the Rebells having misted many into the present mischeyfe by Calumnies of insufficiencie in his Majest and disaffection to the established Religion account any proofe published to the contrary the plot of a faction against their Rebell Common-wealth and although their often accesses to him and debates with him during his restraint and the observation of his devotion gave such proofe of both as diverse of their followers were vndeceived both in him and the cause they had prosecuted yet this they would have an effect of faction any relation of his Maj afflictions a designe His Maj actions neede no defence the Rebells impious actions against him are incapable of any this Author hath some reason to coniecture that all mention of the sufferings of his late Maj tends to the ruine of the Rebell power True narrations of the horrid Actions of Traytours though they recount the greatenes glory of theyr triumphs sting them with an expectation of vengeance destruction of their power There are a great number that since they have seene that booke thinke it had been agreat losse to the world if it had perished yet they are farr from designe by it and if it were published with any designe it was an innocent one to publish what a murthered King had left written of himselfe for the reason of his Actions and cleering of mistakes The designe is now the third time to corrupt the people to the dishonour of the present Government retarde a generall peace so needeful to this afflicted nation They cannot say any were corrupted that followed their King vnles the lawes their legall oaths and Scripture it selfe corrupted them for theis were the guides they followed and the Rebells may rest assured that if there were not these bonds vpon the loyall English humane Treatises though never so excellent would little move them to the losse of life and fortunes For the dishonour of that which he calls the present Government themselves have written enough though the King and his partie were silent Their power was gotten by often repeated propositions protestations of affection and loyaltie to his late Majest which they never meant to performe many false pretences to the people to defend the King and estabilshed lawes and Religion breach of oaths murther of the King and of theis nothing can be denyed by themselves and there is nothing can be said of any to dishonour beyound swearing and fore swearing Treason and Murther And can they thinke their peace is retarded by the Kings partie when themselves have so often sworne by the name af God in hipocrisie to deceive made Religion the Maske of sacriledge and murther and pretend pittie to the afflicted nation while they afflict it continue the same wickednes where by they brought the miserie vpon it They may be sure though they destroy the King and his partie God will raise them Enemies they thinke not of and prepare destroyers they feare not It s a Good deede he sajes to the living by remembring men of the truth of what they know to he misaffirmed to keepe them from entring into warr But it is wickednes to oppose truth and offer that to be beleived by men which they know to be false If this Author would remember men only of truth he would finde no adversary and if his partie would act accordingly there would be no neede of a new warr for then they would restore King and lawes but this Author by falsifying of Actions att corrupting of principles endeavours to draw men into a state of Rebellion against God and their King and make the warr endles the people helpeles and his pretended Charitie is more odious then the Hipocrites Almes this respecting only selfe glory that of this Author a snare to destroy others As to moment of soliditie he sayes in the booke it selfe stuft with nought els but the Common grounds of Tyranny and Poperie suguered a little over or any neede of answearing in respect of stayed and well principled men I take it on me as a worke assigned rather then by me chosen or affected He would have it thought there was no moment of soliditie because he hath none in this Iconoclastes stuft full of the common grounds of Rebellion confusion which are only of Moment to the support of vsurpation the measure of his well principeld men to whome a rayling libell is more convincing then a Logicall Argument That the booke is stuft with nought els but grounds of Tyrany and Popery when the most part of his exceptions comprehended not those heads is an Hiperbole vnbefitting any but such as had sacrificed shame and conscience to a wicked cause If the publishing of his Majest booke as he sajes conteyning nothing but grounds of Tyrany and Popery were a designe of his partie surely it must concurre with the Authors ends for
superstitious Images he had broken for the Author sayes they were never more mistaken in the object of their worshipp then in the Civill Kinde of Idolatrie in Idolizing their Kings It s apparent in the stories of our nation that superstitious Churchmen had their hands in those Rebellions the Author mentions therefore might induce the ignorant rabble to adore the Calves they had set vp in our dayes wee finde they have successours that teach the people doctrines of Devills and seduce them from obedience to those that had the rule over them Now with a besotted and degenerate basenesse of spirit ex cept some few who yet reteine in them the old English fortitude and love of freedome and have testified it by their matchles deedes the rest embastardized from the ancient noblenes of their Ancestours are ready to fall flat and give adoration to the Image and memory of this man who hath offred at more cunning fetcher to vndermine our libertie and put Tyrany into an Act then any Brittish King before him It s very strange that all except some few are so besotted as not to love libertie so naturall to man and those that have so contended for it as the English nation but if it were possible for Iconoclastes to deale faithfully wee might have expected that he would have told vs what that libertie was the people loved not which is the libertie of those ambitious Traytours that now lord it over them which are those few he mentions whose matchlesse villanies have wasted more English blood in these few yeares then all our Kings in their victorious warrs since the conquest The people doubtles love libertie but they finde themselves cheated of their just libertie vnder a lawfull King and brought vnder the slavery of many Tyrants who perswaded the poore people it was libertie to be without a King though subject to the licentious will of vpstart vsurpers and why is it degnerate basenes of spirit to vindicate their lawes liberties against Tyrants that have vsurped it and revenge the fraude iniury done them by deceivers that vnder pretence of law and libertie bereft them of both The best of the Rebells pretence which this Author defends is to fight for libertie and if the people finde their libertie taken away is it vnlawfull to resume it from Tyrants and vsurpers which this Author holds lawfull Kings It s true men were besotted with the name of libertie and those Mountebanques infused the principles of Rebellion into the people by telling there could be no libertie vnder Monarchy as if the nature of Governments were vnknowne till our time and thence this Author writes as if none but besotted people should reade him If these vipers had professed in the beginninge of their Rebellion that Simon Monford Thomas Earle of Lancaster had been saints and that they intended to follow the Example of such Traytours the people would not have been so besotted the miseries brought on the Kingdome by such seducers being so largely delivred in story but the people have now found by sad experience that the leaders of the present disorders are the Progenie of those cursed Rebels whose Actions made them odious to all posteritie and dishonoured the times wherein they lived and this Author would brand the whole nation making Rebellion their fortitude and love of freedome when its plaine to all readers that those Rebellions were the scourge of the nation which langiushed vnder the burthens that were encreased by those whome they followed against their kings How the people have been Idolized by those Rebells Tumults defended and the power over their king pretended for the justification of this odious Rebellion besides the declaration of those they call a Parliament this Author frequently tells vs in this answeare yet is soe carelesse of truth or shame as heere their reason and affection are as contemptible as their right in Government and some few must raigne over them The greatest vnhappines of the English nation hath been in the misfortunes of their kings the greatest dishonour in the prevalence of insolent and sly Rebells the noble blood of the most renowned persons being wasted in those disorders and Civilitie for many yeares destroyed If we place vertue in the insolent attempts of Rebells against lawfull Princes not only Christian fortitude but morall vertue grow contemptible rage and venom will sooner get a saint-shipp then Justice or innocence If so many are so ready to fall flat to the Image and memory of his late Majest as the Author sayes his Masterts have cause to vse new principles and as they fought against their king by faining a power in the people so they must now lay fetters on them and cast away the maske a Ceremony to be vsed no longer It was not a part of our liberties to be deprived of our king nor to Rebell against him such acts being contradictions not only to Christian but English libertie and such as take that libertie to themselves robb others of their just lawfull liberties Doe the present or did ever Traytours give libertie to any but their faction And doe they allow them any more then libertie at the will of the Commaunder And if libertie be so precious to these men why should John lilborne bemore restrained then Iconoclastes And why should any be more Cryminall that write or speacke against an vsurped power then they that wrote against the knowne legall authoritie Prisoners in Gayles hire persons of strong voyces to begg for them att the grate and the Rebells have found this Authors rancour and impudence so sublimated as his falsities and slanders were probable to infest the world though to knowing and honest men they sound the voyce of a Beast and not a man what one libertie of the English Nation is there now left Doe not all men see that their ridiculous howse and state Councell act at the will of their sword Master whose act those Cyphers are disposed of to signifie what he pleaseth Doe not all men see that the vse of the name libertie signifieth nothing but a sound to fill the peoples eares and deceive their vnderstandinge That Tyranny should be objected to the best King in whose time fewer men suffred death then in any time of like extent throughout all our Kings shewes hellish rage not common impudence In his Raigne of sixteene yeares vntill this abominable Parliament one only Peere of the Kingdome suffered death that not for any provocation or offence against the Kings person but for Crymes of another nature a raritie in the stories of the best Kings and yet so brutish is this man to say that he hath offred at more cunning fetches to vndermine our liberties and put Tyrany into an art then any brittish King before him Wherein should Tirany appeare was there any violence vsed in taking away mens Estates Can they object Covetuousnes or luxury to his late Majest they have not yet pretended it but they would make
of subsidies but voted that the Bill should not come into the house till their greivances were answeared His Majest sent them there vpon severall Messages to hasten them to present the greivances which nothing wrought on them but without any reason after long expectatiō they denyed to have the bil of subsidies brought into the house It s wel known that no Kingdome had lesse greivances then that of England vnder his late Majest And the people were perswaded into an opinion of greivances not by sence of Suffering but the disputes of Pragmaticall Incendiaries and they would have rested quiet had they not been seduced by such Craftsmen and there is no on thing that this breaker can name for a greivance which his Masters that now Lord it do not encrease The first he broke of at his coming to the Crowne for no other cause then to protect the Duke of Buckingham against them who had accused him besides other hainous Crymes of no lesse then poysoning the deceased King his Father This Author takes himselfe not concerned in speaking Truth for the publike Records of the Kingdome and some late declarations of the pretended Parliament would have held his hand from this false assertion if he had valued Truth at the rate of perusing them for the Duke of Buckingham was not at all accused by the first Parliament of the King nor in any Parliament for poysoning the deceased King He might have found that in the second Parliament of the King Among other Articles against the Duke of Buckingham he was accused for a Transcendent Presumption and of dangerous consequence touching Phisicke applyed to the deceased King but the malice of such as hated the Duke of Duckingham did not extend to an accusation of poysoning the deceased King yet the venome of Treason in this Author makes him madd and say that a fact of presumption and of dangerous consequence was a poysoning If such were the wisedome of a house of Parliament to call poysoning of a King a presumption of dangerous consequence neither King nor people neede be troubled to want their Councell This is the first instance though not the first falshood of Iconoclastes but to the matter of what he sajes in that second Parliament wherein in Duke of Buckingham was accused his Majest by Message to the lower house told them he was well pleased they should proceede against the Duke of Buckingham they did accordingly give vp their Articles to the Lords the Duke of Buckingham made his answeare which was sent down to the Commons who being vnable to reply to it such as then swayed the house contrary to the Councell of a greate number of the most experienced amongst them resolved to hinder al proceedings and necessitate the King to a Dissolution of the Parliament This is no secret the journall bookes of that house sufficiently evince it Still the latter breaking was with more affront and indignitie put vpon the house and her worthyest members then the former This appeares not by his subsequent reason but if this breaker had thought either the dissolving of Parliaments or indignitie and affront to members and offence why does he take on him the defence of those that have Ignominiously excluded the whole house of Lords and so many of the Commons and among them some whome he termes the worthiest persons in the Parliament he speakes of but his reasons and narrations are of the same stuffe And if any man compare the affronts and indiginties offered his Majest by some persons in parliament and his proceedings against them he will judge that their provacations exceeded his passion and their owne sufferings In so much that in the fifth yeare of his Raigne in a Proclamation he seemes offended at the very Rumour of a Parliament divulg'd among the people as if he had taken it for a kinde of slander that men should thinke him that way exorable much lesse inclined What strawes this man pickes vp If the King did seeme offended at a factious Rumour doth it follow that he held it a Scandall to act that which was Rumoured Because a King doth forbid Rumours of his intended Actions doth he not therefore intend them And must his Councells be the subject of common Rumour It is a factious practice to spreade a Rumour of a parliament before the King please to declare it and tends to the precipitation of his Councells by sedition But as his premisses are he seemes so his conclusions are as if and men may aswell beleive him on his bare word as such inferences he appearing inexorable to speake Truth or forbeare slander And forbidds it as a presumption to prescribe him any time for Parliaments that is to say eyther by perswasion or petition or so much as the reporting of such a Rumour for other manner of Prescribing was at that time not suspected His Majest therein forbad no more then the law forbidds and accounts it a presumption to Prescribe him any time for Parliaments But such as have destroyed King and Parliament would have it esteemed strange that they should not prescribe what they lift and the breaker that would have the King Prescribed will allow non to Prescribe his now masters His explanation signifies nothing for doth he thinke that the King ought to be petitioned or perswaded by every on that will or that the spreading of a Rumour is a fit meanes to induce him to call a Parliament He endeavours to defame the King for restrayning popular licence and Sedition and when he seekes to confirme the Tyranny of his Masters he reproaches the people with Levitie and violence And the wayes of Prescribing by him mentioned were vnorderly and by him particularised as Plausible not sound other manner of Prescribing was then not Suspected he intends the force of a scotts Army and though he commend that way of Prescribing and attribute the calling of the Parliament to it and accuse the King for resisting it yet he will charge the King with beginning the warr By which feirce Edict the people forbidden to complaine as well as forced to suffer began from thence foorth to despaire of Parliaments The people have now greater cause to dispaire of Parliaments then ever they had in the time of his late Majest for if these men prevaile they are sure never to have more for they professe to introduce a new form of Government which hath nothing of the Parliament of England however the people by seditious practices or false apprehensions despaired of Parliaments that proves nothing of his Majest inclination or aversenes to Parliaments How an edict can be called feirce where no punishment of the breach of it appeares to be denounced nor any severitie ensuing it cannot be imagined but it s well knowne what Titles this Author wil give to any of his Majest Actions respecting only the reproachfullnes of the Termes nor their proportion or congruitie to what they are applyed and whoever lookes on the time while Parliaments were intermitted the
brands that high hand of slander and detraction which this breaker stretches out against him and it will fill posteritie with amazement at the folly of the present age that should take such things for enormities as fines for knighthood Coate conduct and shipmony whereof some of them were scarce felt or observed and the rest easily borne And submit themselves to contributions excises loanes and taxes to which those which he calls enormities hold no proportion But not contented with the false appellations of his Majest Civill Actions he proceedes to defy and reproach his Actions for preservation and defence of his Kingdome and calls it an injurious warr to resist an invading Enemy That the Scotts were entred neere a hundred mile into the Kingdome at the time he mentions he cannot be ignorant and to call the warr injurious on his Majest part cannot come from any that thinkes any thing injurious that Rebells commit or any thing just that Governours command When any Actions are rehearsed of his Majest against the Scotts the Traytours call them vnjust and amplifie their slander with the Circumstance of his native Countrey When the Scotts offer obedience to the King or he concurr with them they decry such Actions in respect they are of his native Countrey thus shifting saying and gainsaying to deceive the people If there any yet remaine that will trust such common Cheates His collection that necessitie and not choice brought the King to call a Parliament followes not from any of his premisses His Majest doth not exclude the necessitie of his affaires from moving him to call the Parliament When he sayes that he called the Parliament not more by necessitie then his owne choice doth he exclude necessitie or affirme his owne choice only without consideration of Circumstances Parliaments ought not to be called but vpon greate occasions and their too often Convention is a burthen not an ease to the people and such was the judgment of the late Parliament at the beginning It is not new that necessities have caused Kings to call Parliaments which yet was never made an Argument to prove their owne vninclinaâ—ion to call a Parliament His descant vpon strong necessities and pangs of state layes open the Treason of these conspiratours that plotted how their Country might pine and languish that so vnnaturall Emperickes might excercise their bloody practice and a mercilesse Tyrany could only be exspected from such as sought their power by their Countreyes sufferings And if his Majest proceedings had been violent they had not produced that necessitie First in Ireland which only was to give him four subsidies and so to expire then in England where his first demaund was but twelue subsidies to maintaine a Scotch warr condemned and abominated by the whole Kingdome promising their greivances should be considered afterwards The Parliament in Ireland he might have knowne was not the first that was called in the nine yeares he mentions but fals hood are so common that mistakes are not worth the observation and if the King had called that Parliament in Ireland to obtaine fower subsidies where had been the fault May not a King call a Parliament to be supplyed But if Iconoclastes had patience to know truth or speake it he might easily have found a greate number of good lawes made in that Parliament to worke a conformitie of that nation to England and he vnseasonably produced this instance of the Parliament of Ireland which so mainely contradicts his assertion for the necessities alone he supposes could not worke the calling of that Parliament where Parliaments had been so frequent before In England where he sayes his Majest first demaund was but twelue subsidies he hath lost his expectation and his Ironicall but hath lost its mirth for he cannot thinke that the people now apprehend twelue subsidies so greate a demaund by the King when they see a farr greater proportion given the Scotch for invading the Kingdome and after such an execrable warr and barbarous prodigalitie their greivance is increast and all that is effected or pretended to be done for them is the Destruction of King and Church and dividing the Estates of both among the Master Rebells vpon whose Arbitrary and vnlimited power they must now depend That these twelue subsidies were demaunded to maintaine Scotch warr hath no colour of truth it being not at al propounded And as it had been a sottish and perverse disposition to have condemned the warr against the Scotts when they were in preparation to invade England so it is as shamelesly said by Iconoclastes that it was condemned and abominated by the whole people Himselfe if a wicked obduration had not made him love lying must have conffessed that the late Earle of Essex though afterward in Rebellion against the King with greate demonstrations of Zeale and affection to his Majest went a Commaunder in that expedition And if we respect the qualitie or number of noble worthy persons that engaged themselves in that first warr our stories have rarely remembred an Army that went into Scotland of greater number of eminent persons so as Iconoclastes hath just cause to condemne and abominate himselfe for the Lewdenes and evidence of this vntruth and if the then Parliament had not been abused by some representing his Majest desires the designes of such as meant to make advantage of the breach of that Parliament had been disappointed and the Calamities ensuing had been prevented And as there were no greivances then in the Kingdome but might admit longer delay of redresse then the publique necessities of supply so his Majest might justly demaund subsidies in the first place with promise to redresse their greivances afterwards And Iconoclastes too late observes the order of that demaund of his late Majest to be amisse when the late Parliament graunted so many subsidies for the Scotts without expectation of any such promise Which when the Parliament who judged that warr it selfe on of their maine greivances made no haste to graunt not enduring the delay of his impatient will or els fearing the conditions of their graunt he breakes of the whole session and dismisses them and their greivances with scorne and frustration That the Parliament judged that warr any of their greivances that never mentioned it in their debates or resolutions is fit for the affirmation of this Author only But if the Parliament had judged that warr one of their maine greivances the rest whereof so greate noyse hath been made will hardly be thought weightie This warr was then newly begun the King had received no supply from the people for the charge past and could this be a maine greivance Wee see at what rate this man makes greivance and to what ordinary accidents he applies his exorbitant expressions The then Parliament would not have been slow in his Majest supply if some false Ministers had not interposed and some seditious persons had not plotted to impose a necessitie vpon his Majest to dissolue the Parliament They had not
and the protection of officers in the exercise of just authoritie against the hatred of frenitique persons The hipocrisie of the schismaticall partie that professed greate tendernes of conscience and greife to see Children whipp a top on a sunday was ridiculous to al sober men yet theis are the motives to embroyle a state That which he calls the superstitious rigour of his sundayes Chappell is noe other then observation of the order of the Church of England which none but the Bedlam Brownist ever called superstitious His Majest Chappell had nothing in the exercise of Devotion but what the lawes of his Predecessours had appointed and this must be his rigour That which he calls his sundayes Theatre it seemes are recreations vpon sundayes and to that he prophanely and scurrilously adds his Dominicall Jiggs Can a Christian that hath respect to the day make Dominicall the matter of his jest but having abused sacred titles to impious Actions they proceede to scoffe with them He intimates a booke published touching recreations wherein his Majest followed the example of his Royall father and the advice of the most learned Divines Judaisme and ridiculous superstition of the hipocriticall sectaries cheifely occasioned that booke both in the time of his Majest and King James Permission of sunday recreations is more agreeable to the doctrine practice of other Churches then the prohibition the pretended tendernes of conscience in the Sectaries appeares as false as frivolous and these Sectaries that make this imaginary rigour and remissenes a foundation to overthrow a Kingdome allow noe limits to their owne rigour and remissenes taking all libertie to themselves denying any to others Why are theis doughty objections made against his Majest when all know it touches not him particularly if it were considerable but his Father queene Elizabeth in whose times recreations of sundayes were more practised then in the time of his Majest by the way we may take notice of his scornefull appellation of his Father James And for the miscarriages in state wee may expect that as the Actions will be by this Author vnfaithfully related soe they will appeare of as litle weight for a ground to those Calumnies which he frames vpon them His Majest disavowed none of these acts till this Parliament and heere seekes to wipe of the envy of his evill Government vpon his substitutes His Majest allwayes disavowed illegall Acts and whatever other mens rigour or remissenes had contracted And must a King satisfie the curiositie malice of all that cast envy on his Government And was there ever a Parliament wherein lawes were not made to expiate the odium contracted When his Majest seekes to take away the occasions of evill in his substitutes he deserves the love and thankes of his people but it is the practice of Rebells to cast the rigour and remissenes of the substitutes vpon the Government His Majest ought not to beare the evill of other mens Actions and his Government wil be glorious to posteritie as it was happy to them that enjoyed it in despight of envy and this Author and such as seeke to wipe of the guilt of this lewde Rebellion by pretences of evill Government which can noe more justifie their fact then provocation a private Duell sufficiently cleere his Majest of their reproaches by the lightnes of these objections and by offering vulgar envy as a reason to destroy the Kingdome He goes on jeering the Kings promises for reforminge Religion as too late and because popular confusions had overtopt reason therefore he concludes their Justice in working mischeife and breaking all the bonds of faith and Religion The purposes which his Majest had for reforminge Religion could not by him be expressed artificiallie to gaine abatement of that violence vnder which he suffered for they are noe other then what he had often proposed in the beginninge of the Parliament and the workes of the dead King lose not their weight because they declare to the world the vnjust vsurpation of his authoritie All his vndertakings heeretofor declared him to have little or no judgment in that worke of Religion This libellers booke declares him to have little conscience of Religion no wonder if schismatickes are so shamles in the contempt of the greatest judgments that differ from them when they acknowledge the authoritie of no person over them and that which Iconoclastes pronounces-heere of the King he will not sticke to determine of all the world besides that agree not with his sect Sectaries are no lesse insolent and cruell then false and fantastique there being not any like excesse in such as attaine to highest preferments in Church or state by ordinary wayes as in those popular seducers presumption being of more force then truth with vulgar spirits and thence this Champion of shismatickes not only vilifies his Majest judgment in Religion but tells the world That his breeding or course of life could not acquaint him with a thing so spirituall The breeding and course of life of this generation of sectaries is not vnknowne and they seeke to supply with impudence what they want of abilitie It were a fault to mention heere his Majest parts learning and pietie and the Scripture which directs vs to try the spirits hath give vs such markes of the false and lying spirits as wee should be much wanting to ourselves if wee could not judge those men that are proud-boasters despisers of Parents despisers of Dominion Traytours faith-breakers to be such as descerne not the things of the spirit though they pretend to them The Reformation they could expect from him must be some politique forme of an imposed Religion or perpetuall vexation to such as comply not with that forme And let all the Churches that professe the name of Christ through the world be produced and there is none of them but have a forme of Religion which this libeller heere calls politicke and an imposed Religion and the observation of such formes are in all Churches exacted with some penalties and heereby all men may see that wee have not to doe with a confined Rebell that hath only disaffection to the Government of the place where he lives but one that accuses all Churches but his owne Conventicle to have litle ore no judgment in Religion and not acquainted with a thing so spirituall for the ground of this reproach is from his Majest resolution to vse formes in the publique duties of Religion in the Church The like amendment he sayes he promises in state not a step further then his reason and conscience told him was fiâ—t to be destred wishing he had kept with in those bounds and not suffered his owne judgment to have been overborne in some things And this he sayes is to set vp an Arbitrary Government all Brittany to be chained to the conscience judgment and reason of one man as if those guifts were entayled vpon him with his Fortune to be a King Wee know not the Misteries
of this mans Religion otherwise we might demaund of him why the King should goe further then his reason and conscience directed him and why the libeller his Mates should hould it lawfull for them to spurne at al lawes both in Church and state vpon pretence of their reason and conscience against them he cannot deny to have done this they should doe well to shew how the King may goe against his reason conscience Is it intayled vpon him with his Fortune as a King to have lesse priviledge then they must he renounce his owne reason and conscience to the advice of a Parliament And must they controll him and the Parliament Surely the King must give an account to God for the Talents he hath lent him But how can the breaker conclude from the Kings forbearance of Acts wherein he is vnsatisfied in his conscience that is to set vp an Arbitrary Government when as nothing is introduced And why must not all Brittaine be chained to the judgment reason and conscience of the King as well as all Israell Gods owne peculiar people and not only all Brittaine but the whole world are Chained to the reason judgment and conscience of their Rulers be they one or many And the seducers would perswade vs that Brittaine could not be happy vnles it were reduced to its ancyent barbaritie and governed by a multitude of Kings Religions God had promised peculiar assistance to Kings and Commaunds the peoples obedience to them the miseries of the Kingdome many be imputed in a greate part to what his Majest observed that he had suffered his owne judgment to be overborne in some things A Tyrant may make this pretence and it were in vaine for any Parliament to have reason judgment or conscience if it thwarted the Kings will It were much more tollerable for a Tyrant to pretend conscience in governing then for a people to pretend conscience in rebelling and this libeller hath reprehended the peoples levitie and violence so sharpely as he cannot if he pretend reason subject the reason judgment and conscience of the Rulers to the controll of the subjects Because Tyrants may pretend conscience therefore by good logicque no King may vse it and because some Kings may not rightly governe therefore he will have the right judgment in the people which he so much despises and which as it hath been the meanes of the Rebells present power so it hath been in all ages the cause of confusion and miserie to states and Kingdomes The reason judgment and conscience of a Parliament is not therefore in vaine because not infallible it is most probable that a King will follow the best Councell but it cannot be presumed that in Parliaments the greater-part will continue subjects if they may be Kings by saying they wil be and it was the wisedome of our Ancestours that would have no lawes made without the will of their King and they never trusted such as they chose further then to present their desires and offer their Councell vnto him and consent to what should be ordeyned by him with advice of the Lords it were in vaine to have a King if he were not impowred to judge of Councells or if lawes might be obtruded vpon him and the people without him The present Calamities testifie how vnhappily and absurdly a Parliament seekes to Commaund whose office is to Councell and pretend Councell vseles vnles they may deprive him whome they advise of the benifit of Councell taking away his power to vse it To what end doe they Councell if there be none to be Councelled but all to be commaunded That thus these promises made vpon experience of hard sufferings and his most mortified retirements being thorowly sifted containe nothing much different from his former practices His Majest expressions being thorowly sifted containe nothing in them but pious and Princely considerations and from libellers owne mouth all men may see that his Majest practices against which they maliciously exclaime were consonant to Religion and Justice and only opposite to Trayterous and schismaticall licence It was the libellers profession to parrallell his Majest faire spoken words as he calls them to his owne farr different Actions and now his words and deedes being sifted by malice it selfe are not much different the libeller is some what ingenuous to discover his owne vanitie and falshood He leaves it to prudent foresight what fruites in likelyhood his Majest restorement would have produced We have seene already the fruites of the inhumane cruelties exercised vpon him and the continuance and encrease of those abominable impieties that attend such Actions where of the libeller makes a large profession who confidently obtrudes lavish lyes for knowne truths petulant insolence for sober sense maximes of villany for sound Arguments which are the bitter fruites of disobedience and Rebellion To that part of the section which he calls the devout of it and modelled into the forme of a private Psalter he objects nothing but his spleene that it is not to be admired more then the Arch-Bishopps late Breviary and other manualls and handmaides of Devotion and these he calls the lip worke of every Prelaticall leiturgist quilted out of Scripture Phrase with as much ease and as litle neede of Christian diligence or judgment as belongs to the compiling of any ordinary saleable peece of English Divinitie that the shopps value The Authors of leiturgies and helpes to devotion have their memory blessed by the benifit which many devout soules have acknowledged to have received from their labours and the crueltie which bloody Rebells exercised on the person of the late Arch-bishopp and their other barbarismes towards the Prelates to please that kennell by whome they acted their Rebellion hath satisfied the world of the nature of Sectaries of whose bloody disposition many by sheepes-clothing were much deceived Quilting of Scripture Phrase was wont to be the prayse of their long winded Lecturers who vsed it more for sound then sense but it seemes their spirit is changed The libeller will hardly gett credit vnles with those for whose sake he doth not professe to write that is his wise and well principled men the Sectaries if he affirme that there is more neede of Christian diligence in the bold and extempore bablinge of their senseles zealots then the compiling of those Leiturgies and Manualls he mentions And such as have observed the presumption of this rabble in their prayers will beleive they hate diligence as much as they want judgment Why English or saleable should dininish the esteeme of Divinitie is not vnderstood but becaused they are common termes he would have his readers vnderstand that they signifie nothing but common matter and he expects that some will thinke English and saleable Divinitie of no regard though they vnderstand no other But he proceedes such a kinde of Psalmastry or other verball devotion without suteable deedes cannot perswade any of Zeale and righteousnes in the person
all men see that in all places of Government much is left Arbitrary to the Governour and it was evident to the world that the Earle of strafford did nothing in an Arbitrary manner without President of his Predecessours and the Judges in Courts of equitie might be aswell made Cryminall for proceeding in an Arbitrary manner as he That he had endeavoured to subvert fundamentall lawes was a supposition not a fact and if the Image breaker looke over the Articles where with he was charged at his Tryall he will finde nothing of such a Cryme To subvert Parliaments and incense the King against them was not as much as vrged against him as his Tryall that Article being declined by his accusers in regard of knowne falshood and that the Earle of strafford advised the King to call the former Parliament That he had endeavoured to make histolitie betweene England and scotland was a legend devised for vulgar temper not rationall consideration for both Kingdomes being vnder one King they must be Rebells in either Kingdome that make warr against one another without him and what dreamer can fancy that any Minister of state that were affected to the Kings designes as this libeller supposes the Earle of strafford to be would stirr vp hostilitie betweene the nations They have not yet adventured to charge the Earle of strafford with stirring vp the scotch hostilitie and if he endeavoured to resist them is that to make hostolitie be tweene the nations It hath been the practice of these Rebells to stile men incendiaries and malignants that opposed their Rebellion and such evill Counsellours that advised any course to prevent their attemps and the following confusion but though this vaine delusion were cast abroade among the people it was never offred as a charge against the Earle That he had councelled the King to call over that Irish Army of Papists which be had ounningly raysed to reduce England as appeared by good Testimony then present at the consultation is vnseasonably remembred by the libeller after those Rebells whome he serves have severall times drawne in forraigne Armies into England reduced the nation to serve an vsurped power set vp an Arbitrary Government subverted the fundamentall lawes and destroyed both King and Parliament It may astonish Knowing men to reade this Author objecting Capitall offences to the Earle of strafford and numbring vp for instance the same Actions himselfe desends soe as it cannot be an humane errour but hellish-fury that hurles him into such mad contradictions and its worth the observing that to this particular he adds as appeared by good Testimony then present at the consultation well Knowing that the Testimony was not only single but subject to most just and apparent exception in regard of knowne enmitie and former prevarication in severall examinations vpon oath and it no way helpes a false Testimonie that he knew the truth or that he was present at a fact whereof he makes an vntrue relation and if the Earle of strafford had councelled the King to make vse of the Jrish Army in either Kingdome in case of Rebellion how comes that to be an offence though that was not the truth that he spake of England nor the Army raysed against England and is it a commendable cunning to rayse an Army against a Rebellion His reference to 28 Articles directs vs how to know that he trusts on number more then weight and those Articles remaine a Testimonie to posteritie of the ridiculous pretences which effected such mischeife He sayth the Commons by farr the greater number-cast him and yet is so absurdly impudent to charge the King with singularitie of conscience and alledge presently a part of the lower-house of the same opinion The Lords he sayth after they had been satisfied in a full discourse by the Kings solicitour and the opinions of many Iudges delivered in their house agreed likewise to the sentence of Treason Those Lords that condemned the Earle of strafford might be satisfied by terrour of the Tumults and their owne corrupt passions never by law nor reason It s well knowne that the Lords and Commons were assaulted and threatned by the vnruly rabble of the Citie and Suburbs if they condemned him not they had not freedome in their coming or going to the house or sitting there There was no one judge that gave his opinion for the sentence against him and the Sollicitours discourse was very strong against the present Rebells wholy impertinent to the case of the Earle of strafford and shewed his owne deceite and the sottishnes of them that relyed on what they vnderstood not Diverse lords for sooke the house having not libertie to be present soe farr were the lords from being satisfied That which he calls a sentence of Treason was an act of power it being a Bill to take away his life but an exception of all men els from being proceeded against for the same matters in ordinary Justice and this very Action soe scandalous in it selfe and soe greivous to many that consented to it must be dreft out with a shamelesse commendation to accuse the King for his repentance of a fact which soe much afflicted him That the people vniversally cryed for justice is noe wonder if we consider former examples and the had a President in the people of the Iewes that cryed Crucifie If we beleive this libeller telling vs how light and violent they are in their motions or if we looke vpon the acts of a powerfull faction then prevayling with them that could easily make them cry what was put in their mouth we may easily judge the injustice of their cry and their ignorance of the cause and a sober author would have hated to borrow an Argument of Justice from popular outcryes which are the most evident proofe of injustice and oppression of innocence He sayes none were his friends but Courtiers and Clergimen the worst at that time and most corrupted sort of men Court ladies not the best of women His fer friends and many Enemies render the proceedings against him more then suspected and men may easily beleive that in such a condition furie was the accuser and malice and cowardise the judge The confining his friends to Court and Church is the effect of the libellers engagement of schisme and Rebellion who holds such loyaltie and affection to the King and conscientious reverence to the Church for the markes of greate offenders If multitude of Ennemies be a Testimony of guilt the best men will become the worst of sinners But having noe friends as he sayes it adds much to the right of his cause that soe many who were neither Courtiers nor Clergymen nor any way obliged by him or the Court should in discharge of their conscienc declare their dissent to that bloody law though they were thereby objected to popular fury His impertinent rayling at Courtiers and Clergymen argues his malice not Cryme in them His mention of Court ladies was for want of matter and their activitie
in state affaires belongs not to this occasion The King declared to both houses that not feares or respects what so ever should make him alter that resolution founded vpon his conscience and sayes either then his resolution was not founded vpon his conscience or his conscience recieved better information or both strucke sayle for within few dayes after fower of his Bishopps pickt the thorne out of his conscience and he was perswaded to figne the Bill Men that are sincere often fall but such never have consciencie nor sinceritie that jeere at it and make the falls of men and their wounds of conscience matter of their mirth Though his Majest did that which he had formerly professed to be against his conscience could he not repent of that frailetie of falling from his resolution Or might he not afterwards discover the errours of those reasons that induced him to it If feares were any motive to what he did the curse lies on them that caused it and on them that reproach him with it Poets have not fancied a higher degree of wickednes in fends of hel then in their malitious glory of compelling others to sin and reproaching their repentance for sin Experience hath represented his Majest fortitude and that not his personall feares but his apprehension of the Kingdomes miserie wrought most on his passion and wee cannot finde Parallell expressions to those of this libeller in his Scoffes at conscience and picking the thorne out of it vnles amongst those desperate and prophane Atheists that make it the highest pitch of wit to render things sacred most ridiculous Perhapps it wrung his conscience to condemne the Earle not because he thought him guiltles had halfe these Crymes been committed against his personall interest as appeared by his charge against the six members but because he was principall and the Earle but accessory and thought nothing Treason against the Common wealth but against himselfe only Playing with conscience he cannot part with whose owne is insensible In those particulars he hath rehearsed against the Earle of Strafford no one of them could be charged vpon the King and the nature of most of the Articles coud not admit a supposition of the Kings activitie in them The charge against the six members conteyned matter of direct Treason against knowne lawes his Majest cannot be supposed to thinke the Earle of Strafford guiltie because he charged the six members which some offences laid to the charge of the Earle of Strafford but never proved yet it was an infamous injustice of them that so violently proceeded against the Earle of Strafford and would not admitt an accusation for the same offences against others If his Majest thought that noe Treason could be committed but against himselfe he thought no otherwise then the law hath provided the accusers of the Earle of Strafford maintained at his Tryall And the libeller must checke himsefle for his imagination of Treason against the Common wealth which had not a being vnles he will make a Treason by Prophesie antedate his ordinance He well knowes England was a Monarchy and that his Masters professe the change of it into a supposed free state Their Traytours that would imagine some Treason against the King are come to affirme that there are no Treasons against the King for they are sure they have committed all that concerne his person His impertinency is very tedious in demaunding why the King should seeme satisfied to signe the Bill by those Iudges and Ghostly Fathers as he calls them of his owne chusing and now pretend that it was the importunities of some and feare of others made him signe He does not produce any Testimony that the King professed himselfe satisfied or had he been satisfied it was no barr to his future information repentance but an instance can hardly be produced that ever any mans repentance of a knowne fact was traduced or scorn'd by any before this libeller he might aswel jeere at many famous saints and Martyrs that fell from their resolutions and after recovered as at his Majest And the picking out of his thorne striking sayle to his feare and a fleeting conscience may vpon the same grounds be the most eminent penitents in the Church of God To make his Calumnies sticke he sayes That his Majest ensuing Actions declare he could dissemble satisfaction for that he had the cheife hand in a conspiracie against the Parliament and Kingdome How the King could conspire against his Kingdome or what should be his end is not intelligible when a King is traduced by Rebells for a conspiracy against the Parliament and Kingdome no men of common reason can receive such a palpable fiction but this greate conspiracy which he sayes came to light by the examinations of Percy Goring and others was to rescue the Earle of Strafford by seizing the tower of Londen to bring vp the English Army from the north joynd with eight thousand Irish Papists rays'd by Strafford a french Army to be landed at Portsmouth against the Parliament and their friends And where is the offence in all this if it were true and a powerfull faction assume the name of Parliament No wise man will blame the King if he had done such an Action to prevent the miseries which he foresaw and the Designes that were plotted against him but this story is now stale though it then served the turne to distemper the people The examinations which he speakes of doe not yet charge the King with the knowledge of this designe but the readers of Iconoclastes must be of miraculous stupiditie if they thinke it a Cryme in the King to intend the bringing vp of his Army from the north or any other force and thinke it lawfull for the Rebells against him to bring vp their Army against the Parliament and plucke them out of the house Was not the Tower of London allwayes in the Kings possession and might he not make it good against Traytours For which purpose he sayes the King though requested by both houses refused to disband those Irish Papists Though there were many reasons why his Majest refused to disband the Irish and the request of the houses were a vote constrained by Tumults not the result of a free debate yet had it been so that his Majest had refused to disband them to prevent the plots of the Trayterous faction in Parliament he had just reason to doe it And as the Religion men professe though true doth not priviledge them from offending though they are thereby a scandall to their profession So Irish Papists or any others of contrary Religion may be imployed against such as have stained their profession by such Actions These Rebels sought shelter from their Religion for their Treason perswaded the people of their sinceritie because Papists fought against them but it was in truth their infamy that gave the reason and the frequent repetition of Irish Papists shewes that it is a stale to misleade the
from any of his Courts or Counsells and why he might not aswell come to the lower house as to the higher and speake to the Commons in their owne aswell as send for them to the higher house or els where as was both law Custome And as no priviledge of Parliament doth extend to Treason but that a Conestable may apprehend any member of that house being accused of that Cryme so why the King should be forbidden to come to the house to cause Traytours to be apprehended none but Traytours will finde a cause but heere he sayes he represents it fraudulently We have found already it hath been fraudulently expressed by the libeller He sayes the King would make some benificall vse of his worst Actions And surely his Actions which were most charged with guilt appeare just and shame his accusers These men meaning his friends knew not the just motives and pregnant grounds with which I thought my selfe furnished To these words of his Majest which he hath interlaced with meaning his friends he sayes his best friends knew not nor ever could know and it would have tended to his justifying to have named them in this place and to shew his owne impertinence the next words he cites of his Majest are that he had discovered as he thought vnlawfull Correspondencies which they had vsed and engagements to imbroyle his Kingdomes What more would he have had in this place But he sayes suppose them reall and knowne what was this to that violation and dishonour putt vpon the inhole house whose doore was forcibly kept open all passages neere it besett with swords pistolls cockt menc'd in the hands of about three hundred swaggerers and Ruffians who but expected nay audibly called for the word of onsett to begin a slaughter But suppose them reall was it not a matter of more importance to apprehend such conspiratours then to omitt the opening the doore of the house of Commons Is it a dishonour to have Traytours taken from them There neede not any answeare to his pretended tendernes of the house that approves such open violence against them with Pikes and Musketts but reproves swords and Pistolls Doth not he thinke that all men looke vpon him as a common prostitute that vses such aggravations of a cause which himselfe defends though accompanied with outrage and violence A word of onset to begin a slaughter could never be expected by such an inconsiderable number armed only with swords and pistolls a strange preparation for a Massacre but there are men apt to be disordred by any rumours of danger and some are willing to have a pretence for vnwarrantable Actions thence proceede these onsets in the ayre He would willingly perswade the Rebell rowte that whatever the King may doe for the securing of himselfe Kingdome Rebells may doe to destroy him and vsurpe his Kingdome and therefore to that which his Majest sayes of the correspondencies and engagements which the accused members vsed to imbroyl his Kingdomes the Libeller answeares that he remembers not his owne conspiracies with the Irish and. French English and scotch Army to come against the Parliament the least of which attempts by whomesoever he sayes was no lesse then manifest Treason against the Common whealth To imagine a Monarchy and Commonwealth or Republique in the same state can enter into none that vnderstand eyther nor that a King can commit Treason with his subjects or against them Kings have been charged with Tyrany never with Treason till those brutish vndertakers If there had been any law to make such a Treason this libeller would never have added the word manifest for t is a sure Rule with him to add most vehement asseverations where he knowes there is no colour of truth He well knowes how carefull the people of England were that Treason should not be made Arbitrary and therefore they were confined into one positive law and in that law this Author findes not his fantasticall Treason Can any but mad men dreame that when the priviledge of Parliament extends not to Treason that they cannot committ Treason It s Treason by the law to leavy warr against the King and that this libellers Masters have acknowledged and can he finde it consistent in the same Government that there can be Treason in the King to leavy warr against the Parliament and because a King may have confederations and Alliances with Forraigne Princes can subjects have so too These are not the opinions but the Stratagems of Rebels The people of England are bound to assist their King against any without distinction and the law hath provided for their indemnitie though the King miscarry but lawes are chaffe when Rebells Raigne The particulars he mentions if they had been reall on his Majest part as they are only imaginary the Actions of the Rebells have given Testimonie to their Justice and necessitie To demaund Iustice against the five members there needed not so rough assistance But the successe tells vs there needed more for these members were guarded with an Army and a fleete and insteed of being committed on such an accusation which themselves resolved could not be denyed by law they protected them against law If he had resolved meaning the King to beare that repulse with patience wherefore did he provide against it with such an armed and vnusuall force Is a Kings guard any vnusuall force and though he resolved to beare a repulse with patience he could not resolve to tempt the malice and insolence of those that wayted but opportunitie to destroy him But had he provided any force to secure himselfe against insolence does that condradict his bearing the repulse with patience and heere the libeller casts away his Argument that he may vse his scurrilitie that the Kings heart served him not for such a desperate Scuffle Soe the greate hostilitie and provisions for a Massacre is come to noe more then to have hazarded a desperate Scuffle with the vnarmed house of Commons The Kings heart served him for the highest hazards where he held his courses just and honourable but it never served him to act such violences as these Rebells have fayned he intended There were two statutes that declared he ought first to have acquainted the Parliament who were the accusers These statutes this Author nor any man els ever read and if there had been such statutes that men ought not to be accused before the Parliament be acquainted who were the Accusers they were much to blame that committed so many for Treason without any Accusers and that these two statutes should never be practised or knowne before now How comes it that the King nor his Attorney generall can accuse a man of high Treason when the meanest subject of the Kingdome may doe it It s well knowne that the house of Commons vpon the word of MR. Pym without the least knowledge of the fact or any accuser or witnes charged the Earle of Strafford of high Treason where were these
prosecution vpon the cleerest evidence that could be produced It is the Method of the false Sectaries to insinuate an opinion of their vertue by rigid censures of others whereby they draw men from observation of their owne lewdenes offensive to sobrietie and thence the libeller calls his Majest guard the spawne and shipwracke of Tavernes Such as were of his Majest guard may no thinke to escape these hipocrites thinke to hide their blood guiltines pride robbery perjury oppression by reproaching their Enemies with Stewes and Tavernes The principall zealotts of this Rebellion were the tags and raggs of the people who were glad to heare voluptuous living and riott objected to the Kings partie that they might compare their beggery and base condition before other mens vices whether true or fayned If the house of Commons declar'd that the comming of those Soudiers Papists and others with the King was to take away some of their members and in case of opposition or denyall to have falne vpon the house in a hostile manner they shewed themselves men of as litle creditt as this Author for the world knowes that they neither had nor pretended proofe of such a purpose their declarations in that kinde are no truer then their professions of loyaltie If the house had denyed their members and opposed was it lesse then Treason He inferrs from the Kings profession if he purposed any violence or oppression against the innocent then let the Enemy persecute my soule treade my life to the ground lay my honour in the dusi that God hath judged and done according to the verdict of his owne mouth The king well knew his Enemy persecuted his soule when he wrote this and that he was in the hands of those that would take away his life but assassination was noe proofe of his guilt nor of Gods judgment of his cause and these words vsed by the prophett and him are not an imprecation for tryall but a deprecation of the offence and it was not to satisfie men but to acknowledge his judgment of the Cryme to God The kings partie are assured that the proceedings against him were odious to God man and this Action touching the members was noe other then necessary Justice and there appeares not any purpose of violence or oppression of the innocent and in vaine doe murderers seeke to shelter themselves from the guilt of their impieties by pretending Gods secret Counsells The sinceritie of his Majest heart is noe lesse manifest because he sell into the hands of wicked men who cannott treade his honour in the dust which outluies their fury and though they murthered him his life is with the Lord and their infamy endles God will bring their wickednes vpon their owne heads in his due time The Kings admirers may see their madnes to mistake this booke But all men see his madnes to traduce the booke and to prophane and prostitute all things sacred to his lewde detractions who sayes it is his doomesday booke not like that of William the Norman his Predecessour Thus making the common appellation of the greate day of the Lord an inducement to vilifie the kingly office which must be a day of wrath to such mockers as aske where is the promise of his comminge which did theis Traytours expect they would not proceede soe presumptuously in their wickednes and compile a booke of it against that day The Admirers of the kings booke are noe white mistaken but they see the breaker very much mistaken in his coufidence that thinkes all men madd because himselfe is soe and they were madd indeede if they received his sense or saw not that only rage art the excellency of the kings Booke not right vnderstanding made him seeke these silly objections and face them with such ostentation Vpon the INSOLENCIE Of the TUMULTS HE must confesse to have heere a neate and well couch'd invective against Tumults which surely ought not to be answeared with a impudent defence of them The misfortunes of Princes are the mirth of Rebells and therefore he sayes Rehoboam the son of Solomon could not have compofed a better It was not only the son of Solomon but his Father David and himselfe too that felt the fury and danger of Rebells and Rehoboams misfortune doth not mittigate the sinfull Revolt of the ten Tribes which the Scripture calls Rebellion and this Author scoffing at his baste to escape their fury shewes how affectionate he is Rebellion That the Tumults at whitchall were not soe dangerous at these at sechem he cannot affirme for those Tumults at whitehall have produced greater impieties and Calamities then those at sechem and those Tumults have since felt the scourge of their violence as those at sechem soone did their revolt being punisht by God who gave them a King in his rage that brought in Idolatry with their Rebellion which after many sore afflictions at last rooted them out of their land and they ceased to be a people He would insinuate that because this is a neate invective therefore the Kings Houshold Rhetorician made it but this hath as litle credit as his exceptions have truth or weight That the matter considerable is whether these were Tumults or noe next if they were whether the King himselfe did not cause them Doubtles he would not have it beleived that there could be any Tumults nor any Rebellion against him for if there could be any he knowes themselves have committed it The knowne lawes allow noe causes of Tumults from provocation for it soe tumults may judge of lawes and law makers as these defended tumults presumed to doe His first cause is the Kings unwillingnes to call the Parliament but theis tumults were after a parliament called His not enduring to be overswayed by them Were this a cause of Tumult or Rebelliō ther would never be cause wanting of such disorders in any kingdome or state when the Councells of kings must be subject to vulgar appeales Tumults must reforme the kings Judgment His often repeated imposture of the Kings tempting the English or scotch Armyes is grossely introduced for a cause of the Tumults when the Tumults preceded these suppositions and we may see what causes this man will have of Tumults that will make subsequent Actions the grounds of them The profering the fower northerne Counties to the scotts was an invention as ridiculous as the Authors commendation of an honest discovery of a thing never acted He formerly spake of Timpanies and Queene Maries cushion which might have caused him to have forborne such a grosse and exploded a forgery That the Parliament or people descerned a malignant partie was no other then the artifice of the conspiratours in Parliament to devise names which the people vnderstood not and suggest terrours to them from things that had not entred into their thoughts and of that nature was this name of malignant-faction brought foorth by the Junto to amuse the people but he might well remember that not
as much as the name of malignant partie was hatch'd when the Tumults begun The Rebellion in Ireland was then broken out which was not till neere six moneths after the insolence of the Tumults began and that Rebellion in all probabilitie tooke example and encouragement from these Tumults The 〈◊〉 conspiracie of Scotland while the King was 〈…〉 of a peece the 〈◊〉 having preceeded the Kings journey thither that conspiracie 〈◊〉 knowes vanis he into ayre could give noe more occasion of Tumults then of this Authors remembrance That 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of unknown persons 〈…〉 the Citie was as vnknowne to such as were then 〈◊〉 as the persons to this Author and as such resort is knowne to be noe cause of such Tumults The King being returned from Scotland dismisses that guard which the Parliament thought necessary in the middest of soe many dangers to have about them It s true the conspiratours in Parliament eyther from the guilt of their consciences or advantage to their plots pretended apprehension of danger that they might have a guard which they might make vse of to excoute their designes and affront the members of the house that refused to cuncurr to their plotts and therefore noe guard pleased them but such as were composed cheifely of such persons as made vp the Tumults The King dismissed the guard which the Parliament thought necessary put in another contrary to the priviledge of that high Court and by such a one commaunded as made them noe lesse doubtfull of the guard it selfe It s very likely that they had as litle doubt of danger from any other as from the guard for they sought to create dangers to others feared none to themselves but from their owne guilt It s well knowne there was not the least appearance of danger but from what that faction intended and such desire of a guard was noe lesse vnknowne then ridiculous to all former Parliaments and it was soe farr from being a priviledge to that high Court that the leaders of the faction in the lower house procured a vote to desire it of the king And how could it be contrary to the priviledge of that high Court for him to change the guards that had first placed them The guard which the king appointed was commaunded by the cheife officer of that guard and because he gave commaund to keepe of the Tumults therefore the Rebell faction concluded their busnies could not be done by such a guard nor such a Commaunder Which they therefore sayes he discharge deeming it more safe to fitt free though without a guard in open danger then enclosed with a suspected safetie And in what safetie sate they that were threatned and abused by those Tumults every day The visible cause of a guard was the Tumults but the cause why guards were desired was to act the same for which the Tumults were raysed and the danger pretended was a deceite for they that desired a guard would rather be without one then not have a Commaunder of their owne faction and the houses found noe inconvenience in the want of a guard but in the insolencie of the Tumults which the seditious faction invited would not have them hindred by any guards The people therefore least their worthyest and most faithfull Patriotts who had exposed themselves for the publique and whome they saw now left naked should want aide or he deserted in the middest of these dangers came in multitudes though vnarmd in wittnes their fidelitie and readines in case of any violence offred to the Parliament It hath been aldeady observed that these Tumults preceded the desire of guards and they were soe farr from being acceptable to the Parliament that the house of Lords desired their restraint and invited the lower house to concurre with them to suppresse these Tumults and though the factions partie withstood the motion yet it was thought necessary by a greate part of that house to joyne with the Lords in that desire And how could they wittnes their fidelitie to the Parliament when soe greate a part thought them a greivance And why did they menace and assault the members of both houses Why did they prescribe resolutions to the Parliament and in case their demaunds were not graunted denounce to rout to the opposers Is this fidelitie to the Parliament This Author neede not seeke such bliede excuses for Tumults that justifies open Treason noe doubt those his faithfull Patriots well-vnderstood that their greatest danger was from the law which they had violated and they would be secure by subverting it and engaging multitudes in their owne guilt The king had reason to send into the Citie to for bid such resorts and nothing but sedition could encourage or permit them The supposition of the kings inâ—ying to see the peoples love devolved on mother object shewes that Rebellious inclinations were the desire and strength of the leaders in the lower house the envying may be properly changed into indignation that subjects should breake their dutie and become workers of their owne miserie such Tumultuous licence had not soe much probabilitle to hinder any action of the King towards the Parliament as to ruine the Parliament kingdome The faction feared not any action of his Majest but endeavoured to promote their owne designes against him He is now come to tells vs some reasons why the Parliament petitioned the king for a guard after they were content to sit without one and while be maintanies a power in his imaginary Parliament to murther the king he presents them petitioning the king for a guard and their words which he will not take notice of are worth observing The Knights Citizens and Burgesses of the house of Commons your faithfull and loyall subjects who are ready to lay downe their lives and fortunes and spend the last dropp of their blood to maintaine your Crowne and royall person in greatnes and glory doe oust themselves downe at your Royall feete with such elaborate deceites did they hope to perswade the king to give them a guard to oppresse himselfe Their subsequent actions have been a full Comment vpon theise wicked dissimulations and their false professions convince the present shamelesse challenges of power in theis that thus addresse themselves That blood was drawne in a fray or two at the Court gate and even at their owne gate in Westminster hall Are not these proper motives for a Parliament to call for guards A Constable of a Parish might more reasonably set a guard about his house after the parting of a fray then the Parliament seeke for an armed guard vpon such an occasion If the tumults were soe seditious as to shew their insolencie at the gate of white hall or Westminster hall and any of them were wounded in such disorderly resorts it had been just and necessary to forbid their comming in such numbers and provoking such danger and their continuance is a mainfest signe that these tumults were not the voluntary motion of the people
but the instigation of the factious partie in Parliament That it was reasonable and just for the Parliament to make choise of their owne guards and Commaunder will only appeare to such as had trayterous plotts against the King and the choice that they made of the Earle of Essex shewes by their after imployment and his ensuing Actions that the King had just reason for the refusall and though this Author thinke that he hath said somewhat by naming him the Kings owne Chamberlaine yet all men see that these obligations which the King had put vpon that Earle could not with hold him from being a leader to the mad multitude against King and Kingdome It is the right of inferious Courts to make choice of their owne guards which is vtterly false but can he tell that ever an inferiour Court vndertooke to be guarded by a Militia or that ever they had other guards then from Constables and inferiour officers whome they might require to keepe the peace and doe their dutie and noe Court could ever make choice of any guard either for number or Commaunder He sayes that why the King refused the guard desired the next day made mainfest for then be came to blocke vp or assault the house of Commons It soone appeared wherefore they desired a guard to protect Traytours destroy the King That the King came to blocke vp or assault the libelles hath already confessed to be false for he did it not when it was in his power if he had refused a guard for that reason he would have performed it it s impertinently alleadged for the cause of those tumults when he hath shewed that those tumults were begun long before for he lately to vs of the blood drawne at the gate of white hall and Westminster hall which himselfe knowes was in the tumults He proceedes to say that he had begun to fortifie his Court and entertained armed men How absurdly doth he produce any acts of his Majest which were occasioned by the tumults to be causes of the tumults fortifying his Court and entertaining armed men there was good cause for and what could it signifie that the King fortified his owne house But an apprehension of danger And how could it offend any vnles such as were disaffected to his safetie He sayes these men soe entertained standing at his Pallace gate reviled and with drawne swords wonnded many of the people as they passed by in a peaceable manner whereof some died His owne relation makes it more then probable that such as were wounded gave the occasion of the hurt they had for they were not drawne to the Palace gate and might have quietly passed by though any of his Maj Servants stood at the gate the truth is they dayly provoked his Maj with insolent menacinge words Actions enforced such as guarded the Court to repel them with force if they were reviled they gave the provocation by their seditious carriage these armed men are now come to drawne swords there being no armes found by this Author but swords wherewith the persons vsually walked which were necessarily drawne against that rowt The passing by a multitude though neither to St. Georges feast nor to a tilting of it selfe was no Tumult The expression of their loyaltie and stedfastnes to the Parliament whose lives they doubted to be in danger was noe Tumult but wherefore should such a multitude resort that had nothing to see vnles they were tumults If a multitude of people either at St. Georges feast or a tilting should threaten the King or with violence presse into his Court and reproach and assualt such as they found there this would be a tumult somewhat more but this was not al these tumults acted they assaulted the members of both houses neere their doores they threatned them that consented not to what they would have they prescribed to the King and both houses what they should doe doth this triviall discourser make no difference betweene such Actions that are the most pernitious disorders in states the comming of a multitude to see a tilting If the purpose of such multitudes had been preservation of the lives or safeties of any members in Parliament it was very vnsuteable to their pretence to enquire into the proceedings of the houses assualt menace the members The loyaltie which he sayes they bare to the Parliament was il exprest by breaking the priviledges wronging the members their loyaltie was due to their King in the first place they owed nothing to the Parliament but as their Kings Court Councel but the Author thinkes fit they should breake their sworne loyaltie to their King to maintaine a faction agianst him If it grew to be so the cause was in the King his retinue who by hostile preparations and actuall assailing the people gave just cause to defend themselves can himselfe believe this dreame of his when he reades it over that the kings preparations against the tumults after a long continved insolence against him should more excuse them for encreasing their violence them justifie their first attempts Neede they come to white hall or Westminster to defend themselves but their disorderly absurd pretences are fit Apologies for a tumultuous rowt These petitioning people needed not have been so formidable to any but to such whose consciences misgave them how il they had deserved of the people and doe non forbid such petitioning people but those whose consciences misgave them how il they had deserved of the people why then were the kentish petitioners and other soe roughly handled comming vnarmed more peaceably then these Tumults And doe the libellers Masters permitt such petitioning people at present vnles it be some of their owne suborning And are the people which he soe lately described to to be exorbitant and excessive in their motions become such exact judges of al mens meritt and determine of punishment without respect to their Rulers If the libeller would have shewen what these Tumults wanted to make them Cryminall and wherefore other Tumults were condemned he would have found meanes to have come to himselfe have sayd that Tumults were necessary Preparations to Rebellion That the King was soe Emphaticall and elaborate on this Theame will redound lesse perhapps them he was aware to the commend ation of his Government for in good Governments they happen seldomest and rise not without couse It is more then perhapps that this libellers commendation of the Tumults will condemne his defence If Tumults never happen without cause we must accuse the best Governments of giving that cause we are sure Davids Government wanted them not but Absolon and Sheba shall condemne the man after Gods owne heart Did this libeller thinke any truth in scripture or was he at all acquainted with it that will have a just cause for all Tumuls when we reade soe many against Moyses by the children of Israell And it he had pleased to
King sayes They forbore not rude deportments contemptuous words and Actions to himselfe and his Court. And to this the libeller sayes It was not wonder having heard what treacherous hostilitie he had designed against the Citie and his whole Kingdome that they forbore to handle him as people in their rage have handled Tyrants heere to fore for lesse offences The supplicating and petitioning people may vse rude deportments contemptuous words and actions To what purpose hath he minced his Tumults into supplicating petitioning people when he defends their highest violence The King design'd Treacherous hostilitie against the Cittie and Kingdome The last thoughts that madd men had before their destraction run most in their fancie in the time of their frensie and these Traytours having lost all reason inculate still those ridiculous fraudes wherewith at first they seduced the people The designes of Treacherous hostilitie was one of the Ceremonies which its now time to give over Who but an Idiot can beleive that the King can have Treacherous designes against his Kingdome whereof shal he be King whome shall he have to execate hostilitie against his owne Kingdome but these dreames of the blowing vp of Thames and tales of winde mills and fiery Dragons are over and it s become the peoples sorrow and shame to looke backe vpon the cheates whereby they were deluded He cannot name any Tyrant ill handled by tumults vpon such pretences as he makes the most wicked Tyrant was not soe guiltie as that people which exercised their rage vpon him yet the libeller determines that the tumults fury is as justifiable as the Parliaments order for he ascribes noe more to the one then the other They were not a short ague but a feirce quotidian feaver And the libeller sayes he may best say it who most felt it He will rather boast of the greatenes of their villany then reprove the impietie of it and therefore he sports himselfe with the injuries of it after his appellations of mildnes and supplicating people and extolls the highest of their violence as a feirce quotidian feaver and he is soe Lunatique that out of his malice to the King he calls them milde out of his insolence confesses them violent and deadly The King would perswade vs that men scared themselves others without cause And al men are now satisfied of the truth of it the fraudes being soe apparent and confessed by this breaker Wise feare and suspition would finde weapons And we have found by experience that Rebells by suggesting vaine feares and suspitions have gotten weapons and armed the people to their owne destruction Vpon the Kings repeating the mischeifes done by the tumults that they first petitioned then protected dictate next and lastly overaw the Parliament They removed obstructions they purged the houses cast out rotten members He sayes if there were a man of Iron such as Talus by our poet spencer is fain'd to be the Page of Iustice who with his Iron flaile could doe all this and expedititiously without those deceitefull formes and Circumstances of law worse then Ceremonies in Religion I say God send it done whether by one Talus or by a thousand Religion lawes are lesse then Ceremonies in this Authors account and when Pages follow not nor acknowledge Masters Justice wil be ill waited on such cut-throates are not the Pages of Justice but the furies of hell and theis this libeller prayes to God for what will not such call Justice to satisfie their ambition and crueltie Poets are short in their fancies of what the English Rebells have acted Their Gyants were Pigmyes to theise Monsters and their Hidra too few heads too litle venom for the service of these Enemies of mankinde What a silly propertie does this libeller make Parliament and lawes that subjects them to Tumults and how barbarous are their proceedings that made endeavour to subvert fundamentall lawes a Capitall Cryme and heere he commends the fact calls them deceitefull formes and Circumstances of law Might he not better have said they would make good their villanies by the sword then prevaricate and say and vnsay and pretend Religion and yet pray God to send Tumults and Confusions to breake all lawes in order to their designes The King sayes they subdued the men of conscience in Parliament backed and abetted all seditious schismaticall proposalls against Government Ecclesiasticall and Civill To this he sayes That it was not the Kings grace but this Iron flaile the people that drove the Bishopps out of their Baronies Cathedralls Lords house Coopes surplisses papisticall innovations threw downe high Commission starr chamber gave vs a trienniall Parliament and what we most desired And is not this brave Is it a credit to a Church to be thus reformed Is this the Christian Religion to glory in oppression robery and Rebellion There is noe doubt but many things graunted by his Majest in the late Parliament were Acts of grace in respect of his compliance with importunitie in hope thereby to preserve the people from a Civill warr not in respect of the nature of the things graunted The libeller might have remembred that the King never consented to drive the Bishopps out of their Baronies or Cathedralls and his Trienniall Parliament which he soe much commends is repealed by his new Masters for the people must not looke for the execution of any such law And this Iron slaile the rashnes and crueltie of a disordered multitude hath thresht and broken the bones sinewes of the people and made them know the difference betweene a golden Scepter and an Iron flaile In revenge whereof he sayes he now soe bitterly inveighs against them And how can the libeller thinke it bitter when their Actions which he confesses exceede in impietie the greatest Crymes that ever were inveighed against And if we could wonder at any thing we might wonder at his mention of Schismaticall proposalls consented to by the King when he wel knowes noe one thing by him mentioned of Cathedralls or Ceremonies was consented to by the King noe lesse strange is it that the other particulars are by him recited as intended by the King to be the Seditious proposalls though all of them are not free from that name when as there were soe many seditious and Trayterous proposalls besides these That these Tumults played the hastie midwives and would not stay the ripening but went streight to ripping vp and forcibly cut out abortive votes to this he opposes that the Parliament complained not and therefore those confluxes were not by them thought Tumultous And were they not thought Tumultuous by such as they had expelled and driven away from the Parliament And did he but in his last words call them an Iron flaile and recount the wonders which they wrought and now would not allow them to be Tumults We may besure the seditious faction in Parliament stirred them vp and such as differed in judgment or affection from them were enforced
people soe full of awe and reverence to his person as he dared to committ himselfe single among them If the King had knowne guiltines in himselfe he could not have hoped for that awe and reverence but his going single at such a time and after soe many affronts shewes the audacious scurrilitie of this Author that hath taunted at him soe often for seares and terrours and now sayes lie dared goe single among such outragious tumults And if awe and reverence to his person were a commendation to the people as this libeller would have it it must be the brand of infamy vpon him and his Rebellious packe that have troden awe and reverence vnderfoore and wickedly despised and murthered him He would prove that the King had no feares after all the reproachfull scoffing at his feares because he went into Scotland after the Bishopps had been worse handled then in England and after two Armies had entred England against him and this he sayes argues first that he was a stranger to England and full of diffidence To the Scotts only a native King in his confidence though not in his dealing next he sayes which shewes beyound doubting that all his feare of Tumults was but a pretence Wee cannot boubt that this Authors braine is a Giddy as the Tumults for to prove that the King had noe feare of the Tumults he affirmes him diffident to the English confident of the Scotts and labours much to make periods of non sense that he may vse words of Calumnie Might not the King have cause to feare in reguard of their malice though not his personall suffering And doth not his libeller shew his vaine falshood that heere makes the king feareles and soe lately made mirth of the terrours of the Tumults he libeller doubted he should not finde credit to his many contradictions touching the tumults therefore turnes about to another theame of the Kings relation to the scotts and is so voyde of sense as having affirmed within ten lines before that the king was confident of the awe and reverence of the people of England to his person heere sayes he was full of diffidence But he sayes he tooke occasion from the Tumults of absence from the Parliament to turne his disorderly bickerings to an orderly invadinge That the King might he absent without shewing a reason why from his Parliament noe man of knowledge or common reason ever doubted and he might as well goe to Yorke as into Scotland But he must be persecuted by disorderly Tumults if he stay and followed with a formed Army if he depart and they that sought Colours and disgiuses for the Tumults grow soe impudent to rayse an Army for the King to fight against him The King sayes he would not have weakened himselfe by soe many former and after Acts if he had meditated warr as some suspected when he left white hall The libeller sayes his former Acts did not weaken him it might come into his minde after passing these Acts. That which strengthened the Rebells must weaken him and was the Act for continuance of the Parliament without which they could not have sate nor acted nor deluded the people nor part of their strength nor the Kings weakenes But he that objects cunning fetches and evill Councellours to the king now allowes him nothing but improvidence and feare The King doubted not but all had gone well if the Parliament had sate still free as it was in its first election and sayes the libeller his not doubting was all good mens greatest doubt And theis are the good men that could not endure a free Parliament and the libellers Parliament that must governe is a new modell not a free Parliament as it was at first elected that stood not with their Rebellious disignes and his good men doubted that all would not soe well with them if that sate still free therefore the Iron flaile must thrust the Bishopps out of the Lords house and purge the lower house and yet it is still Tyrany and obstinacie in the King by this mans judgment not to accept all the Dictates of this ridiculous packe and he hath a narrow conscience and not fitt for the publique that follows not the cry of this kennell To the Kings resolution to heare reason and consent as farr as he could comprehend The libeller askes what if his reason comprehend nothing but his owne advantages was this a reason to be trusted with the common good of three nations Yes truly and it is noe Paradox that if the King comprehend his owne advantages it is sufficient for the common good of the three nations for whatever is their common good is his advantage and whatever is his advantage is their Common good but all his Patriotts for whome the libeller is soe Zealous have advantages of their owne that are opposite to the Common good of the three nations The King sayes as swine are to gardens soe are Tumults to Parliaments To this sayes the libeller The Parliament could best have told vs had they found it so And doubtles such of the Parliament as found it not may be accounted among the number of these swine or the herdsmē of them But he sayes one greate hogge may doe as much mischeife in a garden as many litle swine And it seemes that the like evil spirit as entred into the heard of swine hath possest this libeller and driven him on head long in his Rebellious impudence The King sayes he was some times prone to thinke that had be called this last Parliament to any other place in England the sad consequences might have been prevented To shew that the place could have made noe change the libeller instances in his Majest first Parliament at oxford which was dissolved What doth that prove to contradict what his Majest sayes that if he had called the Parliament at another place these fad consequences might have been prevented Does the libeller thinke that because there was misvnderstanding betweene the King and some of his Parliaments that they would therefore have run to the same extreamities that he faction in this last did or that these factionists could have brought this mischeife vpon the kingdome by like Tumults in another place He goes on to say that the King called his last Parliament at Oxford a Mungrell Parliament consisting all of his friends Noe doubt there were in that Parliament many loyally affected to his Majest but it cannot be denyed for time hath tryed it that there were many among them that were spyes and disturbers corrupted by the Rebell faction at Westminster and their owne base inclinations who sought to disorder all Councells and consultations The libeller would comprehend the whole people of England within the Tumults interprett the Kings prayer against the tumults to be a prayer against his people Is it not God that stilleth the raging of the sea madnes of the people And is not a prayer for the people to pray they may be
delivered from such madnes and yet this libeller sayes that the king praying to be delivered from the Tumults prayeth to be delivered from the people and blasphemously concludes God save the people from such intercessours And we cannot beleive that God is in his thoughts whose mouth soe often abuseth his name Vpon the Bill for TRIENNIALL PARLIAMENTS and for setling this c. HE sayes the Bill for Trienniall Parliaments was a good Bill and the other for setling this at that time very expedient And this he sayes in the Kings owne words was noe more then what the world was full confirmed he might in Iustice reason honour and conscience graunt them for to that end he affirmes to have done it This man hath a confirmed enmitie against truth cannot make a right recitall The Kings words are that the world might be fully confirmed in my purposes at first to contribute what in Iustice reason honour and conscience I could to the happy succes of this Parliament I willingly past the Bill for Trienniall Parliaments The greatenes of the trust which his Majest put vpon the people by passing that Bill was a strong Argument that he would deny nothing which in Justice reason honour and conscience he might graunt not that the world was confirmed he might graunt that Bill in reason honour and conscience in respect of the matter of it for a greate part of the world was of opinion he might with better reason have denyed it had not his desire to shew his purposes of contributing what he could to the happy successe of the Parliament moved him And they might be confirmed thereby of his purposes to deny nothing which in Justice reason honour and conscience he could contribute to the happy successe of the Parliament It is the Kings manner to make vertues of his necessities and that neither prayse nor thankes are due to him for these beneficiall Acts. It cannot be expected that Rebells will retaine gratitude that have cast of loyaltie but let vs looke on his reasons and the first is that this first Bill graunts much lesse then two former statutes yet in force by Edw. the 3. that a Parliament should be called every yeare or oftner if neede were Either the libeller is vaine in producing this instance or in commending the Bill that gave much lesse then two former lawes in force and he must make the Parliament very inconsiderate that would soe much Importune a law soe farr short of what former lawes had enacted His ancient law booke called the mirror and his late Treatise that Parliaments by our old lawes were to be twice a yeare at London carry as litle Authoritie as cleerenes what those Parliaments were they mention but neither the statutes nor law bookes did ever affirme the right of calling Parliaments in any other then the King or that he might not deferr the calling of them if he saw cause and these statutes were made to declare the subjects dutie to attend the King in his Parliament once a yeare or oftner if neede were and there was noe reason why oftner should have been inserted into the law if any obligation were intended thereby vpon the King And its contrary vnto the writt whereby Parliaments are called that the time of Parliaments should be defined for it is recited to be an Act of Councell to call a Parliament which needed not if it were necessary at a prefixed time The second Bill he sayes was soe necessary that nothing in the power of man more seemed to be the stay of all things from ruine then that Act. We are sure that nothing did more confirme the designes of the Traytours nor hasten that ruine of the Kingdome they have wrought then that Act. All men descerne the fraudulent artifices vsed to gaine that Bill by pretending publique debts which seditious faction had contracted and intended to encrease for the carrying on of their Rebellion and his Majest in graunting that Bill hoped to take of those occasions of it the Reports which they cast out among the people of his vnwillingnes to rayse money for discharge of the Armyes These charges were occasioned by the Kings ill stewardshipp but the world satisfied it was from a trayterous conspiracie of the guides of this Rebellion He alleadges his needeles raysing of two Armies to withstand the Scotts which noe man but a profest Rebell can soe call for should he have raysed noe Army but left all to the mercy of the invader next he had beggerd both himselfe the publique When by this libellers owne confession the King had received noe supplies from the publique for raysing those Armies and these shameles Traytours blush not to talke of the Kings beggering of the people when the greate plentie his Government had enriched them with is soe visible in those vast leavies which the Rebells have since made vpon them The King left vs vpon the score of his needy Enemies If they had not been too much friends to the traytours of England there had been noe score to them for all men know whatever they received from England was by the contrivance of the Trayterous faction in Parliament to accomplish their ends To disengage him greate summs were borrowed Which its well knowne was not to disengage the King but to advance the designes of the Traytours who dealt vnder hand with some of the Scotts to protract the Treatie that the charges might be encreast The errours of his Government had brought the Kingdomes to such extreames as were incapable of recovery without the absolute continuance of this Parliament They never did one act after that Bill but in order to the Kingdomes confusion and all men saw there were noe extreames to be recovered at the time of passing that Bill but the returne of the Scotts and the disbanding the faction in Parliament and the only recovery had been by setting an end to the Parliament which they that made it their propertie could not endure The King past these Acts vnwillingly It cannot be doubted but the King foresaw the danger of both and the libeller might have seene in the first section of this Chapter that his Maj was not without doubt that what he intended for a remedy might prove a disease beyound all remedy and though to avoyde a Civill warr he made some concessions in hope to bring the people to see their owne good which might turne to his and their greater mischeife if by them ill applyed yet his Majest deserves prayse and thankes for such Acts of grace and the necessitie which this libeller soe impudently vrges to take of his Majest just thankes was the danger of a Civill warr which his Majest sought by these Act to prevent and might have entred into with lesse hazard before the passing of these Bills then after The libeller only encreases the infamy of the Rebells ingratitude and his owne impudence by obtruding necessities to take of the Kings grace in passing those Bills and it had not the
Herod was eaten vp with wormes for suffering others to compare his voyce to the voyce of God when as the Scripture sayes he was eaten vp of wormes because he gave not God the glory And is not this to adulterate Scripture but nothing is sacred to Rebells That the King by this Phrase gives jealosie that he likens his owne Acts of grace to the Acts of Gods grace cannot be vnderstood noe more then the vse of the name of mercy or justice should give jealosie of likening humane vertues to divine Attributes though there be a difference betweene resembling and comparing The libeller sayes from prophanes he scarce comes of with perfect sense To prove that he shewes himselfe senseles The Kings words are that being not in a Capacitie to have taken revenge in a hostile way he could not have given his Enemies a more desired advantage then by soe vnprincely inconstancie to have assaulted them with Armes thereby to scatter them whome but lately he had solemnely setled And where is the libellers exception he sayes what place could there be for his inconstancie to doe a thing wherein he was in noe capacitie There was place for inconstancie if he had endeavoured to vndoe that which he had done though he were not in a capacitie to have effected it and if the libeller had sense he would not have missed it come of without it He would not have that considerations of hazard and dishonour with-held the King from that course and that he would prove because he made a warr yet objects feares to him for the cause of all his Actions and from thence might well conclude that nothing but extreamitie caused him to defend himselfe by warr The king sayes his letting somemen goe vp to the Pinnacle of the Temple was a temptation to them to cast him downe headlong By this sayes the libeller he compares himselfe to Christ who is not at al named The Parliament to the Devill which is not neither and that setling Act his letting them goe vp to the Pinnacle of the Temple The libeller sayes its a goodly vse of Scripture Similitudes of Actions imply noe Comparisons of persons but the congruitie of the allusion made the libeller angry and yet he may not be beleived that the Actions of some Traytours and particularly his Masters may not be resembled to that of Judas without comparing the person betrayed to Christ He sayes it was noe Pinnacle of the Temple but a Nabucadnezars Pallace from whence he and Monarchy fell headlong togeather Those Rebells have tobbed and ruined the Temple as Nebucadnezar did and they that glory in casting king and Monarchy headlong have the spiritt of that tempter which perswaded our saviour to cast himselfe downe The people now as theis of old finde it the extreamitie of desolation to be without King and Church and it is an horrour to them that the vncleane spiritts of Rebellion inhabite the Kings Pallaces The King sayes All the Kingdomes of the world are not worth gaining by wayes of sin which hazard the soule And sayes the Libeller he left nothing vnhazarded to keepe three He hazarded nothing but what he was bound to God and his people for the preservation of his Kingdomes and these Rebells left noe wickednes vnattempted to gett them The Act of setling was noe sin of his will and the Libeller sayes It was a sin of his vnwillingnes But his fals hood is proved willfull in this as in most of his assertions The King confesses the ill consequence of that Act but he sayes it was not a sin of his will because it proceeded from other mens malice and though he willingly past the Act yet he judged the Evill ensuing not the Act of his will and it was a sin of the Libellers will that soe knowingly perverted his meaninge The Libeller sayes that at his prayers he had before him the sad presage of his ill succes And is it his fault to descerne his Enemies crueltie and his owne afflicted condition But he sayes his prayer booke noe sooner shutt but other hopes flattered him and that was his destruction It s not impossible but he might have hopes but his misfortunes will be the guilt and destruction of them that caused it without Gods greate mercie which they yet despise Vpon his RETIREMENT FROM WESTMINSTER THe King sayes I staid at white hall till I was driven away by shame more then feare And sayes the Libeller in his Messages and declarations and in the whole Chapter next but one before this he affirmes that the danger wherein his wife children and his owne person were by these Tumults was the maine cause that drove him from white hall and affirmes heere it was shame more then feare from whence and the Ld. Digbies speech to the same purpose he sayes wee may descerne what false and frivolous excuses are avowed for truth We may see how willfully and absurdly this Libeller will contradict truth and himselfe that not only in one Chapter but in every Chapter past vpbraids his Majest with feares boasts that by feares he was compelled to consent to the death of the Earle of Strafford and to passe those Acts for which he deserved noe thankes because he did them for feare of the Tumults and is now soe shameles to call them false and frivolous excuses The King formerly exprest that valour is not to be questioned for not scufling with the sea or an vndisciplined rabble And though he had not a base feare he could not be vnapprehensive of violence intended by that rabble and it cannot be doubted but that a King must have a greater measure of shame then feare to see such insolencies and if this libeller had any shame he would not have argued from that expression of his Majest a contradiction of what he said of danger from these Tumults But he thinkes his readers have a short memory as well as sense and therefore he reguards not the repugnancie of his owne Periods He magnifies the courage and severitie of Zeale to Iustice in Rebells of former times and calls them our fore Fathers and that their folly wickednes may have some excuse in following subtile conspiratours against their King he calls it courage and severitie of Zeale and that he may authorize their lewdnes he sayes their courage was against the proud contempt and misrule of their Kings He sayes that when Rich. the 2. departed but from a Committee of Lords who sate preparing matter for the Parliament not yet assembled to the removal of his evill Councellours they first vanquished and put to flight Robert de Vere his cheife favorite and then comming vp to London with a huge Army required the King then withdrawne for feare but noe further of then the Tower to come to Westminster which he refusing they told him flatly that vnles he came they would chuse another And who can reade this relation but must judge that it was a Trayterous conspiracie of these Lords and a
Queene with Crymes fot assisting her husband they wil be assured that not feare of Delinquencie but their barbarous crueltie might more alienate her disadvantage Religion Them who accused her he sayes well enough knowne to be the Parliament the King censures for men yet to seeke their Religion whether doctrine discipline or good manners And soe doth the whole world whatever name the Libeller give such men who are well enough knowne to be a Trayterous faction The name of true English Protestants is a meere schismaticall name And why Are there not severall confessions in the Protestant Churches doe they hold one another Schismatickes for that reason How often hath this Libeller named the best reformed Churches is not that as much a name of schisme he is ignorant in the nature of schisme though he be soe well practised in it and its strange he would observe a Schismaticall name from the title of a nation and not from his title of Independencie that produceth as many titles and distinctions as there be Parishes or Parlours The King ascribes rudenes and barbaritie worse then Indian to the English Parliament To the Libellers Parliament he very well may He sayes the King ascribes all vertues to his wife vndervaluing the greate Councell of his Kingdome in comparison of one woman And not only he but all good men abominate that wicked Councell which vsed such rudenes and barbaritie towards her and from hence the Libeller tells vs there are examples of mischeife vnder vxorious Magistrates and Feminine vsurpation And must Magistrates therefore have noe wives or noe affections to them And the examples of feminine vsurpation are more frequent in Republican Tribunes then Monarchs The king sayes her tarrying heere he could not thinke safe among them who were shaking hands with Allegiance to lay faster hold on Religion The Libeller sayes that he taxes them of a dutie rather then a Cryme it being just to obey God rather then man And is periury and the breach of Alleagiance obedience to God and doe men obey God that breake on Commaundement vpon pretence to keepe another The Scripture tells vs he that breakes one Commaundement is guiltie of all but these are they that say they love God and yet hate their brother hate and kill their King Gods vicegerent The libeller sayes it was the fault of their courage that they had not quite shaken of what they slood shaking hands with It s like their conscience and Religion were not the cause they did not but the Libeller was not of their Councell for the time required they should keepe their maske longer He is offended at the Kings prayer that the disloyaltie of his protestant subjects may not be a hindrance to her love of the true Religion and sayes that he never prayes that the dissolutenes of his Court the Scandalls of his Clergie vnsoundnes of his owne judgment Lukewarmenes of his life letter of compliance to the Pope permitting his nuntio heere may not be found farr greater hindrances All these put togeather are farr short of the scandall of the disloyaltie of his subjects The Court dissolutenes is made a common place of scandall not veritie in respect of the application there being not such excesses in his Majest Court that deserved a speciall observation and the restraint of dissolutenes was more observable then the Cryme As to the scandalls of his Clergie though we must beleive that offences wil come yet the scandall of the present disloyaltie was more offensive to those of different Religion then any disorders in Civil conversation and the injustice of the Rebells towards the Clergie hath shewed the vntruth of the scandalls that were cast vpon them though their malice traduced persecuted them their proofes could not convict them of the scandall supposed His Majest owne judgment cannot be overcast by a Rebells malice and his examplary life cannot be stained by a Libellers pen. His letter to the Pope was noe complaince nor could it give offence to protestant or hope to Papist these Rebells that comply with Turkes and infidells least of all thinke it a compliance The Libeller well knowes there was noe nuntio in England and if the King should have denyed the Queene the exercise of her Religion whereto he was bound by the Articles vpon the match he had given greater scandall by breaking the Articles then by permitting her the repaire of persons in matters of her Religion But sayes the Libeller they must not sit still that is not Rebell and see their Religion snatcht away But they have Rebelled to snatch away Religion He sayes It s knowne that her Religion wrought more vpon him then his vpon her and his favouring of Papists and hatred of Puritans made men suspect shee had perverted him Noe doubt suspitions were industriously raysed and carrefully nourisht against the King though they beleived them not that made vse of them The King was not bound to destroy all Papists and could not deny them the protection of a King he had just reason to suspect those bloody Puritans whose inclinations he descerned to that wickednes they have since avowed From his suppositions he ascends to his exclamations What is it that the blindenes of hipocrisie dare not doe It dares pray and thinke to hide that from the eyes of God which it cannot from the open view of men We finde this very frequent in this Author and in this very Period that in contempt of God men charges the King with Crymes he not only knew false but which are soe knowne vnto the whole word and conclude against his owne narrations and others view Vpon his repulse AT HULL and the fate of the HOTHAMS HE makes an introduction that Hull was the Magazine of Armes which the king had bought with money illegally extorted from his subjects He thinkes that if goods be ill gotten its lawfull for him and his Sectaries to rob him that possesses them els to what vse is it mentioned with what money the King bought these Armes But had the king noe meanes to procure Armes but by illegall exaction sure that will conduce litle to the Apollogy of this breaker that Calumniates the King soe much for seeking meanes from his subjects for publique safetie Next he sayes these Armes were bought to be vsed in a causeles and most vnjust Civill warr against Scotland What was the warr in Scotland to Hothams taking of Hull or seizing the Magazine when the warr was ended Rayling will neither make the warr vnjust nor the mention of it heere any way extenuate the vsurpation but shewes the barrennes of his matter by his repeated insignificant falshoods The Queene he sayes was gone to Holland to sett to sale the Crowne Iewells a Cryme heeretofore counted Treasonable in Kings It s like such a Treason as he makes to buy a Magazine of Armes to resist an invader he should have done well to have told when this heeretofore was It s likely they that held it
Treason in Kings to have sold Jewells of the Crowne would have made it some Cryme to have bought Jewells for the Crowne and it is noe Treason now to sell the Crowne Jewells and all by his cut throate crew The Parliament was not ignorant to what intent these summs were raysed their owne actions told all the world they were necessary to be raysed The Kings refusing to settle the military power in trustie hands vpon their petitions and doubting he would possesse himselfe of Hull they were necessitated by the turbulence and danger of the times of their owne authoritie to putt the Kingdome into a posture of defence and to send Sr. Iohn Hotham to take Hull into his possession How many lewde lyes have they sent abroade into the world that the King made warr vpon them and it was the Libellers owne pretence in the beginning of the last Chapter now plainly tells they seized Hull because they suspected the King intended it and because he would not settle the militia as they desired If he had no power over the Militia why did they petition him If the Parliament be his superiour why did they petition at all Doe superiours petition inferiours But what was that turbulence danger of the Kingdome was there any more then what themselves had made by rumours and Tumults and is not the seizing of a fort an Act of warr The King had attempted the same before And was that any cause for them because the King sends to his Castles or forts must they therefore take them from him And he sayes letters of the Lord Digby were intercepted wishing the King to retire to some safe place And therefore these Rebells would provide he should be safe in noe place The King offred to goe in person into Ireland and that he would Arme his guard from his Magazine of Hull The Parliament he sayes foreseeing the kings drift petition him that they might have leave to remove the Magazine of Hull to the Tower of London Soe carefull they were to have the Rebellion in Ireland proceede that they desired his Majest to forbeare his going into Ireland out of consideration of danger to his person when as they intended to destroy him at home and the true cause was that they would deteine theis Armes to make warr against him if he would not submitt to be deposed and to keepe the money given for Ireland to drive on the warr heere The King afterward going to Hull required the Governour to deliver him the Towne whereof the Governour humbly desired to be excused till be could send to the Parliament It seemes the libeller would not have that a denyall The King proclaimed Hotham Traytour before the Towne walls And noe man dobuted but he was soe The King gave order to stopp all passages betweene him and the Parliament And had he not reason to prevent supplies and intelligences to a Traytour Yet sayes the Libeller he demaunded Iustice as vpon a Traytour vsing a strange iniquitie to require Iustice vpon him whome he had debarred from his apparence Traytours must be apprehended before their apparence and it was a strange iniquitie in them that would not apprehend a Traytour as in Justice they ought but a most execrable impietie in such as pretend Justice to cleere a malefactour without hearing both parties as the libeller sayes the Parliament did Sr. Iohn Hotham for he sayes the Parliament noe sooner vnderstood what had passed they declare Sr. Iohn Hotham had done noe more then was his dutie They meant noe doubt his dutie to them as fellow Traytours not to his king and soveraigne That this proves that to be false which is heere affirmed by the King that his greatest Enemies had scarce confidence enough to abett or owne it And such as knew the manner of their proceedings at that time know the truth of what the King affirmes and though the necessitie of their engagement made them owne it yet there were very few or none that esteemed it an act of Justice in them but of Policie for their owne securitie The king sayes it affected him more with sorrow for others then anger for himselfe nor did the affront trouble him soe much as their sin The libeller sayes there is vse of this booke to shew vs what a deluded thing the creature is which is called the vulgar who will believe such vaine glories as these And surely we cannot believe any creature soe deluded as those for whose capacitie the libeller writes that makes the deluded vulgar judges of lawes and kings yet heere spurnes it as a despised creature The strangenes of beleife that he imagines as that the King proclaimed him Traytour without due proces of law If he could have told what the due proces of law was no doubt he would If a theife or murtherer be taken in the Act or escape must there not be a proclamation for his apprehension If Traytours be in Armes against their King is it choler or rashnes to proclaime them Traytours The King had lately been convinced of his illegallitie with the five members He was injuriously denyed Justice against them which produced the second insolence of Hotham The Kings relation declares his anger to be incensed as he had but doth it follow from thence that he was not more sorry for others then angry May not a fathers sorrow for his sons disobedience exceede his anger and may not a King desire the punishment of a Malefactour because he pitties his person greives for the ill consequence of his offence Yet this trifling Libeller would inferr that the king could not be more sorry then angry because his words testifie impatience of delay till Hotham be punished It s a strange operation of sorrow that stirred him soe vehemently to have Hotham punished and not to have him repent But this exception is more strange that a man may not be vehement for the punishment of one for whose offence he is greived and there may be just cause of sorrow for an Act which the repentance of the Actour cannott remedy He knowes well how litle his Majest was likely to worke vpon Hotham at that time obstinate but it was a necessitie vpon his Majest to endeavour that he should be proceeded against injustice There hath not been observed in the King a sorrow for his owne sins nor for such sins of others as cannot be supposed a direct injury to himselfe This man will not have the Kings sorrow for his sins observed nor acknowledged wee have seene his malicious detractions of the Kings sorrow for his consent to the death of the Earle of Strafford and it cannot be expected from such men that they will give Testimony to any truth that deny all evidence of it The Kings labour to have the sinner only punished wil be called revenge And why They pretended justice not revenge that after cut of Sr. John Hothams head May not a King doe justice without revenge The jnjustice in abettinge protecting Sr.
in true workes of spirituall edification The repairing and beautifying of the houses of God was the highest commendation of many of his faithfull Servants and the Scripture gives that for the high commendation of the famous Jehojada and we may expect spirituall edification from those whose zeale fervencie carries them to bestow their goods on such Actions nothing but destruction of Church pietie from those that decry such commendable and necessary workes we have found that such men as have pretended to spirituall edification by traducing other mens zeale in the outward service of God have proved at last rotten Carkasses guilded over and painted sepulchers He is sorry that Hotham felt the Iustice of others and fell not rather in to the hands of his mercy The libeller sayes he should have shewed what mercie he had vsed to such as fell into his hands He needed not shew that whereof there are soe many Examples But sayes the Libeller whathever one man might have expected the whole nation found none but had been swallowed vp in blood had not his power failed What neede the King produce Examples of his mercy when his most malicious Enemies offred nothing to the contrary but the warr which they had necessitated him to make There cannot be an Argument more convincing of the want of all justification in these Rebells then their perpetuall recourse to an incredible assertion that the King caused the warr which besides the falsenes of the allegation is not of weight to argue want of mercy when as Princes and states may casually be engaged in a warr and yet be farr from crueltie or designes of revenge and his Majest knowne backwardnes to a warr and moderation in it shew his compassion as eminent to the publique as particular persons The King sayes Clemencie is a debt which he ought to pay to those that crave it since we pay not any thing to God for his mercies but prayers prayses This sayes the Libeller hath sound of gravitie but the significance of nothing pertinent And yet it signifies that we are to forgive others because God forgives vs. But sayes the Libeller we ought by this reason as freely to pay all things to all men Wee ought noe doubt freely to pay what is due to all men but the Scripture more particularly requires Clemencic and forgivenes from vs in regard our selves have most neede of it from God and the Libeller shewes a greate emptines of reason that calls this an emptie sentence and vpon this occasion to repeate the payment of the kings dutie to the kingdome when as he declares that nothing but the giving vp of his Crowne could be a discharge of his dutie soe grave a judge is he of debts and duties The King pitties Hotham but aggravates rather then lessens or conceales his fault Conceale or lessen it he could not aggravate he doth not being a King his pittie ought not to destroy his judgment nor deceive him in the offence of those he pardons If a reiterating judge be worse then a Tormenter a reiterating slanderer deserves Torment The mention of a malefactours offence or repetition of a publique trangsgression is farr from a Triumph and as this Act of Hotham was a groundworke of infinite miserie soe his Majest deepe sense of the mischeife of that fact might reflect on it with serious observation and pittie without any Triumph He is angry that the king sayes after times will dispute whether Hotham were more infamous at Hull or at Tower hill And sayes what knew he of after times and while he sits judging the fate of that vnhappy father and son knew not that the like attended him before his owne Pallace gate and as litle knew whether after times doe not reserve a greater infamy to the story of his life and Raigne The libeller well knew by the booke he seekes to answeare that his Majest well knew the power malice of his Enemies while he wrote this and that he expected they would shew their vtmost crueltie to his honour aswell as his life but he was well assured their injustice dissoyaltie could not effect what their impietie designed and as long as Religion or reason inhabite the world his story cannot be blotted in after times but it seemes the libeller is apprehensive of future infamy though he thinke himselfe assured of present power He would seeme an Enemy to vaine repetitions in prayers but its only of such things as Traytours will not pray for otherwise there is large experience of the vaine babling of sectaries in their prayers He sayes its too presumptious in a written and published prayer to take it as a favour from God before he knew it was intended him He knew God had brought a severe punishment vpon a knowne offence and how could this be presumption to mention it in a published prayer but how can the libeller call it the sacrifie named by Ecclesiastes that practises such particular thankesgivings for successes when as the cause he maintaines and prosecutes is soe notoriously wicked The King sayes Let not thy Iustice prevent the objects and opportunities of my mercy The Libeller sayes To folly or Blasphemy or both shall wee impute this shall the Iustice of God give place serve the mercies of a man all other men who know what they aske desire of God that their doings may tend to his glory And doth not he that prayes he may be able to shew mercy to his Enemies pray that his Actions may tend to Gods glory Is not God glorified in the mercies of men Is not mercy in men a guift of God and can this trifler pretend sin in that prayer which desires of God that his Justice may not prevent their mercie to their Enemies May not men pray for their Enemies pray to have judgments diverted from them pray to have an occasion to shew them mercy But this libeller that esteemes soe litle to Blaspheame is careles how falsely he charge it on others Vpon the listing AND RAYSING ARMIES HE begins with the Kings mention of Tumults the demonstrations he calls them of the peoples love loyaltie to the Parliament Which in their nature more then the kings denomination were demonstrations of disobedience to law hatred of Government disloyaltie to the king Their petitioning was in the Authors owne judgment the height of violence Barbarisme which he compares to the Iron flaile those Armes which he cals defensive were so apparently a Trayterous histolitie that the ends which he assignes for them admit not the least colour for the appellation of defensive The King takes noe notice that those listed about him were the beginners of these Tumults Neither could he of soe strange an imagination The king sayes his recesse gave them confidence that he might be conquered The Libeller sayes other men supposed both that and all things els who knew him neither by nature warlike nor experienced nor fortunate yet such sayes he are readiest to
peace was that which drew out the English to a needeles and dishonourable voyage against the spaniards at Cades It was that peace the Parliament desired and if the voyage proved successeles his Majest by preventing further danger and preserving peace notwithstanding the miscarriage which must be the dishonour only of the managers sufficiently testifies how wel he deserved of his people for the continuance of their peace and safetie He askes next what that was which lent our shipping to a Treacherous and Antichristian warr against the poore Protestants of Rochell What is this against our peace at home and though there were shipps of ours vsed against Rochel t is sufficiently knowne they were not lent against Rochell and the Dutch shipps which were vsed as ours were not lent to a Treacherous and Antichristian warr He askes what peace was that which fell to robb the french by sea to the imbarring all our marchants in that Kingdome Is not this man madd that will charge the vse of the shipping against Rochell for a Cryme and call it a Treacherous and Antichristian warr and presently charge the King for making warr against the french vpon the ground of vsing his shipps against Rochell and call it a robbing of the french by sea and is it possible to avoyde the losse of Marchants in case of hostilitie He proceedes to cry out on that vnblest expedition to the Isle of Ree doubtfull whether more calamitous in the succes or designe Was not the designe in the favour of Rochell did they not desire it and yet he calls the ill successe of that Action the betraying all the flower of our military youth and best Commaunders to a shamefull surprisall and execution And who betrayed them and to what purpose what advantage could his Majest have by such a losse And was the warr against Rochell Treacherous and Antichristian and the releife too But this Libeller is resolute to defie sence and reason now he hath spoken against the peace we enjoyed whereto doth it amount was there any interruption of our peace at home and was there not cause for these expeditions abroade If there were not the Parliament failed in their Councell to the King in advising the warr with spaine and complaining of the french for the misimployment of the shipps against Rochell If peace were intended vs at home what meant these billetted souldiers in all parts of the Kingdome Doth noth he know the meaning that mentions Cades and the Isle of Ree where they were imployed surely he is soe intent on words as he looses his Memory aswell as his other faculties But he hath found out a designe of German horse to subdue vs in our peacefull houses These German horse have made much noyse yet were never discovered and the King who was advised to make a warr in Germany and other places by the Parliament could not vse German horse but against England But what is all this to the greate measure of peace we enjoyed above other nations Can any man that reades this Libellers willfull impertinency judge other then that he fights blindfold who would extend these forraigne voyages which had not the face of warr at home and continved not beyound the fower first yeares of his Majest Raigne to diminish the measure of our peace soe long enjoyed and that in the middest of soe many miscarriages and conspiracies both at home and abroade For our Religion he sayes where was there a more ignorant prophane and vitious Clergie learned only in the antiquitie of their pride The pride of these Sectaries contemnes all learning antiquitie which condemnes their fanctasticall presumptuous novelezing The learning of the English Clergie is too well knowne to the world to receive any disreput from the Streechinge of night oules and of Kats Noe wise man could see what was left for other nations to admire or envie but to pittie Other nations saw who had enough to cause them to admire our happines not to pittie our condition and of this there is a large Testimony But sayes the libeller wealth and plentie in a land where Iustice Raignes not is no Argument of a florishing state but of neerenes rather to ruine commotion The blessings of God peace and plentie are often turned into wantonnesse and wickednes by the people and are often a signe by the peoples abuse of ensuing ruine or commotion and of this the present condition of England is a greate Testimonie but it was never denyed to be the florishing state of any nation and he will finde litle creditt to his supposition that Justice Raignes not where there is wealth and plentie in a land There were not some miscarriages only of Government which might escape And of that nature are all the particulars gathred by him if they had been true but an viniversall distemper and reducement to arbitrary Government There was a distemper and disaffection to Government in many seditious seducers but an viniversall distemper and reducement to Arbitrary Government could not consist with the oppression of that tranquillitie and securitie of the people which was visible to all men the losse whereof brought on by these Rebells is too late lamemted That his Majeest owned the Actions and protected the persons of men in highest favour with him is noe argument of this vinversall distemper no more then the vulgar cryes against rulers is an Argument of their miscarriage or the peoples moderation who will have persons removed from Government and yet not agree who shall succeede them It was an Argument of greate distemper in a people that cryed out against the Kings evill Councellours that could not judge of their Actions but of noe vinversall distemper in the Government neither could the king with pietie justice leave his Ministers to the malice of conspiratours and barbaritie of Tumults The king sayes whose innocent blood hath he shedd what widdowes or orphans teares can wittnes against him The Libeller thinkes he hath given an answeare by saying the suspected poysonnig of his Father not enquired into and he advanced who was aceused by Parliament to be Author of the fact and many yeares of cruell warr on his people in three Kingdomes It is a wonder to amazement that such whose language hath noe Limits of truth or modestie should not be able to forge a probable Calumnie the Records of the Parliament shew that noe man was accused for the poysoninge of the kings Father nor poysoninge named ct the fact was fully enquired into and all wittnesses examined that had any knowledge of Circumstances touching it and must this be the particular to prove the king guiltie of shedding blood We may see vpon what grounds they will draw blood that offer such pretences for taking the blood of their king Is it possible that a Tyrant in seventeene yeares Raigne could not be proved guiltie of the blood of one man And can a Rebellion be more apparently convinced then by the seeking a cause for it from
the resistance that is made against it and the endeavour to suppresse it Was ever a cause soe barren of excuse that had nothing but it s owne guilt for defence But he hath found out a scotchman not vnacquainted he sayes with the affaires who affirmes that there hath been more Christian blood shed by the Commission approbation and connivance of King Charles and his Father Iames in the latter end of their Raigne then in the ten Roman Persecutions And is not this a doughtie authoritie what could he say more to prove himselfe a false varlett Whoever saw or heard of this shedding of Christian blood is it possible that soe much blood should be shed and noe man know it but this Scotchman Was all the world soe negligent to take notice of it and did the Scotchman and this Author thinke that the blood of the late warr made vp this number they may then expect vengeance vpon themselves and their bloody crew for it either heere or heereafter They value such as suffred in the ten persecutions at the same rate they doe their King and their conscience and if they though persecution odious why doe they exercise a persecution vppon Christians as cruell as these persecuting Emperours He sayes not to speake of those many whippings and other corporall inflictions wherewith his Raigne alsoe before this warr was not vnbloody And is a Raigne bloody by inflicting death vpon robbers and murtherers or whipping and the Pillory vpon Cheates Infamous Libellers and seditious disturbers of Government but of these latter the number was very small not exceeding fower in seventeene yeares and these merited the punishment they had an higher had not exceeded their crymes Is the execution of law a bloody Raigne he findes none that suffred banishment nor any that died in prison but such as were restrained by ordinary Justice He cannot pretend an arbitrary power in any of this that the King infested the true Church is noe other language then what good Princes allwayes received from Sectaries who accuse allwayes for their restraint infesting the true Church but all men now see they are the malignant Compamy that infest the true Church the seducers of simple soules But he hath a proofe of blood above exception where no blood was drawne and that is the six members whome all men judged to have escaped no lesse then Capitall danger Doubtles they had merited Capitall punishment in the judgment of all knowing men That a just King may be offended for the escape of malefactours is easily beleived but that saying the birds are flowne argues much trouble is a secret to all men and a proverbe as often applyed in jest as earnest The libeller sayes that if some vulter in the mountaines could have spake he could not have vttered fitter words at the losse of his prey The excesses in blood and crueltie of theis Rebells cannot be expressed to the full by the savage nature of any Creature The grinning of doggs howling of wolves and hissing of Serpents are not more hideous to nature then the petulence of vile persons against kings are abominable to Religion and pietie Because Nero was vnwilling to sett his hand to the execution of a Common Malefactour and wishing he had not knowne letters he would prove the King prosecuting Traytours to have noe greate aversation to blood but it strongly proves a bloody conspiracie when the contrivers are held innocent and the King made the offender for seeking just punishment and the Triumphs of such as protected those persons and their impudent braving the King at his very doores argued their haste to the shedding of that blood which since hath covered the Land Touching the cause of the warr the King sayes It was not my withdrawing from whitehall for noe account in reason could be given of those Tumults where an orderly guard was graunted The libeller sayes that if it be a most certaine truth that the Parliament could never obtaine any guard fit to be confided in then some account of these pretended Tumults may in reason be given But if they be not only pretended but apparently Tumults there can be noe account given of them at least the libeller vndertakes it not and that they could not obtaine a guard fit to be confided in is false for they had a guard and Commaunder of their owne nomination though not the Earle of Essex The King askes whome did he protect against the Iustice of Parliament The Libeller sayes he endeavoured to rescue Strafford that was from their injustice if he had done soe But sayes the Libeller he endeavoured it though with the destruction of them and the Cittie commaunding admittance of new souldiers into the Tower And is it a necessary consequent that the admittance of new souldiers into the Tower were to the destruction of Parliament and Citie But did not such as like blood hounds wolves hunted the Earle of Strafford that they might not loose their prey and the sweetenes of their revenge in drinking his blood stirr vp the Tumults to the destruction of King Parliament and Kingdome What can be disputed with such a King in whose mouth opinion the Parliament it selfe was never but a faction and their Iustice noe Iustice but the Dictates and overswaying insolence of Tumults and rabbles The Parliament was never a faction in the Kings mouth but it is in every mans mouth that the Parliament hath been overswayed by a faction and a faction have called themselves the Parliament And how can the Libeller define a Parliament but he must acknowledge that those whome the King calls a faction were noe Parliament and that their Actions were noe Justice but the Dictates and overswaying insolence of Tumults and rabbles himselfe prooves it by the commendation he gives the Tumults for effecting these Acts which he now calls the Justice of the Parliament noe wise man could thinke such a rabble fit to Judge of Delinquents or that such men who fled from their fury were thereby culpable of the Crymes objected and the fairest Tryall would sooner have condemned to death these Tumultuous accusers then the parties accused But who can talke with such a man as this breaker that reputes Monarchy Tyrany order in the Church an imposed Religion and lawes worse then Ceremonies in Religion He compares the avoyding of his madd Iudicature to Catilnies flight and excepting to the Roman Senate and Cesars injecting scrupulous demurrs against the Decres of the senate vpon Lentulus and Cethegus But did either of them object that the power of Tumults overswayed the senate or that the senate wanted freedome and had oppressed the members of its If Catiline had set vp a senate as Caesar did afterward and these Rebells have in England oppressed the legal Government the exceptions had been very just but exceptions against particular senatours for private animosities cannot derogate from the judgment of the whole being free That such reasons were vrged for Strafford was never heard
at his Tryall or other proceedings against him the cases being contrary for Lentulus and the rest were accused for conspiring against the state Strafford was accused by those that conspired against the state and sought to take him away for a cleerer passage to their designe The King vouchsafes to the Reformation which both Kingdomes intended noe better name then innovation and ruine both to Church and state and the expelling of Bishopps out of the Church ruine to the Church and out of the house of Peeres ruine to the state And he askes how happy the nation could be in such a governour who counted that their ruine which they thought their deliverance It cannot be doubted but the abolition of the order and Government of Church and state is an innovation performed by force against the King execrable Rebellion and the King never doubted to say that such disorderly innovations were the ruine of Church and state and the innovations and ruines mentioned by the King to be agitated by some men are not restrained to the cause of the Bishopps though that alone and the manner of proceeding in regard of the injustice violence and the dangerous consequences that attend it threatned ruine to Church and state It is strange that a people may mistake their ruine for their deliverance that a wise Prince by denying them their wil may keepe them from perishing which their owne errours would cast them into but such as knew how small a part of the people how contemptible affected those innovations and how they were cherisht by the leaders of Rebellion to strengthen their partie and how others were drawne in by hopes and feares to comply with a potent faction for their profit or safetie and how greate a partie both for number qualitie detested these innovations may well conclude that neither the nation thought it their deliverance nor the Kings refusall other then a just care and providence for their good It is not likely that the house of Peeres gave hardly their consent to the Bills against the Bishops that soe easily gave it to attach them of high Treason But it is apparent they hardly gave their consent to those Bills for they had often rejected them and therefore his presumption is of noe weight against plaine proofe If their rights and priviledges were thought so vndoubted in that house then was that protestation noe Treason and the house will become liable to a just construction either of injustice for soe consenting or of vsurpation to expect that their voting or not voting should obstruct the Commons The priviledges of the Bishopps had they not been vndoubted they needed not an Act of Parliament nor soe many Acts of violence to take them away neither can the Commons pretend to greater right for their sitting in the one house then the Bishopps in the other and the Libeller hath rightly concluded that their protestation was noe Treason but that their accusation by the house of Commons was a false and vngrounded Clamour and their commitment by the Lords house an odious injustice but it could be noe vsurpation to expect that their voting or not voting was conclusive to the Commons To what end did the Commons offer their accusation to the Lords if their voting or not voting were not considerable It is Justice when they concurre vsurpation when they dissent But Lords house Commons house are vsurpers when they obstruct the Dictates and overswaying insolence of rabbles and Tumults The Commons were not to desist for five repulses of the Lords noe not for fiftie from what in the name of the Kingdome they had demaunded soe long as those Lords were none of our Lords and what if they had been your Lords were they then to desist if so it was more then they would doe to their King but our or not our makes noe difference to resolute Traytours The Lords were soe farr their Lords as they were not to persist by the power wherewith they were intrusted for the kingdome in their demaund after the Lords refusall for to what end hath the law ordained a Lords house and the Commons soe long practised their addresses to them if they may doe what they please without them Doth the vse of the name of the kingdome add any right to them that have not the power of the kingdome and demaund things to the destruction of the kingdome The king allowes not such a faction the name of a Parliament which hath nothing of either house but some members that assume the name without the priviledges and authoritie that constituted it Though the Bill against roote and branch passed not till many of the Lords with some few of the Commons either enticed away by the king or overawed by the sense of their owne malignitie deserted the Parliament that was noe warrant for them who remained being farr the greater number to lay aside the Bill He well knowes they that remained of the Lords house were an inconsiderable number and such as deserted the Commons house wanted not many of the number of them that remained and of them that remained many were overawed by force and diverse plainely dissented to that Bill The injustice of them that remained was intolerable that refused all reparation or securitie to such as were injured by the Tumults and it was a most perfidious Act in them to enforce their members to desert the house that they might exercise their Arbitrary power over the kingdome the injury was so apparent the pretēce of malignancie so ridiculous against the deserting members that noe sober man can imagnie enticement or overawing to be the cause of their withdrawing and these remaining members ought to have forborne by their dutie to the kingdome the passing of such a Bil in the absence of soe many members but they that will forbeare noe degree of treason cannot probably abstaine from breakes of priviledge and lesse injuries He sayes this degrading of the Bishopps was orthodoxall in the Church ancient and reformed What will not this man say Wee neede not wonder at his other impudencies that will affirme the taking away the order of Bishopps orthodoxall in the ancient Church which never wanted them The King sayes he was bound besides his judgment by a most strict and vndispensable oath to preserve that order and the rights of the Church And sayes the Libeller If the letter of that oath be not interpreted by equitie reformation or better knowledge then was the King bound to graunt the Clergie all priviledges graunted to them by Edward the Confessour and so bring in Popery Equitie must be admitted in all interpretations of oaths and soe must better knowledges but the knowledge of other men is noe exposition to him that takes an oath if his owne knowledge be not convinced The King hath sworne to preserve the priviledges of the Church to be a protectour of the Bishopps and by what equitie reformation or better knowledge would this libeller induce
delinquents The London Tumults was the Kings overworne Theame and stuffing of all his discourses Which was not at all mentioned in this place but t is a Theame of difficultie to the Libeller and wherefore he would stopp the beleife of it by his threed bare repetitions of the blood of the warr delinquents Tyrany and Popery which are become as vaine as the taunts of children He turnes to the Scotts and Covenanters whome he calls misobservers of the Covenant and askes how they will reconcile the preservation of Religion c. With the Kings resolution that esteemes all the Zeale of their prostituted Covenant noe better then a noyse and shew of pietie c. For the Covenanters and misobservers of the Covenant we leave to debate their owne controversies but noe man knowes what he supposes that by those principles the King might at length come to take the Covenant and that then all had ended in a happy peace which he hates vpon any conditions but his owne He makes an opposition between the Kings telling God that his Enemies are many and telling the people they are but a faction of some few prevayling over his Major part of both houses Might not his Enemies be many though a faction of a few prevailed over the Major part of both houses and wherein doth the King misapply David or David accuse him But the Libeller stickes not at misapplication nor false accusations The King sayes he had noe passion designe or preparation to imbroyle his Kingdome in a Civil warr The Libeller sayes true yet formerly said that his fury incited him to prosecute them with the sword of warr How doth he handle his outworne Theame But he gives a reason for that the King thought his Kingdome to be Issachar that would have couched downe betweene two burthens of Prelaticall superstition and Civill Tyrany As his Majest subjects had peace without burthens soe the rest of Issachar was more eligible then the blood and Treacherie of Simeon and Levi whose rage and crueltie their Father cursed vpon his death bedd but such attempts the libeller likes better then Issachars ease He sayes the King had made preparation by terrour and preventive force The fury of a warr is come to terrour and preventive force It s certaine the Rebells had vsed all meanes to prevent his defence his terrour must be litle whose force they had surprised The King sayes God will finde out bloody and deceitefull men many of whome have not lived out halfe their dayes The Libeller sayes It behoved him to have been more cautious how he tempted God til his owne yeares had been further spent Is it temptation to rely on the truth of Gods word And may not innocent persons whose lives are ready to be taken away by blood thirstie Tyrants reflect vpon Gods word touching wicked mens being cut of though they see their owne life expiring The King in his prayer sayes that God knew the cheife designe of this warr was either to destroy his reason or force his judgment The Libeller sayes This is hideous rashnes accusing God before men to know that for truth which all men know to be false And is it not horrid presumption in the Libeller to say all men know that to be false which himselfe confesses true And we must expect that the wickednes of these Rebels which accuse veritie of vntruth will reproach the sinceritie of his Majest in praying for his Enemies with hipocrisie their owne corruption excluding confession of others integritie Vpon their seizing the MAGAZINS AND FORTS THe beginning of all warr may be descerned by the Councells and preparations foregoing not only by the first Act of hostilitie And by Councells and preparations foregoing such as were the alteration of the Government which this breaker confesses to be their cheife end and without which noe peace could be graunted we may easily conclude who made the first Act of hostilitie for these pretences which he musters vp have neither the nature of Councells nor preparations for the warr but are made excuses for Acts of hostilitie which they would not have pretended had they not begun the warr The particulars neede not examination but shall only be named to lay open the nakednes of their pretences And first he sayes noe King had ever more love at his first comming to the Crowne It s true but that moved envy in the seditious faction who sought to infuse contrary inclinations into the people He sayes never people were worse requited first by his mistrust that their liberties were the impairing of his Regall power He had soone cause to mistrust that the conspiratours plotted to vndermine his Regall power vpon pretence of the peoples rights to that purpose raysed jealosies among them the originall of all Rebellion Next by his hatred to all those who were esteemed Religious doubting that their principles too much asserted libertie His Majest profession and practice sufficiently vindicate him from this aspersion to hate those that were esteemed Religious but his pietie permitted him not to esteeme hipocriticall sectaries Religious and his prudence instructed him that these schismatickes which this Libeller calls Religious maintained principles destructive to Government which they then abiured but now avow That this was seene by his persecuting which was never seene for the dissolution of Parliaments he hath been already answeared but the vntruth which he hath added whether more ridiculous or abominable may not passe vnobserved which is that these dissolutions were after they had graunted more money then would have bought the Turke out af Morea and set free all the greekes And yet the Parliament gave more to the Scotts for invading England Doth this grosse Mountebanque thinke that the value of a subsidie in England the number of them that were graunted to the King are soe vnknowne what owles and buzzards doth he thinke would cast their eyes on his papers surely if they be saleable it is for sport or scorne and he might aswell have said it was enough to subvert the Turkish Empire He sayes the King tooke Councell how he might subdue them to his will The reason of this pretence is to excuse their Rebellious conspiracie to subdue him to their will The designe of German horse is a bugbeare long since derided Billetting of Souldiers in all parts Which were raysed and imployed in that warr which the Parliament advised shewes that impudence it selfe is bankerupt in pretences for their villany That the pulpitts resounded all propertie to the King and passive obedience to the subject Propertie they medled not with but it was their dutie to God to preach the kings soveraignitie the peoples passive obedience and what affinitie hath such preaching with Councells and preparations for a Civill warr His mention of exactions cannot be omitted though false impertinent Disarming of Trayned bands is not done by vsing some of their Armes in the publique service and it was farr from preparation to a Civill warr to
vse Armes against a stranger but what is this that was done soe many yeares before The frained bands he sayes were the most proper strength of a free nation And yet they are not permitted in some Republiques though instituted and improved by our Kings That Ammunition was ingrossed and kept in the Tower was farr from the designe of a Civil warr on the kings part it being a right of his prerogative but a signe of their conspiracie and intention of Rebellion that were troubled at the kings care for overseeing the Ammunition of his Kingdome and preventing the misimployment either at home or abroade The not buying without licence when noe man was denyed to buy cannot be interpreted a restraint and the high rate could not imply any designe of warr it might be of benifit But were not all the places of England not only allowed but commaunded to have their full stores for their trained bands and had not all shipps their full proportions of Ammunition These are potgun preparations for a Civill warr But sayes the Libeller these were his Councells either to a Civil warr if it should happen or to subdue without a warr which is all one Noe doubt it s all one in the Authors Judgment for he esteemes the meanes to preserve obedience a sufficient ground for Rebellion But if the King provided against a Civill warr if it should happen is that a reason in subjects to make it And doe not they begin the hostilitie by whome this warr happens and if the Kings preparations were if a Civill warr should happen must not this Civill warr happen by others not him who prepared only to prevent and defend Thus farr he hath left the first Act of hostilitie vpon his Masters and now he comes to the raysing of two Armies against the Scotts which were both disbanded before this warr begun and who was the defendent the word well knowes But he sayes the latter of them was raised to the most perfidious breaking of a solemne pacification His rayling signifes his owne impietie and want of matter that insteede of declaring the fact of the first English hostilitie seekes for scandalls from a Scotch Treatie and would make the King perfidious in his defence because they are Traytours in their assault He comes now to the beginning of this Parliament and talkes of bringing vp the Armies and his often decanted Irish Papists and french Army that never struke blow to be Councells for beginning a Civill warr but these apparitions were vanisht long before the warr begun The letters to the King of Denmarke have been sufficiently cleered from being Councells or preparations to make a Civill warr and the Libeller cannot fix any preparations vpon the king but in case a warr should be made vpon him which was then plotted and evident to all knowing men He sayes these and many other were his Councells towards a Civill warr If the king should have taken noe Conncell to have resisted the violence not only prepared but begun against him it had been vnkingly and vnnaturall knowing how maliciously and perfidiously the conspiratours had called in the Scots bribed them with vast summs of money racked from the people vpon pretence of the kings service how they had treacherously corrupted diverse officers and souldiers of the kings army how they had dispersed false reports of him and his Actions to disaffect the people how they had given licence to all lewde persons to preach heresie and Treason in the pulpits how they had endeavoured to weaken the bonds of Government by punishing men for observing the lawes by commending and rewardinge malefactours how they had affronted the king and stirred vp the rabble to threaten violence to him if he refused their demaunds and must he not now prepare for his defence or submit his judgment His refusing to disband that Irish Army shewes noe intention of his to a Civill warr but the Rebells earnest sollicitation for the disbanding of that Army and the English Army likewise leaving the Scots vndisbanded shewes their false pretentions and malicious preparations by disarminge the king of all Armies to subdue him to their wil. These Rebells that seized the Tower to strengthen themselves for making a warr would have it beleived that the Kings keeping it which had allwayes been in his possession was a preparation to make a warr and while they affronted him in his Court every day would have his guard preparations to make a warr These waggons of ammunition to be prepared by the King in that low condition and want of all things for warr which he then was in are somewhat strange although necessary for him against the continued Acts of violence vsed by the Tumults and avowed by the faction in Parliament and their continuall preparations for a warr and it is a demonstration of the Libellers impudence that would have such contemptible preparations in respect of the Rebells force by land and sea and possession of the forts Navy and Citie of London and Magazins of the Kingdome should be for the making of a warr vpon them which was in all reason soe vnable to withstand them The appearance of some hundreds of horse at Kingston shewes how greedy they are of pretences that make such a scare crow a cause of their Rebellion And the Queenes buying of Armes and the forces raysed in yorke shire were much lesse then needed when the Rebells had assumed the Militia of the Kingdome vnder their owne Commaund And their petitioning the King for peace which the Libeller mentions to be that while was that the King would submit to their Government and doe what they required and with what face now could any ingenuous man deny that the cheife designe of the warr was either to destroy his person or force his judgment As to act of hostilitie it is not much materiall in whome it first begun after such Councells and preparations It is materiall to the truth of the fact whatever the Councells were but he hath not named a Councell or preparation for warr but succeeding the designe of Rebellion and violence begun against their rage all that he supposes on the Kings part that looked towards a warr being only defensive and on the part of the Rebells plainely oppressive But he sayes in the Act alsoe the King will be found to have had the preceedenice if not at London by the assault of his armed Court vpon the naked people and his attempt vpon the house of Commons yet certainly at Hull first by his close practices on that Towne next by his seidge Was the Kings going with his guard to the house of Commons a proper army to make a warr they heeretofore called it a breach of priviledge and is it now growne soe big with time to be called a warr And must that which continued not an hower be defended with an Army raysed many moneths after And is his Iron flaile and the Parliaments Clients that were soe terrible to make lawes by force become a
naked people the ragged Regiment a formidable Army But if these doe not prove the King to have done the first act for it seemes he doubted it would not yet at Hull he is sure and if the King had fortified all or any of the Townes of his Kingdome is that the act of warr Is not the law evident that he may doe it and hath it not been the approved practice of all ages And if he beseidged Hull who began the warr they that surprized it or he that would recover it And yet the Libeller gravely concludes from this fardle that the King is truly charged with beginning the warr though the particulars themselves evince the contrary He sayes that at the Isle of weight he charged it vpon himselfe at the publique Treatie What he did at that Treatie is well knowne to be in order to the procuring of peace and though they that treated with him would have an Act to acquitt them for their securitie yet that could not alter the fact and the King tooke nothing on himselfe by consenting to passe an act if the Treatie tooke effect which act by law to whose interpretation only it was subject could not be expounded to charge the king with the beginning of that warr but so mainfest is the vntruth of their pretence that they would aide their cause by inferences from an Act of their owne importunitie and violence for their owne securitie He sayes the securing of Hull was noe surprisal but a timely prevention But was it not allwayes in the Kings power and Custodie before and what they did to Hull they did to his other Castles and is it noe surprizall to dispossesse those that are in possession He sayes it were folly beyound ridiculous to count our selves a free nation if the King against the Parliament might appropriate to himselfe the strength of a whole nation as his proper goods And is it lesse ridiculous to count themselves a free nation if the Parliament may appropriate to themselves all the strength of the kingdome as their owne proper goods against al the people are they more a free nation because they have many Masters Our nation justly accounted it selfe a free nation and yet a king had all the strength of the kingdome appropriated to him as his owne proper goods and they have seene how their libertie was preserved by that constitution how it hath been lost by vsurpation of this right in the name of Parliament The Parliament had never the life and death of lawes in their power and the people never thought it for their Securitie that they should and the Libeller may with as good reason call succeeding acts preventions aswell as this taking of Hull a Securing Are not the taking of Townes Acts of hostilitie vnder what name soever had not the taking of Hull been an Act of hostilitie in an Enemy And is it lesse in a Rebell The question is now of an act of hostilitie not the right of it and that the taking af a Towne is not an act of hostilitie wil be incredible to the meanest capacitie and noe lesse that the Parliament have a power of hostilitie against the king He sayes the law of the land is at best but the reason of Parliament And the reason of Parliament is noe reason if it differ from the opinion of Sectaries witnes his censure of voting the kings concessions a ground for peace it were as dissonant from law as reason that a kingly Government should be subject to the reason of a Major part in Parliament The King sayes they knew his cheifest Armes left him were those only which the ancient Christians were wont to vse against their persecutors prayers and teares At this the Libeller makes an exclamation O Sacred reverence of God respect and shame of men whither were ye fled when these hipocrisies were vttered Was the Kingdome at all that cost of blood to remove prayers and teares Shakespeare could not have framed a fitter exclamation for Rich. 3. Doubtles reverence of God respect and shame of men are fled from this man that makes this vaine prophane outcry Doth it follow that because the King got strength therefore he was possest of it when they rebelled against him doth not he reproach him that all his adherents hardly amounted to the making vp of one ragged Regiment strong enough to assault the vnarmed house of Commons And can he thinke there is a God that cryes out sacred reverence of God vpon occasion of these words of his Majest was ever king more destitute of aide and might more truly vse that expression then he Those thousands of Cavileers whose number he soe often despised and now advances are a conviction of his contempt of God and men and his prophanes is more abominable then any oaths curses and carouses he supposes And the numbers mustred on He worth Moore were a sufficient proofe of the Kings want of Armes to make a warr as they were then the matter of the Rebells scorne were not the Libeller as vaine as wicked he would not have mentioned the sale of the Crowne Iewells to buy Armes for a ground of his exclamation when nothing could shame him more were he capable of it for may not a man justly say that the cheifest Armes left a King were prayers teares when all his visible meanes to procure Armes were the Jewells of his Crowne those guns which were bought with the Jewells he calls deadly instruments of warr but the instruments of Rebells are harmeles and vnkilling Men of corrupt consciences thinke they may prophane the name of God at their pleasure by making their lewde constructions of words and Actions And although this libeller jeere at the Kings weakenes in the beginning of this warr which was visible to all the world the strength he found was vnexpected by his Enemies and that all men judged prayers and teares his cheifest Armes yet because strength came to him the Libeller calls Ammunition Regiments and Brigades prayers and teares his ordinary Armes being slander vntruth and prophanes In his next words he sayes they who fought for the Commonwealth have by the helpe of better prayers vanquished It seemes he holds not their prayers their cheifest Armes who trusted more in other Armes then their prayers and might thence have reasonably concluded that their succes was not given to their prayers but permitted for the sins scourge of the nation The King reckons not the want of the Militia in reference to his owne protection as his peoples Not consideringe sayes the Libeller how ill for seventeene yeares he had protected them and the miseries are like a forked Arrow it cannot be drawne out without incision of more flesh He hath told vs that those miseries of seventeene yeares were peace and plentie which those merciles Phisitians will cure by an endles warr letting out the blood and tearing the flesh of the afflicted people and wee now descerne what Phisike they intended
of the Earle of Strafford and heere reprehends the allusion to himselfe but they wil be the sun and set the would on fire He askes wherefore we should not hope to be governed more happily without a King when all our miserie hath been by a King or by our necessary vindication and defence against him He may not well hope to be governed happily by those that have gotten power by wicked Arts. An vnjust power wil seeke to support it selfe by the same meanes it was raysed It cannot be hoped that they will governe happily that seeke the oppression of the greatest part of the people and that can secure their private fortunes what ever become of the Kingdome They cannott hope for Gods blessing which only can make happy vpon the many wilfull perjuries hipocrisies cruelties which they vsed to vsurpe this Government and the persecution and murther of their lawfull soveraigne and they that pretēded miserie they knew not for a ground to change their Government will finde it by their folly and madnes He sayes the King would be thought enforced to perjury by having graunted the Militia by which his oath bound him to protect the people The Libeller askes if he can be perjured in graunting that why doth he refuse for no other cause the abolishing of Episcopacie The Libeller himselfe hath exprest other causes of his refusall to abolish Episcopacie but why may not one be perjured in both being equally bound by his oath If the Libeller have a sense in this it s very misticall vnles he meane that a man neede not feare many perjuries that committed one The protection of Delinquents was no part of his oath but of the innocent and that he ought to doe against popular fury and any vsurpt authoritie vnder what name soever That he was to protect by such hands as the Parliament should advise him was noe part of his oath and he could poorely protect that must expect such hands as others should allow him that were an oath to as litle vse as the power it supposed He may not hold a violent and incommunicable sword over vs vnder the shew of protection And must there not be a sword of protection because it may be turned to violence this is Rebells Logicke that would have no Judges because they may be corrupt these that terrifie the people with the dangers of violence vnder lawfull Governours vse power most Tyranically but wherefore incommunicable he thinkes it a thundering word to startle the people like Arbitrary Government and fundamentall lawes Is the sword of the supreame power communicable if it be in many hands what if they fight one with another which is the sword then to protect the people and how will they fight for their Liberties The King sayes that his yeilding the Militia was from the love of publique peace and assurance of Gods protection The Libeller askes wherefore this assurance of Gods protection came not till the Militia was wrung out of his hands Whence can he conclude that it came not till then But the wringing of the Militia out of his hands shewes how impudently these men pretend right or truth for their Actions must a man give vp his strength when it is demaunded because he hath an assurance of Gods protection and because he sees some reason to part with it as the king did for love of publique peace must he not therefore have an assurance of Gods protection his holding it fast was his dutie and the wringing it from him hath open injustice both in the Act and intention And the Libellers prophanes in jeering at the kings saying that God was able abundantly to compensate him as he did to Iob whatever honour power or libertie Chaldeans sabeans or the Devill himselfe deprived him of saying Iob vsed noe Militia nor Magazine at Hull Is not vnlike the Apostates scoffing at the Christians patience and suffering The King sayes Although they take all from him yet can they not obstruct his way to heaven The libeller sayes t is noe handsome occasion to tell vs whither he was going And hath it been an vnhandsome occasion in the saints of God to take occasion from their afflictions to declare their resolutions But these are his common censures He sayes private prayers in publique aske something of whome they aske not But prayers vpon a publique occasion lose not their reward for being publique Vpon the NINETEENE PROPOSITIONS THE King vses plausibilitie of large and indefinite words to defend himselfe at such distance as may hinder the eye of Common Iudgment from all distinct view and examination of his reasoning It is the Libellers labour to keepe his reasoning from Common view and therefore seekes to divert the readers by Chimericall suppositions and invectives against Monarchy and repeated common places of misgovernment Vpon examination the Kings plaine and distinct reasoning will appeare convincing to every right judgment The Libeller sayes The king shewes not how it can happen that the peace of a people should be inconsistent with the conscience and honour of a King And doth this man hold that the King ought to sacrifise Religion Justice and pietie for the peace of his people Shall he destroy innocent men and persecute Christians to procure peace Or are these things consistent with honour conscience and may not such things be desired by a wicked people in order to peace And therefore the Libeller vainely presses that nothing is more agreeable to the conscience and honour of a King then to preserve his subjects in peace And is there any thing more contrary to the conscience dutie of subjects then to procure a Civill warr by demaunding concessions of their King which in honour and conscience he cannot grannt which being graunted would be noe ground for a lasting peace though it avoyded a present warr The Libeller askes which of the propositions were obtruded on him with the point of the sword till he with the point of the sword thrust from him both propositions and propounders A strange question in this Libeller that hath soe often obtruded the feares and terrours raysed in the King by the Tumults and Iron flaile seizing of the Magazins and not leaving him a sword that had a point to thrust but this Theame is too much soyled by soe often repetition and yet he proceedes to talke of merciles obtrusions which for almost twentie yeares the King had been forcing vpon tender consciences by all sorts of persecutions And these tender consciences he will allow to be preferred before the peace of the Kingdome Truly these are not large and indefinite words but apparent absurdities to the eye of every Common judgment that the pretended conscience of every hipocriticall sectarie must be preferred to the peace of a Kingdome and the King must be allowed none but lose life and Kingdome or prostitute his conscience The Libellers examination of the Kings booke it seemes was noe other then of his owne writings that huddles vp
contradictions and absurdities soe obvious to the first sight His labour to declaime against persecution is not matter of fact and the impertinencie of it hath been already sufficiently detected The king sayes Many things are required of him nothing offred in requitall And the Libeller demaunds What could satiate the desires of this man who being King of England and Master of almost two millions yearely was still in want And yet the Masters in the new state affirme in their declaration that the constant Revenue of the Crowne exceeded not a hundred thousand pound a yeare And why should not the King expect contributions from his subjects aswell as al his Predecessours still had And why will this man deny him supplies that soe often obtrudes his wants and he will have the King content with Rebells Charitie and allowes them to take al from him when they list as the subjects money this is the supreame honour and Revenue that the king ought to content himselfe with It was for honours sake that they put the King vpon the giving part not that it belonged to him of right for he sayes all lawes are in the hands of the Parliament and King-shipp it selfe He sayes it and yet we must beleive him that England was a Monarchy if the Majestie were not in the king how was it other then a republique and it was for honours sake that they have been subjects these many hundred yeares wherefore would he have the world beleive warrs were made betweene competitours for the Crowne of England was it only to be a king in a play but we finde that what Rebells can attaine by power they will assert for right and they which have had soe many denialls and have professed conscientious subjection at last come to say it was for honours sake and of forme not necessitie that they were subjects The Libeller proceedes to shew that Monarchy cannot permit the requisites necessary to societie That the will of one man in Government is contrary to freedome And why not the will of five hundred to the freedome of the rest as much as that one These men thinke that their clamour against the power of one man hes a greate influence vpon the ignorant people which might have had some beleife before they had tryed their new Masters If we looke vpon the most ancient stories of the world we finde the people both in peace and warr commaunded by one man nature teaching the necessitie of one generall in an Army and the Government which God himselfe appointed to his people was by one man and as moyses was at first soe were his successours and the kings after Saul and David and this Libeller can speake nothing of this power of one man but must censure and vilifie Gods owne institution he offers nothing against Monarchy but what hes equall opposition to Parliament and all formes of Government for the peoples good for which he sayes the king hath his rights will assoone become a pretence for Rebellion against any Rulers as kings His denyall that the King is not greater then his Parliament is only opposinge his bare word to all sense and reason for doth the greater petition the lesse and yet the Parliament constantly petition the king He sayes the King can doe noe wrong And have not they then that pretend he had done wrong committed disobedience and wrong The King can doe noe right but in his Courts And if they be his Courts and his deputies and doe all in his name doth it not follow that it is his doing And though the kings sitt not ordinarily in their Courts yet they have often sate in severall Courts and in Parliament the King himselfe gives orders as appeares by the Presidents of all times and wherefore did the Parliament preferre their petition of right to the King and importuned his answeare if he had noe power to doe right but by his Courts But what concernes the administration of Justice by deputies is not peculiar to England but to all other Kingdomes Without his Courts he is noe King And yet they are his Courts and cannot sitt but by his graunt If the King doe wrong in the highest degree he must doe it as a Tyrant not as a King of England But he is still King of England though a Tyrant and if subjects may judge their King the ordinary acts of soveraigntie wil be wrong in the highest degree If he cannot as one greater give oft to the Parliament as the Libeller supposes and that it may be termed the Courtesie of England to aske any thing of the King They would not have importuned the Acts that have passed this Parliament nor have vsed their Iron flaile to obteine them and by his rule subjection is noe more the Courtesie of England then all other Countreyes We never forced him to part with his conscience but it is he that would have forced vs to part with ours and doth he that refuses the demaund of another force his conscience that demaunds Doth the Kings denyall force his subjects consciences because they force themselves to Rebell and enforce him to say what they will have him The Authors descant vpon the Kings words of the incommunicable Iewell of his conscience discovers how he hath exposed his owne to the flatterie and slaverie of his Masters and had he thoughts of conscience he would not have valued it at the basest price The breeding of Most kings hath ever been sensuall and most humoured He speakes it of his owne sense and inclination to such base offices Kings have greatest cause to avoyde such breeding and persons of such condition The kings dissent from his whole kingdome is a supposition of that which never was and were impossible ever to happen but should it happen they that are governed must submitt to the governour and that by all the Rules of divine and humane law The Libeller saying the king preferrs his love of truth before the love of his people the Kings words are the love I have of my peoples place hath greate influence vpon me but the love of truth and inward peace hath more And who thinkes not that it ought to have soe For his search of truth he had gone amisse if he had rested on those propounders which the Libeller prescribes him And that vnaccountable Prerogative which the Libeller sayes is the truth he loves would have been judged a truth by the Libeller if he had reteined either feare of God or love to his Countrey It is our ill hap that three kingdomes should be pestred with one conscience which scrupled to graunt what the Parliament advised him But it was the miserie of the three kingdomes that a faction of depraved men that had cast away conscience should oversway the Parliament and demaund graunts for their owne ambition against the kingdome These scruples to many he sayes seeme pretended to others vpon as good grounds may seeme reall And to this it seemes the Libeller inclines for noe reason wil
wickednes whose righteousnes in other matters hath been least observed And these are noe Pharisees that traduce the opposers of their sacriledge for want of righteousnes in other matters this is their new righteousnes that allowes none holy but their owne gang and nothing vnholy that they practise and therefore they will not see the Kings vertues least they be driven to confesse their owne wicked Actions against him Vpon the REBELLION IN IRELAND IT Could not possibly be soe secrett from whence it sprung as the contriver supposed And if he knew the contrivers perhaps he might know whether they supposed it would be secrett for they that pretended to be the principall contrivers avowed it openly It cannot be imaginable that the Irish guided by soe many subtill and Italian heads should soe farr have lost the vse of reason and Common sense as not supported by other strength then their owne to begin a warr soe desperate against England and Scotland And truly it may seeme that they who thought themselves wiser then Italian heads had lost reason Common sense who letting lose or rather cutting asunder the Reynes of Government which held in that kingdome to a people naturally disaffected to those vnto whome they were subject invited them to that Rebellion first in a popular fury cutting of the Ld. Lieutenant to gratifie them then leaving the Kingdome without a successour and preparing the way to a Civill warr in England stirring vp jealosies against the King and weakning his Authoritie and composing Apologies for Rebellion which would serve the Iris he pretences aswell as the diferences in England their designes and those Italian heads saw as much advantage from our broyles as want of aide from other nations who were busied to the vtmost in their owne most necessary concernements And therefore the libeller vainely inferrs authoritie for assistance promised from England vnles it were from the faction in the houses there being noe visible strength then in any other there neede not nor could be any private assurance vnto the Irish Rebells from any other but that faction and it is most apparent that they neglected all meanes to remedie that mischeife busying themselves wholy in laying the ground worke of the Rebellion in England which they held their most necessary concernment this was ground enough for Italian heads to stirr vp that Rebellion The libeller proceedes vpon his suppositions as if they were graunted truths he would insinnate an equivocation in what the King sayes That the sea of blood is enough to drowne any man ineternall both infamy and miserie whome God shall finde the malitious Author or instigatour of that effusion Because he sayes the Rebells themselves wil not confesse that any blood was shed by them maliciously but for the Catholique cause or Common libertie Therein they differ not from the Libeller and his English Rebells for they wil not confesse any of the blood they shed to be maliciously but for Religion and Common libertie and thence the Libeller learnes his skill to cast suspitions vpon the plainest expressions of others he well descerned that the King vsed the word malicious for aggravation not restriction his observation was captious when he read in the following Period that the King affirmes nothing could be more abhorred of him being soe full of sin against God disloyaltie to himselfe and destructive to his subjects and calls God to wittnes that as he could with truth wash his hands in innocencie as to any guilt in that Rebellion soe he might wash them in his teares as to the sadd apprehension he had to see it spredd so far make such waste And the Libeller himselfe after soe impertinent and malitious an insinuation confesses he denies it both heere and elswhere But he sayes there is in it no such wide disagreemēt from the scope of his former Counsells we are sure there could not be agreement with the scope of his former Counsells It was agreeable to the Counsells of Rebells to defame the King with this aspersion it is not strange that vntruths may be affirmed in three Kingdomes in reguard of the contrivers that soe industriously spred them But let vs heare his reasons or reports It s most certaine that the King was ever friendly to the Irish Papists And its certaine that what he sayes is falfe but what 's that to their Rebellion against himselfe or destroying his Kingdome But his certaintie is that the King in his third yeare against the plaine advice of Parliament like a kinde of Pope sold them many indulgences for money And was he a kinde of Pope to take their penalties of them which the law enacted for their recusancy was that Pope like That the King might not receive the penalties which the law gave him or take compositions where the whole could not be had was never against the advice of Parliament but this is a very long stride from his third yeare to the beginning of the Rebellion but how does he hang this togeather The advancing the Popish partie he sayes but instances in noe particular nor for negotiating vnderhand by Priests which were as impertinent to an inference of the Kings friend-ship or causing the Rebellion as the vse of such persons by Ministers of State though of different Religion He engaged the Irish Papists in a warr against the Scotch protestants there was never popish engagement against the Scotts for the King if in the kings Army raysed in that kingdome there were Papists it was without the engagement of their partie but their engagement by alleagiance to their King and whence doth it follow that because the King raysed an Army in Ireland he must therefore rayse the Rebellion in Ireland and as it s well knowne that the keeping vp of that Army would probably have prevented the Rebellion of Ireland that it was disbanded long before that Rebelliō brake foorth so they which complained so much of that Army and importuned to have it disbanded thereby prepared the way to their owne Rebellion as groundlesse and cruell as that of the Irish The summer before that dismall October a Committee of active Papists all since in the head of the Rebelliō yet Sr. Hardresse waller was one of them were in greate favour at whitehall and admitted to private consultations of the King and Queene Then all Companies of Traytours are Committees from the example of the late Parliament But he was loath to say they were a Committee as they were from the lower house of Parliament in Ireland which kept correspondence with the faction of the English Parliament and made addresses to them and were encouraged by them in their proceedings with the King and their comming over was wholy to serve the designe of the faction in England But noe meane matters were the subject of these conferences for he gave away his peculiar right to more then five Irish Counties for an inconsiderable Rent But it was not his right of soveraigntie
such as inferre good affection to the Irish from such premises will easily make vaine or malitious rumours strong proofes The King sayes he hath the greatest share of dishonour and losse by what is committed The Libeller as before makes this noe Argument because every one that offends God or his neighbour hath the greatest share of losse and dishonour in the end and have they not worldly ends in offending God and if these ends were not sought by them they would not offend God He pretended before that this was a politique contrivance of the King and now he would have it an act without designe Doth he thinke that the malitious reports of him and his Scotchman are of weight to make a man suspected of an act directly tending to his owne vndoing and would the King instigate the Irish Rebellion for his owne ends to have the assistance of the Irish which by such engagement could not assist him Though presumptions are noe convincing proofes yet they are more credible then suspitions or reports It is a strong Argument for the peoples confidence in their King more then in other men because his interest lies cheifely in the common welfare of his subjects and it is hard to beleive that a King will knowingly doe any thing against that interest and to his owne losse and dishonour and whenever any have offended in that kinde the proofe of it hath been more apparent then the authoritie of rumours and Libells but heere the act it selfe cannot have any possibilitie of concurrence to the Kings ends It too notoriously appeares in another section which he Mangles but shall heere have it whole The King sayes t is thought by many wise men that the preposterous rigour and vnreasonable severitie which some men carryed before them in England was not the least incentive that kindled and blew vp into those horrid flames the sparkes of discontent which wanted not predisposed fewell for Rebellion in Ireland The Libeller sayes that these some men are the Parliament And if the Rebells had feed an Advocate he could hardly have dazled better Truly the Libellers too notoriously doth not amount to a dazling of any eyes from descerning his vaine confidence Does any thing heerein excuse a Rebellion that speakes only of what succeded it And if the kings censure of the proceedings of such as managed the busines against the Rebells shew an affection to the Rebells then certainely most Princes that have had warrs in Ireland were very guiltie of that affection that vsed like censures but what the king sayes heere was spoken in Parliament by diverse members who disadvised the preposterous severitie that was propounded and afterward proceeded in and it will rest an indelible blemish of a rash and vnadvised Councell in those men that in the beginning of a Rebellion would put a whole nation into despaire and feare of extirpation That their wonted oppressions as they conceived should rather have made them against the King then the Parliament is easily beleived for it s knowne to all the world they did rise against the king vpon pretence of regaining their nationall liberties from the English oppression as they called it and since the Libeller seeth soe apparent an Argument of their rising against the king its blinde madnes to suspect their rising for the king The Parliament then pretended to act for the king and that the Rebellion was against him not themselves but the man deserts his Arguments and falls to his old common place and will suspect the king because he vsed the Prelaticall Religion and to force it vpon others made Episcopall Ceremoniall and common prayer booke warrs Such men as made warrs and raysed Rebellion to take away the order of Bishopps Ceremonies and booke of Common prayer established by lawes in the Raignes of best Princes with the advice of the most eminent confessours and Martyrs of the age wherein they lived conformable to the Scripture and purest times of the Church declare to the whole world that they have neither shame truth nor Religion and are justly stigmatized for making not only Episcopall Ceremoniall and common prayer booke warrs but Antichristian and Diabolicall Rebellion That the Papists knew these warrs were their warrs may easily be beleived for they must needes apprehend advantage from the Rebellion But it s well knowne that the Papists are more jealous of Episcopacie Ceremonies and booke of common prayer as they stand reformed in the Church of England then of the Directory Extemporall devotions independent or Presbiterall platformes that have noe foundation in the Scripture or the doctrine or practice of the ancient Church but what is this to the preposterous rigour and vncharitable fury that he would justifie Does he meane that the extirpation of the Irish was the sole way to suppresse open Idolatry and is this what we may doe Evangecally to be their Reformers Is blood massacre Evangelicall reformation is kill and reforme the same thinge As that rigour observed by his Majest was altogeather vnpolitique soe if it were intended in order to Religion it was most abominable such Massacres being the designes of irreligious persecutours not Evangelicall Reformers who though they feare not their adversaries yet will not give them cause of scandall nor desperation and such as make destruction their Reformation shew they feare men whome they seeke to kill not God whome presumptuously and hipocritically they pretend to serve His instance of King James is as impertinent as scurrilous that after the powder plot King Iames durst never doe other then equivoiate and collegue with the Pope bis adherents Doth this viper beleive the Pope or his adherents had any such thoughts Was the writing against the the Pope a Colloguinge The many invectives of Popish writers against him signifie the plaine contrary besides the lawes made by him against Popish recusants shew that the Author was in one of his lunatique transes when he dreamt of that heckticke trembling The retarding and delayes of releife to Ireland against that Rebellion were soe apparently discovered to proceede from the faction in Parliament that there rests not the least colour to charge it vpon the King They converted the subjects money and other preparations for the releife of Ireland to the raysing of the Rebellion in England and they hindred the going over of a new governour into that kingdome because they would vse his helpe to their designes at home They were diffident to trust the King with an army and therefore refused his offer to goe in person against the Rebells It seemes they had litle compassion on that people that preferred their jealosies before their pittie it is a plaine Treason and encouragement to that Rebellion to pretend distrust of their King and shewes they sought their owne personall securitie before the remedie of that Rebellion the safetie of the kingdome His Majest might justly finde fault with those who threatned all extreamitie to the Rebells and they that exclude all mercy
to every single person where multitudes are involved and such as followed Absolom with a simple heart shew neither humanitie nor Christianitie when Fathers Brothers Wives and Children were destroyed by such an occasion neither is Magistracie and warr vnder the gospell giuded by such passions but by the rules of Christian pittie and such as give themselves the licence of vniversall Massacres will not abstaine from embruing their hands in the blood of their Fathers Brothers Wives and Children sparing neither ancient nor suckling King nor Priest defacing all Monuments of Christianitie and turning Religion into the discourses of their hirelings and all devotion into squint eyes and disfigured faces and erect an Empire in themselves with the slaughter of all that submitt not to them The repetition of making the warr by the King in England is his Catholicon against all exceptions and Gewgawes of the Crowne and Copes and surplisses and such trinketts he thinkes are names to sublimate his braine sicke Sectaries into their frenetique fitt and make them cry out greate are the Calves of their vnknowne Religion whither they contemne the wisedome of God vnder the law his mercy vnder the gospel and will rather wade through the blood of their Country then endure power in the King or decencie in the Church There is greate difference betweene the instances of the destruction of the sichemites and the disciples calling for fire from heaven against the Citie that denyed lodging and this of a nation by just warr execution to slay whole famelies of them who had staine whole families before But where lies the odds there was asmuch threatned to the Irish as was done to the sichemites Though there were a difference betweene the sins of some there was noe difference betweene the innocence of many and there is noe difference betweene them that will destroy promiscuously without mercy where all are not guiltie in the one case and the other But why doth not the Libeller state his case right and insteede of families sett downe the whole nation as the truth was Did he shrinke at the expression of the truth at large and name families to diminish the guilt That which was done against the Benjamites was by Gods revealed will in that particular Case and yet there was a remnant reserved of them that escaped the present stroake of the warr and they returned againe to their possessions The Libeller sayes he speakes not this that such measure should be meated to all the Irish or as remembring that the Parliament ever soe decreed But if they did soe then this shall serve for their justification for to what end els is it that he offers excuses To shew that this homily meaning it seemes the Kings discourse hath more of craft and affectation then sound doctrine But either it is sound doctrine or else the Libeller must justifie the contrary to which he sayes that which he speakes is not intended and that which he hath brought shewes that the homily he intends is found Doctrine and his intended opposition signifies nothing but his owne corruption The King would have some punished which he sayes were of least vse and must of necessitie have been sacrifised to his reputation And can he thinke that the king caused the Rebellion and yet would punish any for his reputation might they not then produce it and how then could he sacrifise them to his reputation which would be more wounded by the punishing of one then the sparing of all The king sayes some were to be pretected vpon their submission from the fury of those who would soone drowne them if they refused to swim downe the popular streame with them The Libeller sayes that fury is applyed to the Parliament If such were their condition it s not misapplyed The Libeller sayes he remembers not they had soe decreed if not how could it be applyed to them And wherefore doth he except to the soundnes of the doctrine if it concerned them not Those who would not swim downe the streame are Papists Prelates and their faction He meanes not English Prelates for they have not yet been charged with the Irish Rebellion and if he meane the Romish Prelates it were superfluous having named Papists before and why doth he say that he speakes not that such measure should be meated to all the Irish when he would have the king esteemed a favourer of the Jrish Rebellion if he protected any Irish Papists vpon their submission For he sayes by this who sees not that he and the Irish Rebells had but one aime And whoever thinkes he sees it by this hath neither sight nor reason and there is nothing to be seene in the Libellers inference but excessive impudence and falshood The King sayes some kinde of zeale is not seldome more greedy to kill the Beare for his skin then for any harme he hath done This the Libeller renders our zeale and would inferre from thence that the Parliamentis more bloody in the prosecution of their Iustice then the Rebells in their crueltie And by what construction can he make that good may there not be by ends in a judge yet his sentence not soe bloody as a malefactours Cryme he that charges a Magistrate with a wrong end in giving a Just sentence doth not diminish the Cryme of the malefactour Can any rationall soule conclude vpon the Kings dislike of irregular proceedings against the Irish that he excused their Cryme This is chaffe to cast in the eyes of his bleerde Sectaries for none else are soe purblinde and there neede noe dispute that the King perfectly hated the Irish Rebellion justly censured the proceeding in that vnseasonable threatning of destruction The instance of the beares skin was made by a member of the lower house at the time when they debated that busines and yet they then thought it noe favour to the Irish nor censure of their owne proceedings The cessation which the King made was in favour of the Irish and without the advice of Parliament to whome he had committed the managing of that warr The King plainely descerned that the designe of the faction in Parliament in managing the Irish warrs was only to draw money from the people vnder that pretence to subdue England and destroy him by taking away al assistance from him and thence proceedes their Calumnie vpon the cessation and their willfull neglect and diversion of succours amidst the reiterated Cryes of the protestants in that Kingdome the importunitie of the Lords Justices and the visible growth of the Enemy shewes the advantage they made of that Rebellion the King was bound in Justice and honour to preserve that Kingdome and in Christian pittie to releive his distressed subjects which he could not doe without resuminge the managing of that warr which had been soe Treacherously miscarried by those he trusted as he made that cessation by the advice intreatie of his protestant subjects there soe they were sufficient wittnesses of the
vnderstanding of the nature and consequence of the things graunted and as his Majest professed a cleerer information after these Actions had passed him soe he evidently saw that they were more against his subjects good then his owne and that insteede of preventing an Arbitrary power it would have introduced an arbitrary licence and confusion into the Kingdome and such men as preferre the bondage of popular confusion or the licentious insolence of many Lords are eyther inchanted with a witch craft of Rebellion or stupidly benummed with a senseles Lethargy With what Zeale the Libeller reproves the abuse of Scripture when he exclaimes as if it offended his conscience we may perceive by the allusion he makes saying Ireland was as Ephraim the strength of his head meaning the Kings Scotland as Iudah was his law giver but over England as over Edom he meant to cast his shooe Hath this man reverence to Scripture or the Author of it He comes againe to accuse the King for persecuting the consciences of Religious men a knowne vntruth yet soe much beloved by the Libeller as he seemes impatient to misse the repetition of it and with this he joynes his reproving the Kings profession of being an Enemy of those that forced the conscience because he had made a warr and lost all rather then not vphold the Bishopps It is an Argument that he esteemed his conscience that lost all for it But the Libeller sayes they were persecuting Bishopps The King vpholding Bishopps vpholds not persecution or abuse and the Libellers confounding the office ill exercise of it makes knowne his want of Argument The falshood of their Calumnies against the Bishopps is sufficiently manifested to the world that after soe many vehement outcryes they have not proved on such act of persecution done by any one of them not the presons but the office lawe were the persecution in this mans judgment The King obtruded new Ceremonies vpon vs vpon the Scotts a new Liturgie There were noe new Ceremonies obtruded by him in England and this horrid Rebellion to take away the Ceremonies and Government legally established and continually practised vnder the name of innovations detects both the fraude and outrage of their proceedings The new leiturgie offred the Scots by advice of their Bishopps and Clergie was an act befitting the care of a King and noe man will beleive that it was an offence te their consciences who made noe conscience of blood and Rebellion vpon pretence of their conscience which the world sees was an hipocriticall straining at a straw and swallowing a Camell and these tender conscience men have written their tendernes of conscience with the blood of their brethren which will remaine a memoriall of their dissembled sanctitie What hinderance of the search of truth he meanes is not vnderstood vnles he would have the dreames of mad sectaries confirmed by authoritie He would have the penalties of lawes thought persecution of the conscience and sectaries the Judges and sayes if himselfe meaning the King and his learned Churchmen were the obstinate part should Reformation suffer them to sit Lording like the greate whore And are sectaries Libells convictions of Kings and learned Churchmen and the clamours of malefactours a sentence against the Judge Such is the Government that must now rule the world and Reformation must be an Idoll in the hands of a seditious sectarie whereto the people must fall downe and such vnstable multitudes carried about with every winde of doctrine are likely to be those many waters on which the greate whore sits which hath for corruption and crueltie a greate resemblance vnto those false prophetts that now seduce the people These Clergimen were not to bedriven like sheepe but driven out like wolves But they are theeves and wolves that enter into the sheepefold by violence and stealth and the ambition and greedines of these wolves will finde occasion to sucke the blood and devoure the flesh of the sheepe The king sayes that he beleives the Presbiterie though proved to be the only institution of Iesus Christ were not by the sword to be set vp without his consent which is contrary saith the Libeller both to the doctrine and knowne practice of all Protestant Churches if his sword threaten those who of their owne accord imbrace it But then it cannot be sett vp by the sword vnles his sword threaten those that imbrace it And this jugler denies what the king sayes and yet in effect professes it and while he enrages the Tumults to sett vp their Presbiterie with the sword produces Arguments only for defence The reformed Churches professe to follow the ancients in suffering not associate themselves to bloody Sectaries in Rebelling And his next words impert that private men may not contend with Magistrates nor vse force against them Though Christ and his Apostles being to Civill affaires but private men contended not with Magistrates yet when Magistrates themselves and especially Parliament come to know Religion they ought to defend it against any King or Tyrant What is defence to the question in hand of setting vp Religion by the sword without the kings consent May an inferiour Christian Magistrate take Armes against his superiour a Pagan to sett vp Religion Is he not as much a private man as our Saviour and his Apostles where the Civill power hath not given him a right And as a Civill right is not imaginable soe the pretence of a power from Religion is execrable and false which will not permitt an vsurpation vpon the Civill right There may be a King where there is noe Parliament and it is noe more lawfull for an inferiour Migistrate or to Parliament who are but private men in regard of the Prince whose deputies they are to take the sword to sett vp Religion against the King their soveraigne then for any private men and were not the libeller distracted betweene evidence of truth and his owne corrupt inclinations he would not instance in the name of Magistrates and Parliament that but the line before pretended the power of the people to doe the same thing by the doctrine and practice of all Protestant Churches and would make them more publique persons then their Saviour and his Apostles he thinkes his reviling language of Tyrany and bloody Bishopps and the King their pupill are irrefragable Arguments in the judgment of his pubills There is a large difference betweene forcing men by the sword to turne Presbiterians and defending them who willingly are soe But then it is impious to force ment to be soe what those wretches did to the King for not being soe and for not consenting to impose it vpon the kingdome by a law the world knowes and the world is wittnes and they have robbed men of their possessions by the sword to sett vp this new Religion His charging Covetuousnes and ambition to be the events of Episcopacy is schismaticall malice for Episcopacie in the beginning of the Church was attended with povertie and
compasse And it s very likely never regarded by those who never guided themselves by other compasse then sea robbers that make prey only their compasse But were not these divided mindes heard of when he spake of Arch presbitery and other subdivisions And these windes he sayes were pretended to be foreseene least he should be taken at his word The King foresaw their intended murther and though he feared it not his word never was to be taken to make himselfe accessory to his Enemies impietie But that controversie he sayes divine lot hath ended Suffering and Martirdome hath been the lot of the righteous but Gods controversie with their persecutors is not thereby ended and the Libeller reckons too soone the end of his controversie that entitles God with such Actions The Kings knowledge is sufficiently evident and he hath distinguished the venerable gray haires of ancient Religion from the old scurfe of superstition and the vertigo of novell prophanes And the wholesome heate of his well governing shewes his judgment in state Phisike and while Emperickes and horse leaches tooke vpon them to amend the body they turned the equall temper of it into the feaverous rage of Tyranizing There neede noe oracle to tell who heated the furnace of this obloquy it is sufficiently confessed and they that endured Nobuchadnezars furnace might have warned this Libeller to have abstained from that allusion for if the oracle of truth God himselfe commaunded the Jewes to be subject to Nebuchadnezar notwithstanding his golden Image and madnes The libeller might see his litle with ill applyed in making the question who deserved to be throwne in Nebuchadnezar or his three Kingdomes And this high conceite of his deserves the fierie furnace that would perswade three Kingdomes they might cast in their King If his greate seale were not sufficient without the Parliament to create Lords his parole must be vnable to create learned and Religious men Surely this man doth not see what he sayes for it is a confessed truth that the kings greate seale without Parliament was sufficient to create Lords and though his judgment could not create men yet by the choise he made men are satisfied he descerned them better then they that would vndertake to point them out The opposition proceeded from heads farr wiser and spiritts of a nobler straine then popular preachers And are not their buffe and sword preachers popular preachers And are those wiser heads and nobler spiritts the Creatours of preachers And hath the tub overturned the pulpitt The Priest led herodians with their blinde guides are in the ditch already These are the constant Testimonies of the Libellers reverence to Scripture and things sacred what 's become now of the advice of the Parliament and three Kingdomes He was very much overseene that would have divided interests such vnknowne windes and heere blowes away his brother Presbiterian for a Priest-led herodian and blinde guide travelling as he thought to sion but moor'd in the Isle of weight And we see that these who began first with the Bishopps will at last have noe Presbiters at all but pretend with the Rebells against Moses that all the congregation is holy and will sayle by the winde of their owne braines without Card or Compasse Factions are not only like Mathematicall Lines allwayes divisible but perpetually dividing The Kingdome of England cannot acknowledge the wisedome of those heads from whome the designe of destroying King and Kingdome proceeded men willfull for mischeife are farr from wise heads nor is insolence or inhumanitie a Testimony of noble spirits Popular preachers now see they were deceived in their owne judgments and abilities to governe aswell as of the goodnes of the lawes they were governed by and the persons to whome they owed subjection and that their planting of disaffection to the Church of England in the people could not attract reverence to them but an attendance vpon vsurpers who made vse of such preaching to improve the peoples disobedience to their lawfull Rulers and they may now see that aversion to the Church is a false measure of sinceritie and that their followers after the shaking of their lawfull governours call them by whose ill principles they were misledd blinde guides and while this Libeller would seeme to be a Christian he not only seekes to make the name a reproach but the miseries thereof a scorne whence comes his allusion of Priest-led herodians but from the passage touching the place of our saviours nativitie enquired of the Priests by herod travelling to sion is not the subjects of common pasquils The Kings letter to the Pope imports nothing to his purpose and all men now see that Religion is not at all in their thoughts and that these repetitions are vulgar scare crowes The innovations alledged by professed schismatickes that innovate at vnquestionably demonstrate their owne confutation His vsing the assistance of some Papists in setling protestantisme was vnseemely and suspicious But the vse of them against such as would vnsetle the Civill Government and destroy the King vnder pretence of vnsetling the Religion established is just and necessary and it inferrs not that the most part of Protestants were against him because an active faction had surprized the strength of the Kingdome and necessitated him to seeke succours where he might have them the King never obtruded setlement of any thing new but defence against violence of what was established and Papists may fight for their King though Traytours pretend to the Protestant Religion for the ground of their quarrell That noe man ever thought that the King had learned that difference of perswasion in Religious matters may fall out where there is the samenes of dutie Alleagiance and subjection And the Libeller askes wherefore then such compulsion to the Puritans and Scotland about conformitie to the Leiturgie Doth the King say that those of different perswasions ought not to be better informed and sought to be gained to a right vnderstanding though there may be the samenes of alleagiance ought he not to seeke the samenes of perswasion in points of difference This is his common logicke and he askes wherefore then noe Bishopp noe King He might have answeared himselfe that there may not be the samenes of opinion touching alleagiance in differences of Religion though there may be and it s now plaine though formerly not beleived that such as would have noe Bishopps would have noe King and had not the samenes of intention though the same dutie and obligation of alleagiance to their King as those of the contrary perswasion and that Episcopacy is agreeable to Monarchy the contrary not but Rebells catch at every shaddow and offer every dreame for a truth and are as light in obtrudinge pretences as resolute to act their villanies either with or without them How diversified sects can be all protestants must be shewed by some doctrines that protestants yet vnderstand not and the medly of Papists and protestants in a religious cause is noe more
disproportioninge of Religions then the mixing of those diversified sects which are noe more protestants then Papists Maskes and disguises were the foreprophesied garments of Sectaries and it is a sure signe that their errours are willfull not weake sparing noe falshoods whereby they may get power and confating their pretences by their practice They heretofore professed greate opposition to Papists for doctrines of Rebellion now they preach the same doctrines are angry that there are papists that disclaime them The ancient Christians held it a Religious cause to defend their King Countrey were mixed with Pagans in that cause and soe of late the protestants of France and they held it vnchristian to forsake that Religious cause vnder pretence of Religion and those pretences taken from Religion the letter to the Pope and evill Councellours are apparent to be nothing but vulgar cheates to enforce the King to consent to the Rebells demaunds and wrest his scepter from him The sharpe afflictions of the Kingdome shew they were not inveterate diseases of Government but a suddaine pestilence and such as can beleive that the Tyrany of the present Masters are the lawes of Parliament deserve to be governed by a whip not by a scepter The Libellers reproofe of the peoples levitie prayse of popularitie are inconsistēt and his argument of reproach from dissenting to what the Parliament advised and his charging the Parliament for want of wisedome and integritie turne all his arguments to his owne shame and shew that it is not right but Rebellion he pleades for and that he esteemes neither Civill nor Philosophicall libertie which are confined to Government but confusion and licence without limitts If this Libeller would be subject to a Magistrate and in the lames as he professes why doth he Rebell against the Magistrate and the lawes and why doth he pretend the Parliaments Authoritie if he may breake that authoritie As indeede he doth alow that noe obligations of Government can hold him and by the same rule he pretends injury to be restrained in one thing he may in every thing and these Rebells like Lucifer vsurpe above all spheares Though men ought not to speake evill of diginties which are just yet nothing hinders to speake evill of those who in their dignities doe evill as oft as it is the truth Thē the Scripture vnnecessarily forbad to speake evil of dignities for we may not speake vntruth of any person if the Scripture meant noe more then not to slander in commaunding not to speake evill of the Ruler of the people St. Paul needelessely retracted his words of the high Priest If shewes how neere the spiritt of Lucifer these men are that pretend a right to practice whatever our Saviour or such as were inspired of God forbad vpon pretence of actions done by power extraordinary and yet there is no example of this speaking evill of dignities as the Libeller imagines nor of publique reproaches Though Kings were reproved it was by such as had particular directions from God not by every wandring levite and they did not defame them to others And as his Maj we beleive was heard of God in mercy so he might without injury to the Prerogative of Christ pray to be made the head stone of the conrer according to that subordination which he held vnder God and Christ in ruling his people Vpon the ORDINANCE against the booke of COMMON PRAYER INnovations are generally more dangerous then old errours by how much peace is more desireable then broyles and combustions We have noe warrant to beleive such a condition in the Church of God that should allwayes be reforminge nor that the Christian Church had never lawfull Pastours nor any thing practised according to Christs institution till the present Sectaries revealed it to the world We have found by experience that there is noe dotage equall to that men have vpon their owne opinions nor any greater errours nor mischeifes more dangerous then such which are introduced by pragmaticall Reformers who would conforme the world to their fancies and innovation is oftner obtruded vnder the name of reformation then reformation is censured and opposed vnder the name of innovation The King sayes not that the removing of the Leiturgie was a thing plausible to the people as he falsely relates but sayes that after popular contempts offred to the booke and those that vsed it it must be crucified by an ordinance His Majest likens not the rejection of the booke to the crucifying of our Saviour but the carriage of the rejecters to the cursed Jewes who crucified our Saviour and these men that rejected the booke shewed as litle reverence to him that was to be prayed to by the formes in that booke as to the booke it selfe King Edw. 6. confesses to the Cornish Rebells it was noe other then the old masse booke done into English some few words expung'd which is very false though al that is in the old masse booke is not therefore to be rejected and these men may aswell make an Argument they may not pray at all because the Masse booke prescribed prayer aswell as reject formes of Devotion because they were in the masse booke It was the Carnall feare of divines and Politicians that modelled the Leiturgie noe further of from the old masse least they should incense the people This hath been the conceite of Schismaticall Politicians though the lightnes of it be very apparent for it cannot be thought that the people would be more incensed by an alteration of the prayer then an alteration of the language and the taking away of the externall superstitions was more likely to incense the people as it did then any alteration of the Leiturgie and it had been very easie to have made any alteration in the Matter when the language was changed and in the time of Queene Elizabeth when no such feare could be pretended the demaunds of the schismatickes for abolishing the leiturgie were held frivolous and seditious The Libeller sayes good desires rightly conceived in the heart wholesome words will follow of themselves But wholesome words will beget good desires and how publique prayer in the congregation can be vsed vnles a leiturgie be admitted noe true Christian can finde a way That the prescription of a Leiturgie was not imposed nor practised by the first founders of the Church is an apparent falshood The Lords prayer and the prescriptions of the Apostles to make prayers for all men for Kings al in authoritie that we might leade a quiet life in all godlines and honestie and the many leiturgies yet extant convince all but willfull gainsayers and it had been in vaine for the Apostle to commaund the people to obey such as had the oversight of them if they had noe authoritie to prescribe things lawfull and honest and this Libeller that hath been florishing with authoritie of the reformed Churches heere condemnes them all who none excepted vse Leiturgies Without whose meaning the first founders of the
commō counsel of Presbiters whē these schismes began and when things were soe governed were there not Apostles in the Church and superiour to Presbiters St. Ierome affirmes that Bishopps rather by custome then ordainement of Christ were exalted above Presbiters St Ierome speakes of priviledges given to Bishopps above Presbiters by custome but he affirmes the power of ordination belonging to them and not to Presbiters Though St. Ierome make a difference betwixt the ordainment of Christ and the practice of the Apostles neither he nor any good Christian ever questioned the lawfullnes authoritie of such Custome of the Church in the times of the Apostles and this man that in this very Chapter said the King produced noe Scripture and that antiquitie was not of weight against it now gravely determines that interpretation of St. Ierome in his sense shal be received before intricate◠stuffe tatled out of Timothy and Titus Thus this prophane hipocrite prostitutes Scripture where it contradicts their practises and St. Ierome shal be preferred before Scripture if he seeme to favour their sense and vilified beneath Esops falles if he dissent from them If it be farr beyound Court Element what is said by his Majest it is not above his owne the proper Element of this breaker is prophanes and impudence and heere againe he importunately obtrudes the Kings letter to the Pope which he makes a cheife support of his Trayterous pretences but the authoritie of a gazet out of which he quotes it is too meane to rayse a scandall vpon a Prince in the judgment of any reasonable men and this man well knowes the fraude in publishing that false Copie of the Kings letter which he willfully passes by and the satisfaction which the King gave the Parliament and whole Kingdome vpon his returne out of Spaine the dissolving of those Treaties which occasioned that letter must stopp the mouth of all detractours to offer it as an argument of his Majest inclination to the Roman Religion The Libeller answeares his Majest argument to prove his sufferings out of conscience not Policie because his losses were more considerable then episcopacy with objecting hardning and blindnes being himselfe hardned to oppose all light of truth and shut his eyes against the cleerest demonstrations Where hath more faction and confusion ever been bredd then vnder the imparitie of his owne Monarchicall Government The king pretended not any Government could absolutely shut out faction but we may be sure those factions are most dangerous to all Governments whose principles are destructive to it and these factions were not bredd in the constitution of Monarchy but among the Enemies af it and the envious man sowed his tares while men slept and as he will not stand powling of the reformed Churches to know their numbers soe he wil hand over head affirme that the farr greater part in his Majest three kingdomes desired what they have now done to throw downe Episcopacie which hath as litle weight as truth the reformed Churches are not vilified one by another though each maintaine their severall formes of Government and his Majest is farr from vilifying those Churches but the Libeller vilifies himselfe and them that scoffs at their Arch presbitery classicall and Diocesine Presbitery and their Priest-led herodians blinde guides None but Lutherans retained Bishopps and therein convinces himselfe of his often repeated vntruths that all the reformed Churches rejected Episcopacy for the Novations Montanists having noe other Bishopps then such as were in every village is another of his falsities in adding the word every and it doth not prove that these heretickes had not Bishopps and Presbiters which Christians may have though they live in Caves and deserts and its evident in story those heretickes had Bishopps That the Aerians were condemned for heretickes the Libeler well knowes and the King naming them soe meddles not with their particular heresies and it is too obscure to be seene that the King fastens that opinion touching Bishopps and Presbiters for their heresie Though the Clergie ought to minister the gospell if the people supply them not yet such temutie and contempt quickely becomes a Carkase indeede The Sectaries that place their greatenes in being the ringleaders of faction turne all Religion into a fantasme and knowing they could never by any judicious choise obtaine preferment in the Church professe the dislike of them and seeke their fortunes in seducing the multitude It s easily beleived that wealth may breede vices in the Clergie as well as others but must they therefore be made poore and others rich by the robbery of them the Kings choise of Bishopps will convince the clamours of the Schismatickes and gives just cause to expect the evill consequences the King foretells of their removall That the function of Bishopps and Presbiters was not tyed to place though the exercise of it was by Ecclesiasticall constitution he hath been already told and that it was necessary the Apostolique power for the Government of the Church must descend to Bishopps there being noe others that ever pretended to it How the Church florisht vnder Episcopacie the extent of the Christian Religion over soe greate a part of the world doth sufficiently testifie the corruption of many in that order doth not take away the benifitt of it which acrewed vnto the Church by the labours of others and all ages have recorded persons of greate learning and holines of life in that order He talkes againe of the Kings Coronation oath to give vs such lawes as our selves should chuse when he knoweth that the clause which he pretends to be in that oath imports noe such thing nor was that oath wherein the clause in pretended ever ministred to the King nor diverse other Kings nor ordeined to be soe In likelihood they were neerer amendment that sought a stricter forme of Church discipline then that of Episcopacie But they that sought to remove Episcopacy would have the Church discipline in their owne hands that it might be loose and in likelyhood they would not be strict to themselves his boasting of what the Scotts could worke by power shewes that he regards nothing right but power and soe he can prevayle despises all Justice and conscience Vpon the VXBRIDGE TREATIE THat men may treate like beasts aswell as fight noe way opposes his Majest Aphorisme which affirmes Treaties a retiring from fighting like beasts to agreeing like men Treaties being managed only by the vse of reason fighting by force and his Majest spake of the nature of Treaties not the abuses of men in them and though some fighting may be manlike yet the Act is common to beasts rationall Treaties cannot The Kings march and fight at Brainford the Libeller would make a thirst of warr though in the rigour of Marshall law it might have been excused in a naturall Enemy that makes a trade of warr And may as justly be defended in the King whome that faction which proferred a Treatie to him at Cole-brooke intended to
surprize him having disposed their forces in such places as must have effected it if he had not speedily prevented it by that onset What he intimates touching Oxford Bristow and scarborrow naming noe particulars he can expect no answeare whoever lookes over the memoriall of passages touching Treaties will finde that the Kings offers were soe large as nothing but desire of peace could have moved him to it and nothing but guiltines and ambition could be the cause of their refusall That the faction in Parliament would have compelled him to part with his honour as a King the Libeller denyes not but askes what honour he had but the peoples guift yet he seekes to defend the Actions of theis villaines as defending themselves and resorts to his common principles that Kings are but the servants of the people who may dispose of their Kings and their honour as they thinke best And by his doctrine the King and people must be the prey of every powerfull Traytour It neede not be repeated that the peoples welfare consists in supporting the rights of their King and that it is their miserie to deprive themselves of him and turne into confusion and slavery to vsurpers And it is Monstrous that a kings highest Court sitting by his regall authoritie should bandie themselves against their soveraigne and like vipers eate out the bowells of their parent fighting against that power which gives them being and by an vnnaturall malice of the members to the head cast the whole body into and incureable consumption This insolence and presumption of the pretended Parliament hath brought the loose rabble and lawles Army to despise the representation which they soe much magnifie and doe that vnto them which they did vnto their king It cannot be doubted that subjects cannot with dutie treate on equal termes with their king and the practice of all times makes it manifest that none but Traytours attempted it and it was a sufficient proofe of the kings desire of peace that he sought a Treatie where a submission was due to him The Kings instructions were to bribe their Commissioners with promise of securitie rewards and places How he proves such instructions he tells vs not but we are sure that the demaunds of their Commissioners were securitie rewards and places for they would have all in their power There were but three heads of the Treatie Ireland Episcopacie and the Militia the first was forestalled by a peace that the King might pretend hu word against the Parliaments Arguments And if there had not been a peace made it was a most detestable Rebellion and blood thirstie crueltie to continue an intestine warr against the King and his people of England vnles a few Tribunes might have the management of that warr in Ireland and exclude the King from any interest in that kingdome and yet this must be a defensive warr on the Rebells part The King bids the Queene be confident he will never quit Episcopacy which informes vs by what patronage it stood And how could that informe you even as well as the Kings telling her that Religion was the sole difference betweene them informes you that the Queene directed him in matters of Religion The sword he resolves sayes the Libeller to clutch as fast as if God with his owne hand had put it into his And there is noe doubt but he had and it was a Rebellious wickednes in that faction which sought to wrest it from him in despite of Gods ordinance and their owne sworne subjection In all these the King had reason honour and conscience on his side and his pretence that the Queene was Regent in all these is farr from credible when causes to the contrary are soe obvious to every vnderstanding The Libeller himselfe professes their intentions to take away the Kings right and would suggest to the world that it was only the Queenes Councell that he would preserve his Crowne Wise men could judge the composure likely to be more miserable then happy But these wise men were taught by their guilt never to thinke themselves secure and to preferre their power before their conscience and the Kingdomes peace The English were called Rebells during the Treatie And why not till the Treatie had made an abolition of their offence for did they forbeare any of their reproachfull termes or Rebellious actions against the king and his partie during the Treatie The Irish were called good and Catholique subjects And that some of them might be though the Libeller cannot produce the instance of it The Parliament was called a Parliament for fashions sake and in the Counsell bookes enrolled noe Parliament That it was no Parliament all knowing men agree and the enrolling of their opinions that held it noe Parliament was noe injury to the Treatie and the Kings appellation of them a Parliament because they would not be treated with otherwise gives them noe right nor shutts vp him from that opinion of their condition which was true and reall Christians treate with the Turke by those appellations he will be called by though they doe not acknowledge them belonging to him It was a divellish fraude that the King in his owne esteeme had been absolved from performance as having treated with Rebells and noe Parliament and they insteede of an expected happines brought vnder the hatchett Who now doth not fee that force and guilt were the continuers of this horrid Rebellion and blood and that these Traytours perferred their private securitie before publique peace But whence is this collection of a divellish fraude by a divellish interpreter If the King thought not the appellation due to them which he gave them doth it follow that he must esteeme himselfe absolved of performance of his promises therefore These are dreames from divellish infusions not reasonable suppositions the titles of treating parties having noe influence vpon the performance of the things promised and they of the other side might have said they were absolved from performance because they treated with the Kings Commissioners vnder other Titles then they had or were knowne by but they would perswade the people that they cannot be safe vnlesse the master Rebells rule May not that bratt superstition be justly laid to their charge that impose for the Scepter of Christs Kingdome a yesterdayes invention of congregationall consistories and make it Religion and truth of God to roote out Prelates of the Church of God For the meritt of the Treaties and where the blame lay of their breach the world hath long since full satisfaction and that the Rebells came but vnwillingly to Treaties and with reserves allwayes to breake it of never mittigating the rigour of any proposition in the least degree and though the Libeller and others spitt Sulphur and cast foorth their cloudes of lying and slander yet the evidence of the facts dissolve and consume their venome and confidence and the meanest capacitie descernes the falshood and crueltie of their proceedings both in warr and Treaties Vpon the
falsification will not sticke to slander thoughts and offer conjectures for convertions such as were most zealous in his Majest cause had a sobrietie vnblemishable by a Traytours malice and were not only free from druken distemper but brutish insolence and brazen impudence which the Rebells rather affect then repent of And is there not a just cause that the consciences of many should grow suspitious and corrected by the pretentions of the misnamed Parliament now proved false and vnintended What 's become of their making a glorious King lawes of the land priviledges of Parliament Doth not every man see they are all in the dirt among the Libellers Ceremonies But they never pretended to establish his Throne without our Libertie and Religion nor Religion without the word of God nor to judge of lawes by their being established but to establish them by their being Good and necessary They never pretended that his throne was inconsistent with libertie or Religion nor to judge of lawes otherwise then by being established But who must be the Dictatours the Parliament which is crumbled into a close Committee and state Counsell or any rabble that shall say this or that law is not good and therefore to be repealed though established he ought to have concluded that they never pretended priviledge of Parliament further then the subterranean junto or the Tumults should judge necessary To pray and not to governe is for a Monke not a King But is prayer inconsistent with Government Those men will accuse the King for being a Christian and have as litle love to prayer as obedience a monke will better governe then such a man pray who is constant to malice falshood and this man that sayes to governe by Parliament justifies his Rebellion to take away Kinglie Government His legislative Parliament and oppressed lawes cannot be admitted where other answeare is wanting but the Libeller hath long since thrust the force of them out of doores by his many prevarications confining them all in the Cabinet of his owne braine which must determine whether they be good and necessary He is constant to Iohn of Leidens principles that must take away other mens goods for doubt of ill vsing them and because the King sayes he feared the temptation of an absolute Conquest therefore it was pious and friendly in the Parliament to resist him Their pietie and friendshipp were much alike and the Libellers Riligion might come in for a share It s very probable that this warr had never been if the Act for continuance of the Parliament had not been consented to by the King and that Act might stopp the mouth of any reasonable man from saying there was such a power in the two houses as the Libeller dreames of that desired that Act from the King and it was never heard in our story that ever Parliaments made warr against Kings as Tyrants or otherwise for how could they make awarr that neither could nor ever did pretēd to sit longer then their King pleased the immodestie ingratitude of the present Rebells have farr exceeded the worst Examples He is obstinate to his principles and feares to attribute any thing to the Kings concessions or denyall and had he graunted lesse in all probabilitie himselfe and the Kingdome had suffred lesse It cannot be doubted but the Libeller will invert whatever the King sayes and it is a greate adventure that he sayes the sins of their lives not seldome fought against them and wee have greate cause to beleive their prosperitie did noe lesse that continue hardned in soe execrable a cause The King sayes he desires not any man should be further subject to him then all of vs should be subject to God And this Mountebanke holds this a sacriledge worse then Bishopps lands for he sayes he desires asmuch subjection as is due to God and so desires noe lesse then to be a god And is subjection to Princes in the Lord subjection to them as God And doth the King desire otherwise that would have them noe otherwise obey him then that they might obey God renouncing all obedience that consists not with obeying God but sale worke must be slight and the Libeller would not exceede his hire The Rebells desiring the Kings acquittall of them for the blood of the warr confirmes their guilt not their innocence Though God impute not to any man the blood shedd in a just cause in respect of the ground and reason of doing it yet there may be temptations vnto naturall infirmitie in acting a just cause and the King was not without a sense of such danger therefore the Libeller wretchedly beggs an argument of his guilt from his prayer not to have blood imputed to him Vpon the REFORMATION Of the Times NOveltie and perturbation are justly condemned not only by Christians but morall men and it is a noveltie taken vp only by Sectaries that would confine all Religion to their owne frensy and reject the vniversall consent of all times and places and not only boasting of the truth of their owne delusions but obtruding them vpon the world threatning fire and sword to gainsayers and yet they will pretend the example of our Saviours publishing his gospell and pretend like reason for their fanaticke conceites as for his divine revelations and miraculous Testimonies and because reformation may be necessary therefore they conclude it must be as often as these that are carried about with every winde of doctrine shall thinke fitt they would reduce Christianitie to a cloud without water tossed to fro with the breath of private opinion The first reformers in the time of Pope Adrian pretended not a reformation of the vniversall Church and a rejection of whatever was received by the primitive as those men now neither did they presume to enforce others to their perswasion and though noveltie and perturbation were objected to them yet they still deprecated that guilt and it is a most vnchristian and prophane disposition to desregard lawes established and Religion setled vpon presumption of private opinions and these of men neither learned discreete nor honest There is greate difference betweene a clamour and an vndeniable truth and we may not thinke that popular compliance dissolution of all order and Government in the Church schisme vndecencies confusions sacrilegious invasions contempt of the Clergy and their Leiturgie and diminution of Princes are lesse odious because Papists objected them or that any pretended reformation introduced by these detestable practices can be acted or approved by Christians All men are wittnes that the present Sectaries are guiltie of all these The former reformers did not give occasion for such aspersions that desired only the libertie of their owne consciences from the practice and beleife of errours newly enjoyned and anciently rejected in the Church or els followed the orderly reformations which Princes and states authorised in their owne Dominiōs but these new reformers obtrude their dictates vpon all the world and will dispose of all Kingdomes with
the Divill as in their donation Let it be produced what good hath been done by synods since the reformation It s like not the good he meanes to authorise all manner of Lewde sects and Lunaticke opinions But synods are customary and have their set times in all the reformed Churches and if there be fraude and packing in synods as he sayes whence come Parliaments that are of like constitution to be free Is there a priviledge of Parliament to change nature and that the members cannot be guiltie of fraude faction and Treason There is not only fraude and packing by insinuations conspiracies and corruptions of the vulgar but violence and confusion to Church and state by tumultuary reformations and what is this doctrine of rejecting synods but the justifying of all licentious violence and Lewde Rebellion to introduce mens private opinions The pulling downe of Church windowes and Crosses which were but Civill not Religious markes defacing the Monuments and inscriptions of the dead mentioned by the King are the effects of a popular and deceitefull reformation in the account of all true protestants That Protestants were accused by Papists as these are charged by the King will not parallell guilt nor hide the present Actions of these Traytours from view and detestation The Libeller doth very preposterously produce the Example of Iob whose sinceritie was accused to God as a protection for the hipocrisie of Sectaries while himselfe acts the part of him that accused Job to God and omits not the traducing of all proofes of pietie Religion and Justice in the late King But the infirmities of best men and scandalls of hipocrites in times of reforming can lay noe just blemissi vpon the integritie of others nor purpose of reformation Noe man sayes it did but if the Reformation it selfe be a noveltie pretending not the consent of any times but their owne opinions of places of Scripture different from all others if that which is offred in the name of reformation be in it selfe confusion and scandalous imputing Antichristianisme to all the Churches of God that were before them and that the way of introducing it be with presumption blood and Rebellion we cannot thinke that any promoters of such an vnchristian deformitie can have any integritie or Religion and they are not blemished with the Crymes of others but their owne They that have no publique place nor authoritie to reforme the Church cannot be excused of presumption if they meddle with it and such busy bodies are moved with Carnall selfe seeking and private ambition not sense of dutie If any thing grew worse and worse in the Church of England it was the encrease of Sectaries who would cover their hipocrisie with censure of superiours and lawes These Reformers pretend to reforme lawes not corruptions for though they talke of the time of the Kings Raigne they pretend to reforme nothing that was particularly worse in his time then before and he might aswell have asked why Queene Elizabeth in her fortie yeares raigne had not reformed as peevishly talke that his Majest should not reforme in twentie yeares when it was held strange that the Schismatickes should be soe distempered to pretend a necessity of reformatiō there being greater neede of strengthning what was established It is a Diabolicall Method to change the order of the Church by destruction of the Civill state just reformation never opposes lawfull authoritie in setting vp a Governmēt over others Though Christians might reforme themselves they allwayes judged it an abomination to impose their Religion vpō the state they lived in Private reformations are of Christian right but publique are the prerogative of supreame power and though Princes ought to serve God in the first place the people are not to destroy Princes in the first place they may worshipp God though they be persecuted they cannot truly if they take the sword to subdue them that are in authoritie and they feare not God that feare not their King our feare of God bindes vs to vse noe violence against our King nor vpon others our Alleagiance to our King being a part of our dutie to God and as the Apostle convinces those that hate their brother not to love God soe in vaine doe they pretend to feare God that offer violence to their King Can a Christian breake all the lawes of the second table vpon pretence of keeping the first And did not he that Commaunded to have noe other Gods but him commaund the honour of Father Mother May a private Christian robb and kill because persons are not of his Religion The scripture sajes he that is guiltie of the breach of one commaundement is guiltie of all and though Christians may not obey Commaunds contrary to the commaund of God they may not vse violence force but these are the Pharisees that teach men by making a vow vpon pretence of Gods service to disobey Parents which our Saviour soe much condemnes Christs Kingdome is spiritual in the hearts of the faithful not in a papall consistory nor a congregationall pullpitt they were best Christians that obeyed not wicked commaunds but detested by all Christians that vsed violence against their Pagan Governours and the reformed Churches may see what Communion can be had with those that professe those best Christians that were least subject to their King The King of Spaine may professe to have his Kingdome from Christ whatever his Religion be he hath a just Civill right which none ever doubted to acknowledge but these hell bred Sectaries that allow noe right but what is founded on their will his repetition of the Letter to the Pope vpon this occasiō shewes he is vnder a famine of reason that makes the Kings constācy to the doctrine of the Church of England to proceede from his letter to the Pope calling it enmitie to the true Church are any soe madd to thinke that the Pope was pleased with the doctrine of the Church of England Did the Libeller thinke there were a God would he write soe willfully against his owne vnderstanding that the King engaged himselfe to hazard life Estate for the Roman Religion he would then thinke that God were neere him writt downe those words which he will one day require an account of The King prayed against his hipocrisie and Pharisaicall washings whose prayer is thou who must give truth for hipocrisie suffer vs not to be miserably deluded by Pharisaicall washings Poeticall licence will not wash away willfull slander and malicious falsification but this man makes hipocrisie and Pharisaicall washings his cheife study and hates the prayers of others for his conversion from such wickednes Vpon his LETTERS taken and DIVULGED THE Publication of the Kings Letters had quite contrary effects to these which the publishers intended and insteede of discovering matter to their advantage cast shame on their false aspersions whereby they sought to withdraw the affections of his people from him they sett foorth both his judgment and affections opposite
to Poperie the Irish Rebells and the peace made with them not out of favour but necessitie to divert the finall destruction of the Protestant partie there The endeavours to be assisted with forraigne forces when soe horrid a Rebellion had taken deepe roote was neither against any former professions nor any rules of Justice and pietie but naming of Papists and forraigne forces were the bugbeares wherewith the faction affrighted the silly people and vnder pretence of revenging the blood of Ireland sought to draw men inclinable to assist the King or vnwilling to fight against him into that imployment that he might be more exposed to their power and they might have the better meanes to weaken him and support their owne Rebellion These Letters have discovered their grosse impostures in representing the King wholy Governed by the Queene or others shewing cleerely that his owne judgment cheifely steered his owne affaires and it s like the faction long since saw their owne rashnes in that Publication and that the world tooke notice that they were soe farr from doubting the Kings affection to Popery that their designe was cheifely to declare his aversenes to it that they might prevent his succours from Princes of that Religion That it was done by them without honour Civilitie no man boubts vnles infected with Schismaticall or Rebellious malice and betweene King and subjects matters can never be 〈◊〉 that condition that his honour and their dutie are trifling and superficall vanities and with whome they are soe we may not wonder at any brutish and inhumane Barbaritie when was there an example of such a Treason against nature and humanitie to divulge the Letters betweene man and wife touching conjugall privacie And honour and Civilitie being taken as he would have it for discretion honestie prudence and plaine truth the publishers of these Letters not only stand guiltie of the breach of those vertues but appeare the venemous and vnnaturall Traytours to mankinde To cover this base Act the Libeller sayes that such courses are familiar with none more then Kings and produces and Example out of Commines relating the discovery of a Latter by Lewes the eleventh written to him from the Dutchesse of Burgundy which he sayes the Historian doth not charge with incivilitie or dishonour And is that the case of publishing Letters that passed betweene man and wife and may subjects doe to their King what Enemies may one to another The Libeller will say yes for he holds noe subordination though the publishers professed the contrary and would not be thought to have abjured their Alleagiance or that they tooke their King for their Enemy but their practices were noe more consistent then the Libellers Arguments The injury offred to the Kings Mother was too well knowne to be a fained suspition or jealosie in him and if they had not been guiltie of that base aspersion they would have acquitted themselves some other way then by the publication and frequent repetition The Libeller appeares to glory more in recitall of it then in the argument which he can draw from pretence of faining a suspition and he that suckes any imputations vpon the King out of those letters must be a Beetle not a Bee and they that from placing constancy to his wife before the mention of Religion and law will spin a webb of determination for the prioritie of affection have more of the spiders venom then the Bees sweetenes They which esteemed their King though one man the breath of their nostrills thought the nation could not be happy without him And the late Parliament whereon the Libeller buildes his faith affirmed in their declarations the happines of the Kingdome did soe mainely depend on his Majest and the Royall branches of that roote as in an ordinary way of providence they would not except it from any other fountaine or streame And are they therefore a nation of Ideots and miserable as he sayes The happines of a nation consists in true Religion pietie Iustice prudence temperance fortitude contempt of avarice and ambition And how shall these be preserved in a nation by the rule of the rabble And bandying the Government with a racket betweene opposite factions but these Rebells with the madd men of Munster will introduce new Ierusalem with the destruction of their Kings and Rulers and the Libeller its like lookes to be a greate saint in this terrestriall Paradise who sayes they in whomesoever these vertues dwell eminently neede not Kings but are the Architects of their owne happines and whether to themselves or others are not lesse then Kings The world hath been well acquainted with these Architects of Treason and shall never want pretenders to those vertues whose practice shewes them the builders of Babell that place their happines in their power and other mens confusion the King appeares eminent in these vertues not only by his constant actions but in his houshold which was admired for itts order amongst strangers above other Courts though by the Libeller traduced as all laudable things are To make reconciliation desperate the Libeller holds reasonable and askes why they should feare it and such as intend not reconciliation with God thinke they have noe neede to be reconciled to men Their fact is not parallell to Chams revealing his fathers nakednes for the King at that time could not be esteemed the father of his Countrey nor had ever merited that Title And might not Cham have said soe to his father aswell as doe what he did But they who acknowledged that Title due to him as the Parliament did and gave it him as their King cannot excuse themselves from a sin parallell to Chams nor from the merit of this curse The Libeller professes aversenes to all reconciliation vpon pretence of Justice to the lives of them that dyed for the freedome of their Countrey and yet he will not professe to want Charitie and why then is it mockery with God for the King to pray that God will judge his cause and that the evill they intended returne on their owne heads that they may be ashamed and covered with their owne confusion as with a cloake the King forgave his Enemies but still prayed vnto God for the vindication of his innocencie by the conviction of those false accusers and this is not to wish them that evill which hinders Charitie but prayer for that favour of God which protects innocencie and that livery of detraction and confusion the Libeller will rather weare then exchange it for the robe of righteousries whose malice to the living not Justice to the dead drawes theis hipocriticall pretences from him Vpon his GOING to the SCOTTS IT was not an excuse but a reall intelligence that the King had of their consultations at London designing mischeife to his person if he came there The junto did not vse to proclaime their Councells neither was it pretended they did and though necessitie Counselled the King to adventure vpon their loyaltie who first begun his
law in force allowed and there is a great deale of difference betweene heretickes dying for errours against vniversall truths and Martirs dying for vniversally received truths The legislative Parliament and law of Coronation and obstinacie of one man his soe often chewed Rhetorique will not aide him to overcome so apparent truth and noe Parliament could have been soe ridiculous and contemptible a thing as they which abuse the name have now made it spurning it too and fro like a footeball at the will of the multitude and noe men are more markes for slaves then such as are destined to such a vassallage vnder such Masters Noe tolleration can please schismatickes that is bounded with any lawes and vnles they have a libertie to treade downe all law and Religion they account it not freedome and such tolleration which other Churches account themselves happy in these Sectaries account despicable that will have it not beneath the honour of a Parliament and free nation to receive a Schismaticall pretended Religion devised by a junto of Mechannickes His suspitions of palliation are of the same stuffe with his positions and we may well thinke vpon his owne grounds that the Kings advice to his Son to be tender of the people was sincere whose destruction would be his vndoing Which might justly move a Prince to that tendernes Powerfull Rebells are noe lesse infamous then greate and these who place the hopes of immortall prayse in the excesse of villanies only erect the Monuments of their impieties the higher that they may be seene by posteritie though they avoyded for the present the heigth of Hamans Gallowes and we may not thinke such men looke to be remembred in mercy with God who shewed none to men They thinke with Cain their sin greater then can be forgiven Although the King Exhort his Son not to study revenge yet they beleive that he or at least they about him intend not to follow that exhortation and that he sayes was seene lately at the Hague It s like he intends the killing of Doristans their Rebell Agent Is that an Argument of studying revenge after Reconciliation that a profest villaine was staine in the heate of indignation comming in Triumph with the blood of the Murthred King as his Trophey The Libeller would willingly perswade the multitude that it concernes them asmuch as thâ—â—e impious projectours of Rebellion to feare such revenge and therefore they may not repent but like himselfe maintaine Treason to be the better cause and to returne to loyaltie were ficklenes and instabilitie He cannot endure the Government by Bishopps for he sayes it is away to subdue the consciences of vulgar men to slavish doctrine The doctrine he meanes is order an obedience and he would have a compendious way to schisme and Rebellion and that 's the grudge which Traytours have at this Government and their profest quarrell He will not admit that Parliaments can have freedome if the King may deny any thing which a Major part propounds as if they had noe freedome vnles the prevailing partie were absolute Lords and yet their freedome is preserved though the Army picke out a few to be the Parliament and send packing the rest and this is the foundation of the English freedome as he would have it and that this Conventicle must have the name of Parliament and not of a faction The conclusion that the Libeller would have is that the Parliament should consist of a few Trayterous designers to whose voyce the rest must be only an Eecho and the found of a Parliament must be noe other then a bagpipe yeilding only such noates as the breath and stopps of the prime Masters allow it We have seene those tapistry Parliaments which he mentions which stay and remove at the pleasure of those Masters of the houshould And should not the King have a power to stopp the extravagant motions of these impetuous Commaunders which blasted all such whose wisedome and gravitie offred wholesome Counsells for publique safetie and ordered their mutes and noughts to signifie their pleasure The Kingdome would be sure of miserie as often as they see a Parliament and the people see they must seeke their preservation in vnitie which is Resident in the head not in those broken fractions the subject of division and such as seeke vents and ouletts from the supreame Government are the whirle windes of misery and confusion but Traytours would have lawes as easily broken as the spiders webb And this Parliament to which the King must be subject himselfe will allow noe more freedome then to sit in the noose of their Military generall which when he pleases to draw to geather with one twitch not only with his negative but positive Command shall throtile the whole nation to the wish of Caligula in one necke and this the Kings negative was farr from and if the Libeller stitch togeather all the quibbles of pasquills satirs they will agree vnto his Rebell Masters but lose their propertie by his application to lawfull Government Where they have placed the Militia the Kingdome now feele who vnderstood not the word when they were at first hoodminckt by it to seeke they knew not what The deliverance which these men boast of is the deprivation of just Government and the substitution of lawles will and the people see that they are foe farr from a deliverance that they are delivered over to a languishing miserie vnder the sharpest servitude and they now finde their Idolizing a Parliament hath drawne them from their loyaltie to him whome God had set over them and cast them vnder the hard bondage of these Masters and like them which rejected the sonns of Gideon and tooke the sonne of his servant to raigne over them they feele a fire of division kindled among them to devoure one another This Libeller allowes not any thoughts of revenge in his Majest now living for the murder of his father and yet reproacheth him for making peace with the Irish and not seeking their totall extirpation and the peace with them he calls a sordid dishonourable and irreligious seeking of his Crowne But the man is vnwilling he should have any waÌ„yes at al and would perswade his Sectaries for none els will beleive him that the King may not make peace with a Rebell submitting to oppose a Rebell persevering That the Presbiter Scott which woes the King now living is put of proceedes from his termes not from his qualitië Should not the people of England seeke the restitution of their King and legall Government whereof they have been cheated with the adulterate ostentations of libertie and redresse of greivances they would appeare arrant beasts that cryed out and below'd by the instinct of their drivers fighting like brutes till they ran into the pinfold where they are reserved for servitude and slaughter by those Masters who allured them with foode to put the yoake on their neckes The Libeller dislikes the kings conclusion that Religion to God and loyaltie to
for decision of controversies but it s a sorry inference that Counsellours in his affaires should have power over his person As the Parliaments right is circumscribed by lawes in regarde of the subject soe it cannot be imagined absolute over the King By what the Libeller hath said he might well conclude that kings are oblidged to doe justice but that the people or particular persons may judge their king by any law divine or humane he hath not offred a colour soe barren is he in an Argument which he calls over copious Who should better vnderstand their owne lawes and when they are transgresed then they who are governed by them and whose consent at first made them Certenly he might very wel have answeared himselfe that they which governed by such lawes and whose consent at first made them better vnderstand them and when they are transgressed then they that are governed and it is a course very agreable to these mens confusion that the suiter should teach the judge The Libeller askes who have more right to take knowledge of things done within a free nation then they within themselves And surely they will not be free long from destroying one another where that 's the libertie for there wil be as many Transgressours and as many lawes as there are opinions He goes about to answeare the taking the oath of Alleagiance and supreamacy And to this his answeare is very ready that these oaths were to his person invested with his Authoritie and his Authoritie was by the people given him conditionally vnder law and oath And if his Authoritie had been conditionall their oaths could not be absolute as they are This guift and condition they imagine were engraven in Seths Pillars and they have been long enquiringe for a Cabballisticke Rabbyn to finde out the Characters How the kings hereditary succession is become a conditionall guift must have better evidence then Aphorismes of confusion never law contained either the guift or condition nor was there ever such impudence before theis Traytours that avowed because they swore faith to their kings person invested with his Authoritie they might take away his Authoritie and not breake their oath And it were a prophane oath aswell as vaine that should be voyde at the will of the taker The kings oath added nothing to his right being only an obligation of his conscience noe condition annexed to his right and if he never tooke the oath his subjects obedience is noe whit diminished and a king by inheritance needes not admittance the death of his predecessour puts him in possession this is the knowne law of England The Couquerour tooke on oath at his Crowninge and other times that made noe condition to his Government There is not only reason but absolute necessitie for the avoyding of confusion ruine of mankinde that the subject be bound to the king though the kinge faile in his dutie for the destruction of Government is more sinfull and inconvenient to humane societie then any evill that can come by a kings misgovernment He proceedes to answeare objections touchinge the Covenant wherein we shall not much insist but to detect the shifts of Malefactours to elude the evidence of truth They were accused by the King and his partie to pretend libertie and reformation but to have noe other end then to make themselves greate and to destroy his person and Authoritie for which reason sayes the Libeller they added the third Article to preserve the Kings person and Authoritie in defence of Religion priviledge of Parliament and liberties of the Kingdome And to shew with what ingenuitie he dealt in seeking to avoyde that just accusation the Libeller tells vs that they added that cause for a shew only and they intended not to preserve the Kings person further then it might consist with their opinions touchinge Reformation extirpatinge of Prelacy preservinge liberties of Parliament and Kingdome and in this very clause they called the world to be wittnes with their consciences of their loyaltie and yet made the preservation of their Kings person and Authoritie arbitrary by their owne opinions and while this Libeller would have their Rebellion a defensive warr he forbeares not to tell the world that they resolved the Kings destruction to attaine their ends The sixth Article gives asmuch preservation and defence to all that enter into the league as to him And it seemes more for they have dealt with none of them as with him and he sayes if the Covenant were made absolute without respect to these superiour things it was an vnlawfull vow and not to be kept It is agreed that vnlawfull vowes are not to be made nor kept but it is an vnlawfull vow to destroy the Kinge in order to his supposed ends yet they feare not to vow the destruction of any that oppose them though the honour and innocence of the persons were without the reach of lawes and they will exempt neither callings nor integritie from their lawles Injustice and that appeared by his glosse vpon the fourth Article of the Covenant to bring persons offending to tryall and condigne punishment all that should be found guiltie of such Crymes and delinquencies whereof the King by his letters and proofes afterward was found guiltie in what they thought him at the taking of the Covenant to be over ruled only by evill Counsellours And had not he avowed all that ever his letters conteyned in his former declarations and hath the Libeller forgotten that the imputation of Crymes to evill Counsellours was but a Ceremony and are not his foregoinge words that their ends reformation and extirpatinge Prelacy were to be preferred before the preservation of the Kings person and authoritie This last age hath produced a generation that pretend they doe God service when they scorne all his lawes and Religion and hold forth their execrable villanies to the world as gratefull and well pleasinge sacrifices to God and make ostentations of their perjuries and Blaspheamies as services to him The nullities and vsurpation of those Monster judges that made themselves cut-throates of the King needed not the Kings exceptions to avoyde their illegallitie being soe apparent what the King did or said to of them wil remaine to his honour and the Libellers infamy that glories in the misfortunes of Princes sayinge it was learnt from his graund-mother It s a sad fate to haue his Enemies both accusers parties and Iudges The Libeller sayes what malefactour might not pleade the like if his Crymes have made all men his Enemies But there were hardly ever such malefactours vnles they who tooke vpon them to judge the Kinge He that is an Enemy before judgment cannot be a judge of the Cryme and he that is an Enemy to a Malefactour vncondemned is not fit to condemne him and such as are Enemies to Government and are common destroyers cannot be judges That they of the powder plot might have pleaded the same when their judges knew not their persons nor their
guilt till tryall and conviction is a supposition like himselfe but the powder plot is outdone by theis miscreants that have destroyed king and Parliament and that which the powder plotters were ashamed to owne these villaines recount to their honour like these Giants represented by Poetts that made warr against heaven and thence this Libeller dares scoffe at the accusation of their Injustice with this lewde Blasphemy that at the resurrection it may be aswell pleaded that the saints when they shall judge the world are both Enemies judges parties and accusers Such are the thoughts of those wicked Atheists touching God and his saints and it is not at all strange that such prophane persons exercise their cursed speaking against Kings and all in Authoritie that spare not God himselfe and it is a small thing with them to vilifie those whome God hath anointed because God by his Prophetts complained against the evills of some Kings these men take on them to destroy all by that Authoritie and say the earth hath long groaned vnder burdens of their disorder Injustice and irreligion God gives Testimonies to Kings in Scripture that they were his Servants that he would by them restore and preserve his Church declared it the greatest earthly favour to sett such as he loved on the kingly Throne bestowed his owne Titles on them and yet this Libeller referrs his readers to Scripture for proofe of Rebellion against kings and would perswade the reformed Churches he is their Advocate in saying To binde their Kings in Chaines and their nobles linkes of Iron is an honour belonging to the saints Such blasphemous expositers of Scripture are these Reformers God gave that honour to the Israelites to binde the kings of the Amorites their Enemies in Chaines and their nobles in linkes of Iron Theis darlings of the Devill wil be the only saints make it their honour to destroy the powers that God hath ordeyned and there must be neither kings nor Nobles but theis evill spiritts whome noe Irons nor Chaines will restraine and perjury robbery murder and Rebellion are the honour of theise saints The building of Babell was not Nimrods worke whome by asserted vntruth he calls the first king that worke was a popular vndertakinge because the people would erect a Republique of confusion not trust God to protect them and the Libeller could not have fallen vpon an instance more like his present madnes for as those builders faind confusion in pretending to prevent it soe there Rebells pretend to preserve the Kingdome by turninge it into popular confusion and therefore those saints must destroy Babell especially that spirituall Babell and first overcome those European Kings which receive their power not from God but from the Beast Doth he meane the Beast with many heads It is his principall Argument that Kings receive their power from the people and if soe then are they this beast What Kings of Europe receive their Kingdomes from his Beast But there Sectaries are drunken with their owne prophanes pride and have a strong delusion to beleive the lies of their owne invention Those Kings are counted noe better then his ten hornes Noe better but by what proofe are they the same by such frenetique dreames as he produces They shall hate the whore and yet the saints must destroy them and shall burne her with fire and yet be overcome first themselves But they shall at last joyne their Armyes with the Beast after they have destroyed the whore And this is the Babilonish Creede a bundle of contradictions to carry their Giddy followers into attempts as wicked as their conceites are irrationall We see the grounds of their cause an hellish impulsion against Government and hatred of Kings there having not been imposters of equall impudence since Mahomett that professe a Religion to destroy all Kings and those Blasphemies that were abhorred in former Sectaries and Entheusiasts are the Creed of those miscreants T is true there be a sort of moody hott brain'd and allwayes vnedified consciences apt to engage their leaders past retirement and then vpon a sudden qualme and Swimminge of their conscience to betray them basely in the middest of what was cheifely vndertaken for their sakes Seducers cannot thinke to be vndiscovered forever but such as are not resolute villaines have a moody conscience in this mans judgment the tender conscience is become moody and hott brain'd and certenly such were many in this Rebellion or it could never have proceeded soe farr Let such men never meete with any faithfull Parliament to hazard for them And let never Parliament thinke to be better rewarded that follow a faction to betray their King then to be subject to those base multitudes whome they suborned to attempts against their loyaltie and become slaves He findes others in whose consciences gaine hath sprung a sudden leake and these are they that cry out of the Covenant broken Thus the builders of Babell are scattered while they make conscience and Religion their propertie and in the meane time nothing is more the subject of their scorne And if God were mocked in pretending the Covenant in Scotland and Vlster he was much more in England by crying out the King Religion lawes and libertie and the Libeller might have found such men whose prosperitie was sinne that Triumpht in the afflictions of him whome they persecuted and said tush God hath forsaken him let vs smite him that he rise noe more The sinne of Ahas that transgressed more in the tyme of his affliction hath noe resemblance to a vertuous Prince afflicted by Traytours whose crueltie encreased while they oppressed him and exceeded the inhumanitie of the cursed Moabites that burnt the bones of the King of Edom into lime The Kings Charatie in forgivinge his Enemies will finde a right construction with all true Christians but malice and detraction of all Acts of pittie cannot meete with lesse then detestation in all men any way quallified with Religion or reason Hipocrites Almes are not more odious then hipocrites censures the crueltie of Hipocrites will receive a greater condemnation then their Almes Prayers for Gods Compassion are not to share victory with Gods Compassion But such as strive to slander mens prayers to God are as malicious to Gods victory as the devotions of those that pray vnto him Such as reade this impudent Libell may rightly call it the Rebells Image conteyninge precepts and positions of violence against Government confusion of States doctrines of falshood and hipocrisie prayses of insolence and crueltie prophaninge of Gods name and word scoffes at things sacred dissolution of all bonds morall Civill and Religious of all orders and degrees among men And it must be hatred to God and a Diabolicall impulsion that drives on such persons to fill vp the measure of their wickednes FINIS PAge 25. Line 6. Reade not after needed Pag. 25. L. 27. Sollecisme for Sollesisme Pag. 25. L. 30. that for then Pag. 31. L. 19. for insteede of from Pag. 33. L. 10. in before their Pag. 34. L. 1. Basilice for Aclastos Pag. 40. L. 11. from after lawful Pag. 44. L. 12. Conventions for contentions Pag. 58. L. 3. supercilious for supersilious Pag. 63. L. 8. vses be before vsed Pag. 67. L. 25. notions for motions Pag. 67. L. 26. administred for administrated Pag. 69. L. 43. by for the. Pag. 72. L. 30. is for in Pag. 81. L. 17. and 19. Psalmistry for Psalmastry Pag. 83. L. 23. is for in Pag. 84. L. 25. Iingle for Inigly Pag. 87. L. 25. it is for is it Pag. 88. L. 18. few for fer Pag. 90. L. 8. aspersion of the before most Pag. 91. L. 2. occasion for reason Pag. 94. L. 9. connaturall for vnnaturall Pag. 94. L. 13. refrained for restrained Pag. 94. L. 20. vigour for rigour Pag. 95. L. 43. Cheates for Stages Pag. 111. L. 21. like for the. Pag. 111. L. 22. vapours for raignes Pag. 123. L. 9. prevent for present Pag. 137. L. 19. he for wee Pag. 147. L. 31. cause before had Pag. 149. L. 35. Stafford for Strafford Pag. 150. L. 15. noe before part Pag. 153. L. 11. we for he Pag. 156. L. 37. screeching for streching Pag. 156. L. 37. Batts for Catts Pag. 156. L. 39. we for who Pag. 159. L. 12. possession for oppression Pag. 160. L. 10. not before strange Pag. 164. L. 5. place for peace Pag. 172. L. 38. long for strong Pag. 173. L. 38. if for is Pag. 179. L. 25. peace for place Pag. 182. L. 2. principij for principy Pag. 184. L. 36. Saviour for Saviours Pag. 184. L. 37. noe for one Pag. 185. L. 25. date for dale Pag. 186. L. 8. incestuous Pag. 194. L. 38. while they for whether Pag. 197. L. 36. a junto Pag. 208. L. 28. miseries for misteries Pag. 208. L. 30. now for not Pag. 213. L. 26. quilting for questing Pag. 214. L. 9. infirme for assured Pag. 220. L. 28. preach for reproach Pag. 220. L. 44. subordination for subordinate Pag. 221. L. 24. after poisoned reade Silvester the whole Church Pag. 224. L. 19. dele him Pag. 228. L. 32. crum for crim Pag. 229. L. 34. convictions for convertions Pag. 230. L. 15. is for a Kinge insteed of by Parliament Pag. 236. L. 14. expect for except Pag. 262. L. 15. Fleta for Cleta