freedom is accordingly to be accounted of And here liberty is come to maturity and if she be modest and keep within her bounds and fall not into wanton licentiousness ravishes the eyes of all spectators filling their mouthes with her praises and their mindes with admiration But it is high time that we hasten unto the third particular proposed which is the accommodation of these to the subject matter we have in hand First then it is well known that there is a very vast difference in the liberty of the Subjects of these two Crowns The common people under the King of England have 1. A part in the legislative power which is the chief authority in all Governements For the Commons make a third State in all the three Kingdoms and have their representatives freely chosen by themselves in all Parliaments which are the true Conservatories of publique liberty and particular propriety Whereas the common people in France either never had this priviledge or if they had have long since lost it That they had it formerly Francogallioe c. 10.11.15 Derepubl l. 2. c. 6. §. 6. Hottoman endeavours to prove which Arnisoeus denies and answers his reasons nor that only but all mixture in the French Monarchy either with Princes of the Blood Peers or any other State whatsoever But whatever was the Governement under the two first lines of the Kings of France it is generally agreed that in the beginning of the third under Hugh Capet who cantond out France about the yeare 990 the peoples liberty was devoured by the Dukes and Earles of the Provinces and the Monarchie allmost turned into a Toparchie by reason of their hereditary right Which the after Kings soone perceiving to be too great a ballance to the Crowne broke down by degrees and so became the only Atlas's that have ever since sustan'd that Government For the Assembly of the three Estates which were the only bulwark of the publick liberty that was left undemolished by despotical powers if they ever had any share in the legislative lost it long before Capets time for from Charles the great the Kings Edicts have past for Laws and being discontinued in their Wars with England and their remaining power whatever it was broke down by the policy of Lewis the eleventh they were finally laid aside by Lewis the last And although Philip the fourth fixed that Court of Judicature at Paris that was formerly ambulatory and usually accompanied the Kings Court which became a pattern to the rest of their Provincial Parliaments yet both that and these have only the name and shadow not the nature and power of the Parliaments under the Crown of England The Members being neither chosen by the people nor representing them but Lawjers that usually either purchase these places of the Crown or pay an annual pension for the same having no legislative power nor indeed any other but derivative from the King and alterable at his pleasure They tell the Academy of Paris Guagnin in Ludovic 12. se à Rege jussos promulgare leges quas ipsi visum fuerit ferre Apud illum authoritatem esse c. But these things are so well known that I will not stand to alledge Authorities to prove them although if it were necessary I could bring as many as would fill the page even to ostentation But let us briesly run over the rest Those 2. under the Crown of England have the election of Magistrates generally in Corporations and some under Officers in the Country which cannot be removed without due process of Law 3. Have a share in the Judicature by the Juries in England for matter of fact together with the Kings Judges for matter of Law and their last appeal to Parliaments 4. The original power of raising Taxes For the proposal and grant must come from the Commons and the other two States only consent 5. The liberty of bearing Arms. Whereas in France all Promotions Governments Judicatures and Taxes are in the Kings power who permits not the vulgar use of Arms or a standing Militia in his Kingdom but only such as are in his pay and thereby entirely at his devotion So that there is no Communalty that lives more happily than that of England nor none more miserably than the poor paisantry of France 2. Hence we may infer a fair probability of enjoying more liberty under the Crown of England than France I know our freedom will not necessarily follow from the premises for that which is legal will depend upon such conditions as shall be either previously agreed upon or after consented unto yet I leave every one to judge which is likeliest to grant us the best not only for our Religion but liberty in our Persons Priviledges and Estates as also whose Government is most likely to defend the same and make us thereby also actually free If it be argued that the French King may give us more liberty than his other Subjects and the King of England less The reply is easie that we reason not from the power of either or what they can and may do but what in all appearance they will do Although those that hold it for a fundamental in the French Government that whatever is conquered by them or acquired must be incorporated with the Kingdom of France and that this is as indispensable for the body politick as the Salick Law is for the head scruple much whether the King de jure can make us freer than the rest of his Subjects But we neither desire to dispute the Prerogative of Princes much less of such a mighty Monarch nor indeed are we of their opinion herein and therefore take it for granted that he as well as the King of England may grant us as full and ample liberty as He shall think fit in His Royal pleasure We only profess our fears what he will do and such as are rational and becoming men not groundless fancies or frivolous reports which are the usual Bugbears that affright only fearful women and children 1. We cannot flatter our selves into hopes that our condition should be better than either of those two Kings which soever we submit unto natural Sujects If it be equal it is well and all that we can rationally expect And therefore we judge that England will easier be induced to this which is ordinary unto that Government than France to indulge us of extraordinary favour unless we had merited such a priviledge as to be made an exception from the general rule And that Governors under them will willingly and readily maintain that which they are accustomed unto but very hardly such immunities as transcend the bounds which are set to others 2. The many examples we have before us of such Countries as France hath gained keeps our fears continually waking For by whatever Title they have been acquired we find them all generally in the same condition Whether by right of donation as Daulphiny and Provence or purchase as Berry Montpelier
But 5. It is apparently against his Interest not onely in regard of the danger he might incur of losing his Crownes but the great loss which would inevitably accrew to him by this change The danger we cannot imagine to be small if we rightly consider those Kingdoms I have had an accompt having been a little curious in those enquiries of 1100000 of his Subjects that by Interest and Inclination were carried counter to the Court. Under these five Heads 1. The Purchasers of Crowne and Church Lands that are now restored and they outed 2. Soldiers and Seamen that had fought against him by Sea and Land 3. Magistrates and Ministers that were removed and turned out of their places 4. Commonwealths Men that were Anti-monarchicall in their judgments 5. Fanaticks properly so called as Anabaptists Fifth Monarchy Men Quakers c. And though I could perhaps give as good a guess as another at the rest of the Substantiall Protestants that are of the Episcopall perswasion yet that needs not now These you must thinke however divided in their Interests Judgments and Affections and many of them no doubt very Loyal to his Majesty yet without all doubt would joyne against Popery and never willingly submit themselves to that yoke of bondage Nay some perhaps would be glad of such an Argument and Plea to the people and the Demagogues gaine thereby no small number of Proselytes to their Party if his Majesty was once a declared Papist And as his danger you see is great so his loss I am sure could not be small 1. Of his Honour not onely in changing that Religion he hath now so long profest and blurring the faire copy which his Father hath set him but in admitting the Popes Supremacy which hath beene so Injurious to the dignities of Emperors Kings and Princes that their complaints how they have beene plagued by the Popes are infinite 2. Of his profit and revenues Vid. Bodin de Rep. l. 1 c. 9. in regard that the Peter-pence or Tenths of Livings and other Contributions paid formerly to the Pope are by Law annexed to the Crowne and paid accordingly to the King 3. Of his Subjects affections wherein his safety especially consists For a Prince that hath the hearts of his people hath their purses and persons at his service and raignes more happily by their love then all his owne power though never so great If we therefore consider his education in and his long profession of the protestant Religion his honour and intrest ingaging him to persevere therein I should thinke no man need feare his changing it for the Popish the fopperies whereof he hath so fully both seen and knowne I might ad to these that which further satisfies me that having been at Bruxels Colen and most of those places where his Majesty during his exile did reside I can say bona fide that in all the variety of companies and converse I was ever in I never heard any probable grounds from any one intelligent person that toucht much les stain'd his Majesties reputation in this particular But I will not impose this upon others though it moves me to say the more because I am not willing to annex my name to what I have written Not that I am ashamed to owne what I conceive to be the reall truth which I have published in this treatise to the world and can make good much more largely but because I know who I am and that my name can ad no estimation to this politicall discourse but rather perhaps prejudice some who knowes me not and are used to judge of writings by their authors whereas those that will impartially search after truth must have regard to things not persons and to what is written and not the writers thereof As for his setting up popery I neither thinke that he will for the foregoing reasons nor if he would that he can for these following especially 1. The Protestant Religion is setled in all his Kingdomes by their fundamentall lawes which the King cannot repeale It is true he hath the executive power of the lawes and so can suspend the execution of penalties but cannot rescind any one law much lesse make new ones without the consent of Parliament in his respective Kingdomes And absolute Soveraingty is not there in use For power paramount to all lawes carries too great a top-saile for an English bottom wherein the Subjects liberties are shipt as well as Coesar and his fortunes 2. The lands and revenues formerly supporting the Romish Religion which are many and great are in the possession of the nobility and gentry for the most part and have beene bought by them of the Crowne at the dissolution of Abbies Monasteries c. And the purchases confirmed by law And can we thinke that they will be ever induced to part with them againe or enact any such lawes as shall tend to their owne ruine and the utter undoing of their families If there was so much danger and difficulty to wrest them out of the hands of the poore Votaries as the Histories of those times tell us What will there be to recover them from the powerfull Nobility and Gentry who legally possessing them will doubtless defend them so that none shall deprive them thereof that have not better courage and sharper Swords then they 3. The great disparity in the number of Protestants and Papists There being not one family of a hundred in England and Scotland Popish and in many and great Parishes not a Papist Now what greater madness can we imagine than that his Majesty should adventure to rely upon the Papists alone against all the Protestants of the three Nations Though their numbers are greater then formerly yet are they comparatively small as we have said to those that profes the Reformed Religion So that it can never enter into my braine that such folly should enter into any Princes brest much les one who hath suffered so much by the former divisions of his Kingdoms 4. The vast difference between a people enlightned by the Gospel and well grounded in their Religion and an ignorant and unprincipled people For the generality of the common people brought up in ignorance as they usually are under Popery are more subject to receive impressions from their Teachers and so by degrees change their Profession Whereas those who are assured from the Word of God that they are in the right will by no means be induced to the same And usually the more force is used the more obstinate they are For a setled Conscience despises dainger and defies all the terrors and torments that their cruellest adversaries can invent If in lesser differences of Church-government the King hath found it so difficult that after all the coercive Lawes and other meanes he hath used he tells the world 't is evident by the sad experience of twelve yeares that there is very little fruit of all those forceable courses Declar. March 15. 1672. what shall we think
changes times and seasons and makes friends become enimies and enimâ—es Friends Would not this have been thought incredible to our Ancestors that France and England who raised us should endeavour our ruine And that Spaine and Austria who sought our destruction should ever seek our preservation And all this out of Intrest as I shall shew hereafter those formerly to ballance Spaine's and these now France's greatnes and neither Religion or affection For whosoever thinkes that Spaine and Austria have any kindness for us more than themselves hath a faith far larger than my fancy There is another Objection against our closing with England for Religions-sake from their Episcopall Church-Government which if it were not mentioned by some to the prejudice of my assertion I should have passed over as inconsiderable For. 1. This is onely an accidentall difference in the same Religion and not a different kinde of Religion as Popery is And a difference in the externall forme of Government onely not in the substantialls and vitalls of Religion For we both agree in the same Confession of Faith and in all the essentialls of the Reformed Religion 2. A very great part of the King of England's Subjects are Presbyterians as is well knowne 3. Although Episcopacy be the Church Government setled by Law in the three Kingdoms yet his-Majesty indulges publique liberty to Presbyterians and other Non-conformists So that we need not doubt but he will much more to us that Church Government which is setled amongst us 4. New-England and several other Plantations belonging to his Majesty of great Brittaine have allwayes enjoyed and still do their own Church-Governement freely and therefore we need not feare that ours should be denied us 5. Allthough the Church Governement of these Provinces be Presbyterian yet as to its vitall power and administration in severall places it hath for sundry yeares last past rather been Erastian The Magistrates frequently assuming that power here which the Bishops do there In so much that I question whether the Presbyterians may not have more hopes that their discipline should be raised then feares that it should be ruined under England Gralloe contra Apollodium 1646. Lucti Antistii de Jure Ecclesiasticor l. 1665. Politike discoursen l. 4. over Kerkelike Sacken What crying up the Magistrates power circa sacra and what decrying the Ministers both by word and writing Antistius tells us in the frontispece of his booke that whatever right divine or humane is attributed to the Ministers or they assume to themselves is either falsely and impiously ascribed to them or is onely from the Rulers of the Republique or city where they are setled What applauding of Hobs's Leviathan now translated into Latin and Dutch What frequent interposing in Ecclesiasticall affaires and how miserably the honest Minister in the Hague was handled may be seen in Aitzma Many were afraid of a storme falling upon the. Ministers if our enemies had not faln upon us What crossing the Churches in the Election of their Pastors and exercise of their Governement hath been at Rotterdam and other places is too well knowne and being reformed I wish what 's past might be buried in oblivion And thus I have vindicated my first Argument from Religion and shall endeavour to compensate my prolixity heerein with more brevity in the rest Concluding that if we cannot defend the true reformed Religion we profes nor will not secure it the best we can we may call our Country Ichabod for the glory is departed from these Netherlands Sect. 5. The second Argument taken from Liberty Wherein the different kinds and degrees of Liberty under all sorts of Governement are declared and the probability of our enjoying greater freedome under England than France argued IT will further appeare our interest to be under England rather than France in regard of our Liberty Which next to true Religion and life is the greatest blessing bestowed on man-kind Now for our clearer proceeding herein we must 1. Shew what kind of Liberty is here meant 2. Wherein it consists and the measures thereof 3. Accommodate these to the matter in hand For the first We meane not here Personall Liberty either morally considered in opposition to coaction or civilly either in opposition to confinement as we usually take it or to slavery as the Civilians 2. Nor Civil Liberty as opposed to Monarchie Institut l. 1. tit 32 as the Greeke and Latin Historians frequently with which Tacitus begins his Annals Vrbem Romam à Principio Reges habuere libertatem consulatum L. Brutus instituit For I well know that to whomsoever we submit this liberty is lost Much less 3. For Licentiousness For subjection to Lawes and Government is so far from being inconsistent with liberty that it is the onely means of its preservation For without this what are Kingdoms and States but great butcheries of men and publick robberies of propriety where the strongest arme and longest sword sweeps away all So boundless is mans villany and his lusts so ragingly restless that we have no other choyce left us but either be subject to Law or slaves to licentiousness As Tully sayes well Pro Cluent Legum ideirco omnes servi sumus ut liberiesse possimus But 4. That publick liberty which a people have under their Government of what kind soever it is as it is taken in opposition to publick oppression Which is of divers sorts and different degrees in regard of our persons priviledges and proprieties When a people are neither oppressed by usurpation without colour of Law nor by extortion under pretext thereof Which is an invaluable mercy to those that injoy it though rightly valued by few except those that want it And hath been so highly praised by all sorts of writers hat it is better to be silent then briefe in its commendations Now Secondly wherein this consists and how to measure the same is harder to discover and determine in regard we can meet with no guides that have gone this way For the Civil Law which is copious concerning all other Dominions is silent in this of Soveraignty and being calculated for the Meridian of Monarchs leaves them free to make their Subjects so more or less at their pleasure Historians onely relate what freedom such and such people had under such and such Rulers and the Writers of Policy and particular Republicks compare the peoples liberty under the several forms of Government and commend this or that State for the same And these are all the helps we have which are in the next degree to nothing We will therefore pass them all by and freely follow our own judgment in shewing joyntly both the nature of liberty and the measures thereof But we must necessarily here premise 1. That though all ought to pay the homage of subjection to that lawful government under which they live yet none ought so to be wedded to any forme as to think the subjects of all others not free Which Aristotle long since
he is likely to gain in the greater and essential differences of Religion should he attempt any change therein Surely not much from the Pious and sober party of Protestants for I neither matter nor mention the ruder sort and ignorant rable Nay universall experience hath taught the World that where any kind of Religion is powerfull all force against it is weake and contemptible and much more against the true Reformed Religion as that wise and excellent Historian Thuanus shewes in the Preface to his History The other two are Calv. to his Instit Causaâ—â— to Polybius which is one of those three admirable Dedications to the Crown of France that are worthy to be read by all the Kings and Princes of Europe I might add to these the genious of the English Nation which I know to be zealous in what way of Religion soever they take as hath been observed by severall Authors In times of Popery so addicted thereto that they had given most of their means to the Church Anno 7 Edv. 1.18 Edv. 3.15 Rich. 2. if the Statute of Mortmaine had not prohibited them In the times of Libertinisme when a Republick the Fanaticks were so intoxicated that it was not enough for them to push down the Pope but they would break off all Government for being his hornes Polydor. Virgil. l. 17. and make every thing Antichristian that was not to their humor When the King return'd and Episcopacy with him that Party would not abate the three controverted Ceremonies as a wise and moderate Bishop both foretold and lamented for the universal Peace of the three Kingdoms Surplice Cros and kneeling at St. Brownrig Nay the very common rable would overflow both in drinke and devotion kneel at a pillar and reele at a Post Though I know there are as pious sober and serious Christians of severall perswasions Episcopall Presbyterial and Independants as any are in the Christian Worid but I say this to shew that what way soever they take they are not easily diverted But as groundless jealousie is both uncharitableness and folly so where there is just ground not to be jealous is stupidity It may therefore not be amiss for our further satisfaction to enquire into these Objectors grounds And they are these 1. The increase of Papists at Court especially 2. The Kings countenancing and intrusting them with power 3. His tollerating their Religion 4. Joyning with France against us For the 1 and 2d I can say little of my own knowledge it being many yeares since I saw either England or France But I shall take reports uâ—on the publique faith of England and Holland for this once though it be none of the best security 1. Therefore that Papists increase through the Queens Court the extraordinary correspondence with France the dissentions of the Protestants the Atheisme and irreligion of the Age and other wayes and meanes which might be mentioned is not to be wondred at but rather that there are no more Allthough I am well assured that their number is comparatively small and their Intrest in England and Scotland inconsiderable to effect any change And were they more this will not infer the King is one 2. And much les his countenancing and intrusting them For who ever concluded that the French Kings for their kindnes to Protestants who have served them most faithfully heretofore in their wars were Protestants Or the States Papists for employing the French and others in their Armies A Papist may be a loyall subject a wise Statesman a fit Embassador a good Soldjer and merit his Princes favor though of a different Religion 3. Nor will the Kings indulgence of liberty to those of that Religion conclude more against our assertion then for the States of Hollands being of all the Religions they tollerate or for Amsterdam's being Jewes There may be reasons of State sometimes to connive and sometimes to tollerate that which we neither approve nor would willingly allow even as Moses did divorce to the Jewes Or there may be Articles promises and other engagements upon us whereby we are forced to do that which we would not if free as Joshua to the Gibeonites and our Ancestors to Papists Anabaptists c. who assisted them in the defence of the Countrey against Spaine There are two things doe wonders in the world and are the ordinary pretexts and best apologies for the greatest â—aâ—â—bitances viz v. grot An Jure bel pac l. 1. c. 4. §. 7. l. 2. c. 2. § 6. danger and necessity And yet where these are reall and not feigned they are considered both by God and good men Nature dictates that we should hazard the hand rather then the head and lose a part rather then venture the whole I have for above 20 years observed both where I have lived and where I have travelled that Moderation is rather a speculative notion than matter of practise like a vertuous and beautifull poor Lady that all will commend but none will marry Parties that are under call for it eagerly but when they are upmost neglect it shamefully Seeing then the passions of men and iniquities of the age are so great that I exspect nothing in Religion but either an inquisition or tolleration I am more for the latter and would rather reside at Amsterdam or Constantinople then at Rome or Madrid But to come closer to the particular case If his Majesty therefore had no obligation upon him to do this or were it a liberty to Papists only or a liberty for their worship in publick I should grant the objection was very weighty but it is the quite contrary For he tells the world he was obliged in point of gratitude to the Papists for their service to his Father and to the Presbyterians who had been so instrumentall in his restoration in point of promise allso severall wayes made to them both before and after his returne to his Crowne severall times declaring that he would grant indulgence to them and others of tender consciences And we know that if his Majesty had followed his own inclinations they had been better performed And now that he gives a concession of liberty it is neither soly nor principally to those of the Romish Religion but to all others as well as they and that with this manifest difference that it is to the Protestants publiquely and to Papists in their private houses onely and this revocable at pleasure Declar. March 15. 1672. All though some wise men are of opinion that the King and Rulers will not onely find such ease and safety therein but such eminent advantages many wayes and the people generally such content that it will scarce be revoked 4. His joyning with France against us is matter of Intrest and not Religion And if we judge impartially will no more conclude him a Papist then the Emperor and King of Spaine Protestants because they joyne with us Herein let us eye and owne the Providence of God who
than the Devil himself and upon the first occasion tumultuously cry every man to your Tents whence open divisions lawless rapines bloody wars and all the miserable effects that follow them break in upon a Nation beyond controll But let us be frank in conceding as it becomes us when we speak of Kings that there shall never arise a Rehoboam out of Lewis's race yea that this is as impossible as for a Vulture to rise out of the Phoenix ashes yet we know the best of Kings may have bad Governors under them and that they must often both see with other eys and hear with other ears than their own Yea let us suppose that we shall never pay more Tribute to the fair Lillies of France than we have done to the Belgick Lion except that of respect which we acknowledge his due yet there still remains a vast difference betwixt a legal and a permissive exemption and of the same payments made by publick consent and those that are commanded by absolute power though not in regard of the money yet in regard both of the authority that requires it which if absolute and arbitrary is alterable although it should not be altered and the different impressions which they make and effects that follow in the minds and affections of men For when a people know the necessities of State and freely vote their own Contributions they account themselves free and uninjured though the Taxations be never so great according to the rule that volenti non fit injuria and look upon them as a gift rather than a debt and therefore pay them willingly and generously bear their parting with their share Whereas on the contrary when they are ignorant of the grounds of such impositions they are always jealous that they are not so great as is pretended and when they have no suffrage therein look upon themselves as wronged and oppressed and though they pay them yet it is with reluctancy and because they must and cannot withstand it their minds are dejected and their spirit and courage strangely deprest as I could shew by many examples The difference of these two authorities and their various and different effects is well observed by two Noble Lords Bacon of Verulam and Comines of Argenton both of them famous for their wisdom one in the Theory and the other in the Practice thereof so that if the former had had the latters Prudence and the latter the formers Learning no Age could have paralel'd them That of publick consent the Learned Bacon observes doth not so dispirit a people and diminish their Martial courage and instances in these very Provinces Essay or Sermofidelis 29. shewing how cheerfully they have born the grean burthen of Excise because it came from themselves and their own authority And that of arbitrary power is shewn of France by that great States-man Comines Counsellor to Lewis the eleventh whose History is so much esteemed by the French Hist Franc. l. 13. as Bussieres the Jesuite tells us that they neither envy the Greeks their Thueydides nor the Romans their Livy or Tacitus Wherein he so frequently inveys against these impositions and complains of the peoples miseries thereby so freely expostulates with the Kings and Governors and is so honest an Advocate for their Subjects that I wish all Princes would make this excellent Historian as familiar to them as did Charles the fifth that great and wise Emperour Et Bodin de rep l. 6. c. 2. In the 18. Chapter l. 5. He saith that neither the King of France nor any other hath power to exact of their Subjects without their own consent except they will tyrannically use their power contrary to all right both divine and humane And chapter the seventh l. 6. that Charles the seventh who in the English wars had introduced this imperious way of taxing the people without the consent of the States had burdened both his own Conscience and the successive Kings with great guilt and most cruelly wounded the Kingdom of which it was like a long time to bleed Nor doth he only thus declame against the unlawfulness thereof but also shews how ungrateful it is to the people as well as injurious And on the contrary how readily and unanimously without tumult or contradiction even in the Kingdoms greatest poverty the States consented and people paid to Charles the eighth But if Princes will forget the good advise this Historian there gives them yet I wish they would remember at least old Pythagoras's Symbol Sudorem ferro abstergere tetrum facinus Which Plutarch as a learned man tells us expounds That none should take away that with the sword Gyrald Symb. Pythagar which others have earned with the sweat of their brows If they will only use their own absolute power yet let it be so attempered with equity and moderation that the cries of the poor and the curses of the people may never bring Gods vengeance upon them But if we should speak the sense of our Souls we must needs alas say that moderation is so rare a jewel in the Crown of absolute Monarchs and the Governors under them so used to hunt and hawk at all game to enrich themselves that though we may all hope to escape yet we have more reason to fear that if the fate of the other Provinces befal us we shall all as the beasts said in the fable meet at last at the Furriers shop If any can flatter themselves with fancies that our Common-wealth shall under France become like Plato's Republick wherein violence and oppression shall not be known and that their Governors will be like those in Vtopia Fathers to our fortunes as much as their own I must confess that I am not so Mercurially made and do no more expect to see the world so happy than to see the great Platonick year But on the contrary that great Impositions will be added to the great Excise that is upon us already whereby the number of the Poor will certainly increase and the provisions for them daily decrease Yea it is well if the maintaining of the land against the water be not neglected and so our Eden be laid waste and that our rich and pompous Cities return not in time to their old condition of poor and despicable Fishers Villages However seeing the blessing of Judah and Issachar can never befal the same people as Bacon observes in the forementioned place if we and our Estates shall come under arbitrary power then let us deface the Lion Rampant that was the Arms of generous Judah which our Ancestors and we have hitherto born and set up luggish Issachar's of an Ass couchant between two burdens that is to say the Popes trumperies France's tribute 3. There is another consideration which is of great importance to the Inhabitants of these Countries and that is concerning their Debts For mentioning Estates we mean not only that in our own but also that in other mens hands As for Private debts
he had to catch at the shadow thereof in the water and so lost all I know some that have more of Mars than Mercurie's temper are all for fighting and therefore I shall desire them calmly to consider these few particulars following 1. What either we or England have gotten by our former Wars when matcht in power I partly know what it hath cost us both in treasure and blood and can demonstrate that if either hath gotten 't is England though not to countervail the cost Let 's but reckon as we must if we go rightly to work the lucrum cessens and damnum emergens or the profit that ceases and loss that accrues and vvhat vve have got vve may put in our eye and not see much the vvorse But if any one say who can reckon that or how I shall freely acknowledge that to pounds and persons we cannot nor no man alive yet in the general we may so far as to make a judgment I have done it for my own satisfaction and shall tell you how that so those that are curious may satisfy themselves therein and not take it upon my credit By the publick Customs the Number of ships the Capital wherewith Trade is driven and by the riches of the Merchants Of these the two former are more easie and certain wherein England hath increased the two latter more conjectural wherein this Republick hath the superiority But hath not gotten it by the wars but arises from several other causes which I could mention and especially from these two following which I think will satisfy any intelligent man As to the Capital ours comes to be greater in regard that as the Merchants grow rich in England they buy land and breed up their sons to be Country gentlemen whereas we especially in Holland continue the stock and our children in the Trade Land being here at 35 and 40 years purchase and in England at 15 or 20 ordinarily And that the Merchants here should be richer than there is no wonder to me who know so well the frugality of the one and the prodigality of the other 2. Let it be considered how difficult and hazardous it is for equal powers to destroy one another and therefore how litle likelihood there is of any thing to be gotten by contesting Nay there are several circumstances in our situations imployments and people that render absolute conquest almost impossible We may like Cooks fight and breath and fight again and crow over one another for some victories but far from a conquest And this we might both have seen long since in the glas of policy which clearly shows that such equal powers fighting for profit is but like Nero's fishing with a golden hook wherein more is adventured than ever is likely to be gotten We have had a Comick-tragedy and a tragick comedy of two wars and England the contrary wherein our enemies indeed have been pleasant spectators and satisfied their envious eyes but what have either of us got but blowes Passion and prejudice are so prevalent in the World and so blind the eyes of men that often they will not see the truth till dear-bought experience makes them even to feel it And this we now both see and therefore England takes this opportunity of breaking down the equality of power and bringing us lower that so we may truckle under them and they be at rest in the bed of security 3. Those that are so much for Mars might do well to consider the advantages and disadvantages of both Nations for carrying on and subsisting under long wars In some things we may happily have the advantage as in bearing the charges number of shipping Caping by Letters of Marque c. And in others England for they have a great and rich Inland Country l'Intrestdes Princes Discours 7. an Hand that cannot be easily diverted by a Land-war so that as the Duke of Rhoan saith right l' Angleterre est un grand animal qui ne peut jamais mourir s'il ne se tuë luimesme We subsist wholly on Trade and fetch all things from abroad they have sufficiency of necessaries from their own growth at home When Trade stands still they have cloths for the back and meat for the belly better cheap for the poorer people here not only such accommodations are far dearer than there which can well be born when Trade flourisheth but when that is stopt and it can worst be endured then are they dearest of all Our Seamen which come most from the Northern quarters about the Baltick Sea to serve us in Navigation when they see no hopes of gain but only venturing their lives for the pay of the Wars will remove and serve other Nations whereas the King of England hath three Kingdoms to press out for his assistance according to the custom of the Crown there which is not practised nor indeed practicable in this Free State And although at the first such as are prest be averse to the Wars yet we find and feel by experience that what through the Officers and Gentlemens caressing and encouraging them what through company and conversing with others before-hand this restiness is worn off by degrees and through the principles of self defence and some sparks of the honour of their Country they fight well enough whatever the cause or the quarrel be 4. I wish both Nations would well consider whether whilst we two are so eagerly contesting for Trade others may not carry it away I have reasonably considered what Nation can bid the farest for this in regard of their Situation Havens Genious c. the ad vantages of the Mediterranean and Baltick Seas and let my thoughts stretch themselves as far as both the Indies have observed the French Fleet the darling of the King and Kingdom their hopes with the grounds of them and the probable success thereof as also the communication of Spain with America and find no one Nation alone capacitated to carry away our Commerce but several to have greater shares than they have at present Yea to speak my mind freely I have had far further contemplations and of a far different kind from these upon this Subject in respect to future times And indeed such as have often made me both very sorrowful to see the Christian world so mad and quarelsom about their Commerce and very fearful that God would either blast it to us by taking it away and giving it to Turks and Heathens or not bless us with it giving us herein our hearts desire in his wrath and them the Gospel in exchange thereof As I clearly see he hath done to the Jews the generallest and greatest Merchants of the World and as I think he threatens us Christians in several places of holy Scripture if they be duly considered But because I love not dogmatizing or to be positive in things I am not so fully satisfied in I shall at present say no more of this but leave it to every good Christians
reason on my side I shall not now stand to do that though if any be obstinate I can do it sufficiently to convince him that though the States in times of Peace maintain 60000 and in this War above 100000 men by Land yet were they not half enow to defend all our Garrisons and keep an Army in the Field to relieve them And therefore I never expected any better success of the War than now we see though my judgment was entertained by many with merriment and of others with fears it might prove Prophetical For we must either have dismantled most of the weakest and supplied a few of most consequence for a strong resistance or it was never likely it should be otherwise than it is it being always found true by experience that multiplicity of weak powers prove none against strong for dum singuli pugnant universi vincuntur And therefore we see our enemies had the wisdom to wave Maestricht that was provided with men to give them work and fell upon such places as they either knew their money had or their Swords could most easily conquer 5. Many of our outmost Garrisons lying in a champaign Country cannot be relieved without a powerful Army of Cavalry And these Countries are very uncapable many ways both for keeping and marching great numbers of Horse In these lower Provinces Land being so dear and more profitable for Cows than Horses and so many great Rivers which cannot be past with Bridges except we make them of Boats continually is sufficient demonstration that they cannot be here And in the upper Provinces there is not forrage for such a body of Horse as we must have if we will relieve our outmost Garrisons And this those that know them knows Let us from Bergen op Zoom pass along the coast of Brabant by Breda and our other Garrisons even as far as Maestricht and from thence back to the Buss which is the greatest part of the open Country we have for Gelderland Vtrecht and Overissel are full of Rivers and we shall find that which belongs to us inconsiderable for this purpose the greatest part of that Country being heath and barren ground I know well that most of the Cities lie upon Rivers but I know also and so do all of ordinary understanding that a Fort on either side commands them and so bars our passage by water to them But let us instance in one for all I wish mine adversaries would shew us any way to relieve Maestrecht if it should be assaulted and distressed by the French I mean that is practicable for we are not now discoursing of Mathematical powers which demonstrate motions as swift as the Sun 's and the plucking up Oaks with a single hair and such like curiosities that can never be done but of Martial powers which are not for speculative notions but practical performances 6. Let us but consider who hath paid those great Armies we have constantly kept and must pay many more both Foot and Horse which are much more chargeable that we must keep if we will defend these out-Provinces against powerful enemies and we shall soon see that we must pay very dear for their uncertain and weak defence of us For this purpose I shall satisfie the curious with inserting the proportion of Taxes which each Province pays to the Publick for the Armies and other expences whereby it will appear that the quota of these superior Provinces Gelderland Over-Issel and Vtrecht which the French now possess is very inconsiderable wherein also they have often been behind and will be much less able now to pay it being so much impoverished Gelderland 5 12 3 Vtrecht 5 16 7â…“ Over-Issel 3 11 5 Holland 58 6 2â…• Zeeland 9 3 8 Friesland 11 13 2â…“ Groening 5 16 7â…“ 7. If they be regained we must pay for it they being now under our enemies And what an infinite of blood and treasure that will cost if our enemy will not quit them on reasonable terms in treaty I leave any man to judge 8. If we rightly consider great Territories are for Kings small only fit for Common-wealths This we may observe in the Histories of former times in the Grecian Republicks and their neighbour Kingdoms For the Roman was mixt of Monarchy and Aristocracy by the great power of their Consuls ruling as Monarchs by their turns and especially in dangers by Dictators Yea our own experience hath shown us this in the neighbouring Kingdoms But what shall I say many men are like the Judges Statues at Thebes have their eyes blinded and hands lamed though not for Justice but for judgment they can neither see nor feel before them In 59 being then in England in some Gentlemens Company where there were some zealous Republicans and I from History and observation shewing them that in great Dominions especially where there are many Nobility a Common-wealth could never stand long that if there it must be from the City of London managing it as Rome had done and not as they went to work and several other things shewing the impracticableness of their notions which I have reason to remember for I was complained of to Lambert and was in danger of being called before the Council of State In the year 60. some of them took me for half a Prophet and so perhaps may some hereafter for what I shall now say That if we affect great Territories by Land we shall lose all It is our Sea affairs that we are set for by our Country made for by our genious and fit for especially by our imployment And we may as well think to turn our Rivers as change these things nay indeed if we could it would quickly turn to our destruction Traffick by Sea as I formerly have shown being our chief secular interest But I foresee what will here be said that a weak defence is better than none and how all these Inferior Provinces be otherwise secured And it is very true indeed better a weak wall than none at all And if we could not build a stronger and at less charges and with far less cost for reparation and defence against the violent storms of our Enemies for none can secure us against Heaven we should be ashamed to have thrown down the old which in my judgment is by the former Considerations levelled with the ground For as it is folly to pull down before we consider how to build better so we must take heed that therein we commit not those errors which many wise men though that was none of their wisdom have frequently as I have often observed fallen into in their building To bestow as much in piecing and patching an old house as would build a new one far stronger and better and when they have built either old or new to find several inconveniencies therein which a provident fore-sight might have prevented As the ingenious Mathematician Dr. Wren hath demonstrated as I hear in England that they had better build S. Paul's in London
Fame sound their praises and the Infantry to have their marches beaten through succeeding Ages and Generations I wish that the eccho of Fame may follow them with a clearer sound than the hoarse clamour of the People and hope that the imbellick Bores that are ready to start at the report of a Gun and stoop at the whistling of a Bullet may by having dangers familiarized to them become as the Fox did with the Lion undaunted at last and under their brave General and Commanders regain our reputation and shall heartily pray both for our Senators prosperity and Souldiers success The only consideration that sways with me for contesting for them if we cannot have them otherwise is that of Religion If therefore this policy I have pleaded should prove Apocryphal and that our League and Alliance with them obliges us for them recovery or that the rules of Christian Charity require us to adventure our own loss for their safety God forbid that I or a any man else should be against it and I hope there are none so degenerate but will contribute their best assistance both in purse and person to so good a work If the Turks will redeem the caged birds to set them at liberty let us much more willingly our Christian Brethren and so committing our cause to God pass thorow the Temple of Vertue that we may happily come to that of Honour Having thus shewn the impregnableness of the truth of our cause against the assaults of its Adversaries and fought it out with them in their representing the Advantages of being under France and disadvantages of being under England and our Replying It comes now to our turn to be Assailants wherein we hope to obtain an absolute conquest by shewing them the quite contrary Now herein we might be very large if we would argue from all the suasory and dissuasory topicks as the Honesty of being under England rather than France for the common Interest of the Protestant Religion the Honorableness thereof for the common good of Christendom whose Interest it is to oppose the greatness of France as we shall shew hereafter the Equity of this for assisting our Allies against France the possibility or practicableness of this only now that his Highness is both General and Stadt-holder and also from the contrary of these if we seek to come under France But we shall only insist upon that of Vtility because that is most petswasive and that with respect to our selves only the most part of men being so selfish that they prefer their particular before the publick good The disadvantages of being under France and advantages of being under England 1. Our being under France brings us infallibly unto a War with England and Spain in some short time at least if not presently as we have already shown Now how destructive such a War is to our maritime Negotiation I leave all wise men to judge and Merchants espcially who have the experience thereof Whereas on the contrary our being under England gives us Peace and freedom of Trade by Sea at least inconsiderable disturbance in comparison yea very probably by Land also in regard we can spoil France's Trade disturb his coasts divert his designs and ballacne his power For France cannot fight with all Europe If we be under England we have Spain the Empire c. with us and if France will fight we need not fear him But if that which is said be not sufficient as I suppose it is I am ready to make it apparent that a Land War is more eligible for this Republick then one by Sea with such potent enemies and take the utmost interruption France can make of our Sea-traffick into the ballance 2. If we come under France we shall either do it entirely or partially If the former we are ruined in a great measure in our Commerce for supposing that the Spanish Netherlands fall under France also as in all probability they will and that speedily as even our Adversaries themselves take it for granted the Scheld will be open and free and so Antwerp Bruxels Mechlin Loven Lier and the other Cities of Brabant by this means recover part of their former Commerce which now we deprive them of by Vlissing and Rammekens below and Lillo above on that River and Ghant Cortrick Riissel and other Cities of Flanders a part by the former River being free and by opening the other passage to them which is now obstructed at the Sas van Ghant Now of how great consequence this is to us especially in regard of Amsterdam which bears now a double proportion in the Admiralties and almost the half of the burden of the Taxes of Holland which is almost the half of the whole Republick I leave any one to judge and especially those that know the principles of interest for that great and flourishing City I could be very large upon this in shewing how the fall of Antwerp was the rise of Amsterdam how this City prevailed that the other should not be taken by the Arms of this Republick as also what some say it cost them to prevent it that this was a great inducement to the States not to enlarge the Republick on the side of Flanders and Brabant and what a great motive it was to make peace with Spain that so they might prevent so Potent a Prince as France from coming so nigh them upon that quarter and doing it by power and how Holland gave security for maintaining the peace when Zeeland protested against the same But these are so well known in Holland and the objections against it so answered Schookius de Pace that I need not lanch into this Ocean Now who is so purblind but he may foresee that if we come under France the Flemish Merchants especially Papists will return and carry their Trade to Antwerp and many French also setle themselves there the River being much better the City fit for traffick every way and having the Popish Religion publickly profest so that it will soon contest with Amsterdam for Trade and carry it ere long and then Amsterdam may say of Antwerp as the Ice of the Water Mater me genuit mater mox gigniture exme For we must think those Cities and particularly Antwerp are nearer the Confines of France than Holland and will be more confided in being Papists so that they will become both the care and Crown of that King and Kingdom for their Trade in these Northern parts of the World Yea let me say it for I know it to be true this is that the Trading Flamens long for seek for and should above all things be glad to see so that in stead of hindring they shall help all they dare Frances conquest for this their Interest And if some of these Provinces only come under France and othersome under England what a miserable condition shall we be in by having two such potent Princes continually contesting in the midst of us so that by such strong fits of
into her hands as she was offered the absolut protection of these Provinces But that is not so clear to me nor will be so I think to others who rightly consider the circumstances of those times for we must not judge by the following wherein this Common-wealth grew up beyond all expectation under such Wars as many feared would have been our destruction But yet though she refused for several reasons both of Conscience and State mentioned by Cambden in her Annals A.D. 1575. yet it plainly appears by the forementioned places in Thuanus that rather than the French should she would have done it And could she have foreseen what we have known I am apt to think she would have adventured it although I must tell you it would have been a great venture Spain being both so potent at that time and spightful against her as was quickly after perceived by the Spanish Armado in 88. and besides the enmity of Spain she had thereby incur'd the envy of France infallibly and was uncertain not only of success in the War but of what support of men and money especially the Dutch should be able to contribute for the carrying on the War which was easily foreseen would be long and bloody Nor can any one think that England is not sensible of the danger they are in if we be under France that either considers the Reasons of State or obeserved that which was obvious to every eye and that is how the English was startled at the progress of France What posting was made too and again Was not the Lord Vicount of Hallifax hasted over when they feared their approach to Vtrecht And hearing it was over was not his Grace the Duke of Buckingham the Lord Arlington with several other Commissioners posted after At which time having the honour to wait on my Lord of Hallifax and telling him the Town talk of the D. of Buckingham c. coming through the Fleet and being gone to the Hague he could scarce credit it having not had the least notice thereof they coming away in such haste for fear the French should overrun all And no wonder if we consider the Consequences thereof for England which are so great that they had better lose either Scotland or Ireland And if any English think I overlash I shall desire them first carefully to compute these several particulars and then censure 1. The loss that the King will have in his Customs and the Kingdom in their Trade which neither of those Nations can compensate 2. The constant charges of maintaining a Navy which that Kingdom must be at to maintain their traffick far greater than will secure them against either of those Kingdoms 3. The great injuries they are always liable unto from such potent enemies by Sea as the French and Dutch conjoined more than from the other by Sea and Land 4. The Wars that are likely to fall upon them in a few years both by Sea and perhaps Land also which would prove far heavier than either of those Kingdoms can make with them 5. The hazard they run of being baffled and beat out of their Trade by such a War It is true this is not so easie as many of the Dutch imagine as I have already proved nor yet so difficult much less impossible as perhaps some of the English may fancy I shall not now stand to draw these out of their close order into an open yet if any of the English think me weak in this I have a Reserve which I think will sufficiently secure me from being routed It will be said to me why then should England commence this War Truly let me say it freely for I know it that the scale of War very hardly cast that of peace and the difference was so small that it came upon two or three grains only I have weighed this as exactly as I possibly could first distinguishing pretexts from real causes and then distinctly considering these one by one There were these 5 variously discoursed of His Majesties designing to introduce the Popish Religion to alter the government of those Kingdoms to revenge himself upon us to advance the Prince of Orange and the Interest of the Kingdom of England For the two first which made the loudest noise in some mens mouths I soon found them frivolous and only calumnies cast out by his enemies at home and abroad to make the King odious and his People jealous As to that of changing Religion I have formerly shewn and I think sufficiently that he neither will nor can if he would effect it As for the 2d I considered the Kings years as being past any such youthful and vain ambition his being destitute of a Child that can challenge the Crown his former miseries and sufferings by War and his wisdom too great to set upon a design so wholly impracticable especially in England and Scotland For by the constitution of his Kingdoms though he have the Militis for the execution of the Laws authority without power being a vain scare crow and insufficient to suppress the audacious exorbitances of the multitude yet the people have the purse to ballance that power and whence then would he pay his Armies Nor let any one stop me with saying the Long Parliament contested with his Father for the Militia for that was only temporary they challenging it only for that time of the danger they apprehended in the Kingdom and not as their constant right and not belonging to the Crown as may be seen by those who will rightly read their Declarations which they published to the world concerning that War collected and printed together by Husbands at London 1642. And besides this a Parliament in being though not sitting which hath some kind of radical power though not to be exerted but when legally congregated But suppose them dissolved it being in the Kings power to do it at his pleasure yet hath he not the City of London on his back and both Kingdoms about him to oppose him especially considering that the jealousie of Popery would be taken into the quarrel And what Ministers of State durst suggest such designs they know well the maxim of the Commons and their practice as the great means of preserving their freedom is to ruine such as would infringe their Liberty And that they are so jealous of and zealous for their rights herein that some of them still have the courage and resolution to venture their own heads to break the necks of such men and such defigns as would prejudice their Priviledges I have observed in the Histories of former times and in my own time also that there were seldom any of the noblest Stags of State how much soever imparked in the Kings favour and how strongly soever impaled with power but if the Commons of England singled him out and set upon him though he might hold them at an abay for some time yet they still hunted him down at last And for the King to think of making himself
absolute and govern only by an Army like the French Kings by an Army of French men is so ridiculous that I thought it not worthy of consideration Can any man in his wits imagine his Majesty of England so senseless as to give his Crown and Kingdoms to the French King For that is all one with this in effect As for that of Revenge either for Chattam or the affronts mentioned in his Declaration of this War or both I considered his Temper which hath so much Clemency that it rather inclines him to lenity than cruelty and revenge As is abundantly apparent not only by passing but even forcing as I know he did against some adicted to the latter extreme the Act of Indemnity or Oblivion for those many and great injuries he had suffered from his Subjects And his government since in conniving at the violation of such Laws as are thought severe in matters of Religion and indulging liberty therein which hath made some that have sufficiently heretofore cried up Parliaments now run into the other extreme and cry them down as fast and instead of the Parliaments formerly now magnifie the Kings favour and Clemency And yet Kings and Princes are men and men subject to like passions with others liable to suggestions from those about them and tender of their honour as the apple of their eye And therefore I will grant this might come in consideration but not so much I dare say as alone to make a War For the Prince of Orange there was not only near Relation and Affection but Interest also to be considered For the Lovesteyns party having been so cross to England upon his account and the correspondent friendship between us so uncertain without his Headship I verily believe that if what is now done therein had been done timously it had wholly prevented this unhappy War Yea besides the extraordinary affection which the people have for the Prince our very Bores had this Policy and were more than ordinary zealous for his promotion as the best means to procure their peace As to the further interest of the Kingdom of England in regard of their Trade and Naval expences I have expressed my thoughts before in the Preface It is true this War was always intricate and hath proved a Game at Hazard for England beyond not only theirs I believe but all the worlds expectation But yet if it be still notwithstanding cautiously played as they may and so far as I can possibly discern mean to play it they can many ways come to save their stakes at the least if not to win more than we imagine by the War and was far fairer at first than France for winning by the game in all humane appearance as I could manifest by many Arguments But because that concerns them two only and us not at all further than our sufferings I shall wave them at least for the present and proceed For I will not hearken to the curious enquiries of those who would here be asking how I think England will play their game for that let them look to it whom it concerns on all sides as doubtless they will for me to express my private thoughts might do more hurt than good which is the only thing I aim at and what I think the issue will be I shall declare hereafter in my Conjectures But here it will be asked seeing it is Englands interest that we fall not into the hands of France and that the Prince is now promoted will they not make peace with us this Winter I must needs say I fear they will not except we should give them such terms as I see we shall not we thinking our condition far better and they thinking it far worse than really it is For the cause of this as of most Wars is complex as I have shewn so that though two of those I assigned may be past yet the 3d of the Kingdoms interest not They are already too far ingaged in the War and with France The Kings Honour is at the stake and the Kingdoms expectation of another issae than the last War And besides all these how can any wise man imagine now that they are engaged with France and have an advantage against us as well as a Hazard from France that if they know how to secure themselves against the latter as I suppose they do they will let go the former For we must needs think they will be at a certainty on one side or the other and not part with France's friendship till they be sure of our satisfaction What it is they demand or how rightly is not now our design to discourse but only matter of Interest all along And yet I can easily foresee that the danger of our becoming French will be a singular advantage to us as an inducement to them for a more easie compliance with us But at present I see no probability of Peace but that they will go through with the War or continue it so long till they have tryed their utmost to obtain their ends I know there are many wise men amongst us that think the King cannot carry on this War as there was that thought he could not begin it The former they find themselves deceived in and will be so in the latter also I have discoursed this with several in Government who argue that the King hath not money of himself to go through with the War and that he will not convene the Parliament or if he do they will not supply him I grant the first but deny the others For if we rightly consider their defign the Parliament must meet and the representation that will be made thereof and the constitution of the Parliament they will grant him supplies though perhaps not with that facility that they did it with in the former War And therefore let us neither flatter nor deceive our selves with vain hopes herein but rather seek timely to accommodate differences before their preparations in the Spring for I fear the longer we delay and the worse it will be with us Sect. 10. Compliance with England the only means of the Common-wealths continuation HAving thus declared the condition that we are in and that there is no probability of peace we come now to shew the consequences thereof and what is to be done by us to preserve our selves from ruine and destruction And here to my understanding one of these three things must necessarily follow That we must either continue the War against them both or comply with them both or with one of them alone if possibly we can We shall first declare our thoughts concerning these briefly and then shew with which we both may and must comply 1. Then whether we should continue the War against them both And herein would we do as we might and should it may be this were better than to comply with either of them especially if they will impose upon us unreasonable conditions and much better than to comply with them
we cannot discerne as Christ tells them the signes of the times Can all Europe allmost be arming and we a sleepe in the Bed of Security dreaming of Peace Besides the incredible preparations of France is not England Sweadland and all our Neighbors allmost up and at worke and can we thinke they would be at that cost for a Comedy of Peace have we not all the reason in the World to thinke it will be to us a Tragedy of War Let others enjoy their opinion and not take the alarme till they see Hanibal ad portas for my part I must needs profes I cannot from what I observe but conclude that the affaires of the ensuing Summer are like to be great and the motions thereof quick and such as will highly concerne us in these Countreys As to this Republick which hath at this time these four declared Enimies England France Colen and Munster I shall briefly speake my thoughts with reference to them all England probably will get a bridle to curb us I have shewne in the Preface what they account the Intrest of the Kingdome We see notwithstanding the Prince of Orange his promotion they still pursue the War and must we not then conclude that they seeke some thing further Whether they will by Sea attacque our Coasts or by marching their Armie about over Land is not for me to determine much les what particular places below they may fall upon or what succes they may have Yet I conclude they will have some hanke or other upon our Navall power one way or other before they make Peace with us otherwise they will continue the War the following Summer to try their utmost to get that which we will not give them France that is allready got into the Sadle will there sit and ride us though we flatter our selves we shall by one means or other shake him out of it and off our backs Truly I cannot but wonder often times to heare what vaine hopes men expres and there 's no contradicting them allthough some times I cannot conteine my selfe from smiling or shakeing my head that France must be content with one or two of our Cities which we can best spare and with a confidence allmost as large as if they was ready to run way or resolved to march out and quit those Cities they have at our pleasure As if the French were such sooles to be at that vast expence great paines even the King himselfe personally and have such advantage upon us and quit the same for a thing of nothing For my part I am affraid they will rather get more then lose that they have gotten already And I know their designe is to get all at last It is true if we comply with England and so strengthen our selves by them and Spaine we may thereby hope either to obteine better conditions by Treaty or compel them thereunto by Force But I am speaking of the state of the War as now it stands Colen that pretends to some of those Cities which we held about the Rhyne that are now in the power and possession of the French may possibly for his paines and permission of their passage c. get some supernumerary girth one place or other that may be of no great concernment to France either for their designes upon us or the Empire and must be contented therewith And perhaps for some time his Counsellors may have their Pensions continued from France Munster that is mercinary and fights for Money will get a bos off the crupper French Lewis's made and minted of Dutch Ducats For elective Princes as Bishops that are onely for life seek more to enrich themselves then to enlarge their Territories as those doe that are hereditary And this is likely so far as I can see to prove our condition except 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 appeare in the Tragedy or God Almighty by some wonderfull providence make a change in the Scene of this War Which I confess is very deplorable which way soever we look and we are not so sensible of it now as we shall be hereafter I had thought here to have sit downe a little with a lamentation but I have been so large already that I shall wholly wave it for the present And yet it is a had wind that blows no good we may make this advantage of our miseries so long as we remain amidst our enimies when a Peace is once concluded that we may hold them both fair to us and so secure our selves a little more in quiet then we perhaps think by being ready to close with either to the great prejudice of the other And therefore let me freely insert this important and necessary Caution for England That they take heed they do not overdo their work and so far irritate this Republick that out of a present prejudice and passion and also desperation of their future quietness from them they call in the French to be revenged of them though it be to their own ruine I know many are jealous that this whole War is onely to make the Prince of Orange a Monarch and the two Crowns will have no more to do with the States although I profess I am far from thinking that those two Kings and Kingdoms would be at all this expence of blood and treasure for that end onely and doe believe that if that would set us in our former condition it would soone be assented unto not onely by the multitude but the wiseft men amongst us who know the extraordinary abilities and great capacities of his Highness Therefore let me say it freely without offence either of Him or his Enimies that I perceive many lay this for a fundamental maxim Better a Prince that hath power to defend us then one whom we must onely defend And except my eye-sight fail me some are fast at work in preparing materials to build thereon A word is enough to the wise and therefore I will say no more Nay I will not dissemble my further fears That if France keeps those places on the South Sea and should get others lower either in Holland or Frieslands as may capacitate him to incommodate their Trade though we should have a peace for some time with him we shall fall into his hands at last For the French are already so near us on every side that they hover over us as a Hawk over the grey watching onely an opportunity how they may grasp us in their talons If any shall here aske me Why may we not then as well now become French I also shall aske such one Question which when they satisfie me in I also shall them You know certainly you must die at last whereas here is onely uncertaine fears and yet when you are sick why do you take physick and use means for recovery Is it not because you desire to live as long as you can Doe you not account him a mad man that will cast away his life although he must lose it at
their preparations and opportunities as we have formerly shewne But if France should fall upon them as we have reason to feare that will prove both our Assertions the stronglier making the friendship of England and France die immediately and that of Spaine and England quickly recover And if this save not those Provinces for the present there 's nothing so far as I see under Heaven that can as I have formerly said We perceive then the pulse of this friendship beates both strong and orderly enough to secure us from all feares of its dying le ts visit the patient once more and we shall find no further need of such Physitians advise as the Author of la France Politique in his Avis important à l'Angleterre pag. 471. and that the distemper was onely a fit or two of an Ague the last Spring and therefore so far from being dangerous that it may prove rather physicall according to the Proverb An Ague in the Spring is Physick for a King And that the Body Politick of Spaine in their friendship with England is recovering as well as the King of Spaine personally is recovered 1. If we consider the Common intrest of Europe wherein the English not onely are but allso profes themselves concerned And for this I need not any other proofe but the Triple Alliance * Jan. 23. 1668. and the Declaration of this War both which whosoever reads must needs acknowledge this for truth 2. The great Intrest of Trade which the English have in the Spanish Dominions The very effects the Merchants had standing out there were computed at the beginning of this War at sixteen Millions And can we thinke the King will easily forgoe his Customs and the Kingdome their Commerce with those Dominions Which in my calculation is equall with that they have with all Europe besides 3. We know that they have lately made a peace in the West Indies and how peremptory they are in the observance thereof so that the Governor of Jamaica upon complaints of him was sent prisoner to London clapt up in the Tower c. And shall we thinke then that they will breake into War at home 4. England cannot but be sensible of the greatnes of France and cannot be so senseles but they must needs thinke that it is their concernement that he grow not so great that he become their Master allso at last And the whole World knowes that Spaine not onely hath been now for many yeares the ballance for them but still must be so upon the Continent or none The Princes of the Empire being now so divided between the Imperiall and French Crowne What wise man therefore can thinke now that Spaine declines but that the Empire and England are highly concernd to support them And shall we thinke then that in stead of this either should help forwards their downfall For my part were there no other reason of state but this I should not fear Englands breaking with Spaine and especially now that they see what progres France hath made amongst us 5. This hath been a fundamental Maxim in the Governement of England to keep the ballance even betwixt the two Crownes of Spaine and France ever since Lewis the Elevenths time who seised on Burgundy which was formerly the usual Confederate with England against France In place whereof Austria first and after Spaine obteining the rest of the Provinces that were under Charles last Duke of Burgundy by marriage of his daughter England after still had an eye to them in reference to France And when the Civil Wars in these Provinces broke out and England was jealous of France's being our Protector Q Elisabeth would not permit it still having respect to the House of Burgundy as Thuanus and Cambdâ—n in the forecited places shew And thus you have my Conjectures with such Reasons of State whereon they are grounded as are publick and may therefore be publâ—shed I having industriously declined all reflections on private Transactions Treaties and Articles whatsoever that so no side may have any just occasion of being offended with my writing Sect. 12. France's Ambition Crowing greatnes The cause thereof We and England in the fault The Common Intrest of Europe to oppose France particularly declared of the Empire Spaine England Denmarke and this Republick and Hans Townes Yea of Sweden Savoy and Switzerland The ballance of Europe to be kept even and by whom To those that know the World the ambition of France cannot be unknown Le ts but look a litle about us and we shall see the French Intrest is every where driven on To set this forth in its right-colors would require Volums rather then Pages We shall therfore doe as the Painter that instead of drawing the Giant at length drew onely his Thumb or as Geographers that set forth great Countreys in small Maps And for this we shall not looke far backwards to former times but onely our owne since France recovered of those strong Convulsions by the Civil Wars and Dissentions in Mazarines time in the minority of his present Majesty And we shall find sufficient to awaken the most part of Princes and States in Europe to looke to themselves The Invasion of the Spanish Netherlands the taking the French Comte though after restored to the Spanish and Lorreigne which they still keepe the engageing a strong party of the Electors and Princes of the Empire for their Intrest the worke they have made in Poland and Hungary that that Crowne might be at their disposal and this diverted their taking the Swede off the Triple Alliance and obliging him to give the Emperor worke in Germany and Brandenburgh in Prussia with a great sum of Money some say and Print allso 60 Tun of Gold or 600000 l sterling the endeavours they have used with Portugal to give Spaine a diversion though that Kingdom is not in a capacity to serve their designes the worke allso they have made in Italy their intresting themselves in all Treaties allmost in Europe the Pensions they allow to Ministers of State in most Princes Courts and many other wayes they take to enlarge their Empire Those that are desirous to see their designes may consult the late Author of La France Politique ou ses desseins executez à executer And especially the ingenious discours of the Baron of Isola in 's Bouclier d'Estat de Justice Article 6. where he shows France's aspiring to the Vniversal Monarchy and by what maxims and means they advance apace towards it and as their ambition is great so their pretentions are boundles Who knows not how they pretend not onely to the Spanish Netherlands but the whole Empire Des justes pretentions du Roy sur l'Empire par le Sieur Aubery Advocat au Parliament aux conseils du Roy. Printed at Paris 1667. And there are Aubery's or at least Advocates enow in Paris to draw up pretensions to the Crowne of England and so of one Kingdome and State after another according as their Swords
shall be able to pursue them And indeed such is the growing greatnes of that Kingdome that it is become formidable to all Europe I need not insist on this the World is sufficiently sensible of it but it may be worth our pains to enquire into the causes thereof France formerly had severall boundaries to their Ambition which by degrees they have broken downe Severall Dukes on the one side that of Normandie Comines 1 6. c. 3. and the English after who for 400 years together latè dominati sunt in Gallia till Charles the 7. his time and that of Bretagnie till Charles the 8 gained it to the Crowne of France by the marriage of Anne Daughter of Francis the 2. the last Duke thereof and on the other side the Dukes of Bungundie till Lewis the 11. who after the death of Charles the last Duke slaine at the Battell of Nancey seized thereon and united it to the Crowne of France These three Potentates kept the French Kings continually under by their Confederations and Wars against that Kingdome Which Bands they having once broke they became at liberty to get more elbow-room in the World and become the largest compactest and strongest Kingdom of Europe were it not that their owne intestine Divisions and frequent Civil Wars hath often weakned them After France had arrived at this greatnes the following Kings Charles the 8. Lewis the 12. and Francis the first fruitlesly spent the Kingdoms strength in their Wars in Italy till Francis and Charles the 5. became competitors for the Empire and Spaine and France a fit match for each other in power Since which time such mighty contests have been betwixt those two Kingdoms as have filled all Europe with terror and amazement and all Historians with their Actions But how France hath so far prevailed as we see at present is partly by our owne and partly by the English fault we by Commission and they by Omission as we shall with what brevity we can make apparent in regard it may be usefull to us both During the reigne of Charles the 5. and Francis aforesaid the Reformation of Religion begun which occasioned great alterations to the Kingdom of France and to the Kings of Spaine in these Low Countries Wherein the Crowne of Spaine continued to prosecute their intrest in breaking downe the power of France by all means possible and especially by joyning with the Guisian faction which stiled themselves the Holy-League under pretense of opposing the Protestants Those great contests which the severall factions in France clothed with the glorious mantle of Religion are well knowne to those that are conversant in their Histories and are particularly declared by many but best in my judgement on the Protestants side by Beza the Author though not named of those 15 Bookes he stiles Commentariorum de Statu Religionis Reip. in Regno Galliae sub Henrico 2. Franciso 2. Carolo 9. Henrico 3. And on the Papists by Davila in his excellent Historie of the Civil Wars of France In which Contests in the Reigns of the four forementioned Kings the Successors of Francis the 1 and in the times of Henry the 4. who succeded them the Protestants called there Hugonots got into their Possession above 300 Garrisons and Forts in that Kingdome On the otherhand France was not asleep or awanting to prosecute their intrest in fomenting promoting and carrying on those divisions in these Low Countries to breake downe the power of Spaine into whose hands they had fallen by marriage as we have said and to remove the obstacle which these Provinces constantly were to their advancing their designes For which end they continually assisted us and whilst they pretended to fight our Battells at our charges they really fought their owne And lest the House of Austria so nearly allied to Spaine should afford them further assistance they ingage Sweden to invade the Empire and give the Emperor worke at home allowing A. D. 1631. Gustavus Adolphus 300000. Franks for levying an Army and a Million yearly for paying them every Frank being two Shillings sterling as in the years 1625. and 1635. they fathering all the Empire did on Spaine engaged us allso in more firme and constant Leagues against them This being the true State of those times between those two Crownes we therein thus doubly miscarried and erred both in our Civil and Religious Intrest First in that we thought we could never bring Spaine low enough nor assist France sufficiently against them In this blind zeale we went a great deale too far though nothing the length that France desired For had we listned to their suggestions we had to this day continued our Wars with Spaine and so have done their worke for them What arts France used to disswade us from peace with Spaine may be seen in their Historian Priol De Rebus Gallicis L. 10. as well as our owne concerning the Treaty of Munster But the States seeing the successes of France of whose greatnes they now at last and indeed too late became jealous to which they were the more awakened by the French approaches towards us in Flanders and taking of Dunkirke it being their owne proverb Aye le Francois pour ton Amy non pas pour ton voisin they resolve to take the opportunity which was put into their hands by Spaine who despairing of peace with France sought nothing more then to take off their confederates the Swede and these united Provinces especially by concluding a peace with us and procuring one allso between the Empire and Sweden For knowing their owne weaknes and great worke on their hands by the revolt of Portugall Rebellion in Catalonia the doubtfull condition of Naples the frequent losses they had received and their want of men and money to war every where they offerd us equall conditiors and we privately without the knowledge either of the French Plenipotentiaries or the Mediators Chigie from the Pope and Contaren from the State of Venice except them at last and a peace is made betwixt us at Munster January 30. 1648. and quickly after between the Empire and Sueden at Osnaburg August the 6. in the same yeare By which meanes Spaine was freed from our Wars had opportunity of Prosecuting theirs against Portugall and of creating France trouble at home by joyning with the Condean fact on in the greatnes of Mazarine and the minoritie of his present Majesty This peace so stuck on the Cardinals stomack that neither He nor that Kingdome have ever digested it but because we would not war for them any longer resolved they would war against us at last though if we had not done that too long they had never done this so succesfully Secondly we help forward France's greatnes and our owne destruction by helping to destroy the Protestant Intrest in that Kingdome For as France had the power of Spaine to keep them in on every side so they had allso a curb of the Protestants at home to check them
1590 and continually upon all occasions supported him and the intrest of the Reformed Religion in those Kingdoms so that she was publickly prayed for by the Hugonots as their Protectoresse No sooner was this great Princesse dead whose glory yet will never dye Lib. 129. being accounted by her very enemies the Guisians the most glorious that ever swayed Scepter gloriosissima omnium quoe unquam sceptrum gestarunt foelicissima famina as Thuanus tells us adding many great elogiums of her and conluding none ever was or will be like her of that sex and King James called in to succeed in that Crowne but the French though they had underhand opposed the conjunction of those two Kingdoms all they could having still made use of Scotland formerly in their Wars with England for a diversion to them by setting them upon entring that Kingdom at the back doore betwixt them and as loath allso that such an accession of power should accrew to their old enemies the English yet now they are the first that come with a splendid Embassage to welcome him to his new Crownes This King if he had had as much of the Lions courage as he had of the soxes cunning and Kingcraft as he called it how happy had it bene both for his owne family and his Kingdoms But as he was the occasion of the sad disasters that happend to both as is shewne not only by the Historians but particular Authors in the English tongue Rushworth Welden Osburne c. so I shall now briefly shew how he occasioned many and great irreparable losses to the Protestant intrest abroad especially by his pusillanimity How he perswaded this Republick to a 12 yeares Truce with Spaine and how prejudiciall it was to these Provinces is well knowne How earnestly he was prest to assist his son the Palsgrave both by forreigne Princes abroad and his Parliaments at home I need not mention nor how he spent more in Embassies their traines and Treaties then would have done his worke with men of Armes and traines of Artillery I shall onely speak of that relating to the French Protestants as the proper subject of my discourse When Lewis the 13 set upon reducing the Cautionary Townes which the Protestants had in his Kingdome by the grants of severall Kings as we have said and the distressed sought to the Crowne of England for Reliefe K. James according to his usuall custom onely imployes Embassadors the Lord Herbert once and againe whom the French delayd with words till they had done their worke For knowing King James's temper too well Luynes the High Constable of France Howels Hist of Lewis 13. A. 1621. being appointed to give Herbert audience first sets a Gentleman of the Reformed Religion behind the hangings that being an eare-witness of what past might relate to the Reformists what small grounds of hope they had of having succors from the Crowne of England and then in stead of hearkning to his Embassage in a most insolent manner affronted both his Master and himself with menaces which when he could not brooke but roundly replyed His Master then knew what he had to doe and offered the Constable who was chollerick thereat the satisfaction of his Sword the French Embassador misrepresents what past to K. James and procures Herbert to be called home and the Earle of Carlile is sent in his place to as little purpose as before Nor was this the worst for the Duke of Guise obteined 8 English sayle of men of War to joyne with him against the Rochellers and them of the Religion to distres them by Sea as the Count of Soissons did by Land for which the Duke of Buckingham was after questioned in Parliament and thus the greatest part of the Protestants power was broke downe and had been wholy but that the French had not then time by reason of the Spanish worke in the Valtolin so that a peace was skind over for a small time till they had leisure to open the wound againe and make the poore Patients bleed their last These things caused great complaints of England every where amongst them of the Reformed Religion and occasioned Deodate's saying that King Jame's sins of omission were greater then all his Predecessors sins of Commission Though the pacification was published at Montpellier yet Richelieu being made Minister of State and chief Director of affaires in France A. 1624 he made it his first worke to go on with the designe of destroying the Protestants power in that Kingdome and though the King was against it at first yet the Cardinal carried it on at last so that afterwards he said He had taken Rochel in spight of three Kings meaning his owne England and Spaine For the accomplishing this worke the Eagle-eyed Richelieu foreseeing that England and these States might stand in his way and obstruct him he resolves to charme us both to a compliance For which end France makes a stricter league with these Vnited Provinces affords us 1600000 franks yearly for the two next following to be repaid the two next years after our peace with Spain agrees for ships for their service c. And for England though they knew K. James would not disturb their designes yet not knowing what the Prince of Wales might doe there were meanes used to ingage him by a Match with Henriette the onely Daughter then unmarried of Henry the 4. K. Iames who was desirous to match his onely son Considerably had for 9 or 10 year beene Courting of Spaine to this purpose that so with one he might have the Palatinate restored to the Palsgrave and the Prince of Wales having past through France incognito into Spaine to make love personally to the Infanta and see with his owne eyes if fame belied not her beauty and being there still delayed but not denyed the Spanish desiring to see all the Daughters of France first matcht to prevent an alliance betwixt England and that Kingdome and the busines of the Palatinate still kept in suspence he is commanded home by his Father K. James But having seen the Lady Henriette at a maske in his passage through France under the notion of an English Gentleman and being taken with her beauty more then the Infanta's overtures are made of a Marriage with her and though some in the French Council were rather for her matching to Lorraigne that so those Territories might be gained to France which had been long troublesom to them yet this reason of State of obliging him not to interrupt their designe of ruining the Protestants and prevent his marrying with Spaine prevailed and in 9 moneths time a Match is concluded Richelieu thinking France secure of these two they most feared falls to worke to reduce the Hugonots Cautionary Townes Upon which Soubeze and Blankart goe for England to implore K. Charles his Father K. Iames being then dead his assistance This good King thinks himselfe obliged in conscience and honour notwithstanding his marriage with the King of
an engagement that they had certainly fought had not the English espied an Advice-Yacht coming towards them which bringing them newes of the Protectors death they hoyst up failes and returnd home France was to pull downe Spaine by Land with his own forces and such as the Protector could spare Which Lockard the Embassador there commanded Who having beene more used to fight in the field then play the pioneers with their spades were not so much esteemed at first by the French till the sight with Don John of Austria's Army which came to relieve Dunkirke wherein they behaved themselves with that gallantry that Don John cryed out he was beat by raging wild beasts rather then men and that great Soldjer the Prince of Conde hath often said since that he never saw the like action as was that day performed by the English Shortly after Dunkerke yielded and was put into the English hands The Protector was to bring downe Spaine by Sea which he said he would do or he and his should live on bread and water Intending allso to carrie on the designe which Sidney Rawleight and several of the wisest men of the Indies but as she had too many irons in the fire to carry on that worke so how he miscarried in it is sufficiently knowne And indeed he had broke Spaines Naval power much more then he did allthough he did a great deale at Tenerif and elsewhere had it not been for a small accident that happend which was this Admirall Blake who still principled his seamen in those Confusions and frequent Revolutions of Government that the Fleet served no Parties nor Persons but the English Nation having brought some of his great ships before Tunis batterd down the Castle and compeld them to his termes for which extraordinary service he expected the reward of gratitude at least In stead thereof by his next Advice from England he hath a pardon sent him for endangering the Fleet in such an attempt without order c. Which so stuck on the stomack of that stout and sturdy Stoick that afterwards the Spanish Fleet coming on the maine Ocean off Cadiz He reading his Commission and finding it onely for fighting them in the Mediterranean would not fall on them though the Commanders Sollicited him promised to answer it for him c. onely was willing to fight if the Spanjards begun but though the English provoked them to it and affronted them all they could yet the wary Spanjard was wiser then to ingage and so saved themselves at which Oliver stormed not a litle but Blake cared not much the Admirall heereby crying quits with the Generall Thus you see what great things a little blind zeale may doe And indeed it is not so much to be admired at in him he having had such an enthusiasticall heat as all know that knew him well nor can we wonder so much if his head sometimes run round who was so continually wrapt up in such whirlepooles of affaires as he was perpetually plunged in though to miscarry in so great a concernment for the Protestant Intrest was a capitall crime in him above all others who designing to pul down the Pope * Grotius de jure bel pac l. 2. c. 22. voluntatem implondi vaticinia sine Dei mandato non essè causam bellit by bringing downe Spaine set up France to ruine the Protestants throughout Christendome Thus Ludit in humanis divina potentia rebus But these three lived not long to goe on with these designes and indeed it was well for the world they did not Oliver went first at which Mazarine was secretly glad saying when the newes was brought him as he was at play there 's then a fortunate foole gon But this was but to trample upon a dead lion whom he so ridiculously feared before that his greatest Confidents made themselves privately merry therewith Knowing how uncivily for this he put the King of England out of France and the Duke of Yorke allso notwithstanding his service and the Cavalries acclamations of vive's to him and curses of the Cardinal Yea how after his death he feared his shaddow for in the Isle of Fesant 59 at the interview of the two Kings and their Courts where the marriage was made and peace concluded betwixt them which Mazarine had reserved for his owne glory and the King of great Britaine being there received by Lewis de Haro at first with the height of a Spanish complement in the depth of the mire and treated after with all civility yet the Cardinal though courted by the Duke of Ormond durst not speake with him for feare of Lockard that was present at the Treatie But though the crafty Cardinal was no coward yet thus fearefull and timorously was he cautious for Him whom I know he hated above all Mortals and that Common-wealth above all people in the world as I can many wayes make apparent if it was of any importance to the publick But to be briefe Olivers other two Consorts followed after him quickly and these three Conquerors being cut of by death who kept all Christendome in aw whilst they lived the world had a little quiet till France got a horseback again in Flanders But betwixt and that time was that great change in England by the wonderfull providence of God in the restoration of his Majesty by which meanes the French got Dunkirke again into their hands and were therby capacitated the better to carry on their worke against these Countries Atwhich the French made themselves merry and some say abusively by having Dunkirke drawn with a purse hanging over it The English stormed and some swore Oliver would have sold his great nose rather then Dunkerke Yea this still sticks on many of their stomachs I remember at my last being in England in 66 and seeing Clarenden House and wondring a little why it was situated so neer the roade which made it both unfree and molested with dust and critising upon some other things the Oratory especially that the Chancelor that was the eldest Son of the Church of England should make his Chappel as a wag writ of Emanuel Colledge's so awry Just North and South yea verily when I came above on the leads I was so pleased with the pleasantnes of the prospect that I thought for that it might compare with any House I had seen knowing no place in England except above Greenwich that I thought comparable to it upon which the domestick had the confidence perceiving me a stranger to tell me I could not thence see Dunkirke for the Commonality had Christened it and made Dunkirke the Godfather calling the House after its name But though I confess it was against the Common Intrest of Europe that it should fall to the French againe yet whether it was against the Intrest of the King of England and that Kingdome is not so cleare to me I will onely say this that I know a person hath weighed that so well that I shall carry this