by these men for these be those which brought me into this lamentable plight and the misery thou seest me in A memorable strange speech of a distracted Prince And thus the Emperour Wenceslaus was likewise deposed by the Princes electors of the Empire For besotting himself so with pleasures c. as that he became altogether unfit for the government and a man unprofitable for the Empire and Christian Common-wealth and Rupert Count Palatine of Rhine and Duke of Bavaria was elected Emperour in his stead The like no doubt might be lawfully done here in England by the whole Kingdom and Parliament if any such cases of incurable folly or frenzy should befall any of our Kings who might then either create a Lord Protector to govern both King or Kingdom during such disabilities of Government in the King as Childricke for a time before his deposition was governed and over-ruled in all things by the Marshall of the Palace or else Crown the next Heir King if he be capable to Govern Yea in the time of our Saxon Kings when the right Heir was an Infant unable to govern the Crown usually descended to the next Heir of full age Hence Wibba King of Mercia deceasing Penda his son being an Infant the Crown descended to his Nephew Câ—orl of full age after whose death Penda being of ripe age inherited the Kingdom So King VVulfcher deceasing leaving his son Kenred within age his Brother Ethelred succeeded him who resigning his Crown and turning Monke after he had Reigned 30. yeers Kenred then of full age enjoyed the Crown So Ethelfred King of Northumberland dying Edelwald his Brother entred the Government and Reigned Aldulfe Ethelherds son being then a minor who enjoyed not the Crown till after Edelwalds death So Casseâ—elan succeeded Lud his Brother in the Kingdom of Britain Luds sons being too young and insufficient to Reign The like was very usuall in Scotland of which there are divers presidents in Grafton Hector Boetius and Buchanan which I pretermit All which particulars laid together are a most clear unanswerable demonstration that the Soveraignest power and Jurisdiction of all others resides in the whole Kingdom and Parliament not in the King himself since they may thus dispose of the very Crown it self and are the sole and onely supream Judges to determine all controversies all titles which concern it The King alone having no power to transfer it to any other without the Lords and Commons free consents as was resolved in the case of King Iohn who resigned and granted his Crown to the Pope without the Kingdoms consent and therefore the resignation and grant were adjudged void not onely by the French King and his Lords but by our own Parliament as you may read in 40. Ed. 3. Nu. 8. and in Doctor Crakenthorpe Of the Popes temporall Monarchy Cap. 2. p. 251. to 255. I shall conclude this point with the words of this memorable Record The Prelates Dukes Counts and Barons being in the white Chamber and the Commons in the Painted Chamber it was shewed unto them by the Chancellour how they had understood the cause of the Summons of Parliament in generall but the will of the King was that the causes should be shewed unto them in speciall telling them how the King had understood that the Pope by vertue of a Deed which he said that King John had made to the Pope to do him homage for the Kingdom of England and the land of Ireland and that by reason of the said homage that he ought to pay him every yeer perpetually one thousand Marks and that he purposeth to make out Processe against the King and his Realm for the said Service and Rent concerning which the King prayed the advice and counsell of the Prelates Dukes Earles and Barons and what he should do in case the Pope would proceed against him for this cause or against the said Realm And the Prelates prayed the King that they might thereupon advise alone by themselves and return their answer the next morning which Prelates by themselves the next morning and after the said Dukes Earls Barons and great men answered and said That the said King John NOR NO OTHER MIGHT PUT HIMSELF NOR HIS REALM NOR HIS PEOPLE IN SUCH SUBJECTION WITHOUT THE ASSENT AND ACCORD OF THEM And the Commons being advised and consulted with thereupon answered in the same manner Whereupon it was ordained and assented BY COMMON CONSENT in manner following In this present Parliament held at Westminster the Munday next after the Invention of holy Crosse in the yeer of the reign of King Edward the 40. as well to maintain the estates of holy Church as the rights of his Realm and his Crown it hath been shewed amongst other things how it hath been reported and said that the Pope by vertue of a Deed which he said that the said John late King of England had made to the Pope in perpetuity to do him homage for the realm of England and land of Ireland and by reason of the said homage to render to him an Annuall rent and hath purposed to make Processe against the King for to recover the said Services and rent The which thing being shewed to the Prelates Dukes Earls Barons and the Commons to have their advice and counsell thereupon and to demand of them what the King should do in case that the Pope should proceed or attempt any thing against him or his Realm for this cause Which Prelates Dukes Earles Barons and Commons having taken full deliberation thereupon answered and said OF ONE ACCORD That the said King John NOR NO OTHER MIGHT PUT THEMSELVES NOR HIS REALM NOR HIS PEOPLE IN SUCH SUBJECTION WITHOUT THEIR ASSENT And as it appears by many evidences that if it were done it was done WITHOUT THEIR ASSENT AND AGAINST HIS OATH IN HIS CORONATION And moreover that the Dukes Earls Barons great men and Commons accorded and granted That in case the Pope would endeavour or attempt any thing by Processe or any other act to constrain the King or his Subjects to perform what is said he will claim in this behalf That THEY WILL RESIST AND OPPOSE HIM WITH ALL THEIR MIGHT And before this in the great Councell of Lyons the Proxies and Procurator of the Church and realm of England in the name of the whole Realm complained and protested against this grant of King Iohn as a meer Nullity BECAUSE IT WAS MADE WITHOUT THE CONSENT OF THE REALM AND LORDS which neither did do nor ever after would consent thereto as I have elsewhere proved This being the common received opinion of all Civilians and Statists That no King or Emperour can alien or engage all or any part of his Kingdom to another without his Subjects generall consents and that such an alienation or Morgage is meerly void in Law to all intents as Albert. Gent. De jure Belli l. 3. r. 15. and Hugo Grotius proves at large De jure Belli
moving sedition against the Roman State was beheaded with an axe at Antioch without any legall triall to prevent further seditions which never befell any King before that time writes Alexander ab Alexandro And Agrippa not long after put Bogus King of the Mores to death for siding with Antonius Of later times I read that Ludovicus Pius the Emperour taking Bernard his Nephew King of Itâ—ly prisoner for rebelling and denying his superiority over him carried him into France to determine what should be done with him according to Iustice for this his offence where though a King hee was condemned to death and executed as some or at least cast into prison and had his eyes put out as others write So Charles of France taking Conradine King of Sicily prisoner publikely arraigned and condemned him of high Treason and cut off his head Anno 1208. Yea our owne King Iohn being a Feudatary to the King of France was by Philip the French king in a full Parliament there during his absence in England arraigned condemned to dâ—ath and deposed from his Crown by the sentence of his Peeres for murthering his Nephew Arthur then a Subiect of France with his owne hands So Iohn Bailiol king of Scotland renouncing his homage for that Crowne to king Edward the first was for this offence compelled to resigne his Crown with all his right to the kingdome of Scotland to King Edward the first and sent Prisoner to the Tower of London and Mary Queene of Scots within many mens memories after long debate in Parliament was condemned and beheaded at Fothringham Castle Febr. 8. An. 1587. for laying claime to the Crowne of England and other particulars mentioned in our Historians And thus much for the Roman Grecian German Emperours kings and kingdomes I shall now give you a brieâ—e Survey of what Greeke Authors write concerning Kings and Kingdoms and of the power the kinds of ancient Kings and Kingdomes in Greece and other places That great Father of Learning and policie Aristotle Tutor to the greatest Emperour Alexander the Great whose Authority is irrefragable in our Schooles resolves That true Kingdoms were erected at first and conferred on the worthiest men by the free voluntary joynt consent of the people and founded confirmed by the customes and Lawes of each country which Polibius also affirmes That there are 4 severall sorts of Kings some of greater some of lesser Authority and continuance then others some elective some successive some during â—ife some Annuall all of them receiving their distinct jurisdictions Formes Limitations and different Royalties from the peoples primitive or subsequent institutions and consents For all men being equall by the Law of nature can have no dominion nor Superiority one over another but by their own voluntary consents That the Lawes not the Kings Princes or Magistrates be they one or more or never so good ought to be the sole Lords or Rulers of the Common-wealth and that Princes and Governours ought to governe by the Lawes who cannot command what the Lawes doe not command That those who command that the Law should rule command that God and the Lawes should rule but he that commands a man to be a Prince he commands that both a man and beast should be Princes for covetousnesse and the lust of the minde is a certaine beast which perverts both Magistrates and the very best men but the Law is a constant and quiet Minde and Reason voyd of all motions of lusts and desires That the power of the greatest things and greatest power ought DE IVRE of right to be in all the people because their wisdomes resolutions and revenues considered altogether are greater and more considerable then those of a few wise or honest men plased in the highest offices of Magistracie who are but a small particle of the State in respect of all the people That the people ought to be of more power then the King or greatest Magistrates to prevent their Tyranny and Oppression and that a King ought to governe by his Lawes and not to doe any thing against them according to his lust wherefore he ought to have so much power and force wherewith he may protect the authority of the Lawes yea he must necessarily have forces and power yet so much onely as thereby he may be able to curbe every particular man or many also yet not so great power but that a populo auâ—em universo idem REX ILLE IPSE COERCERI POTEST the very King himselfe may yet BE CVRBED by all the people such Guards verily the Ancients gave to their Kings when they would set any Tyrant or Governour over the City And when Dionysius required Guards a certaine Syracusan perswaded them to curbe such Guardâ— to which Polybius also suffragates According to these Rules of Aristotle I read in Dionysius Halicarnassaeus and Polybius that in the Lacedemonian Common-wealth the Kings had not the chiefe Dominion so as they might doe what they pleased sed summa totius Reipub. administratio penes Senatum erat but the chiefe Government of the whole Commonweale was in the Senate from whence the Romanes tooke their paâ—terne Alexander ab Alexandro Boemus and Xenophon write That the Lacedemonians sometimes elected a King out of the Family of the Heracliâ—â—â— or of Agis but more often two joynt Kings of equall Authority out of the stock of Proclus and Aemisthenes who yet had not the chiefe Command as Kings Quiajuris omâ—is publici potestas penes Senatum erat because the power of all publike law or rule was in the Senate the better to keep their Kings from attempting and usurping a Tyranny they being Kings rather in name then Dominion and like the Achaean two Annuall Praetors whence Aristotle makes them the lowest ranke of Kings Iohn Bodin informes us That in the Lacedemonian Aristocracie the Soveraignty remained in the State wherein were two Kings without any Soveraignty at all being indeed nothing else but Captains and Generals for the managing of their Warres and for that cause were by the other Magistrates of the State sometimes for their faults condemned to pay their fine as was Agesilaus and sometimes to death also as was Agis and Pausanias Agis the last of the Lacedemonean kings as Plutarch records being apprehended and condemned by the Ephori without an Indictment and then hanged in a halter Finally Aristotle himself and Xenophon informe us that the Kingdom of the Lacedemonians flourished very long yea longer then any other forme of Government because their Kings power was but small and their Kings never desired greater things then the Lawes would beare by which they had received their Kingdome in the beginning for in the beginning that Kingdome was divided between two joynt Kings After which Theopompus left it more moderated to his successours and constituted the Magistracie of the Ephori who had power even to depose and execute their kings if they offended and rose not up out of their seates unto them to retain that
assembled all together as well Nobles as ignoble and Offa most valiant young man being their Captaine they expelled him from the kingdome which done unanimi omnium consensu by the unanimous consent of all as well Clergy as People they Crowned Offa a King Ceolwulfe King of Mercia An. 820. after one yeares Reigne was for his misâ—â—vernment expulsed by his people abandoning his Crowne and Country for the â—afety of his life Edâ—â—yn King of Mercia and Northumberland for his Misgovernment Tyranny oppression following vaine base wicked Counsellors rejecting the advise of the Wisest and noblest person was by the unanimous consent of all his Subjects removed from all Kingly dignity and deposed in whose place Edgar was elected King An. 957. DEO DICTANTE annuente populo Not to mâ—ntion the story of Archigallo one of our ancient British Kings in times of Paganisme Who giving himselfe to all dissention and strise imagining causes against his Nobles to put them from their goods and dignities setting up ignoble persons in their places and plucking away by sinister wrongfull meanes from the rich their wealth and goods by which he enriched himselfe and impoverished his Subjects was for these his conditions murmured against by his Subjects who of one assent lastly tooke and deprived him of all Kingly honour and dignity when he had Reigned almost five yeares making his Brother Elidurus King of Britaine by one assent in the yeare of the world 4915. Who after five yeares good Reigne feigning himselfe sicke assembled the Barons of the Land and by his discreet words and bearing loving carriage Perswaded them to restore Archigallo to his former honour and regalty and thereupon assembling a Councell of his Britaines at Yorke caused such meanes to be made to the Commons that in conclusion he resigned his Crowne to Archigallo Who being thus restored to his Crowne by joynt consent of the people remembred well the evill life that before time he had led and the punishment hee had suffered for the same Wherefore for eschewing the like danger he changed all his old conditions and became a good and righteous man ministring to the people equity and justice and bare himselfe so nobly towards his Lords and Rulers that he was beloved and dread of all his Subjects and so continued during the terme of his naturall life Nor yet to remember Emerian another old British King who for misordering of his people was deposed by them in the sixth yeare of his reigne and Ydwallo promoted to the Kingdome who taught by Emerian his punishment behaved himselfe justly all the time of his reigne or any more such precedents before the Conquest We finde the Popish Barons Prelates and Commons disavowing King Iohn whom they had formerly elected King for making warre upon them and wasting burning and spoyling the Kingdome like an Enemy and electing Lewis of France for their King to whom they did homage and fealty There are none so ignorant but know that the Popish Prelates Lords and Commons in Parliament Anno 1327. deposed King Edward the second their naturall King for his misgovernment and following and protecting ill Counsellors inforcing him by way of complement to resigne his Crowne threatning else that they would never endure him nor any of his Children as their Soveraigne but disclaiming all homage and fealty would elect some other for King not of his bloud whom themselves should think most fit and able to defend the kingdome After which they elected and crowned his son Edward the third for their King That Anno 1399. King Richard the second for sundry misdemeanours objected against him in 32. Articles in Parliament and breach of his Coronation Oath was judicially deposed by a Popish Parliament by a definitive sentence of deposition given against him which you may read at large in our Historians and Henry the fourth elected and created King in his stead In both which depositions the Popish Prelates were chiefe actors Anno 1462. King Henry the sixth Queene Margaret and Prince Edward their Sonne were by a popish Parliament disinherited of their right to the Crowne and Edward the fourth made King after which King Henry was by another Parliament recrowned and re-established in his kingdome and Edward the fourth declared a Traytor and usurper of the Crowne And not long after Edward taking King Henry prisoner and causing him to be murdered in the Tower another Popish Parliament Anno 1472. abrogated King Henries Lawes and re-established King Edward All this have our Popish Parliaments Prelates Lords and Commons formerly done and that rightly and legally as they then supposed which farre transcends the highest straines of pretended incroachments on his Majesties royalties by the present Parliament Secondly our Popish Parliaments Peeres and Prelates have oft translated the Crown from the right heires setled it on others who had no lawful right or title to it electing and acknowledging them for their onely Soveraigne Lords in which actions the Popish Prelates and Clergy were commonly the Ring-leaders witnesse their electing and crowning of Edward who was illegitimate and putting by Ethelred the right heire after Edgars decease An. 975. Their electing and Crowning Canutus King a meere forrainer in opposition to Edmund the right heire to King Ethelred Anno 1016. Of Harold and Hardiknute both elected and crowned Kings successively without title Edmund and Alfred the right heires being dispossessed and the latter imprisoned aâ—d tortured to death Anno 1036. and 1040. yet after Hardiknutes decease Edward surnamed the Confessor was chosen King by consent of Parliament And the English Nobilities upon the death of King Harold enacted That none of the Danish bloud should any more reigne over them After this Kings death Edgar Etheling who had best title was rejected and Harold elected and crowned King so after William the Conquerors decease Anno 1087. Robert the elder brother was pretermitted and William Rufus the younger brother crowned and established in the Throne After whose death Henry the first his younger brother though not next heire was elected King by the Clergy Nobles and Commons who refused to admit of any King but with capitulations and caveats to their owne liking upon faire promises for reforming bad and rigorous Lawes remission of Taxes exacted on the Subjects and punishment of the chiefe causers of them and a solemne Oath to frame good Lawes and ratifie Saint Edwards Lawes all which he really performed So after the death of Richard the first Iohn Earle of Morton was established and crowned King and his Nephew Arthur the right heire disinherited And he dying his sonne Henry the third was elected and crowned and Lewis made King in his fathers life by the Barons removed The like we finde in the case of K. Henry 4. K. Edw. 4. and Richard the third made Kings by Acts of Parliament by our Popish Prelates and Nobles with the Commons consent upon unlawfull or doubtfull Titles by way of usurpation and the right
by the Free-holders and put in their roomes divers of his owne Minions subverting the Law contrary to his Oath and honour In the yeare 1261. The Barons by vertue of an Ordinance of Parliament made at Oxford in the 45 yeare of Henry the third admitted and made Sheriffes of divers Counties in England and named them Guardians and Keepers of those Counties and discharged them whom the King had before admitted After which great tumults and seditions arose throughout the Counties of England about the Sheriffes for the King making new Sheriffes in every County and removing with regall indignation those to whom the custody of the Counties was committed by the Barons and Commons of the Land the Inhabitants of the Counties animated with the assâ—stance and ayded with the Counsell of some great men of the Realme by whom they were instructed with great sagacity Novos râ—pulere viriliter Vicecomites manfully repulsed the new Sheriffes Neither would they answer regard or obey them in any thing Whereat the King being grievously troubled in mind to gaine the peoples devotion fidelity directed his Letters to all the Inhabitants of the several Counties of England moving to piety tending to regaine the Subjects love Wherupon great discord increased betweene the King and his Barons who comming to London with great forces the King finding himselfe too weak ended the matter for the present with a fained Accommodation which soone after was infringed by him and so Conquievit tandem per internuncios ipsa perturbatio SUB SPE PACIS reformandae sine strepitâ—â— guerrae quorundum Procerum ad hoc electorum considerationibus parte utraque concorditer inclinata Sicque Baronum omnis labor atque omne studium praecogitatum diu QUORUNDAM ut putabatur ASTUTIA INTERMIXTA cassatum est ad hoc tempus emarcuit quia semper nocuit differre paratis writes Matthew Westminster Notwithstanding these contests the people still enjoyed the right of electin Sheriffes which is evident by the Statute of Articuli super Chartas in the 28. yeare of King Edward the first c. 8. The King granteth to the people not by way of grace but of Right that they shall have election of their Sheriffe IN EVERY SHIRE where the Shrevalty is not of Fee IF THEY LIST and chap. 13. For as much as the King hath granted the election of the Sheriffes to the COMMONS of the Shire the King will that THEY SHALL CHUSE such Sheriffes that shall not charge them c. And Sir Edward Cooke in his Commentary on Magna Charta f. 174 175. 558 559. 566. proves at large the right of electing Sheriffes to be antiently of late and at this day in many places in the Free-holders and people as in London York Bristoll Glocester Norwich in all great Cities which are Counties and in Middlesex Seeing then the Parliament and Free-holders in antient times had a just right to elect their Generals Captaines Sheriffes who had the sole power of the Militia and Counties in their hands next under the King himselfe and there is no negative Law in being that I can find to exclude them from this power I humbly conceive that their setling the Militia by an Ordinance of Both Houses and electing of Commanders Lieutenants Captaines in each County to execute it and defend the Counties from plundering and destruction without his Majesties consent especially after his refusall to settle it by an Act can be no incroachment at all upon his Prerogative Royall but only a reviving and exercising of the old undoubted rightfull power enjoyed by their Predecessors now necessary to be resumed by them in these times of feare and danger for the kingdomes safety Fifthly The Mayors Bayliffes Sheriffes chiefe Officers of Cities and Townes corporate throughoutâ— the Realme who under the King have the principall command of those Cities Townes Ports and in many places of the Militia and Trained Bands within them are alwayes chosen by the Corporations and Freemen not the King without any derogation to or usurpation on his Prerogative Why then may not those Corporations yea each County too by the like reason and the Parliament which represents them and the whole kingdome without any prejudice or dishonour to his Majesties Authority by an Ordinance of both Houses of Parliament without the King dispose of the Militia and these Military Officers for the defence of those Corporations and the Realme too now in times of such apparent danger Sixthly all Military affaires of the kingdome heretofore have usually even of right for their originall determining counselling ann disposing part 〈◊〉 Ordered by the Parliament the executive or ministeriall part onely by the King and so hath beene the use in most other kingdomes To instance in particulars First the denouncing of warre against Foraine enemies hath beene usually concluded and resolved on by the Parliament before it was proclaimed by the King as our Records of Parliament and Histories of warres in the Holy-Land Frâ—â—ce Scotland Ireland abundantly evidence King Henry the fifth by the advise of his Prelates Lords and Commons in Parliament and at their encitement twice denounced and undertooke his victorious warre against France to which Crowne he then laid claime for which end they granted him Subsidies King Edward the 1. in the 21 yeare of his Reigne calling a Parliament at London de Concilio Praelatorum Procerum c. by the advise of his Prelates Lords and Parliament denounced war against the King of France to recover his right and lands there seised Which to effect both the Clergy and Laity granted him large Subsidies In the fifth yeare of King Edward the third the warre against Scotland was concluded and resolved on in and by the Parliament all the Nobles and Commons of England telling the King they would gladly and willingly assist and goe with him in that expedition which they vigorously prosecuted Before this Anno 1227. A peace as well as war was conecâ—uded with the Scots in and by a Parliament at Northampton Anno 1242. King Henry the third summoning a Parliament and demanding ayd of his Subjects to assist him in his warre against the King of France to recover his rights there they gave him a resolute answer that they would grant him no ayde and that he should make no war with France till the Truce were expired which Matthew Paris thus further expresseth The Nobles answered him with great bitternesse of heart that he had conceived this warre and vnyage into France without their advise Et talia effrons impudenter postularat exagitans depauperans fideles suos tam frequenter traâ—ens exactiones in consequentiam quasi a servis ultimae conditionis tantam pecuniam toties extorsit inutiliter dispensandam Contradixerunt igitur Regi in faciem nolentes amplius sic pecunia sua frustratorie spoliari The King hereupon put them off till the next day Romanorum usus vertutis fallaciis and then they should heare his
goe unto it petitioning the King to desist from this Warre and at last caused the King in Parliament to release these services And Anno 1205. The Lords and Commons for this very reason refused to go with King Iohn to his warres in France to recover his inheritance there In the sixt yeare of King Richard the second in a Parliament holden at London it was for many dayes together debated whether the Bishop of Norwich Henry Spensâ—r whâ—m the Pope had made Generall of his Forces against the Schismatickes of Flanders giving great indulgences to those who should assist him in person or with Monies in this Warre should undertake that Warre or no and after muâ—h opposition of the Captaines of the kingdome alledging that it was not safe to commit the people of the King and kingdome to an unexpert Priest it was at last resolved in Parliament through the constancy and valour of the Knights and Commons that he should undertake this war and goe Generall of the Army Which office he valiantly managed with good successe being a better Souldier than Preacher And the same yeare in another Parliament at London it was Decreed BY THE PARLIAMENT that because the Scots had broken their Faith with the English Faith should be broken with them Frangenti fidem fides frangatur eidem And that a select power should be sent into Scotland out of England to wit a thousand Lances and 2000. Archers to curbe their attempts under the conduct of the Lord Thomas of Woodstocke which the Scots being informed of were greatly afraid and in the end of the Parliament sent humble supplicants to it to treat with them about a peace or truce which they desired But the English having had such frequent experience of their falshood would neither treat nor compound with them but reviling their messengers commanded them to returne home wishing them to defend their heads and rights as well as they could Who returning the Northerne Lords undertooke the defence of their Country untill Thomas of Woodstocke should be pâ—epared to ayd them with greater Forces Loe here both Generalls Armies Warres appointed by the Parliament and Subsidies likewise granted to supply them and the making of a peace or truce referred to them it being agreed in a former Treaty that if any dammage or injury should be done by either Nation one to another some speciall Committees should be sent to the Parliament of both kingdomes every yeare who should publikely relate the injuries sustained and receive amends according to the dammage suffered by the judgement of the Lords In the Printed Statutes of 18 Ed. 3. Parliament 2. and in our Historians too I finde this preamble recited almost verbatim the next Parliament the same yeare chap 1. It is to be remembred that at the Parliament hâ—lden at Westminster the munday next after the Utas of the Holy Trinity in the Reigne of our Soveraigne Lord the King that now is of England the 18. and of France the 5. many things were shewed in full Parliament which were attempted by the adversary party against our Soveraigne Lord the King of France against the Truce late taken in Britaine betwixt our Soveraigne Lord the King and him And how that he enforceth himselfe as much as he may to destroy our said Soveraign Lord the King and his Allies Subjects Lands and places and the tongue of England And that was prayed by our said Soveraigne Lord the King of the Prelates great men and Commons THAT THEY WOULD GIVE HIM SUCH COUNSELL and AIDE AS SHOULD BE EXPEDIENT IN SO GREAT NECESSITY And the same Prelates great men and Commons taking good deliberation and advice and openly seeing the subversion of the Land of England and Kings great businesse which God defend if hasty remedy be not provided HAVE COUNSELLED JOYNTLY and SEVERALLY and prayed with great instance our Soveraigne Lord the King that he would make him as strong as he might to passe the Sea in assurance of the ayde of God and his good quarrell effectually at this time TO MAKE AN END OF HIS WARRES BY WAY OF PEACE OR ELSE BY FORCE And that for Letters words nor faire promises he shall not let his passage till he see the effect of his businesse And for this cause the said great men do grant to passe and adventure them with him And the said Commons doe grant to him for the same cause in a certaine forme two Quinzimes of the Commonalty and two Dismes of the Cities and Burroughes to be levyed in manner as the last Quinzime granted to him and not in other manner c. So that the money levyed of the same be dispended in the businesse shewed to them this Parliament BY ADVICE OF THE GREAT MEN THERETO ASSIGNED And that the aydes beyond Trent BE PUT IN DEFENCE OF THE NORTH A pregnant Precedent of the Parliaments interest in concluding Warre and Peace and disposing of the ayde contributed towards warres to such persons and uses as they deeme meete to confide in By these with infinite other precedents the Statute of 1 Iac. c. 2. and the Act of Pacification and oblivion betweene Scotland and England made this very Parliament enacting that no warre shall be levyed or made by any of either Nation against the other without consent of Parliament under paine of High Treason It is evident that the principall right of concluding denouncing Warre or peace resides in the Parliament and that the King without its previous advice and consent ought not to proclaime any open warre since the Subjects estates and persons must support wage it and receive most disadvantage by it a truth not onely implyed but resolved by his Majesties owne royall assent this very Parliament in the Act of Pacification betwixt England and Scotland Neither is this thing unusuall but common in other Kingdomes Livy Polybius Grimston Plutarch Iohn Bodin expresly affirme and confirme by sundry examples That in the Roman State both under their Kings and Emperours the chiefe power of denouncing warre and concluding peace was in the Senate and people And if any of their Emperours Consuls or Generals concluded peace without their consents it did not binde but was meerely voyd unlesse the Senate and people ratified it by a new decree neither might any warre be decreed but in the great assembly of the Senate and people together and by a publike Law And because Caesar had without command of the people made warre in France Cato Uticensis delivered his opinion in the Senate that the Army was to be called home and Caesar for his presumption delivered up to the Enemy So in the States and Kingdomes of the Athenians Aetolians Polonia Sweden Denmarke and Norway no Warre was begunne nor Peace concluded by their Kings but by the authority and preceding decree of their Senates Parliaments and Diets as Bodin proves at large The like Buchanan affirmes of the Kings of Scotland and we have divine authority
were elected by the people who prescribed them Lawes Oathes and had power to question to punish remoove and censure them when they offended Solon and Aristotle with other great Politicians debating this Question Whether the power of Electing and censuring the Magistrates and chiefe Officers ought to resids in the people Conclude offirmatively That it is most necessary and convenient this power should rest in the people because else the people shall become both the servants and enemies of their Princes if they have not this power and because all the people together are more considerable and better able to judge of the goodnesse and fitnesse of Magistrates for them then any few select particular men which are more apt to be seduced with by-endâ— then a great multitude Whence among the Lacedemonians and in most Kingdomes and Republicks in Greece the people had both the election yea and correction of their Magistrates and chiefe State Officers as they manifest In the Kingdome of Aragon in Spaine their ancient Suparbiense Forum their Iustitia Aragoniae and Rici homines who are their principall Magistrates Great Counsell of State and Priviâ— Counsellours to their King both in Warre and Peace having power over their Kings themselves to examine and censure all their Actions and remove them if there be cause with all their Members Knights and Burgesses of their Parliaments held formerly once a yeâ—re but now once every second yeare by fixed Lawes anciently were and at this day are elected by the People and not the King In the Germane Empire the Electorship Chancellourship and all great Offices of State are hereditary and successive not chosen by the Emperour and the greatest part of inferiour Magistates are elected in most Provinces and Cities by the people In Polonia the Archbishop of Gnesne is by inheritance alwayes Chancellour of the Realme In Hungary the great Palatine the chiefest Officer of that Kingdome next to the King himselfe who at home determineth and judgeth all differences between the King and Subjects according to the Lawes of that Realme est enim apud Panonios in usu Regem si quid contra Legem fecerit legibus subijci and during the interregnum hath right to summon Parliaments and generall assemblies of the Estates yea the chiefe hand and power in electing a new King and the Soveraigne command in the Warres Adeo ut sontes punire bene de re publica â—â—ritis praemia discernere fundosque qui 20. vel 30. agricolarum capaces sunt juris haerâ—ditarij nomine conferre possit c. as Nicholaus Isthuanfus writes is elected by the States and Parliament of Hunâ—ary not the King And in this manner Bethrius was elected Palatine in a full assâ—mbly of the States Senatus Nobiliâ—tiâ—sque consensu Anno Dom. 1517. and the Vayvode put by In Venice the Senate and people chuse all the great publike Officers not the Duke In Poland where the King is elective by the Law of Sigismond Augustus all the Magistrates of every Countrey were to be chosen by the particular States of every Government and so they are now In Denmarke and Sweden and Bohemia the Kings themselves are Elective by the States and people and most of their publike Officers too When Rome and Italy were under the Gothish Kings they still elected their publike Officers as is evident by King Theodoricus Letter of approbation of their Election in these words Our consent Reverend Fathers doth accompany your jâ—dgement In Scotland Anno 1295. the Scots in King Iohn Bayliols Reigne considering his simplicity and unapâ—nâ—sse elected them 12. Peeres after the manner of France to wit 4. Bishops 4. Earles and 4. Lords by whose counsell the King ought to Governe the Realme and by whose ordination all the affaires of the Kingdome should be directed which was principally done in affront of King Edward the first by whom this Iohn was made King of Scotland in some sort against the Scots good liking some of them secretly murmuring against it In France it selfe where the King as some thinke and write is an absolute Monarch the greatest publike Officers anciently have sometimes been Elected by the Three Estates of Parliament Anno 1253. The States of France Elected the Earle of Leycester their Grand Seneschall and chiefe Counsellour of State to advise them and their desolate estate what to doe In the Yeare 1324. Arthur Duke of Brittaine was chosen Constable of France by the voice of all the Peers of the Great Counsell and Parliament and thereupon was admitted to that Grand Office In the Yeare 1357. the 7 th of King Iohn of France the Archbishop of Roan Chancellour of France Sir Simon de Bury chiefe Counsellour of the King and of the Parliament Sir Robert de Lorize Chamberlaine to the King Sir Nicholas Brake Master of the Kings Pallace Eguerrain Burges of Paris and Under-Treasurer of France Iohn Priest Soveraigne-Master of the Money and Master of the Accounts of the King and Iohn Chauneon Treasurer of the Kings Warres were all complained of by the Three Estates of France assembled in Parliament for misguiding the King and Realme their goods confiscated to the King themselves removed from these Offices and others elected in their places by the States In the Yeare 1408. by a Law made in the Parliament at Paris it was decreed That the Officers of the High Court of Parliament should be made by the Parliaments Election and those then vacant were so which Law was againe revived by King Lewis the 11 th in the Yeare 1465. And after him in the time of Charles the 8 th not onely the Presidents the Kings Counsellours and Advocates were made by election but even the Kings Atturney Generall the onely man of all the body of the Court that oweth not Oath but to King onely was chosen by the suffrages of the Court in the Yeare 1496. though their Letters of Provision and confirmation of their Election then were and yet are alwayes granted by the King About the Yeare 1380. the Earle of Flanders who had regall Jurisdiction exacting new Customes and Taxes from his Subjects contrary to their Liberties they thereupon expelled him with all his Family and Counsellours out of their Countrey And refused upon any termes to submit to his Governement unlesse he would remove all his evill Counsellours from him and deliver them into their hands to be punished Et recipere SOLVM VELIT CONSILIARIOS EX COMMVNIS VVLGI DECRETO and would receive such Counsellours onely as his people by common decree should assigne him which he was constrained sore against his will to condescend too ere they would restore him Since then the Councellours Magistrates Judges and Prime Officers of State in most other Kingdomes have beene thus elected by the people and Parliaments without any enchrochments upon their Kings just Regalities Why our Parliament now may not claime and enjoy the like Priviledges without any impeachment
Religion established among us by law against which they and all others who are not wilfully blinded visibly discerne a most apparant desperate conspiracie which though not cleerely perceived but onely justly suspected at first doth now appeare all circumstances and agents considered to be the very Embrio and primitive cause of this deplorable warre agâ—inst which the Parliament and subjects are now more necessitated and engaged to defend themselves then ever seeing they have by all possible meanes endeavored to prevent this warre at first and since to accommodate it though in vaine upon just reasonable and honorable safe termes for King and Kingdome The sole Question then in this case thus truely stated will be Whether his Majestie having contrary to his Oath Duty the fundamentall Laws of God and the Realme raised an Armie of Malignants Papists Forraigners against his Parliament Kingdome People to make an Offensive warre upon them to murther rob spoyle deprive them of their peace liberties properties estates to impose unlawfull taxes by force upon them protect Delinquents and evill Councellors against the Parliaments Iustice and violently to undermine our established Protestant Religion the Common-wealth of England legally assembled in Parliament and all Subjects in such cases by Command and direction from both Houses of Parliament may not lawfully and justly without any Treason or Rebellion in point of Law and Conscience take up defensive Armes to preserve the Priviledges of Parliament their Lawes lives liberties estates properties Religion to bring Delinquents and ill Councellours to condigne punishment and rescue his seduced Majestie out of their hands and power though he be personally present with them to assist and countenance them in this unnaturall destructive warre And under correction notwithstanding any thing I ever yet heard or read to the contrary I conceive affirmatively that they may justly do it both in point of Law and Conscience I shall begin with Law because in this unhappie controversie it must direct the conscience First I have already proved in Judgement of Law the Parliament and Kingdome assembled in it to be the Soveraigne power and of greater authority then the King who is but their publike Minister in point of civill Iustice and Generall in matters of warre as the Roman Kings and Emperours were and other forraigne Kings of old and at this day are The Parliament then being the highest power and having principall right and authority to denounce conclude and proclaime warre as I have manifested in the debate of the Militia may not onely lawfully resist but oppugne suppresse all Forces raised against it and the Kingdomes peace or welfare Secondly the principall end of the Kingdomes originall erecting Parliaments and investing them with supreame power at first was to defend not onely with good Lawes and Councell but when absolute necessitie requires as now it doth with open force of Armes the Subjects Liberties Persons Estates Religion Lawes Lives Rights from the encroachments and violence of their Kings and to keepe Kings within due bounds of Law and Iustice the end of instituting the Senate and Ephori among the Lacaedemonians the Senate and Dictators among the Romans the Fâ—rum Suprarbiense and Iustitia Aragoniae among the Aragonians of Parliaments Dietts and Assemblies of the estates in other forraigne Kingdomes and in Scotland as I shall prove at large in its proper place This is cleare by the proceedings of all our Parliaments in former ages Especially in King Iohns Henry the third Edward the 1. 2. 3. and Richard the seconds Raignes by the latter Parliaments in King Iames his raigne yea of 3. Caroli the last dissolved Parliament and this now sitting whose principall care and imployment hath beene to vindicate the Subjects Liberties properties lawes and Religion from all illegall encroachments on them by the Crown and its ill Instruments by the forecited resolutions of Bracton Fleta the Myrror of Iustices Vowell Holinshed the Councell of Basill and others that the Parliament ought to restraine and bridle the king when he casts off the bridle of the Law and invades the Subjects Liberties especially with open force of Armes in an Hostile manner and by the constant practise of our Ancestors and the Barons Warres in maintenance of Magna Charta with other good Lawes and Priviledges confirmed by Parliament If then the Parliament be intrusted by the Kingdome with this Superlative power thus to protect the Subjects Liberties properties Lawes persons Religion c. against the kings invasions on them by policie or violence they should both betray their trust yea the whole kingdome too if they should not with open Force of Armes when Policy Councell and Petitions will not doe it defend their owne and the Subjects Liberties persons priviledges c. against his Majesties offensive Armies which invade them intending to make the whole kingdome a present booty to their insaciable rapine and a future vassall to his Majesties absolute arbitrary power by way of conquest I reade in Bodin that the Roman Senate being no way able to restraine Caesar tooke their refuge to that ancient Decree of the Senate which was commonly made but in dangerous times of the Common-weale Videant Consules caeteri Magistratus ne quid detrimenti câ—piat Respublica Let the Consulls and other Majestrates foresee that the Common-weale take no harme With which decree of the Senate the Consulls being armed sodainely raised their power commanding Pompey to take up Armes and raise an Army against Caesar to oppose his violent proceedings by force who after his conquest of Pompey refusing to rise up to the Consulls Pretors and whole Senate out of his pride through his ill Councellors advise and talking with them as if they had beene but private men he so farre offended both the Senate and people that to free the Republicke from his Tyranny and preserve their hereditary Liberties they conspired his death and soone after murthered him in the Senate-house where they gave him no lesse than 23. wounds And Hieronimus Blanca assures us that the Suprariense Forum Iustitia Aragoniae or States of Aragâ—n erected to withstand the tyrannie and encroachments of their kings may by the Laws of their Realme assemble together and RESIST THEIR KING WITH FORCE OF ARMES as oft as there shall bee neede to repulse his or his Officers violence against the Lawes For when they erected this Court they said It would be little worth to have good Lawes enacted and a middle Court of Iustice betweene the King and people appointed if it might not be lawfull to take up Armes for their Defence when it was needfull being agreeable to the very Law of nature and reason Because then it will not be sufficient to fight with Counsell For if this were not so and the State and Subjects in such cases might not lawfully take up armes all things had long ere this been in the power of Kings Therefore no doubt our Parliament and State as well as others may by
blinde King who could not lead them to the warres in person And Ethodius the 2 d king of Scotland being dull of wit given to avarice and nothing meete to governe the Realme thereupon the Nobles tooke upon them the governmeÌ„t appointing Rulers in every Province so continued them all his reigne leaving him nothing but the bare title of a King not depriving him thereof out of the respect they gave to the family of Fergusius but yet taking away all his regall power And not to multiply cases or examples of this nature Andrew Favine in his Theatre of Honour out of the Chronicle of Lauresheâ—m and Aâ—monius in his 4 th Booke of the History of France relates a notable resolution given by the Parliament Estates of France in this very point In the yeare 803. Lewes the Deâ—onnaire king of France holding his Parliament in May there came thither from strange Provinces two Brethren kings of Vuilses who with frank free good will submitted themselves to the judgement of the said â—arliament to which of them the kingdome should belong The elder of these two brethren was named Miligastus and the yonger Celeaâ—raeus Now albeit the custome of the said kingdome adjudged the Crowne to the eldest according to the right of 〈◊〉 allowed and practised by the Law of Nature and of later memory in the person of the last dead King Liubus father to the two contendants yet notwithstanding in regard that the Subjects by universall consent of the kingdome had rejected the elder brother FOR HIS COWARDISE AND EVILL GOVERNMENT cum secundam ritum ejus gentis commissum sibi Regnum parum digne administraret and had given the Crown to the younger brother FOR HIS VALOVR DISCREETE CARRIAGE after full hearing of both parties BY SENTENCE of PARLIAMENT the Kingdome was adjudged to the younger Brother statâ—â—t ut junior frater delatam sibi à Populo suo potâ—statem haberet c and thereupon the eldest did him homage with oath of Alleigance in the said Parliament and submitted to this sentence And upon this very ground in some of our ancient British and Saxons Kings Reignes when the right heire to the Crowne was an infant unable to defend his kingdome and people against invading enemies the Crowne hath commonly descended to the Vncle or next heire of full age who was able to protect them and repulse their enemies till the right heire accomplished his compleat age as I have elsewhere manifested If then a Kingdome by generall consent may elect a new King to defend and preserve it in case of invasion and eminent danger of ruine by forraigne enemies when their present King either cannot or will not doe his duty in protecting them from their enemies and exposeth them for a prey to their devastations as these examples and authorities conclude they may though I will not positively determine so Then certainely by equall semblable and greater reason subjects may lawfully take up necessary defensive Armes against their Kings when they shall not onely desert but actually invade and wage warre against them destroy and wast them in an open Hostile manner and handle them as cruelly as the worst of enemies such a wilfull unnaturall Hostile invasion being farre worse than any cowardly or bare desertion of theÌ„ when they are invaded by a forraign enemy And if Kings in case of â—otâ—ishnesse or Lunacy may be lawfully deposed from their kingdomes by common consent of their Realmes when they are altogether unfit or unable to governe as Bishop Bilson asserts and I have manifested elsewhere then much more may they be lawfully resisted by force without guilt of Treason or Rebellion when they wilfully and maliciously contrary to their oath and duty cast off their Royall governments the protection of their subjects and wage open warre against them to enslave or ruine them If a Father shall violently and unjustly assault his sonne a husband his wife a master his servant a Major or other inferior Officer a Citizen to murther maime or ruine them They may in such a case by the Law of Nature God man resist repulse them in their owne defence without any crime at all as dayly practise experimentally manifests yea they may sweare the peace against them and have a Writ de securitate Pacis in such cases Therefore by the selfefame reason they may resist the King and his Army in like cases there being no more humane nor divine Law against resistance in the one case than in the other Finally it is the resolution of Iohn Bodin and others who deny the lawfulnesse of Subjects taking up Armes against their Soveraigne Prince or offering violence to his person though he become a Tyrant That if a Soveraigne Prince or King by lawfull election or succession turnâ— a Tyrant he may lawfully at his Subjects request be invaded resisted condâ—mâ—ed or slaine by a forraigne Prince For as of all Noble acts none is more honourable or glorious then by way of fact to defend the honour goods and lâ—ves of such as are unjustly oppressed by the power of the more mighty especially the gate of Iustice being shut against them thus did Moses seeing his brother the Israelite beaten and wronged by the Egyptian and no meanes to have redresse of his wrongs So it is a most faire and magnificall thing for a Prince to take up Armes to releive a whole Nation and people unjustly oppressed by the cruelty of a Tyrant as did the great Hercuâ—es who travelling over a great part of the world with wonderfull power and valour destroyed many most horrible monsters that is to say Tyrants and so delivered people for which he was numbred among the gods his posterity for many worlds of yeares after holding most great Kingdomes And other imitators of his vertue as Dio Timoilion Aratus Harmodius Aristogiton with other such honourable Princes bearing Titles of chastisers and correctors of Tyrants And for that onely cause Tamerlain Emperour of the Tartars denounced warre unto Bajazet King of the Turkes who then besieged Constantinople saying That he was comming to chastise his Tyrannie and to deliver the afflicted people and vanquishing him in battle routed his Army and taking the Tyrant prisoner he kept him in chains in an Iron Cage till he dyed Neither in this case is it materiall that such a vertuous Prince being a stranger proceede against a Tyrant by open forcâ— or fiercenesse or else by way of justice True it is that a valient and worthy Prince having the Tyrant in his power shall gaine more honour by bringing him unto his tryall to chastise him as a murtherer a manqueller and a robber rather than to use the Law of Armes against him Wherefore let us resolve on this that it is lawfull for any stranger Prince to kill a Tyrant that is to say a man of all men infamed and notorious for the oppression murder and slaughter of his subjects and people And in this sort
which the Bishops became his Pledges and the King appointed a meeting at Westminster on a set day betweene Him and the Lords whereupon the Earle surrendred the Castle to the King upon Oath made by the Bishops that it should be restored at the day But the King refusing to deliver the Earle the Castle according to promise and threatning to subdue his other Castles the Earle hereupon raiseth his Forces winnes his Castle againe routs divers of the Kings Forraigne Forces at Gorsemond Monmouth and other places and invaded the lands of his Enemies Vpon this occasion Frier Agnellus or Lambe acquaints the Earle what the King together with his Counsell and Court thought of his proceedings to wit that the King said he had proceeded over traiterously and unjustly against him yet he was willing to receive him into favour if he would wholly submit himselfe to his mercy and that others held it not just safe and profitable for him to doe it because he had done wrong to the King in that before the King had invaded his Lands or Person he invaded and destroyed the Kings Lands and flew his men and if he should say he did this in defence of his body and inheritance they answered no because there was never any plot against either of them and that were it true yet he ought not thus to breake forth against the King his Lord untill hee had certaine knowledge that the King had such intensions against him ET EX TVNC LICERET TALIA ATTEMPTARE and from thenceforth he might lawfully attempt such things by the Courtiers and Friers owne Confessions Vpon which the Marshiall said to Frier Lambe To the first they say that I ought to submit my selfe because I have invaded the King it is not true because the King himselfe though I have beene ever ready to stand to the Law and judgement of my Peeres in his Court and have oft times requested it by many messengers betweene us which he alwaies denied to grant violently entred my Land and invaded it against all justice whom hoping in humility to please I freely entred into a forme of peace with him which was very prejudiciall to me wherein he granted that if on his part all things were not punctually performed toward me I should be in my pristine state before that peace conclâ—ded namely that I should be without this homage and obsolved from my allegiance to him as I was at first by the Bishop of Saint Davids Seeing then hee hath violated all the Articles of the Peace IT WAS LAWFVLL FOR ME According to my agreement to recover what was mine owne and to debilitate his power by all meanes especially seeing he end eavoured my destruction dis-inheritance and seizing of my Body of which I have certaine intelligence and am able to prove it if neede be And which is more after the 15. daies truce before I entred Wales or made any defence he deprived me of the Office of Marshall without judgement which belongs to me and I have enjoyed by Inheritance neither would he by any meanes restore mee to it though required Whence I have plainely learned that he will keepe no peace with me seeing since the Peace hee handles me worse then before Whereby I ceased to bee his Subject and was absolved from his homage by him Wherefore it was and is lawfull for me to defend my selfe and to withstand the malice of his Counsellors by all meanes And whereas the Kings Counsellors say it is profitable for me to submit to the Kings mercy because he is more rich and powerfull then I am It is true the King is richer and more potent then I but yet he is not more powerfull then God who is Iustice it selfe in whom I trust in the confirmation and prosecution of my right and of the Kingdomes And whereas they say the King can bring in Strangers of his kinred who are neither Scots nor French nor Welsh who shall make all his foes his Foot-stoole and come in such multitudes as they shall cover the face of the earth and that he can raise seven men to my one I neither trust in Strangers nor desire their confederacie nor will I invoke their aide Vnlesse which God forbid inopinata immutabili fuero compulsus necessitate I shall be compelled by a sudden and immutable necessity and I beleeve by his Counsells ill advise he will quickly bring in such multitudes of Strangers that he will not be able to free the Kingdome of them againe for I have learned from credible men that the Bishop of Winchester is bound to the Emperour that the will make the Kingdome of England subject to him which God in his providence avert And whereas they say That I may confide in the King and his Counsell because the King is mercifull credible c. It may well be that the King is mercifull but he is seduced be the Counsell of those by whom we feele our selves much hurt and he is Noble and credible whom God long preserve so as much as in him lies but as for his Counsell I say that no one promise made to me was ever yet kept and they have violated many corporall Oathes made to me and the Oathes they tooke for observing Magna Charta for which they remaine excommunicate and perjured Yea they are eâ—jured concerning the faithfull Counsell which they have sworne to give to our Lord the King when as they have wilfully given him the Counsell of Achitophel against justice and corrupted the just Lawes they have sworne to keepe and introduced unusuall ones for which and for many other things for which neither God nor man ought to trust them or their complices are they not every one excommunicated Rumor de veteri faciet ventura timeri Cras poterunt fieri â—urpia sicut heri Faelix quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum Whereas the said Counsellors of the King say that I invaded the Kings body at Gorsmund Castle before the King had entred my Land and so I did injurie to the King for which I ought to implore his mercie least others should take example thence to raise up Armes against the King I answer that I was not there in person and if any of my Family were there by chance they invaded onely the Family of the King not the person of the King which yet if they had done it were no wonder seeing the king came with his Army into my Land that he might invade me and oppresse me by all the meanes he could which may appeare to all by the tenor of his Letters by which hee made a generall assembly throughout England against my Army And since the premises objected against mee are false and it is true that the King hath treated me worse since the time I expected his mercy then any time before and doth yet use the same Counsell as then and since he endeavours precisely to follow their Counsels in all things by whose advise I suffer all the premised
Authorities I shall onely subjoyne these 5. undeniable arguments to justifie Subjects necessary defensive wars to be lawful in point of conscience against the persons and Forces of their injuriously invading Soveraignes First it is granted by all as a truth irrefragable that kings by Force of Armes may justly with safe conscience resist repulse suppresse the unlawfull warlike invasive assaults the Rebellious armed Insurrections of their Subjects upon these two grounds because they are unlawfull by the Edicts of God and man and because kings in such cases have no other meanes left to preserve their Royall persons and just authoritie against offensive armed Rebellions but offensive armes Therefore Subjects by the selfe-same grounds may justly with safe consciences resist repulse suppresse the unjust assayling military Forces of their kings in the case fore-stated though the king himselfe be personally present and assistant because such a war is unlawfull by the resolution of God and men and against the oath the duty of kings and because the subjects in such cases have no other meanes left to preserve their persons lives liberties estates religion established government from certaine ruin but defensive Armes There is the selfe same reason in both cases being relatives therefore the selfesame Law and Conscience in both Secondly It must be admitted without debate that this office of highest and greatest trust hath a condition in Law annexed to it by Littletons owne resolution to wit that the King shall well and truely preserve the Realme and do that which to such Office belongeth which condition our king by an expresse oath to all his people solemnely taken at their Coronation with other Articles expressed in their oath formerly recited is really bound both in Law and Conscience exactly to perâ—orme being admitted and elected king by the peoples suffrages upon solemne promise to observe the same condition to the uttermost of his power as I have elsewhere cleared Now it is a cleare case resolved by Marius Salamonius confirmed at large by Rebussus by 12. unanswerable reasons the Authorities of sundry Civill Lawyers and Canonists quoted by him agreed by Alberiâ—us Gentilis and Hugo Grotius who both largely dispute it That Kings as well as Subjects are really bound to performe their Covenants Contracts Conditions especially those they make to all their Subjects and ratifie with an Oath since God himselfe who is most absolute is yet most fiâ—mely oblieged by his Oâ—thes and Covenants made to his despicable vile â—reatures sinâ—ull men and never violates them in the leaâ—â— degree If then these conditions and Oathes be firme and obligatory to our kings if they will obstinately breake them by violating their Subjects Lawes Liberties Properties and making actuall warre upon them the condition and Oath too would be meerely voyde ridiculous absur'd an high tâ—king of the Name of God in vaine yea a plaine delusion of the people if the whole State or people in their owne defence might not justly take up Armes to resist their kings and their malignant Forces in these perâ—idious violations of trust conditions oaths and force them to make good their oaths and covenants when no other meanes will induce them to it Even as the Subjects oath of homage and allegiance would be meerely frivilous if kings had no meanes nor coercive power to cause them to observe these oathes when they are apparently broken and many whole kingdomes had been much overseene in point of Policie or prudence in prescribing such conditions and oaths unto their kings had they reserved no lawfull power at all which they might lawfully exercise in point of conscience to see them really performed and duely redressed when notoriously transgressed through wilfulnesse negligence or ill pernicious advice Thirdly when any common or publick trust is committed to three or more though of subordinate and different quality if the trust be either violated or betrayed the inferiour trustees may and ought in point of Conscience to resist the other For instance if the custody of a City or Caâ—tle be committed to a Captaine Leiutenant and common Souldiers or of a ship to the Master Captaine and ordinary Mariners If the Captaine or Master will betray the City Castle or ship to the enemie or Pirates or dismantle the City wals and fortifications to expose it unto danger or will wilfully run the ship against a rocke to split wrecke it and indanger all their lives freedomes contrary to the trust reposed in them or fire or blow up the City Fort ship not onely the Leiutenant Masters Mate and other inferiour Officers though subject to their commands but even the Common Souldiers and Marriners may withstand and forcibly resist them and are bound in Conscience so to doe because else they should betray their trust and destroy the City Fort ship and themselves too which they are bound by duty and compact to preserve This case of Law and conscience is so cleare so common in daily experience that no man doubts it The care and safety of our Realme by the originall politicke constitution of it alwayes hath beene and now is committed joyntly to the king the Lords and Commons in Parliament by the unanimous consent of the whole kingdome The king the supreame member of it contrary to the trust and duty reposed in him through the advise of evill Councellors wilfully betrayes the trust and safety of this great City and ship of the Republicke invades the inferiour Commanders Souldiours Citizens with an Army assaults wounds flayes spoyles plunders sackes imprisons his fellow trustees Souldiers Marriners Citizens undermines the walls fires the City ship delivers it up to theeves Pyrates murtherers as a common prey and wilfully runnes this ship upon a rocke of ruin If the Lords and Commons joyntly intrusted with him should not in this case by force of Armes resist him and his unnaturall instruments there being no other meanes else of safety left them they should sinfully and wilfully betray their trust and be so farre from keeping a good Christian Conscience in not resisting by force that they should highly sinne against Conscience against their trust and duty against their naturall Country yea and their very Allegiance to the king himselfe by encouraging him in and consenting unto these proceedings which would make him not to be a king but Tyrant and destroy him as a king in the spoyle and ruine of his Kingdome thereby endangered to be consumed and tempt God himself as Pope Nicholas and Gratian resolve in these words If there be no necessity we ought at all times to abstaine from warres but if inevitable necessity urge us we ought not to abstaine from warres and warlike preparations for the defence of our selves of our Country and paternall Lawes no not in Lent least man should seeme to tempt God if when he hath meanes he provide not for his owne and others safety and prevents not the Detriments of holy religion Fourthly those injuries which
Kingdom Subjects both by Sea and Land and putting them out of His regall Protection His raising of an Aâ—my of English Irish Scottish French and Germane Papists to maintain and settle the Protestant Religion among us which they have plotted totally to extirpat as appears by their proceedings in Ireland England and the late plot discovered among the Archbishops Papers and the like are warranted which questions I doubt would put them to a non-plus and silence them for eternitie yet to satisfie their importunitie and stop their clamorous mouthes I shall furnish them in brief with some Presidents in point in all States and Kingdoms of note informer in latter times and in our own Realm too In all the civill warres between Kings and Subjects in the Romane and Germane Empires France Spain Aragon Castile Hungary Bohemia Poland Denmark Scotland and other Kingdoms mentioned in the Appendix They shall finde that the generall Assemblies of these States Lords Commons without their Emperors or Kings assents did both raise Forces impose Taxes yea and seise on the Imperiall and Royall Revenues of the Crown to support their wars against their Tyrannicall oppressing Princes In Flaunders heretofore and the Low-Countries of Late yeers thâ—y have constantly done the like as their Excises long since imposed and yet on foot by common consent without the King of the Spains good liking to preserve their Liberties Religion Estates from the Spanish Tyranny witnesse which every one willingly at the very first imposition and ever since hath readily submitted to being for the publike preservation The like hath been done in former ages and within these five yeers in the Realm of Scotland the same is now practised even without a Parliament by the Popish Rebels both in Ireland and England who have laid Taxes upon all Ireland and all the Romanists in England for the maintenance of this present Rebellion and yet neither King nor his Counsell nor Royallists nor Malignants for ought I can read or hear have ever so much as once written or spoken one syllable against it when as many large Declarations Proclamations Inhibitions in His Majestieâ—s Name and at least fortie severall Pamphlets have been published by Malignants against this Assessement of the Parliament and the Levying or paying thereof strictly prohibited under pain of high Treason such a grand difference is there now put by the Royall Court-partie to the amazement of all intelligent men between the Irish Rebels now the Kings best Subjects as it seems who may do what they please without censure or restraint and the English now un-Parliamented Parliament though perpetuated by an Act of Parliament who may do nothing for their own or the Kingdoms safety but it must be high Treason at the least O temporâ ô mores Quis talia fando tempâ—ret a lachrymis Adde to this That the Lords Iustices and Councell in Ireland the twenty nine of Iune 1643 have without authoritiâ— of Parliament or King for their present necessary defence against the Popish Rebels there imposed an Excise upon most commodities in that Realm here lately Printed which no man can deem Illegall in this case of absolute necessitie But to come close home unto our selves who is there that knows ought in historie and policie but must needs acknowledgâ— That the Brittains and Saxons warres of this Realm against their oppressing Kings Archigallo Emerian Vortigâ—rne Sigebert Osred Ethelred Bâ—ornard Leowâ—lfe Edwine whom thâ—y deposed for their Tyranny and mis-Government That our Barons long-lasting bloody warres against King Iohn Henry the third Edward the second Richard the second and others fore-mentioned were maintained by publike Assessements and Contributions made by common consent even without a Parliament and with the Revenues and Rents of the very Crown which they seised on as well as the Castles and Forts This being a true rule in Law Qui sintit commodum sentirâ— debet onus All the Kingdom had the benefit of regaining preserving establishing their Fundamentall Charters Laws Liberties by those warres therefore they deemed it just that all should bear a share in the charge and burthen by voluntary Assessements without King or Parliament During the absence of King Edward the third in France The Lords and Commons in Parliament for the defence of the Realm by Sea and Land against forraign Enemiâ—s granted an ayde of the ninth Sheaf Lamb and Fleece besides many thousand Sacks of Wâ—oll and the ninth part of other mens Estates in Towns and Corporations and disposed both of the Money and Militia of the Realm for its defence as you heard before The like did they during the Minorities of King Henry the third King Richard the second and King Henry the sixth as the premises evidence without those Kings personall assents Anno Dom. 1259. Richard King of Romans coming with a great Navy and Army of Germans and forraigners to ayd his Brother King Henry the third against the Barons thereupon the Barons sent out a â—leet to encounter them by Sea and prepared a strong Army of Horse and Foot by Land that if they prevailed against them at Sea which they fearâ—d not yet they might valiantly and constantly entertain and repulse them on the shore and dry Land which the King of Romans being informed off disbanded his forces and came over privatâ—ly with three Knights onely attending him This was done without the Kings assent and yet at publike charge When King Richard the first was taken prisoner by the Emperour in his return from the holy Land by Authority of the Kings Mother and the Kings Iustices alone without a Parliament it was decreed that the fourth part of all that yeers Rents and of all the moveables as well of the Clergy as of the Laity and all the Wooâ—â—des of the Abbots of the Order of the Cistersians and of Semphringham and all the Gold and Silvâ—r Chalices and Treasure of all Churches should be paid in toward the freeing and ransome of the King which was done accordingly If such a taxe might be imposed by the Queen Mother and Justices onely without a Parliament for ransoming the King alone from imprisonment may not a taxe of the twentieth part onely of mens estates be much more justly imposed on the Subjects by an Ordinance of both Houses in Parliament without the King for the defence and perservation both of the Parliament and Kingdom to when hostily invaded by the King In few words the King and his Councell yea his very Commanders without his speciall Commission or advice have in many Countries imposed large monethly weekly Contributions and Assessements on the People beyond their abilities and estates yea upon the very Speaker and Members of the Commons and Lords House notwithstanding their Priviledges of Parliament which they say they will maintain to the utter impoverishing and ruining of the Country yea they have burned sacked plundered many whole Towns Cities Counties and spoiled thousands of all they have contrary to their very
Denmarke Poland Sweden Scotland yea of Iudah Israel and others mentioned in the Scripture the Supreame Soveraignty and Power resided not in the Emperours and Kings themselves but in their Kingdomes Senates Parliaements People who had not onâ—y a power to restrain but censure and remove their Emperours and Princes for their Tyranny and misgovernmenâ— With an Answer to the Principal Arguments to prove Kings above their whole Kingdomes and Parliaments and not questionable nor accountable to them nor censurable by them for any exerbitant Actions HAving finished the preceding Treatise which asserts The Supreame Authority and Soveraigne Power in the Realme of England legally and really to reside in the whole Kingdome and Parliament which represents it not in the Kings Person who is inferiour to the Parliament A Doctrine quite contrary to what Court Prelates and Chaplaines have for sundry yeeres inculcated into our Kings and People who preach little else but Tyranny to the one and Slavery to the other to support their owne Lordly Prelacy and hinder an exact Church Reformation and directly opposite to the resolutions of many malignant Courtiers Lawyers and Counsellours about His Majesty who have either out of ignorance or malice created him a new Utopian absolute Royall Prerogative unknowne to our Ancestors not bottomed on the Lawes of God or the Realm for maintenance of each Punctilio whereof against the Parliaments pretended Encroachments the whole Kingdome must be engaged in a destructive civill Warre now like to ruine it I could not but conjecture how in all probability these Clergy men Courtiers and Lawyers out of their unskilfulnesse in true Divinity History Law and Policy would upon the first tydings of this strange Doctrine passe a sentence of Excommunication and death against it as guilty not onely of Heresie but High Treason and judge it such a monstrous Antimonarchicall Paradox as was never heard of in much lesse claimed or practised by any Kingdome Realm or Monarchy whatsoever To anticipate which rash censures and undeceive both Kings and Subjects whom these grosse Parasites have over-long seduced in this point to their prejudices convince the consciences of all gainsaying Malignants irradiate this long obscured verity whose seasonable discovery may through Gods blessing conduce very much to period the present Differences between King and Parliament touching matters of Prerogatives and Priviledges claimed by either I conceived it not only expedient but necessary to back the forecited presidents of our own Kingdom with paralelled examples in most forraign Realmes and Monarchies in which it is not mannerly to be overbusie without just cause which I have faithfully though suddenly collected out of the best approved Authors and Historians whereby I shall infallibly prove that in the Roman State and Empire at the first in the Greek Empire since in the German Empire heretofore and now in the ancient Kingdomes of Greece Egypt India and elsewhere in the Kingdomes of France Spaine Hungary Bohemia Denmarke Sweden Poland Scotland and most other Kingdomes in the world yea in the Kingdomes of Iudah and Israel and others mentioned in Scripture the Highest Soveraigne Authority both to elect continue limit correct depose their Emperours and Kings to bound their royall power and prerogatives to enact Lawes create new Offices and formes of Government resided alwayes in these whole Kingdomes Senates Dyets Parliaments People not in the Emperors Kings or Princes persons I shall begin with the Roman State as having much affinity with ours which was long under their command heretofore After the building of Rome by Romulus and Remus Romulus being elected King divided the people into two Rankes those of the highest and richest quality he stiled Senators making them a Court of Counsell and Iustice much like our House of Peeres the other he termed The People being the body of the State and representing our House of Commons In this distinction made by the Peoples consent the Soveraigne Authority to elect Succeeding Kings to enact binding Lawes to make warre or peace and the like rested not in the Kings person but in the Senate and people joyntly if they accorded yet principally in the people in case either of assent or dissent between them their very Kings and Lawes having their greatest power and efficacy chiefly from the peoples election and assent To begin first with their Kings Election and Authority when Romulus their first King deceased there arose a great controversie in Rome about the Election of a new King for though they all agreed to have a King yet who should chuse him and out of what Nation he should be elected was then controverted In the Interim to avoid confusion the Senators being 150. divided the Regall power between them so as every one in his turne in Royall Robes should doe Sacrifice to the Gods and execute Justice six houres in the nighttime and six houres in the day which tended to preserve an equality among the Senators and to diminish the envie of the people when in the space of one night and day they should see one and the same man both a King and a private person But the people disliking this Interregnum as tending to put off the Election of a King that the Senators might keep the principallity and divide it among themselves cried out that their bondage was multiplyed having an hundred Lords made instead of one neither would they suffer it any longer unlesse they would admit a King created by themselves Hereupon the Senate thinking it best to offer the people that which they were like to lose to gaine their favour Summa potestate populo permissa permitted to the people the chiefe power of Electing a King but yet that they might not give away more right then they deteined they decreed That when the people had commanded and elected a King it should be ratified if the Senators should approve it or be reputed the authors of it Then the Interex assembling the people spake thus unto them O Romans REGEM ELIGITE chuse yea King so the Senators thinke fit and if he be one worthy to succeed Romulus they will approve him This was so gratefull to the people that left they should be overcome with the benefit they commanded that the Senate should decree who should reigne at Rome At last Numa Pompilius was named and none of the people or Senate daring to preferre any before him all of them joyntly decreed that the Kingdome should be conferred upon him Whence Canubius the Tribune of the people in his Speech against the Consuls long after used these words Numa Pompilius POPULI â— JUSSU Patres autoribus Romae Regnavit Reges exacti JUSSU POPULI which manifests the chiefe power to be in the people Numa departing Tullus Hostilius by the peoples command consent and approbation was made King which Livy thus expresseth Tullum Hostilium REGEM POPULUS JUSSIT patres auctores facti After him the people created Ancus Martius King Regem POPULUS CREAVIT patres fuêre auctores After him
or rather a function If a function what community hath it with a propriety If a possession whether not at least such an one that the same people by whom it is delivered may perpetually retain the propriety to it self Finally if the patrimonie of the Eschequer or demaines of the Republike be truely called a Dower and truely such a Dower by whose alienation or delapidation both the Republike it self and Kingdom and king himself finally perisheth by what law at last shall it be lawfull to alienate this Dower Therefore let Wenceslaus the Emperour be infatuated let Charles the sixth king of France be distracted and give or sell the kingdom or a part thereof to the English let Malchom king of Scotland prodigally spend the Crown land and royall Treasure what will follow Those who have chosen a king against the invasions of Forraigners by the folly or madnesse of the king shall be made the servants of Forraigners those who by this means would severally desire to secure their Estates shall all of them together be exposed to a prey those things which every one shall take from himself or from his pupils as in Scotland that he might endow the Commonwealth some Bawd shall riotously consume But if as we have already often said kings be created for the peoples use what use at all shall there be if not onely the use but even the abuse be granted To whose good are so many evils to whose benefit so many losses so many perils If I say whiles I desire to look after my liberty or safetie I make my selfe a slave I expose my selfe to the lust of one man I put my self into Fetters and Stocks Therefore we see this Law as it is infused by nature so likewise it is approved by use almost among all Nations that it is not lawfull for the king to diminish the Commonwealth at his pleasure and he who doth contrary is censured to play not the king but Tyrant Certainly where kings were created there was a necessity to give them some Revenues by which they might both support their Royall State but most principally sustain the Royall burthens for so both honesty and profit seemed to require It pertained to the Royall Office to see Judges placed every where who should not take gifts and who should not prostitute the Law to â—ale Moreover to provide a force ready at hand which should assist the Law when ever there should be need to preserve the wayes safe Commerce safe c. but if warre were feared to fortifie Cities with a Garrison to inviron them with a Trench against enemies to maintain an Army to furnish Armories Now this is a know proverb that peace cannot consist without warre nor war without souldiers nor souldiers without wages nor wages without tribute Therefore to sustaine the burthens of Peace the demesne was instituted which among the Lawyers is called Canon to defray the charges of warre tribute yet so as if some more heavy charge should accrue an extraordinary ayde given by Parliament should supply the end of all which verily is the good of the Commonwealth so as he that converts it to his private use is plainly unworthy the name of a king For a Prince saith Paul is the Minister of God for the peoples good and Tributes and Customes are paid to him that he may continually attend thereto And truely heretofore almost all Customs of the Romanes seem to have had this Originall that the precious Merchandize used to be brought out of India Arabia Aethiopia might be secured against piraticall invasions for which cause a Navie was furnished of which kinde was the tribute of the Red-sea Pedatica Navigia Portoria and the rest that the publike wayes which were therefore called Pretorian Consular Royall should be rendred safe from theeves plain and easie which charge even now lieth upon the kings Attorny that the publike Bridges should be repaired as appears out of the Constitution of Lewes the godly twelve over Seyne that Ships should be ready at hand to transport men over Rivers c. There were no Tributes of Saltpits yea most of them were in the Dominion of private men because what things nature did voluntarily give they thought ought no more to be sold then Light Ayre water And whereas a certain King named Lycurgus had begun to impose a Tax on Salt pits as if nature would not suffer her liberality to be restrained they are said to have been presently dried up although at this day If we beleeve Palphur or Armilot Whatever good or faire thing can be got Out of the Whole Sea in each Realme it flowes Some custome to the Kings Exchequer owes He who first instituted this custome at Rome was Livius Censor whence he obtained the surname of Salinator which he did for the most present necessity of the Commonwealth For that very cause truly King Philip obtained it onely for five yeares whose continuation what commotions it hath produced every man knoweth Finally that tributes were instituted to pay Souldiers wages in warres appeares even from this that to make a Province stipendary or tributary is the selfe-same thing indeed Thus Solomon imposed Tributes to fortifie Cities and to furnish a publike Armory which because they were finished the people under Rehoboam desired to be eased thereof Yea the Turkes themselves call the Tribute of Princes The sacred blood of the People which profusely to spend or to convert to any other use but to defend the people is a cursed act Therefore what things soever a King acquires in warres in every Nation because he gaines it by the common treasure â—e acquires it to the people not to himselfe as a factor doth to his Master Moreover if perchance he gaine any thing by marriage which I say is pure and simply his wives he is thought to acquire it to the Kingdome because he was presumed to marry that wife not as he is Philip or Charles but as he is King On the contrary as Queenes have part of those things which their husbands not yet co-opted into the Kingdome have gained during the marriage so plainly they have no part of those things they get after they have obtained the Kingdome because they are reputed gained to the publike Treasures not to the private meanes of the King which was judged in the Realme of France between Philip Valoyes and Ioan of Burgundy his wife Now lest the monies should be extorted to some other use the Emperour sweares that he will impose no customes nor enjoyne no taxes but by the Authority of a publike Assembly The Kings of Poland Hungary Denmarke England doe the like out of the Lawes of Edward the first The French Kings heretofore demanded Tributes in the Assemblies of the three Estates Hence also is that Law of Philip Valoyes That impositions should not be imposed but upon great and urgent necessity and that by the consent of the Three Estates Moreover in times past those taxes were laid up in Castles throughout
some sort lib. 3. cap. 9. f. 107. This Doctrine was so authenticke in those dayes and after times that in the great Councell of Basil. Anno 1431. when this mighty question was debated Whether a Pope were above a generall Councell or a Councell above him such a Councell was at last resolved to be above the Pope upon this reason among others The Pope is in the Church as a King is in his Kingdome and for a King to be of more authority then his Kingdome it were too absurd Ergo Neither ought the Pope to be above the Church In every well ordered Kingdome it ought specially to be desired that the whole Realme should be of more authority then the King which if it happened contrary were not to be called a Kingdome but a Tyranny And like as oftentimes Kings which doe wickedly governe the Common-wealth and expresse cruelty are deprived of their Kingdomes even so it is not to be doubted but that the Bishop of Rome may be deposed by the Church that is to say by the generall Councell At the beginning as Cicero in his Offices saith it is certaine there was a time when as the people lived without Kings But afterwards when Lands and Possessions beganne to be divided according to the custome of every Nation then were Kings ordained for no other causes but onely to execute justice for when at the beginning the common people were oppressed by rich and mighty men they ranne by and by to some good and vertuous man which shouâ—d defend the poore from injury and ordaine Lawes whereby the rich and poore might dweâ—l together But when as yet under the rule of Kings the poore were oftentimes oppressed Lawes were ordained and instituted the which should judge neither for hatred nor favour and give like eâ—re unto the poore as rich whereby we understand and know not only the people but also the King to be subject to the Law For if we do see a King to contemne and despise the Lawes violently rob and spoile his Subjects deflower Virgins dishonest Matrons and doe al things liâ—entiously and temerariously doe not the Nobles of the Kingdome assembâ—e together deposing him from his Kingdome set up another in his place which shall sweare to rule and governe uprightly and be obedient unto the Lawes Verily as reason doth perswade even so doth the use thereof also teach us It seemeth also agreeable unto reason that the same should be done in the Church that is in the Counceâ—l which is done in any Kingdome And so is this sufficiently apparent that the Pope is subject unto the Councell Thus the Bishop of Burgen Ambassadour of Spaine the Abbot of Scotland and Thomas de Corcellis a famous Divine reasoned in this Councell which voted with them Here we have a full resolution of this great Councell which the Papists call a generall one being approved by the Greeke and Romane Emperours and most Christian Kings and States and ours among others That the Kingdome in Parliament Assembled is above the King as a Generall Councell is paramount the Pope which they manifest by five reasons First because Kings were first created and instituted by their Kingdomes and people not their Kingdomes and people by them Secondly because they were ordained onely for their Kingdomes and peoples service and welfare not their Kingdomes and people for them Thirdly because their Kingdomes and people as they at first created so they still limit and confine their royall Jurisdiction by Laws to which they are and ought to be subject Fourthly because they oblige them by a solemne Oath to rule according and to be obedient unto the Lawes Fifthly because they have power to depose them in case they contemne the Lawes and violently rob and spoyle their Subjects This then being the Doctrine of Papists concerning the Power and Superiority of Parliaments Peeres and Kingdomes over their Kings they have least ground of all others to taxe this Parliament or its Advocates as guilty of Treason and usurpation upon the Crowne for a more moderate claime then this amounts to and the King or his ill Counsell no ground to expect more moderation and loyalty from Popish then Protestant Parliaments Secondly I answer that Popish Parliaments Peeres and Prelates have heretofore challenged and exercised a greater Jurisdiction over their Kings then this Parliament or any other since the embracing of the Protestant Religion ever claimed and doe in a great measure disclaime For first of all they have challenged and executed a just and legall power as they deemed it to depose their Kings for not governing according to Law for following and protecting evill Counsellours and Officers oppressing their Subjects and making warre against them This is evident not onely by the fore-mentioned passages of the Councell of Basil with infinite presidents in foraine Empires and Kingdomes which I pretermit but by sundry domesticke examples of which I shall give you a short touch Anno Dom. 454. King Vortigern when he had reigned sixe yeares space for his negligence and evill Government for which Vodine Arch-bishop of London told him he had endangered both his Soule and Crowne was deposed from his Crowne by his Subjects the Britaines generall consent imprisoned and his Sonne Vortimer chosen and crowned King in his stead After whose untimely death being poysoned by Rowena Vortigern was againe restored by them to the Crowne and at last for his notorious sinnes by the just revenging hand of God consumed to ashes by fire kindled by Auâ—elius and Vter as Heavens ministers to execute its wrath Sigebert King of the West-Saxons setting aside all Lawes and rules of true piety wallowing in all sensuall pleasures and using exactions and cruelties upon his Subjects and slaying the Earle Cumbra his most faithfull Counsellour for admonishing him lovingly of his vicious life the Peeres and Commons thereupon seeing their State and lives in danger and their Lawes thus violated assemblâ—d all together and provida omnium deliberatione rose up in Armes against him deposed and would acknowledge him no longer their Soveraigne whereupon flying into the Woods as his onely safeguard and there wandring in the day like a forlorne person and lodging in dens and caves by night he was slaine by Cumbra his Swin-herd in revenge of his Masters death and Kenwolfe made King in his stead Anno Dom. 756. Osred King of Northumberland for his ill government was expelled by his Subjects and deprived of all Kingly Authority Anno 789. So Ethelred the sonne of Mollo his next successor being revoked from exile and restored to the Crowne of which he was formerly deprived thereupon murthering divers of his Nobles and Subjects to secure his Crowne so farre offended his Subjects thereby that An. 794. they rose up in Armes against him and slew him at Cobre Thus An. 758. the people of the kingdome of Mercia rising up against Beornerd their King because â—e governed the people not by just Lawes but tyranny
of the said Scaffold declared and related to all the people how that our Lord the King had taken the said Oath inquiring of THE SAME PEOPLE IF THEY WOULD CONSENT TO HAVE HIM THEIR KING AND LIEGE LORD Who with ONE ACCORD CONSENTED THERETO Which Thomas of Walsingham who relates the whole forme of this Kings Coronation thus describeth Quibus completis Archiepiscopus praecedente eo Marescallo Angliae Henrico Percy convertit se ad omnes plagas Ecclesiae INDICANS POPULO REGIUM JURAMENTUM quaerens SI SE TALI PRINCIPI AC RECTORI SUBJICERE ejus jussionibus obtemperare VELLENT ET RESONSUMESTA PLEBE resono clamore QUOD LUBENTER SIBI PARERE VELLENT Which custome both before and since hath been constantly in this Land observed at the Coronation of our Kings from all these I say it is apparent First that Popish Parliaments Peeres and Subjects have deemed the Crowne of England not meerely successive and hereditary though it hath usually gone by descent but arbitrary and elective when they saw cause many of our Kings comming to the Crowne without just hereditary Title by the Kingdomes Peeres and people free election onely confirmed by subsequent Acts of Parliament which was then reputed a sufficient Right and Title by vertue whereof they then reigned and were obeyed as lawfull Kings and were then and yet so acknowledged to be their right by Election of their Subjects the footsteps whereof doe yet continue in the solemne demanding of the peoples consents at our Kings Inaugurations being seldome or never adjudged an illegall usurpation in any Parliaments whence the statute of 1 E. 4. c. 1. 9 E. 4. f. 2 declares King Henry the 4. 5. and 6. to be successively Kings of England indeed and not of right yet not usurpers because they came in by Parliament Onely Richard the third who treacherously murthered Edward the 5. his Soveraigne and violently usurped his Crowne at first before any Parliament gave it him compelling the Lords and Commons afterwards to Elect him King out of feare after his slaughter in Bosworth field was declared an usurper by Act of Parliament 1 Hen. 7. c. 6. and so adjudged to be by 8 H. 7. f. 1. see 1 E. 4. c. 1 c. 9 E. 4. f. 1 2. and Henry the 7. had the Crown set upon his head in the field by my Lord Stanly as though saith Grafton he had been elected king by the voyce of the people as in ancient times past in divers Realmes it hath been accustomed Secondly that those Kings who have enjoyed the Crown by succession descent or election have still taken it upon the conditions and covenants contained in their Coronation Oathes which if they refused to sweare to the Peeres and people really and bona fide to performe they were not then to be crowned or received as Kings but adjured in the name of God to renounce this dignity And though in point of Law those who enjoy the Crowne by Succession be Kings before their Coronations yet it is still upon those subsequent Conditions both contained in their Coronation Oathes which impose no new but onely ratifie the old conditions in separably annexed to the Crown by the Common Law ever since Edward the Confessors daies and long before as Father Littleton resolves the Office of a King being an Office of the greatest trust of any other which the Common Law binds the King well and lawfully to discharge to doe that which to such Office belongeth to doe as the Oathes of all our Kings to their people really to performe these Articles and Conditions fully demonstrate Thirdly that these Oathes are not meerely arbitrary or voluntary at the Kings pleasure to take or refuse them if he will but necessary and inevitable by the Law and constant usage of the Realm yea of all Christian most Pagan Realms whatsoever which prescribe like Oathes to their Kings From aâ—l which I may firmely conclude that the whole kingdome and Parliament are the Supreame Soveraigne Authority and Paramount the king because they may lawfully and dâ—e usually prescribe such conditions termes and rules of governing the people to him and bind him thus by Oath faithfully to perform the same as long as he shall continue King which Oath our Kings usually tooke or at least faithfully promised to take to their Subjects in ancient times before ever they did or would take an Oath of fealty homage or Allegiance to them as the premises evidence Claus. Rot. 1 R. 2. M. 44. Tenthly Our Parliaments and Kingdome anciently in times of popery and Paganisme have both challenged and exercised a Supreame power over the Crowne of England it selfe to transferre it from the right heire and setle it on whom themselves thought meete to elect for their King and likewise to call their Kings to an account for their mis-government and breach of Oath to the prejudice of their people so farre as to article against them and either by force of Armes or a judiciall sentence in Parliament actually to depose them and set up others in the Throne as the fore-cited presidents of Archigallo Emerian two ancient Brittish Kings of Edwin king of Mercia and others deprived of all honour and kingly dignity by the unanimous consent of their Subjects for their Tyranny Oppression Male-administration vicious lives and others elected and made kings in their places evidence which Acts of theirs they then reputed just and legall I shall cite you onely two presidents of this kind which have meere relation to Parliaments The first is that of King Edward the second who being taken prisoner by his Queen Sonne Nobles for his male-administration the Queen with her sonne by the advice of her Councell summoned an high Court of Parliament at Westminster in the Kings name which began the 16 day of January An. 1325. In which assembly it was declared that this Realm could not continue without an head and governour and therefore first they agreed to draw into Articles the Mis-government of the king that was in prison and all his evill doings which he had done by evill and naughty Counsell And when the said Articles were read and made knowne to all the Lords Nobles and Commons of the Realme they then consulted how the Realme should be governed from thenceforth And after good deliberation and consultation of the foresaid Articles of the Kings evill government they concluded THAT SUCH A MAN WAS NOT WORTHY TO BE A KING NOR TO WE ARE A CROWNE ROYALL And therefore they all agreed that Edward his eldest sonne who was there present and was rightfull heire should be crowned King in stead of his Father SO THAT HE WOULD TAKE ABOUT HIM SAGE TRUE AND GOOD COUNCELL and that from thenceforth the Realm might be better governed then before it had been And it was also agreed that the old king his father should be well and honestly kept as long as he lived according
these Lords and their companions thus taking up Armes from any the least guilt of Treason and rebellion against the King because they did it onely for the advancement of the publike weale the setting the Realme in a better condition the removing ill Counsellors and publike oppressors of the Realme from about the King and to rescue his person out of their hands then questionlesse by their resolutions our present Parliaments taking up defensive armes upon the selfe-same grounds and other important causes and that by consent of both Houses which they wanted can be reputed no high Treason nor Rebellion against the King in point of Law and no just no rationall Iudge or Lawyer can justly averre the contrary against so many forecited resolutions in Parliament even in printed Acts. The Earle of Richmund afterward King Henry the seventh taking up armes against Richard the third a lawfull King de facto being crowned by Parliament but an Vsurper and bloody Tyrant in Verity to recover his Inheritance and Title to the Crowne and ease the Kingdome of this unnaturall blood-thirsty Oppressor before his fight at Boswell Field used this Oration to his Souldiers pertinent to our purpose If ever God gave victory to men fighting in a just quarrell or if he ever aided such as made warre for the wealth and tuition of their owne naturall and nutritive Countrey or if he ever succoured them which adventured their lives for the reliefe of Innocents suppression of malefactors and apparent Offenders No doubt my Fellowes and Friends but he of his bountifull goodnesse will this day send us triumphant victory and a lucky revenge over our proud Enemies and arrogant adversaries for if you remember and consider the very cause of our just quarrel you shall apparently perceive the same to be true godly and vertuous In the which I doubt not but God will rather ayde us yea and fight for us then see us vanquished and profligate by such as neither feare him nor his Lawes nor yet regard Iustice and honesty Our cause is so just that no enterprise can be of more vertue both by the Laws Divine and Civill c. If this cause be not just and this quarrell godly let God the giver of victory judge and determine c. Let us therefore fight like invincible Gyants and set on our enemies like untimorous Tygers and banish all feare like ramping Lyons March forth like strong and robustious Champions and begin the battaile like hardy Conquerors the Battell is at hand and the Victory approacheth and if wee shamefully recule or cowardly fly we and all our sequele be destroyed and dishonoured for ever This is the day of gaine and this is the time of losse get this dayes victory and be Conquerours and lose this dayes battell and bee villaines And therefore in the name of God and Saint George let every man couragiously advance his standard They did so flew the Tyrannicall Vsurper wonne the Field And in the first Parliament of his Raigne there was this Act of indemnity passed That all and singular persons comming with him from beyond the Seas into the Realâ—e of England taking his party and quarrell in recovering his just Title and Right to the Realme of England shall be utterly discharged quit and unpunishable for ever by way of action or otherwise of or for any murther slaying of men or of taking and disporting of goods or any other trespasses done by them or any of them to any person or persons of this his Realme against his most Royall Person his Banner displayed in the said field and in the day of the said field c. Which battell though it were just and no Treason nor Rebellion in point of Law in those that assiâ—ted King Henry the 7 th against this Vsurper yet because the killing of men and seising their goods in the time of Warre is against the very fundamâ—ntall Lawes of the Realme they needed an Act of Parliament to discharge them from suits and prosecutions at the Law for the same the true reason of all the forecited Acts of this nature which make no mention of pardoning any Rebellions or Treasons against the King for they deemed their forementioned taking up of Armes no such offences but onely discharge the Subjects from all suites actions and prosecutions at Law for any killing or slaying of men batteries imprisonments robberies and trespasses in seising of Persons Goods Chartels What our Princes and State have thought of the lawfulâ—esse of necessary Defensive Warres of Subjects against their oppressing Kings and Princes appeares by those aides and succours which our Kings in former ages have sent to the French Flemmings Almaines and others when their Kings and Princes have injuriously made Warres upon them and more especially by the publike ayde and assistance which our Queene Elizabeth and King Iames by the publike advise and consent of the Realme gave to the Protestants in France Germany Bohemia and the Netherlands against the King of France the Emperour and King of Spaine who oppressed and made Warre upon them to deprive them of their just Liberties and Religion of which more hereafter Certainely had their Defensive Warres against their Soveraigne Princes to preserve their Religion Liberties Priviledges beene deemed Treason Rebellion in point of Law Queene Elizabeth King Iames and our English State would never have so much dishonoured themselves nor given so ill an example to the world to Patronize Rebells or Traitours or enter into any solemne Leagues and Covenants with them as then they did which have been frequently renued and continued to this present And to descend to our present times our King Charles himself hath not onely in shew at least openly aided the French Protestants at Ree and Rochel against their King who warred on them the Germane Princes against the Emperour the Hollanders and Prince of Oâ—aâ—ge to whose Sonne hee hath married his elstest Daughter against the Spaniard and entred into a solemne League with them which hee could not have done in point of Law Iustice Honour Conscience had they beene Rebells or Traytors for standing on their guards and making defensive Warres onely for their owne and their Religions preservation but likewise by two severall publike Acts of Parliament the one in England the other in Scotland declaring the Scots late â—aking up Armes against him and his evill Counsellors in defence of their Religion Lawâ—s Priviledges to be no Treason nor Rebellion and them to bee his true and loyall Subjects notwithstanding all aspertions cast upon them by the Prelaticall and Popish Party because they had no ill or disloyall intention at all against his Majesties Person Crowne and Dignity but onely a care of their owne preservation and the redresse of thâ—se Enormities Pressures grievances in Church and State which threatnâ—d desolation unto both If then their seizing of the Kings Fortes Ammunition Revenues and raising an Army for the foresaid ends hath by his Majesty himselfe and his two Parliaments
ruine the Parliament Kingdom Religion and re-establish Popery in its universall extent with the large of progresse the Papists have lately made in Ireland Scotland and England to accomplish this their long-agitated Conspiracie and the late strange proceedings in Ireland where the best Protestants are displaced disgraced restrained the Popish Rebels advanced and a truce negotiated if not fully concluded with the Rebels to the end that all their forces may be speedily transported hither to ruine our Religion and cut all our throats enough to awake the most stupid English spirits and rouze them up to a speedy unanimous resolution to unite all their purses and forces to the Parliament against the Popish Conspirators and these bloody Butchers now ready to devoure us and then I doubt not if they have any true love to God Religion King Countrey themselves or their Posterities they will soon change their former opinions and practises against the Parliaments just proceedings and joyn hearts hands forces yea their uttermost endeavours with them to prevent and ward off that imminent destruction which now hangs over our heads and will in short time wholly ruine us if God open not our eyes and unite not all our hearts and mindes unto the Parliament with one unanimous resolution to oppose these cursed Confederates who have plotted occasioned all these warres and miseries under which our Kingdomes now groan and languish which long plotted Treacherie in humane probabilitie can no wayes be prevented nor a settled peace and Reformation established but with the totall suppression of the Popish partie now in Arms and by rescuing His Majesties person Children forces out of their Trayterly hands and power whose death they have conspired long agoe if he refuse to grant them an universall open toleration of their Antichristian Religion in all His Kingdoms and then to seise upon the Prince and train him up in their Religion which how easie it is for them to effect now they have the King Prince Duke the Kings Forts his Forces in their power yea potent Armies of their own in the field here and such a force of Irish Rebels now ready to be shipped over to Chester Milford and Bristoll for their assistance and enforâ—ement to over-power the Protestant party in the Kings Armies no understanding man can withouâ— fear and trembling coâ—sider O then if ever we will shew our selves faithfull valiant couragious magnanimous bountifull really cordiall and loyall to our King Kingdoms Countrey Parliament Religion Laws Lives Liberties Kinred Families Posterities Let all who professe themselves Protestants lay aside all causelesse jealousies and prejudices against the Parliament or any others and now speedily unite all their Prayers Hearts Hands Purses Forces Counsells and utmost endeavours together to defend secure them all against these forraign and domestice Jesuiticall Romish Confederates and if any prove traiterous fearfull cowardly unfaithfull base or faint-hearted in this publike Cause as too many who deserve to be made spectacles of treachery and cowardise to posteritie and cannot without injustice or dishonour to the Parliament and Kingdom be suffered to scape scot-free without severe exemplary punishment have done to their eternall infamy and betraying of their Countrey the present generations shall abhorre them posteritie curse and declaim against them as most unnaturall Monsters unworthy to breath in English ayre or enjoy the name the priviledges of English men or Protestants There is a double kinde of Treachery in Souldiers both of them adjudged Capitall The first proceeds from a sordid pusillanimous fear unworthy the spirit of a Souldier and this is Capitall both by the Civil and Common Law By the Civill Law The Souldiers who first begin to flye or but fain themselves sick for fear of the Enemy are to be adjudged to death for tâ—is their cowardize Yea Lacaena and Dametria two magnanimous Women slew their timorous sonnes who fled basely from the battle with their own bands disclaiming them as degenerous Brats and not their sonnes the latter of them inscribing this Epitaph on her sonnes Tombe Hunc timidum Mater Dametriam ipsa peremit Nec dignum Matre nec Lacedaemonium Indeed Charondas and the Thurians enacted That cowards who basely fled or refused to bear Arms for their Countries defence should set three dayes one after another in the open Market-place clad in Womans apparell a punâ—shment farre worse then death it self writes Diodorus Siculus where as all other Lawyers made it Capitall yea our Common Law adjudgeth it Treason Witnesse the notable Cases of Gâ—mines and Weston 1. R. 2. num 38 39. who were adjudged Traytors in Parliament for surrendering two Castles in France onely out of fear when they were strongly besieged and battered sooner then they needed without any compliency with the enemy The Case of Iohn Walsh Esquire accused of high Treason in Parliament against the King and Kingdom for yeelding up the Castle of Cherburg in France to the enemy when as be might have defended it And the Case of Henry Earl of Essex in the second yeer of Henry the second accused of high Treason by Robert de Monfort and vanquished by him in a Duell waged thereupon for throwing down the Kings Standard which he bare by inheritance and flying in passing a straight among the Mountains when fiercely encountred by the Welsh For which though his life was pardoned yet he was adjudged to be shorne a Monke put into the Abbey of Reading and had his Lands seised into the Kings hands And as for treacherous revolting to or delivering up Castles to the Enemy it is Capitall and high Treason by all Laws and so the resolved in Parliament 3. R. 2. in the Case of Thomas Ketrinton Esquire accused of high Treâson by Sir John Annâ—sley Knight for delivering up the Castle of Saint Saviour in the Isle of Constantine to the French for a great summe of Money when as he neither wanted provisions nor means to defend it As for those unnaturall Vipers and Traytors who shall henceforth after this discovery joyn with the Popish Conspirators to ruine their Religion Countrey and the Parliament for private ends as Count Iulian the Spaniard joyned with the Mores An. Dom. 713. whom he brought into Spain his native Countrey furiously pursuing his own private injury with the Ruine of the publike I shall onely bestow his Epitaph upon them with which I shall conclude this Treatise Maledictus furor impius Iuliani quia pertinax indignatio quia dura vesanus furià ammimosus furore oblitus fidelitatis immemor religionis contemptor divinitatis crudelis in se homicida in vicinos reus in omnes Memoria ejus in omni ore amarescit nomen â—jus in â—â—ternum puâ—râ—scet FINIS AN APPENDIX Manifesting by sundry Histories and Authors that in the ancient Roman Kingdome and Empire in the Greek and German Empires derived out of it in the old Graecian Indian Aegytian Realmes in the Kingdomes of France Spaine Italy Hungary Bohemia
person should in that respect be preferred before the Vncle Hereupon Queen Violant and Blanche widow to Fernand were so much discontented with the Decree of the Estates disinheriting the eldest brothers sonnes as taking the young children with them they departed out of Castile to Don Pedro King of Arragon where Don Sancho caused his Nephews to be imprisoned whom king Alphonso labouring under hand to get releasâ—d Don Sancho advertised hereof made a league with the Moores of Granado against his Father and by assent of his confederates took upon him the Title of Regency of the Kingdome of Castile and other his Fathers dominions refusing the Title of King during his Fathers life time who was forced to pawn his royall Crown and Iewels to Iacob Abin Ioseph a Moore King of Morocco who aided him willingly against Don Sancho After which in an Assembly of the States at Cordova with the advise of the Noble men and knights of Castile thereupon sent by a Decree pronounced by the mouth of Don Manuel in the name of the whole Nobility Alphonso was deprived of all his Realmes for murthering his brother Don Frederick and burning Don Rues unjustly without any forme of justice or orderly proceedings the breach of the rights and priviledges of the Nobility and the excessive wasting of the treasure of the Realme Vpon this there arose bloody Warrâ—s between the Father and sonne and in the yeere 1282. Alphonso was so vexed with his sonnes proceedings that hee pronounced in the presence of many men of ranke both Clergie and Laity in the City of Sevill The curse of God and his upon Don Sancho a sonne said he disobedient rebellious and a paricide declaring him uncapable and unworthy to reign depriving him of his successions inheritance and discharging the subjects as much as in him lay from all oath and homage which they had done unto him But these were but words which Don Sancho did not much esteem enioying his Fathers kingdomes after his decease in Title as he did before in act and dying king of Custile his hâ—ires succeeded him in that Realme as lawfull heires thereunto Don Pedro the third king of Arragon about the yeare 1283. had many controversies with his Nobles and knights who complained much of his sower disposition and tyrannous manner of Government insulting over the greatest yea against his own blood contrary to all Law and nature Wherefore being ill intreated by him in their freedomes whereof the Townes and Commonalties of his Countries did also complain the Nobility Knights and Gentry for preservation of their Liberties made a Vnion together among themselves and with the people promising and swearing to lâ—t the King and his sonne Don Alphonso who was his Lieutenant Generall understand that if they did not contain themselves within the limits of the Lawes of the Country they would withdraw themselves from their obedience and declare themselves enemies and pursue them by armes that should seek to break them The king hereupon called the Estates to Tarrasone and afterwards to Saragossa where he intreated promised and did all what he could to break this Vnion but he was forced to yeeld and granted to the Arragonians the priviledge they call Generall whereby their Liberties which had been somewhat restrained were again restored the ancient manners of the Country and customes of their ancestours put in practise And moreover there were Laws made for their Kings which they should be bound to obey and for that they were in a mutiny in some places by reason of certain Impositions laid upon salt the traffique thereof was made free by the Estates And the king refusing the judgment of the Iustice Maior of Arragon deposing Pedro Martines Artassone who then exercised it from his Office the Estates soon after at an assembly at Zutaria fortified it with stronger Laws deeming the Iustice of Arragon to be a lawfull Iudge whom the King himself could not displace even in Cases commenced against the King who being cited and not appearing there were Decrees made against him in many instances In the end the King confirmed the Decrees of the Iustice Maior and whatsoever should be concluded by the Estates the Deputies and Councellors having given their suffrages I read in Hieronimus Blanca that about the year 1212. the Arragonians taking it ill that their Liberties gotten with their blood should so many wayes be subverted as then they were by King Pedro the first raised up the Name and forces of a Vnion that with one force and the consent of all one minde as it were being made out of all they might more easily propulse so great injuries but what was then done hereupon is not recorded But the two memorable Priviledges of the Vnion under King Alphonso the third are said to spring from thence Don Alphonso king of Aragon succeeding Pedro Anno 1286. he was admonished by the Estates Ambassadours to come speedily to the Assembly at Saragossa where having sworn and promised the observation of the Customs Rights and Priviledges of the Countrey and received the Oath of fealty from the Deputies he might lawfully take upon him the Title of the King of Aragon the which they said he might not use before this Act and Ceremony according to the ancient customs of Aragon Vpon these summons he came to the Assembly of the Estates to Saragossa took the Oath aforesaid after which he was Crowned Which done there grew in this assembly a great contention touching the reformation of the mannors of Courtiers and the ordering of the Kings house the Noblemen and Deputies of the Estates of Aragon maintaining that the conusance thereof was incident to their charge the King and his houshold servants on the other side denied that there was either Law or custom which tyed the King or his followers to any such subjection In the end it was concluded that the reformation of the Court should be made by twelve of the principall Families the like number of Knights four Deputies of Saragossa and one of either of the other Cities the which should give their voices in that case This Vnâ—on of Aragon obtained likewise a Decree that the King should have certain Councellors chosen to wit four of the chief Nobility four Knights of noble and ancient races four of his houshold servants two Knights for the Realm of Valencia two Citizens of Saragossa and one of either of the other Cities whom they particularly name with a condition that whilest the King should remain in Aragon Ribagorca or Valencia two of those Noblemen two of his servants two Knights of Aragon one of Valencia and the four Deputies of the Realm of Aragon should follow and reside in his Court AS COVNCELLORS APPOINTED BY THE VNION who protested by solemn Deputies sent to the King to that end that if he did not receive observe and maintain those orders THEY WOVLD SEIZE VPON ALL HIS REVENVES and on all the fees Offices and dignities of such Noblemen as should contradict them Thus were