the other third part of that allowance except he had other great Fees and place of commodity in this Kingdome his Lordship nominated as before Sir George Cary to be most fit for that place some other Counsellers being in this one point ioyned with him namely to signe all such warrants as should be signed for the disbursing of the Treasure The instructions giuen to Master Cooke were these To procure a new Pattent to the Lord Mountioy with title of Lord Lieutenant and with authority to leaue Sir George Carey Treasurer at Warres to be Lord Deputy and so his Lordship to come presently ouer 2. To procure new Pattents for Wards letting of the Kings lands compounding the Kings debts c. as before 3. To solicite for victuall munition and mony 4. To moue the change of the base coine now currant 5. To aduertise the newes from Spaine 6. To solicite the sending of new Seales namely the great Seale Signets Counsell seales for the State Mounster and Connaght for the Kings Bench Common pleas and Exchequer 7. To procure authoritie to passe estates to the Irish Lords After King Iames his Proclamation at Dublin the Lord Deputy sent like Proclamations to all Gouernours Magistrates and Officers of Prouinces Cities and Countries to be in like sort published and with all made knowne to them seuerally his Maiesties pleasure signified in his letters directed to the Lords in England to continue all Gouernours Magistrates and Officers and all his Maiesties Ministers as well Martiall as Ciuill of both the Kingdomes of England and Ireland in as absolute authorities and iurisdictions of their places as before the decease of the late Queene Elizabeth of famous memory they enioyed and exercised the same as also to continue and establish all the Lawes and Statutes of both Kingdomes in their former force and validity till such time as his Maiesty should please to take fuller knowledge and resolue for the publik good of any alteration not intended but vpon some speciall and waighty causes and should please to giue notice of his pleasure Further his Lordship aduised them to concurre with him in the vigilant care to present all things in the best estate might be to the first view of so worthy and mighty a Soueraigne The twelfth of Aprill the Lord Deputy receiued letters from Sir Charles Wilmott and Sir George Thorneton appointed Commissioners with ioynt authority for gouerning the Prouince of Mounster in the absence of Sir George Carew Lord President late gone for England aduertising that they had blocked vp Mac Morrish in the Castle of Billingarry belonging to the Lord Fitz-morrice and hoped by the taking thereof to cleere the Prouince of all open Rebels The fifteenth of Aprill his Lordship receiued a letter from Ororke humbly imploring the Queenes mercy and the same day after his hearing of the Queenes death another in like humblenesse crauing the Kings mercy The sixteenth day his Lordship receiued letters from the Mayor of Corke aduertising that hee had receiued the Kings Proclamation the eleuenth of Aprill and had deferred the publishing thereof to this day onely to the end it might be doue with more solemnity humbly praying that in regard the Fort built for defence of the Harbour of Corke from forraigne inuasion was not kept by a Commander sufficient to secure the same for the Crowne his Lordship would accept the offer of him the Mayor and therest of the corporation of the said City to keepe the same for his Maiesty at their owne perill Lastly complaining that the Souldiers now keeping the Fort did shoote at the Fishermen and at the Boates sent out of the Towne for prouisions vsing them at their pleasure The same sixteenth day his Lordship was aduertised by seuerall letters First that the Citizens of Waterford had broken vp the doores of the Hospitall and had admitted one Doctor White to preach at Saint Patrickes Church and had taken from the Sexton the keyes of the Cathedrall Church of themselues mutinously setting vp the publike celebration of the Masse and doing many insolencies in that kind Secondly that Edward Raghter a Dominican Frier of Kilkenny assisted by some of the Towne came to the Blacke-Fryers vsed for a Session-House and breaking the doores pulled downe the benches and seates of Iustice building an Altar in the place of them and commanded one Biship dwelling in part of the Abbey to deliuer him the keyes of his House who was to take possession of the whole Abbey in the name and right of the Friers his brethren The eighteenth day his Lordship was aduertised from the Commissioners of Mounster that the Citizens of Corke had not onely refused to ioine with them in publishing the Proclamation of King Iames but had drawne themselues all into Armes and kept strong guardes at their Ports and had absolutely forbidden the Commissioners to publish the same with such contemptuous words and actions as would haue raised a mutiny if they had not vsed greater temper That the Townesmen had made stay of boats loaded with the Kings victuals and munition for the Fort of Haleholin saying that the Fort was built within their Franchizes without their consent and was meetest to be in the custody of the City Whereupon they the said Commissioners accompanied with the Lord Roche and some 800 persons of the Countrey all expressing muchioy but none of the Citizens assisting or expressing any ioy did publish the Proclamation vpon an hill neere the Towne with as much solemnity as might be and had furnished the Fort with victuals and munition from Kinsale And they besought his Lordship speedily to reestablish by new Letters Pattents the Magistrates authority because the ceasing thereof by the Queenes death had especially emboldened these Citizens to be thus insolent The same day one Edward Gough a Merchant of Dublyn newly comming out of Spaine and examined vpon oath said that at Cales he saw the Ordinance shipped to S. Lucas for forty sayle as he heard there ready to goe for Lisbone where was a fleete of 140 ships prepared as some said for Ireland or as others said for Flaunders but hee heard no Generall named onely heard that Don Iean de l'Agula was againe receiued to the Kings fauour The 22 day his Lordship wrote to the Soneraigne of Kilkenny that howsoeuer he had no purpose violently to reforme Religion in this Kingdome but rather prayed for their better vnderstanding yet he could not permit yea must seuerely punish in that Towne and otherwhere the seditious mutinous setting vp of the publike exercise of Popish Religion without publike authority and likewise with preiudice done to those of the prosession established by God and by the Lawes of both the Realmes requiring that hee and they should desist from such mutinous disorders apprehending the chiefe authors and if they wanted power to suppresse the sedition of a few Priests Friers his L P offered to assist them with the Kings forces for he would not faile to giue life to the
Fitten to Robert Annesley to Edward Barkley to Sir Henry Vthered to Sir William Courtney to Robert Strowde and to their heires were granted 96165 Acres with rents nine hundred three thirty pound foure shillings halfe penny sterling In Corke by patent to Vane Beacher to Henrie North to Arthur Rawlins to Arthur Hide to Hugh Cuffe to Sir Thomas Noris to Warham Sent-leger to S t Thomas Stoyes to Master Spencer to Thomas Fleetwood and Marmaduke Edmunds and to their heires were granted 88037 Acres with rents fiue hundred twelue pound seuen shillings sixe pence halfe penny sterling In Waterford and Tripperary by Patent to the Earle of Ormond to Sir Christopher Hatton to Sir Edward Fitton to Sir Walter Rawleigh and to their heires were granted 22910 Acres with rent three hundred and three pound three pence sterling These Vndertakers did not people these Seigniories granted them and their heires by Patent as they were bound with well affected English but either sold them to English Papists such as were most turbulent and so being daily troubled and questioned by the English Magistrate were like to giue the most money for the Irish land or otherwise disposed them to their best profit without respect of the publike good neither did they build Castles and doe other things according to their couenants for the publike good but onely sought their priuate ends and so this her Maiesties bounty to them turned not to the strengthning but rather to the weakening of the English Gouernement in that Prouince of Mounster Touching the Rebellion of the Earle of Tyrone the worthy Antiquary Camden mentioneth Neale the Great tyrannising in Vlster and great part of Ireland before the comming of Saint Patrick into that Kingdome about the yeere of our Lord 431 adding that this Family notwithstanding liued after more obscurely not onely till the English entered to conquer Ireland about the yeere 1169 but after that to the time that the Scots vnder Edward Bruce attempted to conquer that Kingdome about the yeere 1318. In which turbulent time Doneualdus O Neale started vp and in his letters to the Pope stiled himselfe King of Vlster and true Heire of all Ireland Further Camden addeth that after the appeasing of these troubles this new King vanished and his posteritie lurked in obscuritie till the Ciuill warres of England betweene the Houses of Yorke and Lancastar The seede whereof was sowne by Henry the fourth of Lancastar Family deposing Richard the second of Yorke Family and vsurping the Crowne though Henrie the fourth and his sonne Henrie the fifth by their valour so maintained this vsurpation as no Ciuill warre brake forth in their time nor so long as the noble Brothers of Henrie the fifth and Vncles to Henrie the sixth liued After betweene Henrie the sixth of Lancaster Family and Edward the fourth of Yorke Family this bloudy war was long continued but ended in the death of the next successor Richard the third a double Vsurper both of the House of Lancaster and the Heires of his Brother Edward the fourth of the House of Yorke After in the marriage of Henrie the seuenth with the Daughter and Heire of Edward the fourth both these Houses were vnited and so this bloudie warre well ended From this time behold the Pedigree of the Omales Owen Oneale Hugh mac Owen Art mac Hugh Neale Moore mac Art Hugh Mac Neale Moore Owen Mac Hugh Neale Moore offered to serue against traitor Hugh Foure sonnes Tirlogh Hugh Bryan and Henry liuing when Hugh Oneale rebelled Phileme Roc mac Art Henry Mac Phelime Roc. Turlogh Mac Henry of the Fuse Rebell with Hugh Fiue sonnes then liuing Henrie Mac Owen Oneale married the Daughter of Thomas Earle of Kildare a Giraldine Con More or Great married the Daughter of Gerald Earle of Kildare his Mothers Neece whose Father and himself waxing bold vpon the power of the Earles of Kildare tyrannised ouer the people and despised the titles of Earles Marquises Dukes or Princes in regard of that of Oneale Con Sirnamed Bacco or Lame succeeded Oneale who cursed his posterity if they should learne English fow Corne or build houses to inuite the English His power being suspected of Henrie the eight and the Kings power after the suppression of the Earles of Kildare being feared of him who had rebelled with the Earle he fayled into England and renouncing the name of Oneale and surrendring his Inheritance held by the Irish Law of Tanistry by which a man is preferred to a boy and the Vncle to that Nephew whose Grandfather ouer-liues the Father and commonly the most actiue Knaue not the next Heire is chosen had his land regraunted to him from the King vnder the great Scale of England as to his Vassall with title of Earle of Tyrone Thus in the three and thirty yeere of Henrie the eight an Act of Parliament was made in Ireland with consent of the three Estates of that Kingdome whereby the vsurpation of the title of Oneale was made capitall to this Family and King Henrie and his successors the former stile of Lords being changed were stiled Kings of Ireland and the Lawes of England were receiued to be of force in that Kingdome Phelime Hugh eldest sonne Turlogh Brasilogh Six sonnes at least then liuing and able to serue the Queene Shane or Iohn Oneale succeeding his Father by killing his Brother Matthew and vexing his Father to death was cruell and barbarous and tyrannically challenged the neighbour Lords to be his subiects as Mac Gennys Mac Guire Mac Mahown O Realy O Hanlon O Cahon Mac Brien O Hagan O Quin Mac Cartan Mac Donnell Galloglasse And when Henrie Sidney expostulated this being Lord Iustice in the absence of the Earle of Sussex Lord Deputy he offered to proue by writings that his Ancestors had this authoritie ouer them denying that his Father had any power to resigne his lands to the King which hee held onely for life by Tanistry Law without the consent of the people being to chuse Oneale that is the chiefe of the name Hee made warre against O Realy and imprisoned Collogh Mac Donnell But when Thomas Earle of Sussex L. Deputy led the English forces against him he by the counsel of the Earle of Kildare sailed into England and submitted himselfe to Q. Elizabeth and after for a while conformed himselfe to obedience and ciuilitie But when hee tirannised ouer the Irish Lords and they craued succour of Henrie Sidney Lord Deputy in the yeere 1565 he leading an Army against him seng Edward Randolph with seuen Companies of Foote and a Troope of Horse by Sea to Derry and Loughfoyle to assault the Rebell on the back Against whom the Rebell turning all his forces was so defeated as hee fled for succor to the Scots whose brother he had killed and they at first entertaining him wel after fell to words killed him in the yeere 1567. After in a Parliament at Dublin he was condemned of treason and his lands confiscated and a Law made that no
seuenteenth of April sent his reasons of not comming First iustifying his relaps into disloialty by the truce not obserued to him and because restitution was not made him of preyes taken from him which was promised Then excusing his not meeting because his pledges by the truce being from three moneths to three moneths to be changed were still detained yea his pledges the second time put in were kept together with the first And saying that he durst not come to the Lord Generall because many promises by him made being not kept he knew it was much against his honourable mind and so could not be perswaded but that the Lord Generall was ouerruled by the Lord Deputy so as he could not make good his promises without the Lord Deputies consent who shewed malice to him and was no doubt the cause of all the breaches of such promises as had beene made vnto him Againe in regard he heard that the Lord Bourgh was to come ouer Lord Deputy who was altogether vnknowne to him he protested to feare that the acts of the Lord Generall with him would not be made good wishing that rather the Lord Generall might be continued in his command for then he would be confident of a good conclusion Finally he desired a meeting neere Dundalke the sixe and twenty of Aprill but this appointment for the day being against the last finall resolution and for the place against her Maiesties directions there was no more speech of this treaty In the meane time Sir William Russell Lord Deputy by the managing of those and like affaires finding himselfe not duly countenanced out of England in the place he sustained had made earnest suit to be called home and accordingly about the end of May he was reuoked and the Lord Bourgh so he himselfe writes others write Burke and Camden writes Borough came ouer Lord Deputy The ill successe of the treaties and small progresse of the warres together with this vnexpected change of the Lord Deputy comming with supreme authority as well in martiall as ciuill causes brake the heart of Sir Iohn Norryes Lord Generall a leader as worthy and famous as England bred in our age Of late according to vulgar speech he had displeased the Earle of Essex then a great fauourite in Court and by his merites possessed of the superintendency in all martiall affaires For Sir Iohn Norryes had imbraced the action of Brest Fort in Britany and the warres in those parts when the Earle himself had purpose to entertaine them and preuailed against the Earle by vndertaking them with lesse forces then the Earle desired for the same And it was thought that the Earle had preferred the Lord Bourgh of purpose to discontent him in regard the said Lord Bourgh had had a priuate quarrell with the said Generall in England and that besides the superiour command of this Lord though otherwise most worthy yet of lesse experience in the warres then the Generall had could not but be vnsupportable to him esteemed one of the greatest Captaines of his time and yet hauing inferiour command of the Presidentship of Mounster in the same Kingdome Certainely vpon the arriuall of this new Lord Deputy presently Generall Norryes was commanded to his gouernement of Mounster and not to stirre thence without leaue When he came thither this griefe so wrought vpon his high spirit as it apparantly brake his braue and formerly vndaunted heart for without sickenes or any publike signe of griefe he suddenly died in the imbrace of his deere brother Sir Thomas Norreys his vicepresident within some two moneths of his comming into Mounster The Lord Bourgh at his entry into the place of Lord Deputy found all the North in Rebellion except seuen Castles with their Townes or Villages all but one lying towards the sea namely Newry Knockfergus Carlingford Greene-Castle Armagh Dondrom and Olderfleet And all Connaght was likewise in Rebellion together with the Earle of Ormonds nephewes the Butlers in Mounster In this moneth of May Ororke was sent into England by the King of Scots and there executed This Ororke seemes to haue beene expelled his Countrey when Sir Richard Bingham was Gouernour of Connaght but those of his name and the chiefe of them vsurping the Countrey of Letrym still continued Rebels Tyrone hitherto with all subtilty and a thousand sleights abusing the State when he saw any danger hanging ouer him by fained countenance and false words pretended humblest submission and hearty sorrow for his villanies but as soone as opportunity of pursuing him was omitted or the forces were of necessity to be drawne from his Countrey with the terror of them all his loyalty vanished yea he failed not to mingle secretly the greatest Counsels of mischiefe with his humblest submissions And these courses had beene nourished by the sloth of our Leaders the frugality of some of our counsellers and the Queenes inbred lenity yet of all other he had most abused the late Lord Generals loue to him and his credulity which specially grew out of his loue Now of this new Lord Deputy by letters hee requested a truce or cessation which it seemed good to the Lord Deputy to grant for a moneth in regard of the conueniency of her Maiesties present affaires not any way to gratifie the Rebell for he had no purpose to entertaine more speech of his submission or to slacke the pursuit of him and his confederates to which he was wholly bent He saw the lamentable effects which these cessations together with protections had hitherto produced and among other euils did specially resolue to auoid them Therefore assoone as the moneth of truce was expired the Lord Deputy aswell by his first actions to giue luster and ominous presage to his gouernement as because he iudged it best for the seruice to strike at the head presently drew the Forces towards Tyrone The Irish in a fastnes neere Armagh so they call straight passages in woods where to the natural strength of the place is added the art of interlacing the low bowes and casting the bodies of trees acrosse the way opposed the passage of the English who made their way with their swords and found that the Irish resolutely assaulted would easily giue ground Then the Lord Deputy assaulted the Fort of Blackewater formerly built by the English vpon the passage to Dungannon whence the Eurle at his first entering into rebellion had by force expelled the English as carefully as he would haue driuen poyson from his heart This Fort he soon wonne and repayring the same put a company of English souldiers into it to guard it But 〈◊〉 the Lord Deputy with the whole army were rendering thanks to God for this good succesle the 〈◊〉 shewed themselues out of the thicke woods neere adioyning on the North-side of the Fort so as the prayers were interrupted by calling to armes The English entered 〈◊〉 and preuayled against them driuing them to styeinto the thickest of their dens In this conflict were killed Francis Vaughan
Irish Lords and Gentlemen he number of the rebels were now there increased beyond estimation For the Prouince of Connaght the rebels were increased three hundred by the reuolt of O Conner Sligo besides the vncertainty of Tybot ne Long who had one hundred Irish men in her Maiesties pay So as at this time I may boldly say the rebellion was at the greatest strength The meere Irish puffed vp with good successe and blouded with happy incounters did boldly keepe the field and proudly disdaine the English forces Great part of the English-Irish were in open action of rebellion and most part of the rest tempofised with the State openly professing obedience that they might liue vnder the protection thereof but secretly relieuing the rebels and practising with them for their present and future safeties Among the English the worthy Generals of this age partly by this fatall warre partly by the factions at home were so wasted as the best iudgements could hardly finde out any man fit to command this Army 〈◊〉 hiefe The English common souldiers by loosenesse of body the natural sicknosse of the Country by the pouerty of the warre in which nothing was to bee gained but blowes and by the late defeates wherein great numbers of them had perished were altogether out of heart The Colonels and Commanders though many in number and great in courage and experience yet by these considerations of the Armies weakenesse were somewhat deiected in mind Yea the very Counsellors of State were so diffident as some of them in late conferences with Tyrone had descended I know not vpon what warrant to an abiect Intreaty for a short cessation Not to speake of the Generall distraction of the hearts of all men in England and much more of the souldiers by the factions of this age between the worthy Earle of Essex now imprisoned and his enemies able to ruine a great Kingdome much more to diuert the successe of any great action And the generall voyce was of Tyrone among the English after the defeat of Blackwater as of 〈◊〉 among the Romans after the defeat of Cannas Thou knowest how to overcome but thou knowest not how to vse victorie To conclude not onely the remote parts but the very heart of the Kingdom now languished vnder the contagion of this rebellion Leax and Ophalia being possessed by the O Mores and the O Conners and the Glynnes or Mountainous Country on the South-West side of Dublin being in the hands of the 〈◊〉 and O 〈◊〉 and more remotely of the Cauanaghs who nightly made excursions to the very Gates of the City giuing alarum of warre to the long gound Senate and as it were to the chaire of Estate In this miserable estate was Ireland when the Lord Mountiey like a good Planet with a fortunate aspect began to shinethereon whose happy actions I will now set down particularly yet as briefly as I can The tenth of Ianuary towards the end of the yeere 1599 the Lords of England signified by their letters to the Lord Archbishop of Dublin and Sir George Carey Treasurer at warres which were then Lords Iustices of that Kingdome that from that day forward the entertainement due to them as Lords Iustices should cease and bee conferred on Charles Blount Lord Mountioy whom her Maiestie had made Lord Deputie And now Tyrone who hitherto had contained himselfe in the North onely making short excursions from thence into the Pale being proud of victories and desirous to shew his greatnesse abroad resolued with his forces to measure the length of Ireland and to the end hee might by his presence strengthen and increase the rebellion in Mounster which in absence by practises he had raised vnder the religious pretence of visiting a piece of Christs Crosse kept for a holy relike in the Monastery of the holy Crosse in the County of Tipperary he entred this iourny about the twentieth of Ianuarie On the three and twenty the rebels of the Brenny met him in the Cauan from whence he marched forward taking the rebels of Lemster in his company and leading with him some two thousand fiue hundred foot and two hundred horse leauing the rest of his forces the Gentlemen of the North to guard those parts The intent of his iourney was to set as great combustion as he could in Mounster and so taking pledges of the rebels to leaue them vnder the command of one chiefe head This Moneth of Ianuary her Maiestie signed that warrant which is vulgarly called the great Warrant for Ireland whereby authority is giuen to the Lord Treasurer and Chamberlaine of the Exchequer in England that according to an Establishment after signed by her Maiesty the first of February and to begin that day wherein the Army is reduced to twelue thousand foote and one thousand two hundred horse they should pay to the Treasurer at warres for Ireland such summes as should bee signed by sixe of the priuy Counsell of England the Lord Treasurer the Principall Secretary and the vnder-Treasurer alwaies being three of them Secondly aboue the foure thousand pound for extraordinaries therein mentioned to pay him such sums as should by the same be signed Thirdly to pay in like sort according to an Establishment or list of Officers and others not contained in the former Establishment it not exceeding yeerely fifteene thousand pound which List was then to bee signed by the Lords of her Maiesties Counsell Fourthly to pay in like sort diuers Officers payable out of the reuenues in case the reuenues extended not to pay them Fifthly to pay in like sort all summes for reinforcing the Army for leauyes of men for conducting transporting and victualling them at Sea according to the rates of the first Establishment The Establishment signed by her Maiestie the first of February 1599. The Lord Deputies entertainement to be paid according to the List after following which List was to be signed by the Lords Officers of the Army Lieutenant of the Army per diem threell Serieant Maior per diem twentys Comptroler Generall of the victuals per diem tens Foure Commissaries of victuals whereof three at sixes per diem and the fourth at eights per diem Twelue Colonels each at tens per diem A Prouost Marshall for Loughfoyle another for Ballishannon each at foure shillings per diem Summa per annum foure thousand foure hundred fiftie three pound The pay of three hundred horse diuided into sixe Bands each Band consisting of fiftie viz the Captaine foure shillings per diem Lieutenant two shillings sixe pence per diem Cornet two shillings per diem and fiftie Horsemen at eighteene pence per diem a piece The pay of two hundred Horse diuided into foure Bands each Band consisting of fiftie viz. Captaine foures per diem Lieutenant twos six d. per diem Cornet twos per diem and fiftie Horsemen at fifteene d. a piece per diem The pay of seuen hundred Horse diuided into fourteene Bands each Band consisting of fiftie viz.
confident assurance shortly to haue new supplies of all things Adding that he preserued his strength to be able to front vs in a breach which their hearts not failing they had hands and brests to stop against trebble our forces though he would giue the Viceroy that right that his men were passing good yet spent and tired with a Winters siege obstinately continued beyond his expectation but with such caution and so good guard as he hauing watched all aduantages could neuer make a salley without losse to his part wherein hee acknowledged himselfe much deceiued that grounding vpon some errour in our approches he had promised himselfe the defeate of one thousand men at least and at one blow but said he when we meete in the breach I am confident vpon good reasons to lay fiue hundred of your best men on the earth which losse will make a great hole in your Armie that hath already suffered such extremity Lastly he concluded that the King his Master sent him to assist the two Counts O Neale and O Donnel and he presuming on their promises to ioyne their forces with his within few daies had first long expected them in vaine and sustained the Viceroyes Army and at last had seene them drawne to the greatest head they could make lodged neere Kinsale reinforced with Companies of Spaniards euery hower promising him reliefe and at last broken with a handfull of men and blowne asunder into diuers parts of the World O Donnell into Spaine O Neale into the furthest North so as now finding no such Counts in rerum Natura to vse his very words with whom he was commanded to ioine he had moued this accord the rather to disingage the King his Master from assisting a people so weake as he must beare all the burthen of the war and so perfidious as perhaps in requitall of his fauour they might at last bee wonne to betray him Relation of this conference being made to the Lord Deputy and Counsell they considered that the treasure that Don Iean brought was at first but one hundred thousand Ducates whereof the greatest part could not but be spent in paying his souldiers 4 moneths and other occasions of expence for which and other good reasons they concluded not to stand vpō the first article especially since many strong reasons made the agreement as it was honorable so to seeme very profitable to the State of England namely that our Army was wasted tired with the winters siege That it was dangerous to attempt a breach defended with so many able men That if wee should lodge in the breach yet they hauing many strong Castles in the Towne so much time might be spent ere we could carry it as our Fleete for want of victuals might bee forced to leaue vs. That at this time our Army was onely prouided for sixe dayes That we had not munition or Artillerie to make any more then one batterie in one place at once fiue of our pieces being crased That vpon any disaster befalling vs the Irish were like to reuolt That besides the taking of Kinsale the other places held by the Spaniards as Baltymore Custle hauen and Beare-hauen would haue made a long and dangerous warre with infinite charge to the State of England they being strongly fortified and well stored with all prouisions of warre and our Army being so tired as it could not attempt them without being first refreshed and then being supplied with all necessaries to the vnsupportable charge of our Sate must haue been carried by Sea to those places vnaccessable by land Lastly that in this time the King of Spaine could not but send them powerfull seconds being thus farre ingaged in his Honour Besides that by this long warre wee should bee hindred from prosecution of the Rebels who were now so broken as in short time they must needes be brought to absolute subiection After many goings to and fro certaine Articles were agreed vpon the second of Ianuary towards the end of the yeere 1601 according to the English who end and begin the yeere at our Lady day in Lent but the Articles beare date the twelfth of Ianuarie 1602 after the new stile and according to the Spanish manner to begin the yeere the first day of the same moneth The Lord Deputy gaue me the said Articles in English to be faire written that the coppy thereof being signed by both the Generals might be sent into England And likewise his Lordship commanded me to translate the same Articles into the Lattin and Italian tongues that two coppies of each being signed by the Generals one of each might remaine with the Lord Deputy and the others be sent to the King of Spaine These Articles follow word by word in English as they were signed by the Lord Deputy and the Spanish Generall Mountioy IN the Towne of Kinsale in the Kingdome of Ireland the twelfth of the moneth of Ianuary 1602 betweene the noble Lords the Lord Mountioy Lord Deputy and Generall in the Kingdome of Ireland for her Maiesty the Queene of England and Don Iean de l'Aguyla Captaine and Campe-Master Generall and Gouernour of the Army of his Maiesty the King of Spaine the said Lord Deputy being encamped and besieging the said Towne and the said Don Iean within it for iust respects and to auoide shedding of blood these conditions following were made betweene the said Lords Generals and their Campes with the Articles which follow 1 First that the said Don Iean de l'Aguyla shall quit the places which he holds in this Kingdome as well of the Towne of Kinsale as those which are held by the souldiers vnder his command in Caste-Hauen Baltimore and the Castle at Beere-Hauen and other parts to the said Lord Deputy or to whom he shall appoint giuing him safe transportation and sufficient for the said people of ships and victuals with the which the said Don Iean with them may goe for Spaine if he can at one time if not in two shippings 2 Item that the souldiers at this present being vnder the command of Don Iean in this Kingdome shall not beare Armes against her Maiesty the Queene of England wheresoeuer supplies shall come from Spaine till the said souldiers bee vnshipped in some of the Ports of Spaine being dispatched assoone as may be by the Lord Deputy as he promiseth vpon his faith and honour 3 For the accomplishment whereof the Lord Deputy offereth to giue free pasport to the said Don Iean and his Army as well Spaniards as other Nations whatsoeuer that are vnder his command and that hee may depart with all the things hee hath Armes Munition Money Ensignes displaied Artillery and other whatsoeuer prouisions of warre and any kind of stuffe as well that which is in Castle-Hauen as Kinsale and other parts 4 Item That they shall haue ships and victuals sufficient for their money according and at the prices which here they vse to giue that all the people and the said things may be
that her Maiesty will be pleased to hasten her Fleete to the Coast of Spaine which comming timely will in our opinions hinder any enterprize for Ireland but least that shoule faile we renew our former motion that the Tramontama and the Moone may be returned to serue vpon the Coast of Mounster that the proportions of munition and victuals desired in our former letters may speedily be dispatched hither and that victualers without impediment may come from all places to releeue vs for already a very great dearth is begun and a famine must ensue the rates of all things being incredible and the new money much repined at notwithstanding we do our vttermost endeuors to aduance it But in a matter of so great importance we humbly desire your Lordships to giue vs leaue to deliuer our opinions freely hauing so assured ground for it that if the King of Spaine continue his war in this Country it will be hard to preserue her Maiesties army and Kingdom without the altering of the currant mony so general is the dislike thereof and so insolently do they begin already to refuse it but if there come no forraine aide her Maiesty as we think may securely continue it as it is for all we that are of the Army whom it most concerneth in regard we liue wholly vpon our entertainement will God willing indure it for the aduancement of the seruice though we are sensible of our losse by the excessiue enhauncing of the prices of all things that wee are to lieu vpon which cannot bee holpen so long as this new coyne continues currant Of Tyrone since his ouerthrow and departure we hetherto haue heard little neither doe we thinke hee will be able to doe any great harme without the aide of new supplies from Spaine And so wee humbly take leaue c. From Corke c. The same fifteenth-day the Lord Deputy wrote to Master Secretary in England this letter following SIr this strange continuance of the windes in the West and the South makes mee looke backe into the danger that both her Maiesties Army and Kingdome haue passed for if Sir Richard Leuison with her Maiesties Fleete had not taken the opportunitie of that winde which did no more then bring him hether and giue the rest of the supplies with great difficultie their passage from other ports to vs no doubt by these contrary windes from that time to this day continuing all the affaires of her Maiestie here had been in an extreame hazard And when I consider first that in all likelihood we could expect no lesse then a powerful supply out of Spaine and that the greater the more the King should find himself ingaged and his Army stand in need of seconding except he might be in time aduertised of this ouerture we haue made here to disimbarke himself fairely of an enterprize which I presume his Ministers here do beleeue and will perswade him to be vnfit any longer to imbrace Then that the winds haue been such as haue onely serued to carry him the danger of his men here and not the peace which they haue made for since Syriago his departure which was presently after the ouerthrow Don Iean del ' Aguyla was neuer able to send away any dispatch which we may hope to be arriued in Spainé And lastly that we haue credible intelligence of the Kings resolution and forwardnesse to send his men here strong and speedy succours When I consider these things I cannot but feare a heauy warre to bee towards vs which as I doe constantly beleeue had been preuented if it had pleased God to send vs a winde in any time to haue sent away these Spaniards or at the least the assured relation of their estates Thus the continuance of contrary winds in these parts doth make me apprehend the extreame perils wherewith her Maiesty shall bee driuen to make the warre in this Country with extreame charge if the Spaniards perseuer in their purpose for without huge Magazins great waste and continuall charge of shipping and land carriages such a warre cannot be made and I am perswaded that her Maiesty were as good giue ouer at the first the defence of this country as to intend a war without making those prouisions for it Now as my loue to her to her seruice doth make me as sensible I wil boldly protest as any man liuing of whatsoeur burthē the state doth feele so the same loue shuld make me suffer with alacrity the waight of my vneasie charge the dangerous waies wherein I walke if I did not perceiue the poore Asse to be the worse liked that he doth carry so much treasure from her cofers howsoeuer he doe vnwillingly beare it away and feeleth nothing but the heauy burthen thereof This and some inclination that I haue found to measure my labours by the successe not by my endeauours haue I confesse more discouraged me then all the difficulties I euer passed or may expect And sauing the thankefulnes which I cannot chuse but yeeld vnto God for the successe which it hath pleased him of late to giue me I protest I was neuer accompanied with more vnquiet thoughts then since my last comming to Corke where I continue in a most noysome Towne full of infection seeing no end of my labours nor finding any measure of them and yet fearing that they are valued of so little merit as they are rather likely to draw on dislike-Wherefore as in my owne heart I doe vtterly distaste this vnhappy profession with no further ambition then to set downe in quietnesse vnder mine owne Vine with the conscience of hauing beene no vnprofitable seruant to her Maiesty so Sir I vow before God I will acknowledge it an euerlasting bond if you will be a meane to procure me that harmelesse fortune that I may as aboue all things I desire serue her Maiesty henceforward with as pure as I will euer doe with faithfull deuotion and make my selfe ready for another World for I thanke God I doe hate this Blame me not I beseech you Sir for apprehending my fortune with so much discomfort since I doe not onely perceiue what enemies I haue that are ingenious and industrious to vrge all my proceeding to my disaduantage but find that their malice did take such effect with her Maiesty as to moue her to be vnsatisfied with my endeuours wherein my owne conscience cannot acknowledge any thing omitted within my power or belonging to my duty whatsoeuer the successe had beene Sir as I neuer deserued any ill of them by deed except it be by doing her Maiesty better seruice then they can or will doe nor by word for I doe not thinke or speake of them but when these tokens of their good will doe force mee vnto it so I protest I doe as much scorne their malice as the barking of so many whelpes and would be little troubled with it But when I thinke that their false euidence doth sway the opinion of my supreame Iudge
150. Captaine Sackfeild 100. Captaine Norton 100. Captaine Billings 150. Captaine Phillips 150. Foote 850. Horse at Carickfergus Sir Arthur Chichester Gouernour 25. Captaine Iohn Iephson 100. Horse 125. Foote in Lecale Sir Richard Moryson vnder his Lieutenant 150 himselfe commanding a Regiment in the Armie The Lord Deputies Army in the field for this Summers seruice Horse The Lord Deputie 100. Sir William Godolphin 50. Sir Garret Moore 50. Sir Richard Greame 50. Sir Samuel Bagnol 50. Sir Henrie Dauers 100. Master Marshall 30. Sir Christopher S. Laurence 25. Sir Francis Rush 12. Captaine Fleming 25. Captaine George Greame 14. Horse in the Army 506. Foote Lord Deputies Guard 200. Sir Iohn Barkeley 200. Sir Beniamin Berry 150. Sir Henry Folliot 150. Sir William Fortescue 150. Sir Iames Peirse 150. Sir Garret Moore 〈◊〉 Sir Christopher S. Laurence 150. Sir Edward Fitz Garret 100. Sir Tibbot Dillon 100. Master Marshall 150. Capt. Iosias Bodley 150. Capt. Toby Gawfeild 150. Captaine Richard Hansard 100. Capt. Edward Blany 150. Capt. Fran. Roe 150 Capt. Ralph Counstable 100. Capt. Fisher 100. Captaine Iohn Roberts 100. Capt. George Blount 150. Captaine Iames Blount 100. Captaine Hensto for pioners 200. Captaine Masterson 150. Captaine Henrie Barkley 150. Captaine Morrys 100. Captaine Anthony Earsfeild 100. Captaine Treuer 100. Foote in the Army 3650. Totall of horse by the List 1487. Foote by the List 16950. The forces being thus disposed for the Summers seruice and the Lord Deputie hauing recouered his health his first care was to obey her Maiesties directions in dispatching for England Sir Robert Gardener and Sir Oliuer S. Iohns with a relation of the present state of this Kingdome By them besides instructions of the present state his Lordship sent this following letter to the Lords in England dated the fifth of May 1602. MAy it please your Lordships although you haue good reason to guesse at the difficulties of the warre of Ireland both by the long continuance and the exceeding charge thereof before my time vnder which the rebels strength did euer grow as by the slow progresse though still to the better that it hath made I must confesse vnder my gouernement yet since I doe conceiue that none but we that are personall actors therein especially in these times wherein the fashion and force of this people is so much altered from that it was wont to bee can thorowly apprehend with how many impediments crosses and oppositions we vndertake and proceede in all things I humbly desire your Lordships to giue mee leaue for your satisfaction and the discharge of my duty to open vnto you some of the causes which I doe better feele then I can expresse that haue hindred so speedy a conclusion of this warre as her Maiesty out of her great prouidence and large proportion of expence might happily expect At my first arriuall I found the rebels more in number then at any time they had bin since the conquest and those so farre from being naked people as before times that they were generally better armed then we knew better the vse of their weapons then our men and euen exceeded vs in that discipline which was fittest for the aduantage of the naturall strength of the Country for that they being very many and expert shot and excelling in footmanship all other Nations did by that meanes make better vse of those strengths both for offence and defence then could haue bin made of any squadrons of pikes or artificiall fortisications of Townes In regard whereof I presumed that mans wit could hardly find out any other course to ouercome them but by famine which was to be wrought by seueral Garrisons planted in fit places altered vpon good occasions These plantations could not be made but by Armies which must first settle them and after remoue them as the strength of the enemy required the time for those plantations not only of most conueniency but almost of necessity was to be in the Summe and that for many eminent reasons but especially in that meanes might bee prouided for horse to liue in the winter without which those Garrisons would proue of little effect Now I beseech your Lordships to remember that I receiued this charge the eight and twentieth of February in the yeere 1599 at which time I found the rebels in number and Armes as I haue said growne to the very height of pride and confidence by a continued line of their successe and our misfortunes of the subiects the worst assisting them openly and almost the best leaning to their fortune out of a despaire of ours the Army discouraged in themselues and beleeue mee my Lords for you will hardly beleeue much contemned by the Rebels None of our Garrisons had stirred abroad but they returned beaten the enemie being so farre Master of the field that Tyrone had measured the whole length of Ireland and was comming backe vnfought with And with mee they began the warre at the very suburbs of Dublin At that time the choice of the whole Army and euen of euerie Company that was left behind was drawne into Mounster by the Earle of Ormond how beit I being desirous to loose no time nor opportunitie presently gathered together that poore remnant being the refuse of the rest with a purpose to haue fought with the Traitor in his returne betweene Fercale and the Ennye but hee hastening his iournies vpon some intelligence of my designe and I being the longer staied by the difference of the Councels opinion from mine intent it fell out that I came too late to trie that faire fortune with him The rest of the Spring I was enforced to attend the drawing of diuers Captaines and Companies from remote and diuided Garrisons that were to be imploied for Loughfoyle and Ballishannon for by your Lordships appointment I was to send one thousand other souldiers from these parts and to cast three thousand more in consideration of so many sent thither out of England and to reduce the List from sixteene thousand to fourteene thousand which at that time was a proportion too little to vndertake the warre with all I was further to victuall the Forts of Leax and Ophalye in those times accounted great and dangerous seruices And about the fifth of May 1600 I drew towards the North chiefely to diuert Tyrone and his Northerne forces from giuing opposition to the Plantation at Loughfoyle but withall purposing if I found meanes for victuals and carriages to haue left a Garrison at Armagh The first I did thorowly effect for I gaue way to those of Loughfoyle to land and settle quietly drew Tyrone with his chiefe forces vpon my selfe and in all the fights I had with him made him know that his fortune began to turne and brake those bounds of his circuit whence hee was wont to affront our greatest Armies for in that which was last before this called a Northerne iourney when the Army consisted almost of double numbers of Horse and Foote they were by the Traytor
the onely remedy doth consist in the carefull and diligent ouersight of her Maiesties Ministers to whom that trust is committed her Maiesty thinketh that as your selues did truely find the faults and abuses so none can better prouide for their remedy then you that are there present and especially you the Treasurer by whose Ministers errours her Maiesty hath beene so much preiudiced And whereas especiall cause of these frauds is imputed to the multiplicity of the bils of exchange wee should most willingly be of that mind to reduce all vnto one place at Dublyn were it not that wee find you the Treasurer to vary in your opinion hauing signified heretofore by your particular letters to some of vs that there is no possible way of remedy but by reducing all the Banckes to one place and yet by this letter iointly with the rest of the Counsell deliuering your opinion for the establishing of two places vnto which opinion because we conceiue you are wonne vpon the consultation of that Counsell we haue applied our consent therevnto And to the end it may plainely appeare vnto you how the Merchants others abusing the exchange doe most fraudulently serue their turne both vpon her Maiesties Subiects there if it bee true as hath beene informed to vs by persons of good credit comming from thence that they improue their commodities to a treble price and more in respect of that Coyne and likewise vpon her Maiesties excessiue losse by returne of their money vpon the exchange wee haue thought good to send you an Estimate or Calculation of the gaine that one of them may make and as it is to be supposed doth make in this course vpon the expence but of one hundred pounds vttered there in commodities making and raising therevpon but two for one whereby you may iudge how vnreasonable aduantage may be further made vpon the profit of three or foure for one if the Merchant be so ill disposed or can find the meanes of a corrupt Minister vnder the Treasurer to combine with him And so wee bid you right heartily well to fare From the Court at White-Hall the 24 of December 1602. A computation sent ouer inclosed in the former letter of the gaine which a Merchant may make by the Exchange bringing to the Exchange in each one hundred pound forty pound sterling and supposing the Merchant to be without sterling money in his store or without credit and to vse the Exchange directly If he conuert one hundred pound sterling into wares and sell the same in Ireland at the rate of two for one viz. For two hundred pound Irish he doth thereby gaineas followeth To haue the benefit of the Exchange he must haue fourscore pounds sterling which supposing that he buieth at fiue shillings Irish each twenty shillings sterling his fourescore pound sterling doth cost him one hundred pounds Irish. Then commeth he to the Exchange with one hundred pounds Irish and fourscore pounds sterling for both which the Minister giueth him a bill to receiue in England one hundred seuenty fiue pound sterling for hee must loose fiue pound of the exchange of the one hundred Irish. Then hath he in his purse in England one hundred seuenty fiue pound defalking his first stocke which was one hundred pound resteth cleere to him seuenty fiue pound And this he may doe vpon as many returnes as he maketh in a yeere If it be obiected that he cannot buy sterling money at so low a rate as for fiue and twenty shillings Irish but that he doe pay thirty shilling Irish for twenty shillings sterling then is his gaine the lesse by nineteene pound and yet shall he gaine sixe and fifty pound But supposing such 〈◊〉 Merchant as is not in necessity to by sterling money with Irish but that he they borrow it here of friends though he pay twenty pound in the hundred for 〈◊〉 is his gaine in this manner His hundred pounds sterling conuerted into wares and sold in Ireland for two hundred pound Irish he bringeth to the Exchange one hundred and twenty pound Irish and fourescore pounds sterling borrowed and receiueth a bill to be paid in England one hundred fourescore and foureteene pound loosing sixe pound for the returne of one hundred and twenty pound Irish. So hath he in his purse in England one hundred fourescore and foureteene pound out of which deducting one hundred pound which was the first stocke resteth to him fourescore and foureteene pound Out of which gaine allowing him fourescore pounds to pay for so much borrowed by him yet resteth to him foureteene pound And further hee hath remaining in his hands in Ireland fourescore pound Irish remaining of his two hundred Irish whereof he brought onely one hundred and twenty pound to the Exchange To haue which fourescore pound returned by the Exchange hee must borrow two and thirty pound sterling and so shall hee haue a bill to be paied in England one hundred and eight pound for he looseth foure pound for exchange of the fourescore pound Irish Out of which one hundred and eight pound abating the two and thirty pound borrowed there resteth gained seuenty sixe pound Whereunto adding the foureteene pound aboue mentioned then the whole gaine is fourescore and ten pound From whence take for the interest of one hundred and twelue pound borrowed for three moneths after twenty in the hundred for a yeere which is for three moneths sixe pound twelue shillings and then his cleere gaine is towards his freight custome forbearing the money and other charges fourescore and foure pound eight shillings About the end of Ianuary the Lord Deputy returned from Connaght to Dublyn and by the way receiued letters from Rowry O Donnell who now had vndertaken the prosecution of O Rorke and signified his determination to make a roade presently into his Countrey and to leaue some of his men to lie vpon him in some places of conuenient strength but his Lordship being come to Dublyn receiued another letter from the said Rory O Donnell vpon the eighteenth of February signifying that O Rorkes strength was much increased by the repaire of many chiefe Rebels into his Countrey so as for the present he was nether able to attempt O Rorke nor to defend himselfe from his attempts till the English forces should draw vp to assist him the hastning whereof he prayed and that he might haue leaue to put vp his Creaghtes for a time towards Ballishannon for his better safetie The fiue and twentieth of February the Lord Deputie wrote this following letter to the Lords in England and sent it by the hands of the Lord President of Mounster at this time going for England MAy it please your Lordships although I am vnwilling to enforme you often of the present estate of this Kingdome or of any particular accidents or seruices because the one is subiect to so much alteration and the other lightly deliuered vnto all that are not present with such vncertainety and that I am loath
true obedience to her royall person crown prerogatiue and lawes and to be in all things as farre and as dutifully conformable thereunto as I or any other Nobleman of this Realme is bound by the duty of a subiect to his Soueraigne or by the Lawes of this Realme vtterly renouncing and abiuting the name and title of O Neale or any other authoritie or claime which hath not beene granted or confirmed vnto mee by her Maiesty and that otherwise by the Lawes of this Realme I may not pretend inst interest vnto and I doe religiously sweare to performe so much as is aboue mentioned and the rest of these Articles subscribed by my owne hand as farre as shall any way lie in my power and to deliuer such pledges for the performance thereof as shall be nominated vnto me by the Lord Deputy I doe renounce and abiure all forraigne power whatsoeuer and all kind of dependancy vpon any other Potentate but her Maiesty the Queene of England France and Ireland and doe vow to serue her faithfully against any forraigne power inuading her Kingdomes and to discouer truely any practises that I doe or shall know against her roiall person or Crownes and namely and especially I doe abiure and renounce all manner of dependancy vpon the King or Estate of Spaine or treaty with him or any of his confederates and shall be ready with the vttermost of my ability to serue her Maiesty against him or any of his forces or confederates I doe absolutely renounce all challenge or intermedling with the Vriaghts or softering with them or other neighbour Lords or Gentlemen out of my Countrey or exacting any blacke rents of any Vriaghts or bordering Lords I doe resigne all claime and title to any lands but such as shall be now granted vnto me by her Maiesties Letters Pattents Lastly as the onely being a Subiect doth include all the duties of a Subiect so will I be content to be informed and aduised by her Magistrates here and will be conformable and assisting vnto them in any thing that may tend to the aduancement of her seruice and the peaceable gouernement of this Kingdome as namely for the abolishing of all barbarous customes contrary to the lawes being the seeds of all inciuility and for the cleering of difficult passages and places which are the nurseries of rebellion wherein I will employ the labours of the people of my Countrey in such sort and in such places as I shall be directed by her Maiesty or the Lord Deputy and Counsell in her name and will endeuour for my selfe and the people of my Countrey to erect ciuill habitations and such as shall bee of greater effect to preserue vs against theeues and any force but the power of the State by the which we must rest assured to be preserued as long as we continue in our duties This submission was presented by the Earle of Tyrone kneeling on his knees before the Lord Deputy and Counsell and in the presence of a great assembly At the same time the Earle promised to write vnto the King of Spaine for the recalling of his sonne from thence into Ireland and to doe the same at such time and in such words as the Lord Deputy should direct Likewise he vowed to discouer how farré he had proceeded with the King of Spaine or any other forraigne or domesticall enemies for past or future helpes and combinations Then the Lord Deputy in the Queenes name promised to the Earle for himselfe and his followers her Maiesties gratious pardon and to himselfe the restoring of his dignity of the Earledome of Tyrone and of his bloud and likewise new letters Pattents for all his lands which in his former letters had been granted to him before his rebellion excepting onely the Country possessed by Henrie Oge Oneale and the Fues possessed by Turlogh Mac Henrie to both which at their submission the Lord Deputie had formerly promised that they should hold the same immediately from the Queene to which ende this exemption and reseruation was now made of these Countries and the disposing of them left to her Maiesties power And likewise excepting and reseruing three hundred acres of land to bee laid to the Fort of Mountioy and three hundred more to the Fort of Charlemont during her Maiesties pleasure to hold any Garrisons in the said Forts To these exemptions of Henrie Oge and Turlogh Mac Henrie their Countries and themselues from the Earles right or power he gaue his full consent as likewise to the reseruation of the lands laid to the said Forts He promised to reduce his Countrie to pay her Maiestie like composition as Connaght now did and for long time had paied and to answere rising out of souldiers and all charges for aduancing her Maiesties seruice The third of Aprill the Lord Deputy hauing the Earle of Tyrone in his companie rode to Tredagh and from thence vpon the fourth day to Dublyn The next day an English ship arriued in that Hauen in which came Sir Henrie Dauers who brought with him letters from the Lords in England aduertising the Queens death and that Iames the first was proclaimed King of England Scotland France and Ireland the coppy of which Proclamation they sent to the end it should here be published in like sort Also in the same ship came one Master Liegh kinsman to the Lord Deputy who brought his Lordship a fauourable letter from the King out of Scotland This Master Liegh his Lordship presently graced with the honour of Knighthood And concerning the gentleman formerly spoken of whose seruant brought the first newes of the Queenes death I was not deceiued in the honour I did ominate to him as I haue formerly written for after he had followed my aduice in the manner of his imparting that important newes to the Lord Deputy his Lordship conceiued so good an opinion of him for his discretion and for the particular affection hee had expressed towards him by the tender of his seruice in following his fortune this doubtfull time as his Lordship did not onely by the way from Meltfant to Dublyn extraordinarily grace him and often call him not without some admiration of the better sort of his traine to ride by his side talking familiarly with him but now vpon his arriuall to Dublyn vpon this occasion of honouring his cozen Leigh did also knight him In the meane time according to the Lord Deputies commandement the Counsellers of the State the Noblemen Knights and chiefe Commanders of the Army then being at Dublyn assembled together in the Castle to whom his Lordship made knowne the Queenes death and the Kings Proclamation which he first then all in course signed and presently taking Horse with ioyfull acclamations published the same through the chiefe streets of Dublyn I cannot omit to mention that the Earle of Tyrone vpon the first hearing the Lord Deputies relation of the Queenes death could not containe himselfe from shedding of teares in such quantity as it could not well
scoffed at vs and to my great maruell the Citizens of good sort did not forbeare this barbarous vsage towards vs. The description of Naples and the Territory A Rome farre distant B Capua D Torre di Graco and the Mountaine Somma E The Mountaine Pausilippo F The Iland Nisita or Nisa G The Iland Procida H S. Martino as I thinke an Iland I Ischia an Iland K Caprca or Capre an Iland L Palmosa an Iland and beyond it the Syrenes Iland famous by tables M The Citie Caieta N Circello a famous Mountaine for the Witch Circe P The Bay of Baie or Pozzoli R Linternum now called Torre della Patria X The Promontory Miseno Y The Cape of Minerua Z The old Citie Cuma a The Gate of Capua b The Kings Gate c The Church S. Clara. d The Castle of S. Ermo eéeee Scattered houses f The Hauen g Il. Molle h The Castle deuouo k The Vice-Royes house l The new Castle m The Lake d'Agnano compassed with the Mountaine Astruno n Grotta del can ' o Solfataria p Pozzoii q Tripergola r The Lake of Auernus s Baie t Cento Camerelle v Piscina mirabile w The Elisian fields From the foresaid part on the East-side of the Citie where we entred by the a Gate of a Capua without the walls towards the land Eight miles frō the Citie lies D Torre di Graco now called Torre d'ottauio where Pliny writer of the Naturall history and Admirall of the Nauey of Augustus was neere the said sower choked with vapours while too curiously he desired to behold the burning of the Mountaine Vesunius now called Somma This Mountaine Somma is most high and vpon the top is dreadfull where is a gulfe casting out flames and while the windes inclosed seeke to breake out by naturall force there haue been heard horrible noises and fearefull groanes Therest of the Mountaine aboundeth with vines and Oliues and there growes the Greckewine which Pliny calles Pompeies wine and of this wine they say this place is called Torredi Graco The greatest burning of this Mountaine brake out in the time of the Emperour Titus the smoke whereof made the Sunne darke burnt vp the next territories and consumed two Cities Pompeia and Herculea and the ashes thereof couered all the fields of that territory It brake out againe in the yeere 1538 with great gaprig of the earth and casting downe part of the Mountaine The Pallace there taking the name of the next Village is called Pietra Biancha that is white stone which on the inside is all of marble decked with carued worke in the very Chambers and there is an Image of a Nymphe sleeping and lying vpon an earthen vessell out of which great quantity of water flowes and falls into Marble Channels wherein fish are kept as in pondes This Pallace was built in the yeere 1530 by a Counseller to the Emperour Charles the fifth At the foote of this Mountaine of old Decius the first of all the Roman Consuls did by vow giue himselfe for the Army And at the bridge of the Brooke Draco the last King of the Gothes Teius was slaine hauing three Bucklers all pierced with his enemies arrowes On the same East side comming backe to Naples yet the saide Mountaine lyes Northward you shall come to a stately Pallace which the Kings of Naples haue built and called it Poggio Reale being not aboue a mile from Naples There of old was seated the Citie Paleopolis and it lies in a most sweete Plaine From the said Pallace the way leades right to the Kingly b Gate called Porta Reale at which onely the King enters in solemne pompe and from this Gate right to the West lies a most faire and large streete called Strada Toletana the way whereof on both sides is raised with a faire and large pauement for men to walk vpon and it hath a faire Market-place When you come to the end of this streete there is the Church of Saint c Clara called vulgarly San ' chiara which was built by Agnes of Spaine wife to King Robert where are artificiall sepulchers of the said Robert comming of the French Kings and of his wife Agnes and of other Kings and Princes of the French family Durczzana And there in a Chappell the Monkes day and night sing with a lamentable voice or rather groane for the rest of their deceased soules In the Church of Saint Dominick is an Altar which they say cost some twenty fiue thousand Crownes and in the Vesterie lie the bodies of nine Kings in coffins of wood couered with peuter hauing black veluet laied ouer them Among these Kings are Alphonso the first King of Aragon and Ferdinand his sonne and Ferdinand the second And in this place also the Monkes in like sort sing or rather houle rest to their soules They shew a Crucifix which they say did speake to Thomas Aquinas in this manner Thomas thou hast written well of me what reward doest them aske And that Thomas should answere No reward Lordbut thy selfe onely I haue heard that Saint Bernard knowing the fraudes and impostures of the Monkes and not dissembling them when the Image of the blessed Virgin did in like sort praise him did with much more pietie and wisdome answere out of S. Paul 1. Cor. 14. Let women be silent in the Church for it is not permitted them to speake Not farre thence are the publike schooles of the Vniuersity which the Emperour Fredericke the second founded there In the most faire Church of the Monkes of Saint Oliuet the Images of Ferdinand the first and Alphonso the second are so liuely engrauen and doe so artificially represent them as well in the bed dying as vpon their knees praying with the mourning of the by-standers the horror of Religion being increased with lampes continually burning as my selfe by chance passing by this Chappell thought I had fallen among liuing Princes not dead Images and perhaps I haue seene a more sumptuous monument but a more beautifull did I neuer see In the little Church of the Hermitane Friers Saint Iohn in Carbonara is a monument of Robert King of Naples and of Ioane the first his sister of white marble being an Altar which the Italians thinke the most stately monumenr of Europe but for my part I dare not preferre it to some in Germany nor to many in England nor to the monuments of the Turkish Emperours Many tables are hung vp by vow in this Church There is a faire sepulcher of white marble erected to N. Caraccioli Marshall of the Kingdome I omit the most faire Church of Saint Mary of the Preachers almost all of marble and the Cathedrall Church called Episcopio and the Church of Saint Laurence Vpon the North-west and by-north part of the City is the Fort called d S. Eremo cut out in a high Rocke yet the ascent thereunto is so easie as a horse-man may well mount to the top Vpon this mountaines top lies a plaine in which this Castle is seated which commands
Iuly in the yeere 1597 our hearts beingfull of ioy that our mercifull God had safely brought vs thither This early hower of the morning being vnfit to trouble my friends I went to the Cocke an Inne of Aldersgate streete and there apparrelled as I was laid me downe vpon a bed where it happened that the Constable and watchmen either being more busie in their office then need was or hauing extraordinary charge to search vpon some foraine intelligence and seeing me apparrelled like an Italian tooke me for a Iesuit or Priest according to their ignorance for the crafty Priests would neuer haue worne such clothes as I then did But after some few howers when I awaked and while I washed my hands did inquire after my friends health dwelling in the same streete the Host of the house knowing me dismissed the watchmen that say to apprehend me and told me how I had been thus mistaken CHAP. V Of the iourney through England Scotland and Ireland HE that desires to see the Cities and Antiquities of England Scotland and Ireland let him reade the Chapter of the vsuall manner of all kingdomes to iourney and to hire Coches and horses and also the Chapter wherein these Kingdomes are Geographically described out of Camden or if he list rather let him reade Camden himselfe of this point and lastly let him in the same last named Chapter peruse the diet of these Kingdomes and the entertainement in Innes Touching the distances of places by miles first for England he shall easily find a little printed booke particularly setting downe the same For Scotland I will briefely set downe my iourney therein And for Ireland the Cities being rare and farre distant hee must haue a guide who may without great trouble inquire them out Onely giue me leaue for the helpe of strangers to adde this one thing namely how they being curious to search antiquities and loth to omit the light of things worthy of obseruation may to this purpose best dispose of their iournies which all other men may fit to their endes and purposes First let them passe out of Normandy to Rhye an English Hauen in Sussex then let them visit such of the fiue Kentish Ports as they please let them see Cânterbury famous for the Seate of the Metropolitan Archbishop then the Castle of Qüinborrough in the Iland of Shoppey and the Regall Nauy then let them passe by Rochester a Bishops Seate the Regall Pallace at Greenewich and Depford the Nauall storehouse and not farre thence see the broken ribbes of the ship wherein famous Sir Francis Drake compassed the World and so let them come to London When they haue viewed the Monuments of London and Westminster and seene the Kings Court they may take a cursory iourney to view such antiquities in Middlesex Surry and Barkshire as vpon the reading of Camden they shall most desire to see and especially all or the chiefe Pallaces of the King Againe from London they may take a cursory iourney to see the Vniuersity of Oxford and so by Worcester returne to London In their iourney to the confines of England and Scotland they may see the Vniuersitie of Cambridge and view the most choise antiquities mentioned by Master Camden in Harfordshire Northamptonshire Lincolnsheire Yorkeshire Durham and Northumberland My selfe vpon occasion of businesse in the month of Aprill and the yeere 1598 tooke a iourney to these said confines namely to Barwick a Towne then very strongly fortified by the English to restraine the sudden incursions of the Scots and abounding with all things necessary for food yea with many dainties as Salmons and all kindes of shell-fish so plentifully as they were sold for very small prices And here I found that for the lending of sixtie pound there wanted not good Citizens who would giue the lender a faire chamber and good dyet as long as he would lend them the mony Being to returne from Barwicke I had an earnest desire first to see the King of Scots Court So from hence I rode in one day fortie miles to Edenborrow the chiefe Citie of that Kingdome And in this said daies iourney after foure miles riding I came to Aton a Village where the Lord of Hames dwelles whose Family was powerfull in those parts After sixteene miles more I came to Dunbar which they said to haue been of old a Towne of some importance but then it lay ruined and seemed of little moment as well for the pouertie as the small number of inhabitants After the riding of eight miles more on the left hand towards the West and something out of the high way the pleasant Village Hadrington lay which the English in the raigne of Queene Elizabeth tooke and kept against the French who drawne ouer in the time of faction kept the Towne of Dunbar and fortified the same When I had ridden fiue miles further I came to the ancient and according to the building of that Kingdome stately Pallace of the L. Seton beautified with faire Orchards and Gardens and for that clime pleasant Not farre thence lyes the Village Preston-graung belonging to the Family of the Cars powerfull from these parts to the very borders of England within land After I had ridden three miles more I came to the Village Fisherawe neere which beyond a Brooke lyes the Village Musselborow in a stony soyle famous for a great Victorie of the English against the Scots On the left hand towards the West and something out of the high way the Queene of Scots then kept her Court in the absence of the King at the Village Dawkeith in a Pallace belonging to the Earle of Murray From the said Village Fishrawe I rode the rest of the way being foure miles and so in one dayes iourney as I said came to Edenborow seated in Lodouey of old called Fictland the most ciuill Region of Scotland being hilly and fruitfull of corne but hauing little or no wood This City is the seat of the King of Scotland and the Courts of Iustice are held in the same Of old according to the changeable fortune of warre it was sometimes in the possession of the Scots sometimes of the English inhabiting this Easterne part of Scotland till the English Kingdome being shaken with the inuasions of the Danes at last about the yeere 960. it became wholly in the power of the Scots This City is high seated in a fruitfull soyle and wholsome aire and is adorned with many Noblemens Towers lying about it and aboundeth with many springs of sweet waters At the end towards the East is the Kings Pallace ioyning to the Monastery of the Holy Crosse which King Dauid the first built ouer which in a Parke of Hares Conies and Deare an high mountaine hangs called the chaire of Arthur of Arthur the Prince of the Britanes whose monuments famous among all Ballad-makers are for the most part to be found on these borders of England and Scotland From the Kings Pallace at the East the City still riseth
for the vnderstanding of the former iournall THE Trauellers most commodious course is to deliuer into the hands of some Merchant those kinds of gold or siluer coynes which are of greatest value in those parts to which he takes his iourney with couenant to deliuer him by his Factor the same both in the Species or kind and in the number or to send them in that sort to him by a trusty messenger But the first course is not in vse besides that it is a difficult taske to find such diuers kinds in any particular place except it be from the Exchangers and Vsurers who vse not to serue another mans turne for profit or otherwise without their owne gaine and being most expert in such affaires are like to draw all the hoped profit to themselues And the second course threatens many dangers by robberies by confiscations of the transmitted Coynes and by the doubtfull credit of the messengers Particularly in England and France he that is knowne to carry great summes of money about him shall runne great danger to be robbed and in England the Law forbids any Traueller vpon paine of confiscation to carry more money about him out of the Kingdome then will serue for the expences of his iourney namely aboue twenty pounds sterling As likewise in France the like Law restraines the exporting of money allowing an Horseman from Lyons to Rome eighty crownes from Turine to Rome fifty and no more for his expences all greater summes found about him being subiect to confiscation yet I confesse that many wary Trauellers haue exported greater summes out of England into France and out of France into England and thereby with these hazards haue made great gaine But vpon the confines of Italy and the seuerall principalities thereof yea at the gates of each City in Italy most crafty Officers so curiously search into the breach of these Paenall Statutes and so narrowly prie into all mens carriage neuer wincking at any delinquent as there is no hope vpon breach of the Law to escape the penalty for these searchers are tied to more strict attention in this businesse that according to their Office they may beware least their Princes be defrauded of their Tributes And since very Iewels and the least toyes carried about passengers are subiect to frequent Tributes according to the frequent Principalities these good fellowes leaue nothing vnassaied in the wished discouery of these fraudes yea where they haue no iust suspition of fraud yet cease they not to trouble passengers in this kind till they haue extorted some bribe or gift from them Behold here a two horned danger as I may tearme it of the captious argument called Dilemma which trauellers cannot possibly escape in Italy who carry about them Iewels or great summes of money where they are in danger of confiscation if they hide them warily and of theeues if they shew them and pay due tributes for them For theeues namely men banished for notorious crimes lie continually vpon the confines of Princes very frequent in Italy and more specially of the Kingdome of Naples and of the Popes territory In Germany Bomerland Sweitzerland the Low-Countreys Denmarke Poland and Turkey passengers may carry summes of money about them with more security neither haue I there obserued any great danger therein so that the passenger affect not solitarinesse and be so wary as not to boast of his plenty Touching the diuers kinds of Coynes to be transported I forewarne the Reader that the gold Coynes of England and of France and aswell the siluer as gold Coynes of Spaine are in generall spent abroad with greatest gaine but euen the gold and siluer Coynes of other Princes are rarely currant out of their owne Dominions and can hardly be exchanged among Merchants without some losse Againe that hee who exports any gold coynes must take care to haue them of iust weight for such hee may disburse with gaine but shall beare losse in others that are lighter because they want the helpe of their Princes Prerogatiue where no man can be forced to receiue them Now I wil briefly shew which kinds of foraine coines are most valued in diuers states In England the gold and siluer coynes of Spaine and French Crownes are highly valued In Scotland the same coynes and as well in Scotland as Ireland moreouer the gold and siluer coynes of England are valued For Germany at Stode the English angels and all the gold coynes of England France and Spaine are most esteemed but if you passe into the vpper parts of Germany you must for your expences there change these coynes at Stode into the Rhenish gold guldens and siluer dollers of Germany But at Vienna and the confines of Hungary the Hungarian ducats are most currant In Bohmerland the Rheinish gold guldens the siluer dollers of Germany and the Hungarian ducats In Sweitzerland first the French Crownes of gold then the gold guldens and siluer dollers of Germany In Denmarke the siluer and gold coynes of England At Dantzk in Prussen and throughout all Poland the gold coynes of England and the gold guldens and siluer dollers of Germany and especially Hungarian ducats In France vpon the Sea coasts the Angels and gold coynes of England are currant but for your iourney further into the land you must change them into French Crownes and the siluer coynes of that Kingdome and the gold coynes of Spaine are very currant in all the Cities euen within the land In the Low Countries all coynes are currant they being most cunning exchangers and wanting many things yet drawing to them abundance of all forraine commodities so as they haue skill to draw gold out of the dung as he said of Ennius Yet they most esteeme the coynes of England Spaine and France In Turkey the gold zechines of Venice are most currant and preferred euen before their owne Sultanones of gold The coynes after them most esteemed and to be spent with most gaine are the siluer ryals of Spaine which the Italians call Pezzi d'otto and Pezzi di quattro pieces of eight and pieces of foure and the Turks call piastri and halfe piastri In Italy generally the gold coynes of Spaine are spent with most aduantage In the next place and more particularly at Venice and Naples the French Crownes are esteemed but in Italy more then any other place you must haue care they be of iust weight In generall all gold coynes may be put away with gayne at Venice but they being in other parts of Italy lesse valued or not currant hee that trauels higher must change them there into siluer Crownes of Italy and least the weight of them should be burthensome and he should chance to fall into the hands of theeues called Banditi banished men he shall do well to carry no more about him then will suffice for the expences of his iourney and to deliuer the rest to some Venetian Merchant of credit taking his bils of exchange or letters by which he may receiue them
Seintpoole and M r Serjeant Fleetwood Comptroller argued to the contrary and said that in all these cases new are to be chosen and the old discharged And that it needeth not to have discharge by the Judgment of the House but it sufficeth to make suggestion in the Chancery and to procure a Writ thereupon for a new Election And to question this was to discredit the Lord ly to bee paid at sight at vsance at halfe vsance and at double vsance which word vsance being not English I take to be borrowed of the Italian word vsanza signifying a manner or custome The word at sight imports present payment at halfe vsance a fortnight after the date at vsance a moneth at double vsance two moneths And thus to him that goes from London to Hamburg in Germany it is all one whether his bill of exchange be paid at sight or at halfe vsance since hce can hardly arriue there in lesse space then a fortnight But touching the exchange from London to Venice farther distant by the word vsance three moneths are signified and by double vsance six moneths The Turks Empier is so farre distant and the iourney sare so vncertaine as our Merchants vse no certaine rate of exchange thither neither indeed vse they to giue any billes of exchange but onely letters of credit to receiue set summes of money or at large as much as the traueller shall want of which third kinde of receiuing money in forraine parts I shall hereafter speake By the foresaid billes of exchange according to the foresaid opportunities the traueller commonly loseth and sometimes gaineth For my self am familiarly acquainted with a Merchant who tooke vp one hundred pounds at London to be paid by his Factor at Stode in Germany which Factor againe tooke vp the same hundred pounds at Stode to be paid by his Master at London and at foure moneths end he paied the same hauing by these bils of exchange made vse thereof all this time without one penny losse But in generall when great quantitie of money is to bee made ouer to any place from London the traueller shall lose after fiue in the hundred by the yeere and when small quantitie is to bee made ouer he shall lose after the rate of fifteene in the hundred by the yeere and ordinarily he shall lose about the rate of ten in the hundred by the yeere By reason of the aforesaid vncertaintie in receiuing money by billes of exchange as well by the slow sending of them as by the delay which Factors vse to make in paying them as also by the vsuall negligence of the trauellers friend who is to make ouer his mony or by his want of ready mony at the time I say for this vncertaintie lest the traueller should lose the season of the yeere fit to take iourneys by the expecting of his mony a third course of receiuing mony in forraine parts hath growne in vse namely that the traueller should take with him letters of credit from some Merchant of great trade to his Factor to furnish him from place to place of money either according to his want or for a certaine yeerely summe I confesse it is a more frugall course that he should first pay his money at home and after receiue it beyond the Seas then that he should first receiue it there and after repay it at home but I would aduise him to make ouer his money after the foresaid manner by billes of Exchange and withall to carry these letters of credit for abundant caution of all euents so as vpon any crosse accident he may rather incurre a small losse of money then the vnrecouerable losse of time Yet euen in money taken by letters of credit reckoning the time of the repaiment Merchants vse not to exact greater gaine then ten in the hundreth by the yeere especially if they be honest men or haue any bond of friendship with the traueller or his friends at home and be confident of repaiment without any doubt arising either by the trauellers sicknesse or by his friends ill keeping of their credit It remaines that I adde somewhat in generall out of my experience of the rate at which my selfe receiued money by the foresaid bils of exchange or letters of credit And first I will confesse my negligent omission in noting the rates of my exchanges whereof as a matter of moment I much repent me but for this reason the Reader must beare with me if I set the same downe more briefly then were fit for his instruction Our of England into Scotland and Ireland a Traueller shall haue many opportunities to carry monies Inspecie that is in kind or to exchange them without any losse The exchange out of England to Stoade or Hamburge in Germany vseth to beare this rate for a pound or twenty shillings sterling to receiue there fiue and twenty Hamburge shillings and sixe pence My selfe deliuered forty pounds in England and after the rate of twenty foure Hamburg shillings and eight pence for each English pound or at the rate of an imperiall doller vallued at foure shillings six pence English I receiued at Stoade forty nine Hamburg pounds six shillings and eight pence Hereof I kept in my purse ten dollers that is two Hamburg pounds and fifteene shillings the rest I left in a Merchants hands who sent me at diuers times to Leipzig first nine and thirty dollers that is ten Hamburg pounds foureteene shillings and six pence at another time threescore dollers that is sixteene Hamburg pounds ten shillings and the third time seuenty dollers that is nineteene Hamburg pounds fiue shillings These ioined together with two shillings paied to the Carrier for my letters make the foresaid summe of forty nine Hamburg pounds sixe shillings eight pence receiued vpon bill of exchange for my forty pound first paid in London Againe I tooke vp an Stode from an English Merchant seuenty dollers vpon my letters of credit and rating each doller at foure shillings eight pence English I gaue him a bill of sixteene pound sterling to be paid him by my friend in London From these parts in Germany a Traueller must carry with him the foresaid kinds of moneyes most currant in Germany when he takes his iourney to the vpper parts of Germany to Bohemia and to Sweitzerland or the confines of Hungary The exchange out of England into the Low-Countries vsually rateth an English pound sterling first paid in England at foure and thirty Flemmish shillings wanting two stiuers to be paid after in the Low-Countries In Denmarke Trauellers seldome make any long aboad and the trade of our Merchants is more rare in that Kingdome wanting natiue commodities so as there is no vsuall exchange from London thither From London to Dantzk in Prussen the exchange of an English pound sterling first paid in London vseth to be rated at foure and twenty Hamburg shillings and six pence to be paid there My selfe by letters of credit received fifty dollers at Dantzk and
penny halfe-penny whereof eight make an English penny The Irish Histories report that a Bishop Iustice of Ireland vnder Iohn King of England did coyne moneys in Ireland of the same purenes and weight with the English And the Irish had a Mint-house at the beginning of Queene Elizabeths raigne But in our memory the Irish haue not enioyed any priuiledge of coyning moneys but haue continually receiued them from the Mint of England And for the most part of Queene Elizabeths Raigne they had the same coyne with the English saue that the Irish shillings were stamped with a Harpe the Armes of the Kingdome and being called Harpers were only worth 9 pence English But ciuill warre hauing set all Ireland in a combustion the same Queene more easily to subdue the rebels did take siluer coyne from the Irish some few yeers before her death paid her Army with a mixed base coyne which by Proclamation was commanded to bee spent and receiued for sterling siluer mony for no pieces of gold were at any time expressely coyned for the Irish. And this base mixed money had 3 parts of copper and the fourth part of siluer which proportion of siluer was in some part consumed by the mixture so as the English Goldsmiths valued a shilling thereof at no more then 2 siluer pence though they acknowledged the same to be worth 2 pence halfe penny At last the ciuill warre being appeased immediately before the Queenes death King Iames her successor in the yeere 1605 took away this mixed coine restored their old siluer harpers to the Irish. Moreouer in the happy beginning of King Iames his Raigne the Irish had the vnder written old coynes which Sir George Carey Knight at that time Lord Deputie and yet continuing Treasurer at wars for that Kingdome did so gather vp as at this day none of them are to be found These coynes were thus called First they had siluer groats called broad faced groates which of old were coyned for foure pence though some of them were now worth eight pence Also they had siluer groats called crosse-keele groats stamped with the Popes tripple Crowne likewise coined for foure pence but being of more value And these groats were either sent hither of old by the Popes or for the honour of them had this stampe set vpon them Lastly they had siluer groats of like value called Dominus groats of the Kings of England then called Domini that is Lords of Ireland Also they had Rex groats so called of the Kings of England after they had the stile of Kings of Ireland which were coyned for foure pence but by the mixture of copper were onely worth two pence Also they had white groats which were coyned for foure pence but of such base allay as nine of them were giuen for an English shilling They had little brasse pence and pence of a second kinde called Harpers being as big as an English shilling They had also brasse farthings called smulkins whereof foure made a penny Lastly there were lately found brasse coynes by plowing vp the earth whose stampe shewed that the Bishops of Ireland had of old the priuiledge of coyning And of all these moneys aforesaid some were coyned at London some at the Mint at Yorke and some at the Mint at Bristow in England Being to write of the diuers moneys of Germany I thinke fit first to set downe some Lawes of the Empire about coyning of moneys In the Diet or Parliament at Augsburg in the yeere 1551. it was decreed by the Emperour together with the Electors Princes States the Counsellors of those that were absent the Ambassadours and Substitutes that in the greater pieces of coynes to that piece included which is worth six creitzers the Mint-masters of a marke of Colen pure siluer should make eight gold guldens and a halfe with halfe a creitzer the gold gulden being esteemed at seuentie creitzers making in siluer ten guldens twelue creitzers and a halfe the siluer gulden being esteemed at sixtie creitzers And that hereafter in the sacred Empire the vnder written pieces of moneys should be coyned namely the great siluer piece and two halfes of the same answering in value to a gold gulden Also pieces of twenty creitzers twelue ten sixe three and one Also that the States according to the conditions of their Countreys should coyne for common vse certaine pieces of small moneys with pence and halfe pence That the Rhenish guldens of the Electors and the guldens answerable to them should be worth seuentie two creitzers And that all dollers being worth sixty six creitzers and so half dollers should be admitted by the Counsellers but for the rest that they should certifie the Emperor the true value of each to the end he might prescribe how each coyne according to the value made by them should be receiued and spent or prohibited And left the Empire should by fraudes suffer losse in the carrying out of vncoyned siluer and bringing in of forraine moneys it was in the means time decreed that no man should carry out of the Empire any vncoyned siluer and that those who had the Regall priuiledge of coyning should not fell the same to any other but vseit themselues with this condition that hereafter of a siluer marke of Colen weight they should make ten siluer guldens with twelue creitzers and a halfe the gulden being esteemed at sixtie creitzers so as in that summe there should be found a siluer Marke of the said weight excepting alwaies the charges of coyning for the smaller pieces of moneys And this to bee done vpon penaltie of losing that priuiledge Moreouer it was decreed that vpon paine of burning all men should abstaine from clipping and washing of coynes or any abasing of them with like fraudes Lastly it was decreed that the States hauing the priuiledge of coyning should not hereafter vpon penaltie bring any dollers guldens groshes or halfe or fourth parts of groshes to the mint excepting those who had mines of their owne who were not sorbidden to coyne as much gold and siluer as they had in their owne mines so they coyned according to the foresaid decree and that no other should coine any other gold then according to the value and weight vsed by the Emperor and the Princes of the Empire vpon the Rheine In the Dieta at Spyre in the yeere 1557 it was decreed that hereafter the stipends should be increased to the Assessors of the Imperiall Chamber so as a Gulden hauing beene giuen hitherto for 16. Batzen or sixty foure Creitzers should hereafter be paied from the Callends of Aprill in the yeere 1558 for seuenty seuen Creitzers Likewise in the Dieta at Augsburg in the yeer 1558 it was decreed that the following stipends should be paid to the Iudge and Assessors of that chamber Namely that the Iudge being an Earle or Baron should haue 2000. guldens and if he were a Prince his stipend should be increased That an Assessor being an Earle or Lord should haue
to Healing my deare Sister Faith Mussendines house being situate neere the South banke of Humber in the Countie of Lincolne In which place and my deare sister Iane Alingtons house neere adioyning whilest I passed an idle yeere I had a pleasing opportunitie to gather into some order out of confused and torne writings the particular obseruations of my former Trauels to bee after more delibrately digested at leasure After this yeere spent in Countrey solace the hopes of preferment drew me into Ireland Of which iourney being to write in another manner then I haue formerly done of other Countries namely rather as a Souldier then as a Traueler as one abiding in Campes more then in Cities as one lodging in Tents more then in Innes to my former briefe discourse of the iourneys through England and Scotland I haue of purpose added there out of my ordinary course the like of Ireland onely for trauellers instruction I am now to treate of the famous and most dangerous Rebellion of Hugh Earle of Tyrone calling himselfe The Oneale a fatall name to the chiefe of the sept or Family of the Oneales and this I will doe according to the course of the former Part namely in this place not writing Historically but making only a Iournall or bare narration of daily accidents and for the rest referring the discourse of Ireland for all particulars to the seuerall heads wherein each point is ioyntly handled through all the Dominions of which I haue written Onely in this place for the better vnderstanding of that which I principally purpose to write I must craue leaue to fetch some short re membrances by the way of preface higher then the time of my owne being in Ireland in the Lord Mountioy his Gouernement About the yeere 1169 not to speake of the kind of subiection which the Irish are written to haue acknowledged to Gurguntius and some Brittan Kings Henry the 2 being himself distracted with French affaires gaue the Earle of Strangbow leaue by letters Patents to aide Dermot Morrogh King of Lemster against the King of Meath And this Earle marrying Eua the daughter of Dermot was at his death made by him heire of his Kingdome Shortly after King Henrie himselfe landed at Waterford and whilst he abode in Ireland first Dermott Mac Carthy King of Corcke and the South part of Mounster and Dunewald Obzian King of Limrick and the North part of Mounster then Orwark King of Meath and Roderick King of Connaght by singular priuiledge ouer the rest called the King of Ireland and the aboue named King of Lemster yet liuing did yeeld themselues vassals vnto King Henrie who for the time was saluted Lord of Ireland the title of King being first assumed by acte of Parliament to King Henrie the eight many yeeres after In the said Henrie the seconds raigne Sir Iohn de Courcy with foure hundred voluntary English souldiers sent ouer did in fiue battailes subdue Vlster and stretcht the bounds of the English pale as farre as Dunluce in the most Northerne parts of Vlster About 1204 Iohn Courcy of English bloud Earle of Vlster and Connaght did rebel and was subdued by Hugh Lacy. About 1210 the Lacies of English bloud rebelling were subdued by King Iohn who after some three moneths stay returned backe into England where the Lacies found friends to be restored to their Earledome of Vlster About 1291 O-Hanlon some Vlster Lords troubling the peace were suppressed by the English Colonies From 1315 to 1318 the Scots made great combustions in Ireland to whom many Irish families ioyned themselues and both were subdued by the English Colonies In the yeere 1339 generall warre was betweene the English Colonies and the Irish in which infinite number of the Irish perished Hitherto Ireland was gouerned by a Lord Iustice who held the place sometimes for few yeeres sometimes for many In the yeere 1340 Iohn Darcy an Englishman was made Iustice for life and the next yeere did exercise the place by his owne Deputy which neither before nor after I find to haue been granted to any but some few of the Royall bloud About the yeere 1341 the English-Irish or English Colonies being degenerated first began to be enemies to the English and themselues calling a Parliament wrote to the King that they would not indure the insolencies of his Ministers yet most of the Iustices hitherto were of the English-Irish or English borne in Ireland About the yeere 1361 Leonel Duke of Clarence was made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland and sometimes left his Deputy to gouerne it This Duke being Earle of Vlster and Lord of Connaglit by the right of his wife came ouer with an Army of some 1500 by pole and quieted the borders of the English Pale in low Lemster Hereformed the English-Irish growne barberous by imbracing the tyrannicall Lawes of the Irish most profitable to them which caused them likewise to take Irish names and to vie their language and apparrell To which purpose good Lawes were made in Parliament and great reformation followed aswell therein as in the power of the English for the leuen yeeres of his Lieutenancy and after till the fatall warres of Turke and Lancaster Houses And hitherto most of the Iustices were English-Irish About the yeere 1400 Richard the second in the eighteenth yeere of his Raigne came with an Army of foure thousand men at Armes and thirtie thousand Archen fully to subdue the Irish but pacified by their submissions and no act of moment otherwise done he returned with his Army into England After to reuenge the death of the Earle of March his Lieutenant he came againe with a like Army but was soddenly recalled by the arriuall of Henry the 4 in England During the said Kings Raigne Ireland was gouerned by his Lord Lieutenunts sent from England and in the Raignes of Hen. the 4 and Hen. the 5 by Iustices for the most part chosen of the English-Irish only the Lord Scroope for 8 yeres was Deputy to Thomas the second son to Hen. the 4 who was L. Lieutenant of Ireland This I write out of the Annals of Ireland printed by Camden In which from the first Conquest of Ireland to the following warres betweene the Houses of Yorke and Lancaster in England I find small or no mention of the Oneals greatnesse among the Irish Lords And I find very rare mention of any seditions in Vlster especially among the Northerne Irish so as that Prouince from the first Conquest to these ciuill English warres doth thereby seeme to haue beene one of the most peaceable and most subiect to the English Neither reade I therein of great forces or summes of mony lent out of England into Ireland except voluntaries and the cursary iourneys of King Iohn and King Richard the second but rather that for the most part all seditions as well betweene the English-Irish and the meere Irish as between the English-Irish themselues were pacified by the forces and expences of the same Kingdome During the
Captaine Richard Pluncket 100. Captaine Mostian 100. Captaine Tibot ne long 100. Captaine Walter Floyd 150. Captaine Thomas Roper 150. Captaine Oliuer Burke 100. Captaine Thomas Burke 100. Captaine Dauid Bourke 100. Horse at Carickfergus Neale Mas Hugh 30. Foote at Carickfergus Sir Arthur Chichester 200. Sir Richard Percy 150. Captaine Eington 100. Captaine Norton 100. Horse at the Newry Sir Samuel Bagnol 50. Foote at the Newrie Sir Samuel Bagnoll 200. Captaine Edward Blaney 150. Captaine Freckleton 100. Captaine Iosias Bodley 150. Captaine Francis Stufford 100. Captaine Toby Cawfeild 150. Captaine Leigh 100. Foote at Dundalke Captaine Egerton 100. Captaine Bingley 150. Captaine Basset 100. Foote at Atherde Sir Garret Moore 100. Captaine Roe 100. Horse at Kells and Nauan Lord of Dunsany 50. Sir Garret Moore 25. Foote at Kells and Nauan Lord Audley 200. Lord Dunsany 150. Sir Fulk Conway 150. Sir Christopher Saint Laurence 200. Sir Henry Dockwra 200. Sir Iohn Chamberlaine 150. Captaine Iohn Sidney 100. Captaine Ralph Sydley 100. Captaine Roger Atkinson 100. Captaine Heath 150. Captaine Nelson 100. Captaine Hugh Rely 100. Horse at Trym Sir Grisson Markham 50. Foote at Trym Sir Charles Piercy 200. Captaine Roger Orme 100. Captaine Alford 100. Foote at Leax and the Barow side Sir Warham Saint Leger 150. Sir Francis Rush 150. Captaine Iohn Fitz-Piers 150. Master Hartpoole 10. Foote at Eniscorthy Sir Oliuer Lambert 200. Sir Richard Masterson 150. Horse in and about the Nasse The Earle of Kildare 50. Captaine Richard Greame 50. Captaine Thomas Gifford 2. Captaine George Greame 12. Captaine Thomas Lee 12. Foote in and about the Nasse Earle of Kildare 150. The Earle of Southampton 200. Sir Matthew Morgan 150. Sir Thomas Loftus 100. Captaine Walter Mac Edmond 100 Captaine Edward Loftus 100. Captaine Thomas Williams 150. Captaine Thomas Lee 100. Captaine William Eustace 100. Captaine Esmond 150. Captaine Iohn Masterson 100. Captaine Ellys Flood 100. Captaine R. Treuor 100. Foote at Mullingar The Lord of Deluin 150. Captaine Thomas Mynne 100. Captaine William Stafford 100. Captaine Lionel Ghest 100. Captaine William Winsor 100. Captaine Thomas Cooche 100. Captaine Garret Dillon 100. Foote in Ophaly Sir Henrie Cooly 20. Sir Henry Warren 100. Sir Edward Fitz-gerald 100. Sir George Cooly 20. Horse at Kilkenny The Earle of Ormond 50. Sir Oliuer Lambert 25. Sir Walter Butler 50. Sir Cristopher Saint Laurence 30. Captaine Garret Fleming 25. Captaine William Taffe 50. Foote at Kilkenny The Earle of Ormond 200. Sir Carew Reynel 150. Sir Henrie Follyot 150. Captaine Richard Croft 100. Captaine Henry Sheffeild 100. Captaine Nicholas Pinner 100. Foote at Ballymore and O Carrols Countrie Captaine Francis Shane 100. Captaine Edward Lister 100. Sir Charles O Carrol 100. Horse and Foote at Newcastle Sir William Warren 50 horse Sir William Warren 100 foote Foote at Athboy and Phillipstown Sir Richard Moryson 200. Sir George Bourcher 100. Foote at Dublin Sir Henrie Foulkes commanding the Lord Lieutenants Guard 200. Horse at Fingall and the Nauan Sir William Euers 100. The Earle of Southamptons troope commanded by Captaine Iohn Iephson 100. Sir Henry Dauers 100. Horse in the Countie of Dublin Sir Hen. it Harrington 25. Sir Edward Herbert 12. Sir Gerald Aylemer 13. Morrogh Mac Teig Oge 10. Foote vndisposed Sir Iohn Talbot 22. Totall of Horse one thousand two hundred thirtie one Totall of Foote fourteene thousand foure hundred twenty two The foresaid Lords Iustices being left to gouerne Ireland vpon the Lord Lieutenants sudden departure did easily rule the vnweldy Helme of this Kingdome so long as the Sea was caline by the continuance of that truce formerly mentioned to bee made betweene the Lord Lieutenant and Tyrone which was then concluded for sixe weekes and so from sixe to sixe weekes till the Calends of May except either of them should giue fourteene daies warning of their purpose to breake the same But about the beginning of December Tyrones party entring into acts of hostility the Lords Iustices sent Sir William Warren to expostulate with him the cause of this breach He answered that he had not broken the Truce hauing according to the condition thereof giuen them fourteene dayes warning And that he had so done because the Earle of Essex being imprisoned in England in whom he had placed all the confidence of his life and estate he was resolued not to relye on the Councell of that Kingdome who had formerly delt deceitfully with him therein Finally that he could not now renew the truce though hee neuer so much desired it since hee had already sent Odonnel into Connaght and diuers of his confederates into other parts to renew the warre Thus much their Lordships aduertised into England by letters full of diffidence professing that they feared the rebels would presently assault the English Pale Likewise some ill affected to the Earle of Essex aduertised that among the Rebels a common rumor was spread and that no doubt from Tyrone that England would shortly be in combustion within it selfe which increased the suspitions already conceiued of the foresaid conference had betweene the Earle and Tyrone to the great preiudice of the Earle being in durance Now her Maiestie receiuing these aduertisements and further vnderstanding that the rebels daily increased in number and courage that the meere Irish aspired to liberty and that the English Irish if perhaps well affected yet were daunted by the ill successe of the Queenes affaires whose great expences and Royall Army they had seene vanish into smoke and were besides exasperated with an old griefe to be excluded themselues from the Gouernement while English Deputies were daily sent to command them And hauing intelligence that Tyrone full of pride did euery where bost himselfe as Champion of the Iish Liberty and Romish Religion euery where receiuing to his protection and cherishing all seditious persons helping the weake with succours confirming the diffident with strong hopes and that he was growne confident to roote out the English Gouernement aswell by former successes as by the succour of the King of Spaine who already had sent him some munition and a little mony with bragging promises of greater supplies and by the faire promises and large indulgences sent from the Pope with a Crowne of Phoenix fethers perhaps in imitation of Pope Vrban the third who sent Iohn the sonne to King Henry the second then made Lord of Ireland a little Crowne wouen of Peacocks feathers Her Maiestie I say hauing these aduertisements finding thereby that it was high time to make strong opposition to this rebellious monster made choice of Charles Blonnt Lord Mountioy to be Deputy of Ireland whom her Highnesse had the last yeere purposed to imploy in that place At which time the Earle of Essex though linked in neere friendship with him yet secretly opposed this her Maiesties determination alleaging that the Lord Mountioy had small experience in martiall affaires saue that he had gained in the small time he serued in the Low-Countries adding that he was too bookish
Dungannon and vtterly waste all the country of Tyrone vnto the which course if we be driuen we must resolue to make the warre this following winter in Connaght first leauing the Northern border in good strength which we hope will reduce that Prouince ruine O Donnel for if we keepe him out of Connaght he cannot long subsist and so we hope for the continuall assurance of that Prouince to plant the next yeere at Ballishannon with facilitie But if the planting of so many Garisons doe seeme by continuing the greathesse of the Armie to draw on too long her Maiesties charge wee doe first thinke that to recouer this Kingdome and to preserue it from being hereafter chargeable it will bee necessary that Ballishannon Loughfoyle some Garrisons on the Ban Lecayle Mount Norreys Armagh Blackwater and some other places be continually kept all which places may be euer victualed by Sea or they being neare together without any dangerous passage betweene them by land may be victualed by Sea and land without any further force then their owne And if there be in euery Fort some little Keepe or Tower of stone built then as the warres decrease or occasion shall serue the places may bee guarded with a few men and so continue bridles in peace and fit places to put in more men to great purpose when the rebellion shall at any time breake out Neither neede these little Castles bee workes of any great charge for they may be easily made such as this people will hardly force them To proceede in our proiect of this Summer seruice The victuals alreadie contracted for must-arriue in due time and your Lordships supply vs with good quantities hereafter For our onely way to ruine the rebels must be to make all possible wast of the meanes for life which done if we be not supplied out of England we shall aswell starue our selues as them but especially where wee must make the warre which is farre from the reliefe of any friend and where nothing is to be gotten from the enemy except it be by great chance since what is in their Countries they wil lightly either hide or spoile or conuey to inaccessable Fastnesses And because the greatest seruice here is to be done by long and sudden iournies which cannot be done without victuall and no victuall but cheese well carried by the souldier without garons or carriage Iades we must humbly desire your Lordships to send vs some great quantities of cheese In the prouision whereof whatsoeuer inconueniences your Lordships shal find we assure you they will be ten times counteruailed in the seruice Lastly because the Army is already weak of English and this iourny without the extraordinary fauor of God must needs diminish them much as wel by the sword as sicknes we most humbly and earnestly desire your L ps assoone as conueniently may bee to send vs 1000 shot to Carlingford for supplies that at our returne we may both strengthen those English Companies which we meane to leaue behind vs in the North and such as wee carry with vs for the Winter seruice The time will be exceeding fit for their arriuall for besides the succour we may receiue from them if we grow very weake at our returne they will come ouer well cloathed against the Winter and may haue timë to rest and to be seasoned till Christmas till when in these warres it is the most vnactiue part of the yeere and then may bee imployed till the end of May which is the onely season to plague these rebels and when the Summer is past wherein those rogues reuiue and liue like flies then our Garrisons being well planted and the Army strengthened with English wee may begin to cast the Irish Companies and to cleare the English Companies of them For they must continue good subiects or starue if they goe out and haue the Queenes sword hang ouer them wheresoeuer they goe In the meane time we thinke them necessarily entertained for wee take so many men from the Rebels and by them giue vnto our selues facilitie to plant the foundation of their owne ruine and both with vs and against vs to wast them by themselues For if wee should not entertaine them they would-lie vpon some Countric of the subiect and except it were defended by as many as themselues they would waste and liue vpon it so that in effect the very numbers entertained would grow all to one reckoning And for a more particular instance of the benefit that ensueth the entertaining these Irish we thinke we can giue your Lordships an account of aboue one hundred that haue this yeere been killed with the bullet fighting on our side who were formerly rebels for of such wee speake and questionlesse would haue been so againe if they had liued and should haue been put out of the Queenes pay Wee humbly desire your Lordships to make a fauourable construction both of our counsels and the successes since those grounds whereupon we doe now iustly build our resolution may by their alteration giue vs iust cause to alter our course and the want of such meanes either in matter or time as we expect may vtterly hinder it And that more especially in case any forraine succours doe arriue For then the whole frame of this our proiect is broken and we must be presently relieued out of England or else we with this Kingdome shall suffer much hazard And because your Lordships in your last letters gaue vs some light that it might be and leaue to informe you what likelihood wee could here receiue that it would be wee haue first the intelligence which we send your Lordships with many other reports Next we haue a constant and of late an extraordinary conceiued confidence in this people And lastly we iudge what a wise and a powerfull enemie will doe by that which is best and easie for him to doe So as wee haue many reasons to thinke that Spaine will send them helpes this yeere and few to thinke otherwise saue that he hath so often deceiued their expectations For if the malice of Spaine continue to England they haue an easie and dangerous step thereto by Ireland and if they doe not imbrace the occasion of this yeere there is no doubt but the next will for euer loose it vnto them Now because it must please your Lordships to proportion our succours to the force we are likely to be offended with and that from vs you will expect our owne effates it may please your Lordships to consider that the power of this Kingdome consisteth of her Maiesties English Army of such Irish as are here in Companies by themselues or in English Companies to serue as mercenaries of the Nobilitie Townes and inbred people of this Nation which liue as subiects and lastly of such meere Irish Lords and their people as were lately reclaimed or still remaine in rebellion The English are few and farre dispersed the Irish that serue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 many and therefore likely
to follow their golden hopes of 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 Townes and People are of so obstinate a contrariety in Religion 〈◊〉 without question they are grow 〈◊〉 malicious to the Gouernement and affect 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the power of Spaine to declare themselues the Irish Lords 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the same motiues as they against vs in their last necessitie to ioyne with 〈◊〉 And all these especially the Townes are more stirred on by this new coine 〈◊〉 though if the 〈◊〉 of Spaine doe not arriue may securely be established yet if 〈◊〉 it 〈◊〉 breede many dangerous inconueniences It may therefore please her 〈◊〉 to haue in a readinesse sixe thousand of the trained Bands of such Countries 〈◊〉 best for transporting into Ireland to be sent ouer into Mounster vpon the first 〈◊〉 of any 〈◊〉 power to be arriued there and some part of her Nauy in a readinesse 〈◊〉 a greater portion of munition and artillerie for vs then otherwise this warre 〈◊〉 require We doe hope to giue her Maiestie a very good account of her Kingdome and of our selues vntill wee shall haue cause to sue for more reliefe And if it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fall out that Spaine will haue warre with England we shall be glad that the 〈◊〉 of England may be made in Ireland and that wee her poore seruants shall haue the happinesse to strike the first blowes for both her Royall Kingdoms the which the 〈◊〉 God preserue long vnto her and her vnto them and vs c. The same fourteenth day from the said Campe at the Fagher his Lordship wrote to Sir Henrie Dockwra Gouernour of Loughsoyle first touching his Lordships purposes That the generall hoasting being the last of Iune his Lordship presumed within 〈◊〉 dayes after to be prouided of all meanes to put at the forces in action according to their distribution the proiect whereof he sent to him inclosed and to bee himselfe as high as Armagh with such a power as Tyrone should haue good reason to thinke that he would doe somewhat more and in the meane time he would God willing keepe the field as neere Tyrone as his meanes would giue him leaue So as his Lordship hauing planted at Armagh and Blackwater hoped either by lying there to facilitate his planting of Ballishannon from Loughfoyle or to breake into Tyrone and meete him there And if Tyrones Army should breake as his Lordship expected he thought to find no great difficulty herein but otherwise held the passage to Dungannon not to be ventured that way But touching the planting at Ballishannon that Sir Henrie Dockwra should not build vpon any supplies from his Lordship of victuals munition or tooles for artillery that he might vse that he had at Loughfoyle and either bring it back by water or be after supplied thereof from Dublin For munition tooles and like necessaries that his Lordship could spare none if he could yet had no speedy meanes to send them For intelligence that he had sent him a Cipher which he might vse safely in writing to his Lordship not caring how the messengers sped so the letters were not vnderstood That he had sent the like Cipher to Sir Arthur Chichester at Knockfergus with whom he should haue often intelligence and might that way write most safely to his Lordship That when he knew his owne meanes and by his Lordships proiect should find him in readinesse to answere his attempts he should chuse his 〈◊〉 for planting Ballishannon and as neere as he could send his Lordship certaine notice of the time and vse all possible expedition But if he could not plant there 〈◊〉 want or difficulty that then hee should agree with Sir Arthur Chichester that they might both at one time breake into Tyrone where his Lordship vpon notice 〈◊〉 would meete them in which iourney besides all other effects of warre they should 〈◊〉 all the dwellings and destroy the corne on the ground 〈◊〉 might bee 〈◊〉 by incamping vpon it and cutting it downe with swords and other waies holding 〈◊〉 best they should spoile all the corne except that which he could gather wherein he should not regard the 〈◊〉 of the Irish Submitties in his Campe. The 〈◊〉 fourteenth day wee dislodged from the Fagher and leauing the Moyry 〈◊〉 with Warders to guard it and the workemen being to build a Tower 〈◊〉 keepe of 〈◊〉 we marched eight miles and incamped at Carickbane a little beyond the Newrie The fifteenth his Lordship rose and marching some fifteene miles incamped in Enagh the Countrie of Mac Gennis The late Rebels neere Dundalke being all submitted his Lordship had drawne Sir Richard Moryson with his Regiment from that Gouernement purposing to place him in Lecayle neerer to the enemie And intending to march thither with the Army the next day left the rebels should haue leasure to burne the Countrie and carry away the prey his Lordship sent Sir Richard Moryson this euening with sixe Companies of Foote and one of Horse to march all night into Lecayle who comming suddenly on the rebels tooke all the prey and intaking of Downe Patrick the Bishops seate one of the Bradyes was taken and his head cut off the rest yeelding to mercy there and in all adioyning places Here his Lordship was aduertised from the Secretarie of Ireland that the newes of the Spanish inuasion this Summer was seconded from diuers comming from Cales The sixteenth day his Lordship marched with the Army through high Mountaines and Woods and some dangerous paces seuen miles to the Blackstaffe tiuer neare a strong Castle called Dundrom lying on the North side of the Paces where the plaine Countrie opens into Lecayle being an Iland compassed on the West side with this Riuer and on the three other sides with the sea and two small armes thereof This night his Lordship with some horse passed the Blackstaffe bridge and rode three miles into Lecayle to view the Countrie In the way Phelim Mac Euer submitted himself and yeelded to the Queene his Castle of Dundrom Also Mac Carty submitted himselfe and drew his creaghts or cattle seruants and goods into Lecayle His Lordship returned to the Camp and the next day rode to Downe Patrick and thence by Saint Patricks Well to Arglasse being sixe miles in which Towne two Castles yeelded to the Queene and the Warders vp on their liues saued gaue vp their Armes A third Castle there had been held for the Queene all the time of the rebellion by one Iordane neuer comming out of the same for three yeeres past till now by his Lordships comming he was freed and to him was giuen a reward from the Queene by Concordatum besides his Lordships bounty of his priuate purse After dinner his Lordship rode two miles to Russels Towne and foure miles to the Campe at Blackstaffe The eighteenth day Mat Rory Captaine of Kilwarden adioyning was receiued to the Queenes mercy vpon his submission And Sir Arthur Chichester Gouernor of Knockfergus all this day expected came in the euening to whom his Lordship that night
my selfe into any part of Ireland with my chiefe strength but I may happen to be as farre from their discent as I shall bee where now I am which maketh me the more loth to forgoe my hold in these parts and yet for all occasions you must not imagine me to be now in the head of a great Army but of some sixteene hundred fighting men of whom there are not halfe English and vpon the newes of Spanish succours I know few Irish that I can reckon ours With this Army I must make my retreat which I resolued to haue left most part in Garrisons all this winter in these quarters and in truth Sir I cannot at this present thinke of a better counsel then that we might goe on with the warre by these Garrisons against Tyrone as wee were determined whether the Spaniards come or no and to make head against them chiefely with meanes out of England By this course they shall giue each other little assistance and if we doe but ruine and waste the traytors this Winter it will bee impossible for the Spaniards to make this people liue by which course I presume it is in her Maiesties power to giue the King of Spaine a great blow and to quit this Country of them for euer If in the checkes the Queene doe not finde the weakenesse of her Army I disclaime from the fault for without a wise honest Muster-master of good reputation to be still present in the Army the Queene in that kinde wil neuer be well serued and vpon those Officers that are I doe continually call for their care in that matter If according to our desire you had sent vs one thousand supplies of shot to the Newrie it had aduanced the seruice more then I can expresse but some you must needs send vs to be able to leaue those garisons strong in winter Most part of these troops I haue here are they that haue stricken all the blowes for the recouerie of the Kingdome and been in continuall action and therefore you must not wonder if they be weake If Sir Henrie Dockwra do not plant Ballishannon I thinke it fit that Sir Arthur Chichester had a thousand men of his List whom I hope we would finde meanes to plant within foure or fiue miles of Dungannon and by boats victuall them commodiously I doe apprehend the consequence of that plantation to be great but till I heare from you againe I wil take no men from Loughfoyle because I am loth to meddle much with that Garrison without direction but I besecch you Sir by the next let me know your opinion I pray you Sir giue me leaue to take it vnkindly of my L President to informe you that Sir Hen. Dockwra hath had greater fauor in the nomination of Captaines thē he for he neuer placed but one whom I displaced after To haue some left to his nomination is more then I could obtaine when the last supply came to me But since it is the Queenes pleasure I must beare this and as I doe continually a great deale more with patience And though I am willing you should know I haue a iust feeling of these things yet I beseech you Sir to beleeue that my meaning is not to contest or to impute the fault vnto you for by God Sir where I professe my loue in the same kind I haue done to you they shall bee great matters that shall remoue me although they may and I desire that I may let you know when they do moue me I do only impute this to my misfortune that I perceiue arguments too many of her Maiesties displeasure but while for her owne sake she doth vse my seruice I will loue whatsoeuer I suffer for her and loue the sentence that I will force from the conscience of all and the mouth of the iust that I haue been and will be an honest and no vnprofitable seruant vnto her I dare vndertake we haue rid my Lord President of the most dangerous rebell of Mounster and the most likely man to haue renewed the rebellion for that night I receiued your letters the rogues did powre aboue three thousand shot into our Campe at which time it was our good fortune to kill Peirce Lacie and some other of their principall men Wee are now praying for a good wind for wee are at our last daies bread if victuals come in time we will not be idle Sir if I haue recommended any into England I am sure it was for no charge for I know none that haue gone from hence but there are many that continue here more worthy of preferment then they therefore I pray Sir let them not be reckoned mine that there challenge any thing for me but whatsoeuer shall please their Lordships I must be contented withall and it shall not much trouble mee for I meane not to make the warres my occupation and doe affect asmuch to haue a great many followers as to bee troubled with a kennel of hounds But for the Queenes sake I would gladly haue her serued by such as I know to be honest men and vnhappy is that Generall that must fight with weapons of other mens choosing And so Sir being ashamed that I haue troubled you so long I desire you to be assured that no man shall loue you more honestly and faithfully then my selfe From the Campe neere Mount Norreys this ninth of August 1601 Yours Sir most assured to doe you seruice Mountioy Touching the aboue mentioned distate betweene the Lord Deputy and the Lord President of Mounster his Lordship shortly after wrote a letter to him resenting himselfe in very high tearmes of the wrong he conceiued to be offered him as followeth in his Lordships letter MY Lord as I haue hitherto borne you as much affection and as truely as euer I did professe it vnto you and I protest reioyced in all your good successes as mine owne so must you giue me leaue since I presume I haue so iust cause to challenge you of vnkindnes wrong in writing into England that in preferring your followers Sir Henry Dockwra hath had more power from me then your selfe and consequently to solicite the Queene to haue the nomination of some Captaines in this Kingdome For the first I could haue wished you would haue beene better aduised because vpon my Honour he neuer without my speciall warrant did appoint but one whom I after displaced I do not remember that euer since our comming ouer I haue denied any thing which you haue recommended vnto me with the marke of your owne desire to obtaine it and in your Prouince I haue not giuen any place as I thinke but at your instance For the other I thinke it is the first example that euer any vnder another Generall desired or obtained the like sute And although I will not speake iniuriously of your deserts nor immodestly of mine owne yet this disgrace cannot make me beleeue that I haue deserued worse then any that haue beene
about Kilkenny if hee conueniently might with a desire to establish a full correspondencie for the resistance of forraine forces if they should arriue or otherwise for making the warres in all parts this Winter the rather because I know not how for the present Galloway and consequently Asherawe if it be planted might be supplied of munition and some other prouisions but out of and by Mounster further my being in those parts seeming to me of no small purpose to deuide the Birnes and Cauenaghs from holding intelligence or ioining with Tyrrel to nourish the ouerture I haue lately entertained from O. M. S. the chiefe of the Moores to bring me Tirrel aliue or dead which he desires should passe as a secret between only me himself and Omoloy to whom he hath already giuen a pledge to performe it Now that I might not disinable any of the forces I am come to Kilkenny onely accompanied with some threescore horse without any one Commander or Captaine of the Army hauing left them all with commandement to be resident on their charge Onely when I came neere Master Marshall I sent to conferre with him being before accompanied with none of the Counsell but onely Sir Robert Gardner chiefe Iustice. As I entred into Kilkenny I receiued intelligence from the Lord President of the Spaniards being at Sea and returned his messenger desiring him not to stirre from his charge but to aduertise me often of occurrents My selfe purpose to returne presently to Carlogh whether vnder the colour to prosecute Tirrel I will draw as many of the forces as I can to imploy them in the meane time and to be ready to answere such occasions as shall fall out in Mounster that being as things stand the place best to giue direction to all parts and to assure the most dangerous Now Sir what I should desire or aduise from hence on so great a sudden as I thinke it fit to make this dispatch and in so great a matter I am not very confident but propound to your much better iudgement what I thinke first and fittest to be thought of That it may please the Lords to send ouer the two thousand men by their last letters signified to me to be at Chester with all expedition one thousand of them to Carlingford the other to Dublin These I intend to thrust into other companies to make them full if I can to a man whereby the Queene shall be serued with all their bodies and yet her Lyst no way increased nor other charge but transportation I desire so many at the least may be sent to Carlingford because I am confident that it is the best counsell whether the Spaniards land or no to strengthen that part of the Armie which will be able to assure the Pale that way and to ruine the Northerne Rebels in such sort that it shall not be in the power of forraine force to make them liue and if the worst happen they be therby inabled to come off to vs if we send for them where now they cannot except we fetch them In generall for such a warre you must send great Magazins of munition and victuals and when you resolue how many men you will send or haue sent the proportion will bee easily cast vp by such Ministers as you haue there in those kinds The best place for the greatest quantity will be Dublin for from thence we may finde meanes to transport what other places shall haue neede of except thâ— warre be in Connaght for then onely from Lymrick and Galloway all our prouisions must come and in Connaght I chiefly expect the Spaniards first discent yet there with most difficulty can front them with any warre before Galloway or Athlone from Lymricke be throughly supplied with prouisions If forraigne force doe not arriue these prouisions will not be lost for this Winter Odonnell must be forced out of Connaght or else he will get there what he hath lost in Tyrconnell and so this Winter we must doe our endeuour to doe the like in Vlster to ruine Tyrone which is a worke of no small difficulty but of so great consequence that I am perswaded it would not onely turne the professions of this people but euen their hearts to her Maiesties obedience for such as loue Tyrone will quit their affections when the hope of his fortune failes and such as doe not their dependancy on him will fall when their feare of his greatnes shall be taken away for beleeue me Sir I obserue in most if I be not much deceiued of the Irish reclaimed Lords great desire to continue Subiects if they might once see apparance of defence though perchance not so much out of their honest dispositions as the smart they yet feele of a bitter prosecution If you heare that forraigne powers in any great numbers are arriued you must resolue to send at the least 200 Horse out of England and two thousand men more well armed for you must beleeue Sir that then it will not be the warre of Ireland but the warre of England made in Ireland If we beat them both Kingdomes will be quiet if not euen the best in more danger then I hope euer to liue to see If you prouide vs more men when wee send you word that the Spaniards are landed wee will write whether we desire they should be sent Howsoeuer I presume her Maiesty shall not repent the putting ouer so many men hither for we hope to ease the charge in the shortnesse of the worke If this aide arriue not here and if any forraigne force arriue in England the which we gather by some intelligence may be then if you send hither new men to assure places fit to bee kept we may bring you ouer old souldiers Captaines two or three thousand which I wil vndertake shal strike as good blowes as ten thousand ordinary men I haue made some of the subiects lately reclaimed and in these times suspected put themselues in blood already since my comming hither for euen now I heare my Lord Mountgarrets sonnes haue killed some of the Clarcheeres and some of Tyrrels followers since I contested with their Father about somewhat I had heard suspicious of them Sir I will againe aduertise you of our affaires here very shortly and desire you now to pardon my hast From Kilkenny this foureteenth of September 1601. Your most assured friend to doe you seruice Mountioy His Lordship returned from Kilkenny to Carlogh where he disposed the forces to answere the seruice in those parts of Lemster Thence he wrote to the Lord President to meet him some time at Kilkenny if possibly he could And within few daies hearing that the Lord President hauing left Sir Charles Wilmot with the forces at Corke was on his iourney towards him his Lordship parted from Carlogh and the nineteenth of September met him at Laughlin whence they rode together to Kilkenny Before I proceed further I will briefly adde the affaires of Mounster till this
with victuals munition and other necessaries from Dublyn without which we saw it would be to little purpose to take the field But when we had staied there till the sixteenh were not prouided of munition none being come to vs from Dublyn or from Lymricke whether we had likewise sent to haue some brought to vs and wanting both victuals and most of the prouisions belonging necessarily to so great a siege yet to inuest the Town where the Spaniards are lodged from receiuing succours both of victuals and of such as were disposed to ioine with them and withall to auoid the opinion which the Countrey beganne to conceiue of our weakenes because wee did not draw into the field we resolued the sixteenth day to rise and the next day did sit downe within lesse then halfe a mile of the Towne keeping continuall guardes round about the enemy We can assure your Lordships that we doe not thinke our selues much stronger if any thing at all in numbers then they are whose army at their setting to sea did beare the reputation of sixe thousand and we haue cause to iudge them because since our last letters to your Lordships there arriued another ship at Kinsale which brought fiue hundred men more vnto them now to be aboue foure thousand by the Pole In both these points of number in reputation or by Pole they differ not much from ours for it may please your Lordships to consider that the whole force we can draw into this Prouince leauing the Pale Connaght and the North prouided for as it may appeare by this inclosed note they are in some measure doth not exceede in lyst 7000 and of those we are enforced to leaue some part vpon the borders towards Lymricke to be some stay to the whole Countrey and it must in reason be thought that our Companies generally are weake in numbers seeing they haue had no supplies of a long time and that we desire two thousand to reinforce them besides that many are taken out of them for necessary wards some are sicke and many of the Northerne Companies lie yet hurt since the late great skirmishes against Tyrone which they performed with good successe but a little before they were sent for to come hither Wee doe assuredly expect that many will ioine with Tyrone if hee onely come vp towards these parts and almost all the Swordmen of this Kingdome if we should not keepe the field and the countenance of being Masters thereof how ill prouided soeuer wee doe find our selues Wherefore wee most humbly and earnestly desire your Lordships to hasten away at the least the full number of such supplies of horse and foote as we doe write for in our last and that it will please your Lordships to beleeue from vs that if the Countrie should ioyne with Tyrone and make a defection our chiefe securitie will be in the horse we must receiue out of England for the most of these here already are much weakned and harazed out with their continuall employment in euery seruice It may also please your Lordships to consider that in a siege where foure thousand such men as these Spaniards are possessed of any place whatsoeuer there will bee necessarily required royall prouisions and great numbers to force them neither can it bee thought but the sword and season of the yeere will continually waste our Army so as we are enforced earnestly to desire your Lordships while this action is in hand to send vs continuall supplies without which this Army will not be able to subsist And although grieued with her Maiesties huge expence we are loth to propound for so many men as are conceiued to be needefull and profitable for the present prosecution of this dangerous warre yet wee are of opinion that the more men her Maiesty can presently spare to be imployed in this Countrie the more safe and sudden end it will make of her charge And not without cause we are moued to solicite your Lordships to consider thereof since wee now perceiue that we haue an Army of old and disciplined souldiers before vs of foure thousand Spaniards that assuredly expect a far greater supply and much about twenty thousand fighting men of a furious and warlike nation of the Irish which wee may iustly suspect will all declare themselues against vs if by our supplies and strength out of England they doe not see vs likely to prēuaile These Prouincials a few of Carbry only excepted appertaining to Florence Mac Carty do yet stand firme but no better then neutralitie is to be expected from those which are best affected nor is it possible to discouer their affections vntill Tyrone with the Irish Forces doe enter into the Prouince who as the Councell at Dublin write is prouiding to come hither The supplies from Spaine are presently expected If they should arriue before our Army be strengthened out of England or before this Towne of Kinsale be taken it must be thought a generall defection through out the Kingdome wherein wee may not except the Townes will ensue and then the warre will be drawne to a great length and the euent doubtfull If the Queenes ships doe not in time come to Kinsale our taske will bee very heauie with this small Army to force so strong an enemie so well prouided of all necessaries for the warre Wherefore wee humbly beseech the sending of them away which will not onely giue vs a speedie course to winne the Towne but also assure the coasts for our supplies and giue an exceeding stay to the Countrie the enemie fearing nothing more and the subiect desiring nothing so much as the arriuall of her Maiesties Fleete The sixtie lasts of Powder and sixe pieces of battery with their necessaries the victuals and all things else written for in our former letters wee humbly desire may presently bee dispatched hither and although so great a masse of victuals as is needefull cannot bee sent at an instant wee desire it may bee sent as it can bee prouided and directed for the hauen of Corke What wee shall bee able to doe till our supplies come wee cannot say but what we shall haue reason to feare except they come in time your Lordships may iudge Onely wee assure your Lordships that her Maiestie with the helpe of God shall finde wee will omit nothing that is possible to bee done nor shunne any thing that may bee suffered to doe her the seruice wee owe vnto her If in the meane time by all our letters both to the Councell at Dublin and all others in this Countrie to whom we haue occasion to write we giue out these Spaniards to bee in number not three thousand in their meanes scant and miserable in their persons weake and sickely and in their hopes dismayed and amazed we hope your Lordships will conceiue we do that but for the countenancing of our party and to keepe as many as we can from falling from vs. On the other side Don Iean de l'Aguyla the Spanish
Ireland so soone as hee can get shipping That Don Diego de Brochero in his returne for Ireland landed at Lisbone and from thence posted to the Court and after his arriuall a present dispatch was made to hasten these supplies for Ireland That in Spaine they make no doubt but Ireland is already won and from thence the common bruite is they will for England then for Scotland and after will set vpon the Turk That the fifth of December they made the land betweene Corke and Kinsale and the winde being scant turned all that day and night to come in and by seuen of the clocke this morning came into the Harbour and at opening of the day perceiued our Fleete which by the Spaniards was conceiued to be their Fleete but by him as hee saith knowne to bee her Maiesties and that of purpose hee came to put the Spaniards into our hands That before his ship came to anchor hee got a boat and discouered to Sir Amyas Preston the Spaniards hee had aboard Whereupon Sir Amyas Preston manned out his boates and towed in the ship whereunto the Spaniards made no resistance Lastlie that he heard at the Groyne that the Adilantado being then at Port Saint Marie did daily expect the comming offoure thousand Italians but for what purpose hee knew not The Spaniards then examined on oath said That there is in the Fleete with Siriago not aboue one thousand diuers of them taken out of the Gaoles and very poore and naked whereof one whole Companie of Portingals was taken out of prison That the Admirall is laden with Bisket Powder and Match and two cannons for battery That the whole Fleete consists of tenne saile whereof the Admirall and Vice-admirall are hulkes of three hundred tonnes as they esteemed them the rest small barkes of diuers Nations That Siriago commands the Fleete and Captaine Alonzo del Campo commands the foote in chiefe being a Captaine of the Terceres who hath an old Company and Sanedra hath another old Company but is himself a young souldier That they heard nothing that Kinsale was besieged That Brittendona was at Lisbone and that they were gathering supplies but knew not if they will be ready before the Spring or no. That the Adilantado was in South-Spaine and that a Regiment of three thousand Italians was to come for Ireland That the whole Fleete was bound for Kinsale and they thought the Queenes Fleete was their ships of Spaine That all the shipping was to be gathered together at Lisbone against the Spring and foure thousand Italians were comming for England This sixth day of December all the Ordinance was drawne from the Easterne and Westerne platformes into the first Camp on the Northside of the Towne where the Lord Deputy lodged that we might the better attend the seruice of the field hauing our Artillery commodiously placed since we were aduertised that Odonnel was ioyned with those Spaniards which landed lately at Castle-Haeuen and that hee together with Tyrone assisted by all the Rebels force in Ireland were drawing vp towards Kinsale to relieue it and were come within few miles of the campe Of all these newes the Spaniards in Kinsale had knowledge and thereupon tooke heart againe when they were otherwise ready to yeeld vpon reasonable composition For this respect it was thought enough for vs to keepe the ground we held against all these enemies till wee should be further supplied out of England since vpon the least defeate or disaster befalling vs the whole Kingdome would haue been hazarded if not lost by reason of the peoples inclination to a generall reuolt We fortified the foresaid campe on the West or South-West side where the Earle of Thomond lay with foure Regiments and it was resolued that two smal forts should be cast vp and manned betweene that campe and the water side Southward the said forts and campes each one flancking the other thereby so to inuest the Towne as all succour from the countrie might be cut off from it Further it was resolued that the ditches of the Lord Deputies campe should bee deepned and the trenches highthned and that the backe part furthest from the Towne lying open hitherto should now bee closed and made defensable against Tyrones forces as the side towards the Towne was made against the Spaniards if they both at one time should giue vpon vs. And that all the Forts should be barricadoed and by all possible art all the accesses to the towne betweene our two campes be stopped The seuenth day the Lord Deputy aduertised Master Secretary in England of all these particulars adding that we daily heard very hot Alarums of Tyrones purpose to relieue the Towne who strengthened with the aboue named forces was now lodged in Woods and in accessable strengths very neere to our campe so as hee hindered vs from forage for our horse and from the helpes wee formerly had out of the country for sustentation of our Army And that his neighbourhood on the one side and the Spaniards in Kinsale on the other kept vs at a bay from proceeding in our aproches and battery Besides that our last supplies were in this short time incredibly wasted the new men dying by dozens each night through the hardnes of the winter siege whereunto they were not inured Yet his Lordship still made good his first hope of victory though it were deferred and that which hee thought to haue attempted with safety to the State and ease to the Army was now to be done with hazard to the State inseperable from great actions and greater painefulnes to the souldier to bee indured with patience The eight day our Artillery was placed in the seuerall places of our North side Campe for the best defence thereof and a Fort on the West side by the other Campe according to the aboue mentioned resolution was cast vp almost finished where towards night we had a slight skirmish with the Spaniards in which we had an Ancient and some few men hurt In the euening the Rebels Horse were discouered about two miles off and after supper all our men were drawne into Armes vpon notice giuen vs by the scouts that the Rebels drew nigh but after a small time all sauing the watch were dismissed to rest This night Sir Richard Leuyson returned from Castle Hauen with the Queenes ships into the Harbour of Kinsale and came to the Campe to giue the Lord Deputy accompt of the good seruice done there The nine ten and eleuen daies we spent in building the two Sconces or Forts as was formerly resolued in the sixth daies Counsell They were built on the West side of the Towne betweene the Earle of Thomonds quarter and the water Southward and to inuest the Towne round about we cast vp trenches betweene the Forts and the Earle of Thomonds quarter being thirty score in length the Forts and the Campe slancking each other and we cast vp Trenches from that side to the Lord Deputies Campe to stop the passage of Cowes
great strength Since our comming to Corke I the Deputie to ease her Maiesties great and vnsupportable charger haue discharged two thousand foote in List wherein without all respects of fauour I cast those who had the weakest Companies And assoone as wee may bee better secured that the Spaniards purpose to forbeare any further attempt for this Realme which in a few moneths will appeare as many as possibly can be spared shall bee in like sort cashered To suppresse the present Rebellon in Mounster I the Deputy haue designed foure thousand foot and three hundred twenty fiue horse which being layed in such conuenient places as wee intend to lay them our hope is that in short time this Rebellion will bee extinguished But vntill wee bee better assured from the attempts of Spaine for this Kingdome the remainder of the Armie is dispersed into the remote places of the Prouince Eastward of Corke and I the Deputy doe purpose to remaine here vntill I may be more secured that there will be no cause to draw the Army backe into these parts Paul Iuie the Inginer with the best expedition that may be shall bee sent to the parts of Baltymore and Beer-hauen to chuse-out fit grounds to fortifie The like must be done at Kinsale and for the better holding of the Cities of this Prouince in due obedience of whose assurance in case the Spaniards had preuailed wee had cause to doubt wee thinke it vnder your Lordships reformation very expedient that in euery of them Cittadels were raised which guarded with a few men and hauing some Pieces of Artillerie will euerhave power to command them There places being thus strengthened there is no Port forgotten that may be fit for the Spaniards acommodating in any enterprise from hence vpon England for all which lie in Desmond Kerry or Connaght haue too large a Sea to passe for England which is subiect to infinite inconueniences And as for the coast within Saint Georges Channell the dangers of it are so infinite as there is no feare of those Ports Notwithstanding it hath pleased God to giue vs this happie successe in freeing this Realme of the Spanish Army vnder Don Iean yet fearing that some seconds vnder another Commander may be employed hither we humbly beseech your Lordships that you will bee pleased to send the victuals for which wee wrote by Sir Oliuer Saint Iohns If the Spanish supplies come we shall haue cause to expend them in this Prouince If they come not then our cares shall bee such as they shall be preserued and dispensed to the best vse for her Maiesties seruice The like sute we make for the munitions for which wee then wrote But for the supplies required of vs in the dispatch wee made by Sir Henrie Dauers your Lordships may please to make stay of them till a further occasion to use them Onely of one thousand thereof we haue great neede for the reinforcing of the Companies which are weake and therefore we desire that fiue hundred of them may land here at Corke and the other fiue hundred at Waterford and that the rest may be in readinesse if we haue any new occasion to send for them till which time we are vnwilling to charge her Maiesty or trouble your Lordships or to draw any new forces into these parts which hath made vs giue direction that Sir Arthur Chichester with the one thousand men which your Lordships haue commanded him to leade hither shal stay about the Newry and make the warre there aswell defending the Pale as annoying Tyrone for Sir Arthur being there shall be neere enough to vs if there should fall out any occasion to draw those men hither Sir Richard Moryson is made the bearer of these our letters whō we haue chosen to satisfie your Lordships in such things wherein happily you may doubt In particular wee haue acquainted him with the dates of all our letters which wee haue sent your Lordships since the landing of the Spaniards so as hee can informe your Lordships of his owne knowledge that we all or I the Deputy haue written thus often namely the three and twentieth of September the first third and foure and twentieth of October the seuenth and the thirteenth of Nouember the seuenth twelfth and seuen and twentieth of December and this present dispatch by himself If any of these haue miscaried or found so slow passage as your Lordships expectations were not satisfied in such time as for the seruice had been fit we beseech you be pleased to consider that the like may happen to such of yours as are sent hither And this may appeare by your Lordships letters which we last receiued For the eleuenth of Ianuarie as is noted in the beginning of this letter we receiued your Lordships of the foure and twentieth of December and with it another of the seuen and twentieth of that moneth touching the apparrell a third of the two and twentieth of December yea a fourth of the two and twentieth of Nouember Wee haue licensed Captaine Iosias Bodley to passe into England vpon some priuate businesse importing him and haue addressed him to your Lordships to receiue your pleasure If you resolue vpon any fortifications in this Kingdome the Gentleman is very will experienced and practised in that Art and one whom in all our workes wee haue principally emploied which he hath with great hazard labour and sufficiency discharged We find all men here to imbrace with much gladnesse her Maiesties resolution to leaue the apparrelling of the souldier being much better contented to haue full pay without detaining of any summes for their clothes and we hope it will be a meane to make the Captains keepe their companies strong And as your Lordships haue directed vpon notice of the decease of the Earle of Desmond the company allowed for him is discharged saue what hath pleased you to continue to his sister to the Archbishop of Casbell and 10. Power Order is also taken that the Oates sent ouer hither shall be issued at as high rates as we can but it hath neuer beene hitherto seene that the price exceeded ten shillings the quarter and we thinke they cannot be issued at a higher rate for the souldier cannot liue paying any more but will rather suffer his horse to starue which would be greater inconueniency to the seruice then if the oates had not come at all though that way also they must haue starued if the siege had continued The Spaniards shipped from hence to Plymoth where either such as had runneaway from the Spaniards or such as were in Ryncorren and Castle Nyparke and yeelded vpon promise of their liues onely and so much I the Deputy signified by my letters to the Gentlemen of the parts where they should land of purpose to be made knowne to your Lordships and that they might accordingly be suffred to passe into France or some other Countrey which was as much as they desired And so c. From Corke this foureteenth of January
serued for a ground and pretext of new inuentions of deceipt for that by the cunning craft of some Merchants the scope giuen by Our Proclamation to the said Exchange is so abused as that some Merchant who hath brought commodities into that Kingdome from hence hath not beene content to sell the same for reasonable gaine but hauing raised his price of the same commodity to so much in the new monies as doe in their true value of siluer almost counteruaile the sterling he paid for it here viz. That which cost him ten shillings sterling to thirty shillings Irish after that rate that which cost him 100 pound to 300 pound he hath returned to Our Exchange the same 300 pound which being answered him here in sterling yeeldeth him profit of three for one which is so great a gaine as no aduenture of any Merchants into the further most parts of trafficke doth yeeld and to Vs such a burthen as if the same should be permitted were nothing else in effect but to make Our Exchequer a Mart for the cunning of Merchants to worke vpon Besides many of them haue of purpose to make profit by the said Exchange bought vp old bils of debts from diuers persons to whom payment hath vpon iust consideration beene deferred and compounding for the same for small summes of money of the new Standard returned the whole vpon Vs by exchange whereby they haue made an exceeding profit conrrary to the true meaning of Our Proclamation intended for the vse and benefit of such as exercised an honest and direct course of Merchandize By which fraudes there is euer a great quanrity of monies of the new Standard returned vpon Vs for sterling Monies in this Realme but neither is there any proportionable quantity of sterling Monies brought in here into the Exchange nor deliuered into the Banckes to be conuerted into new Monies there And consequently there doth grow vpon Vs an intollerable burthen in continuall payments of sterling Monies and yet the two mischiefes which were the chiefe cause of alteration of Our Standard not remedied that is the preseruing of the sterling Monies from the Rebels and from transportation into forraigne Countries For little of it being brought in by Merchants of this Countrey and the same being not currant to be vsed here amongst Our good Subiects We find it partly transported and partly falling into the hands of the Rebels wherewith they haue beene the better enabled to continue in their wicked courses Wherefore for redresse of so great abuses daily practised by Merchants We doe hereby publish that Our meaning is that from the day of the publishing hereof the places of exchanging of monies shall be onely at Dublyn for this Our Realme of Ireland and at London for Our Realme of England for all such as vse the trade of Merchandize but for others that are in Our pay and haue wages of Vs as being of Our Army or otherwise there shall be a Bancke maintained at Corke as heretofore it was to receiue their bils but the bils receiued there shall be paiable onely at London and fot the vse of passengers and souldiers departing out of Our Realme into England there shall be likewise exchanges at Bristoll and Chester So as no such souldier or passenger doe bring thither any bill containing aboue the sum offoure pound But for Merchants there shall not be at the said places of Chester and Bristoll any payment of bils returned but onely at Our City of London in such manner as is hereafter expressed And further Our pleasure and meaning is that the said Exchange shall extend onely to such as now are or hereafter from time to time shall be in Our pay here seruing Vs in the field or in wards or garrisons and to all Officers of gouernement of Iustice of Our reuenewes or of the Exchange and to such others as are contained in Our establishment To all and euery of whom We are pleased to allow the benefit of exchanging Monies of the new Standard of this Realme into Monies currant in England wanting onely twelue pence sterling in the pound viz. yeerely to each of them rateably in his degree for so much as he doth saue aboue his expence of that which hee doth receiue yeerely of Vs or ought to receiue cleerely for his pay all deductions and defalcations being foreprized and so as there be no fraud vsed by any of them in abusing this Our liberality and fauonr conttary to Our true meaning And for others vsing trade of Merchandize although they deserue no fauour in regard of the frauds wherewith many of them haue abused Our gracious meaning in the institution of Our exchange intended and in regard of the excessiue raising of the prices of all wares whereby both Our Subiects are extreamely burthened here and We intollerably charged in the exchange in England yet in regard of the present pouerty of this Our Realme whereby We conceiue that there wanteth as yet for a time sufficient commodities of the growth or manufaction of this Kingdome wherewith to maintaine trafficke Wee are pleased to maintaine for their vse an exchange in this manner That euery such person not being of those that belong to Our Establishment but a Merchant who shall deliuer to the Master of the Exchange or his Deputies in this Realme one hundred pounds whereof forty pound shall be of the Standard of sterling mony of siluer or of gold and threescore pound in mixt Monies of the new Standard of this Realme shall receiue of the said Master of the Exchange or his Deputies a Bill directed to the Bancke of exchange in England where the same is playable whereby hee shall receiue for each hundred pound deliuered here in that manner one hundred pounds in Monies currant of England wanting onely twelue pence in the pound for each pound of the mixt Monies deliuered and for the starling no defalcation to bee made as heretofore hath been ordained And after that rate for more or lesse in quantitie And to the end that the fraudes vsed by some Merchants may be better preuented and the Master of the exchange or his Deputies vnderstand that he dealeth truly in bringing his monies to the exchange Our pleasure is that euery such Merchant resorting to the exchange shall bring a certificate from the Officers of Our Custome-house where his goods were entred what goods he hath entered there and at what time to the end that it may thereby be discerned that he seeketh nothing but the returne of his owne money and is not a cullourer of other mens And sor that diuers Noble men and Gentlemen of this Realme haue cause many times to repaire into England either for suites or other necessarie causes and some haue children there either at the Vniuersities or at the Innes of Court or Chancerie or in Our seruice at Court who shall haue cause for those purposes to vse sterling monie and to haue the moneys of this Realme conuerted into moneys currant in
Roman Religion with the appeasing thereof in the beginning of the yeere 1603. Together with the Lord Deputies recalling into England and the rewards there giuen him for his seruice in the beginning of the yeere 1603 with mention of his vntimely death within few yeeres after and a word of the State of Ireland some ten yeeres after THE fiue and twentieth of March in the beginning of the yeere 1603 the Lord Deputy wrote this following letter from Mellifant Sir Garret Moores house to Master Secretary in England SIR I haue receiued by Captaine Hayes her Maiesties letters of the sixth of February wherein I am directed to send for Tyrone with promise of securitie for his life onely and vpon his arriuall without further assurance to make stay of him till her pleasure should bee further knowne and at the same time I receiued another from her Maiestie of the seuenteenth of February wherein it pleased her to inlarge the authority giuen vnto me to assure him of his life liberty and pardon vpon some conditions remembred therein And withall I receiued a letter from your selfe of the eighteenth of February recommending to me your owne aduice to fulfill as far as I possibly could the meaning of her Maiesties first letter and signifying her pleasure that I should seeke by all the best meanes I can to promise him his pardon by some other name then Earle of Tyrone and rather by the name of Barron of Dungannon or if it needes must bee by the name of some other Earle Secondly to deliuer him his Country in lesse quantity and with lesse power then before he had it And lastly to force him to cleare his paces and passages made difficult by him against any entrie into his Countrie And now since it hath pleased her Maiesty by so great a trust to giue me so comfortable Arguments of her fauour I am incouraged the more freely to presume to declare my selfe in this great matter which I call great because the consequence is great and dangerous to be delt in without the warrant of her gratious interpretation And though my opinion herein should proceede from a long and aduised consideration described with large and many circumstances and confirmed with strong and iudiciall reasons yet because I thinke it fit to hasten away this messenger I will write of these things somewhat though on the sudden and commit the rest to the sufficient iudgement and relation of the Lord President now in his iourney towards you and the rather because I finde him to concurre with mee in the apprehension of this cause and of the state of all other things of this Kingdome And first for her Maiesties first letter I pray you Sir beleeue me that I haue omitted nothing both by power and policy to ruine him and vtterly to cut him off and if by either I may procure his head before I haue engaged her Royall word for his safety I doe protest I will doe it and much more be ready to possesse my selfe of his person if by only promise of life or by any other meanes wherby I shal not directly scandal the maiesty of publike faith I can procure him to put himself into my power But to speak my opinion freely I thinke that he or any man in his case would hardly aduenture his liberty to preserue onely his life which he knoweth how so well to secure by many other waies for if he flie into Spaine that is the least wherof he can be assured and most men but especially he doe make little difference betweene the value of their life and liberty and to deceiue him I thinke it will bee hard for though wiser men then hee may be ouer-reached yet he hath so many eyes of iealousie awake that it will bee vnpossible to charme them and I do vpon assured ground beleeue that it is nothing but feare of his safety that of a long time especially of late hath kept him frō conformity to the State and if any thing do keep him now from accepting the lowest conditions and from setling himself and his hart to a constant seruing of her Maiestie it will be feare of an absolute forgiuenes or the want of such an estate as may in any measure cōtent him The danger of his subsisting as he doth is either if there come no forraine forces to maintaine still a loose head of Rebellion which will be better able to offend any such as are become subiects then we can be if we were a thousand times more to defend them at all times and in all places to stirre vp and to maintaine al humors and to be a wound remaining open vnto which they may haue recourse and vpon all accidents bee readie to swell or to infect the whole bodie of this Kingdome Otherwise if there should be any inuasion to be a powerfull and politick head to draw this Countrie to their assistance If there come no forraigne Forces and that hee should bee cut off yet is it likely some other in the nature of a spoiling outlaw would arise vp in his place as ill as himselfe and if hee bee kept prisoner the like effects will arise as if hee were dead If hee bee cut off or kept prisoner and the Spaniards should arriue most of the Swordmen will flocke vnto them for aduantage of pay and the discontentment of Lords of Countries would be as great or greater then if hee were amongst them and therefore they as likely to fall then as now to the Spanish partie but if it were possible to make him a good subiect the vse her Maiestie may make of him must bee amongst these people since during his life and libertie none will aspire to that place of O Neale which doth carrie with it so great an interest in the North and what interest hee hath hee may bee led to employ to suppresse and settle the mindes of the people to gouernement and hauing once declared himselfe to bee a dutifull subiect it will be first a great discouragement for the Spaniards to come and if they doe come if hee continue honest his presence and interest will sway the North from giuing them assistance or annoying the subiects if we withdraw our Garrisons and make the rest of Ireland more aduised how they declare themselues against the State Sir to conclude because I cannot shortly expresse mine owne minde herein I thinke it best if it please her Maiestie to receiue him to her mercy so that first his submission bee made in as humble sort and as much for her Maiesties Honour as can be deuised and then that she assure him of absolute forgiuenesse and forgetting of his faults and as much honour and profit as he had before prouided that wee take from him as much as possibly wee may those lockes wherein his chiefest strength lyes Otherwise I am perswaded either the Queene shal not serue her owne turne by him if shee keepe him prisoner or he will serue his turne if he liue at
Kings Letters Pattents to the Lord President for his gouernement and as formerly I aduised you so againe I pray you to transport as great a proportion of victuals and munition as you can out of the City of Corke into the Fort of Halebolyn and the Castle of Shandon and if you may by faire meanes you shall doe well to endeuour to draw some Companies into the Towne which if you cannot effect yet I would haue you not to slacke the carrying of victuals and munition I haue drawne together some 5000 men and shall be able to employ them in reducing and setling the Townes of those parts and if the Citizens of Corke vpon the renewing of your authority and my late directions proue more conformable then they were you shal doe well to gouerne all without violence but if they continue obstinate in their former insolencies I aduise you to set guards vpon the stores of victuals and munition and to leaue the Towne The same day his Lordship wrote this following letter to Sir Charles Wilmot one of the said Commissioners SIR Charles I haue receiued your letter of the twentieth of Aprill and am glad of the good successe you had in taking the Castles in Kerry and for your men of Corke I haue heard of their insolencies and I beleeue them and for any thing I know all the Townes in Mounster stand vpon little better tearmes Assoone as I could possibly for I had no Forces in all Lemster I haue gathered together 5000 men and am comming towards you and haue so disposed of all things in the North that if need be I will draw the whole Army of Ireland ere it be long into Mounster some few excepted to guard the garrisons With Waterford I thinke to beginne for they gaue the first example but it is true that if they hold against me I am ill prouided to force them for at Dublyn wee are ill stored of all things but we will doe aswell as we may I doe like your course well to draw as many as you can to one head and I thinke it fit that it were about Corke If your munition and victuals be in the power of the Towne I know not what to say but I haue first written to the Towne not to interrupt you in the disposing of the Kings munition and victuals and vpon my commandement if they denie it it is treason therefore I thinke they will be aduised therein If you may therefore as suddenly as you can conuay as great a proportion of victuals but especially and first of munition out of the Towne then I will command them to receiue you with such forces as you shall appoint into the Towne which if they denie it is treason too And if you haue any store out of the Towne and your Forces be gathered together and they continue obstinate it were good some little guard though it were but seuen or eight men were put into the Castles where the munition and victuals are and for all the rest of the English to with-draw themselues out of the Towne by little and little and then if they continue obstinate still in not receiuing the King Forces my desire is that you shall presently inuest the Towne which I presume may bee done with some 1000 men if you put two or 300 men into the Fort next to Kinsale gate which with so many men will be easily guardable and with the rest of your foote intrench neere to the gate next toward Shandon and with some 100 Horse beat the wayes When you are in this forwardnesse if you thinke this way feasable I will send you either more men if with those you haue you thinke not fit to engage the Cannon or if I be loose my selfe from being ingaged in any other place I will come to you but if Waterford hold out I shall for the time haue my hands full Let me heare from you at large of all things and in the meane time it is fit you put the best Arlillery you haue into Halebolin Fort. I haue sent this by one whom I thinke to be trusty and I pray you to send him backe speedily to me and to impart this proiect to as few as you thinke good Write to me how Lymricke and the other Cities doe stand And so c. The thirtieth day his Lordship receiued letters from the Mayor of Corcke and his brethren signifying that the Commissioners had by directions charged them to suffer his Maiesties Ministers to passe through their ports with eight and forty barrels of powder and leade and match proportionable to be brought from his Maiesties store in that City to the Fort of Halebolyn and that in regard they wondered so great a proportion should be carried to the Fort where no Artillery was yet planted especially the quantities formerly issued being not yet spent nor any seruice being in hand they fearing the Commissioners purposed to assault the Towne or at least to starue them were enforced thereby to make stay of the said munition till his Lord ps pleasure were further known renewing their suit to haue the custody of the Fort committed to the corporation That they did all they could to cause the mixed money of the new standard to passe currant but it was with such griefe losse to the poore town as they hoped his L p would be a means to his Maiesty for altering the same That they had receiued rebuke from his Lordship concerning certaine insolencies but could not call to mind any particular wherein they had offended the State except that be an offence after many abuses and wrongs done them to keepe watch and ward to preserue themselues and keepe the City for the Kings Maiesty in those doubtfull times as they tearmed them That touching the point of Religion they onely exercised now publikely that which euer before they had beene suffered to exercise priuately and as their publike praiers gaue publike testimony of their faithfull hearts to the Kings Royall Maiesty so they were tied to bee no lesse carefull to manifest their duties to almighty God in which they would neuer be dissembling temporisors Thus they foolishly rushed into apparant treason by making stay of the Kings munitions and presumed to excuse their mutinous and insolent establishing the publike exercise of the Romish Religion and that vpon their owne heads without any direction yea in opposition of publike authority The Lord Deputy now being ready to take his iourney for Mounster and purposing first to attempt Waterford wrote to the Maior thereof the first of May to this effect Because it seemes by your neglect of my directions and your impertinent answeres that you do not know or haue forgotten both my authority and your selues I thinke good to let you vnderstand that it hath pleased the most mighty Prince King Iames the first Our Soueraigne by his letters Pattents vnder his Great Seale of England to make me his Deputie and chiefe Gouernour vnder himselfe of this Kingdome and
did a thing ill can neuer doe it well But whereas many boast and haue the same to speake many tongues aswell as their mother tongue I doe not thinke but know that it is false The French haue a good Prouerbe Entre les auengles les borgnes sont les Roys Among the blinde the pore blind are the Kings And thus they which haue no skill in tongues will boldly say that this or that man doth perfectly and without stamering speake many tongs But howsoeuer a stranger liuing some six or more yeeres in any forraigne part may perhaps speake that tongue as perfectly as his own yet he that trauelleth in few yeeres through many Kingdoms and learnes many languages shall neuer speake all nor many of them with naturall pronuntiation and without errours and some stamering and slownesse in speech Yea he that learnes one tongue alone and that with many yeeres practice shall more hardly attaine the perfect properties and elegancies thereof then an vnskilfull man would thinke For Theophrastus hauing liued many yeeres at Athens was knowne to bee a stranger of an old woman selling herbes onely by the pronuntiation of one sillable For my owne particular I remember that I passed from Genoa to Milan on foote in a disguised habit and that in an Inne not farre from Pauia I met an Englishman Wee satdowne to supper where he voluntarily and vnasked did rashly professe himselfe to be a Dutchman whereupon I saluted him in Dutch familiarly till hee betraied manifestly his ignorance in that language and excused himselfe that he was no Dutchman but borne vpon the confines of France where they speake altogether French Then I likewise spake to him in French till he was out of countenance for his want of skill in that language So as my selfe being a man in his case dissembling my Country and quality ceased further to trouble him And wee after discoursing in the Italian tong he chanced to speake these words Io mi repentiua whereas an Italian would haue said Io mi ne pentiua And by this little difference of adding the sillable ne I knew him to be an Englishman for I had found before that he was no Frenchman which Nation together with the English addes that sillable Thus when supper was ended I tooke him aside and spoke English to him whereat hee reioyced and imbracing mee swore that he had been in the stable and commanded his man to make ready his horses and would presently haue rid away if I had not discouered my selfe to him And so wee lodged in one chamber and bed See how small a thing will make it manifest that we are not that Country men whereof we speake the language The knowledge of tongues hath euer been highly esteemed Aulus Gellius writes that Mithridates spake the languages of two and twenty Prouinces which were subiect to him so as he neuer spake with any subiect by an Interpreter Themistocles in one yeere got so much knowledge in the Persian tongue as hee was able to speake with Artaxerxes without an Interpreter Ennius said he had three hearts meaning three languages Claudius the Emperour put a Grecian Prince from being a Iudge because he could not speake Latine and sent him into Italy to learne the Tongue as Suetonius writes To conclude who hath not heard the worthy fame of that Heroicall Woman Elizabeth late Queene of England among whose rare vertues her skill in Languages was not the least being able to conferre with most Ambassadours or Princes in their owne tongue And whereas some Kings thinke it a base thing to speake in a strange tongue and take it for honour if they can induce any Ambassadour to speake their tongue they seeme to me like vnto those who being poore and proud speake much against rich apparrell and extoll stuffes and furnitures of small price that they may seeme to doe that of election and iudgement which they doe onely for want Yet I would not be so vnderstood as if I thought fit that one Ambassadour at a treaty should consent to haue the same written in the language of another Ambassadour but rather that it should be written in a third tongue equally knowne to them both as in the Italian Tongue the Treaty being betweene England and France But in the meane time I thinke it honourable to the most mighty King to be able to entertaine familiar speech with any Ambassadour or Prince of neighbour Kingdomes though lesse potent then his owne Let vs be incouraged by these noble foresaid examples to labour diligently that we may attaine this rich Iewell of speaking Tongues In the last place I aduise the Traueller that if he can haue leasure he ioyne for greater ornament the learning to write the hand of each Nation with the knowledge of each tongue especially of that which is most of vse in his Countrey 9 For Englishmen they shall doe well at their first setting forth to passe into Germany and there spend some time for since we vse too much the helpe of our seruants so as we will scarcely make our selues ready and since wee vse to despise the company of meane people at bed or board there wee may learne to serue our selues where hee that comes into a shoomakers shop must find out the shooes will fit him and put them on himselfe There we may learne to admit the company of meane men where many times poore fellowes yea very Coachmen shal be thrust to be our bedfellowes and that when they are drunke and like men will often sit by vs at the Table and in some places as most part of Low-Germany they drinke alwaies round so as wee shall be sure to pledge like men and drinke to them in the same cup and if wee haue a seruant of our owne would rather haue him sit next vs then any other There wee may learne to feed on homely meat and to lie in a poore bed There among many other things wee may learne to moderate our aptnesse to quarrell whereof I will speake more in the proper place To conclude all in gene all that passe Germany as strangers are free among that honest people from all colinages and deceipts to which in other parts they are subiect aboue others especially vnexperienced 10 As it is good before his setting forth to be reconciled with his enemies that they may practice no ill against him or his friends in his absence and that his mind may be more religiously composed against all euents so while he is abroad let him often write to his friends of his health which precept if Thesius had not forgotten hee had not beene Authour of his most deere Fathers death by bearing the false signe of a blacke sayle And this is no lesse good to himselfe then to his friends since he that writes often shall often receiue letters for answere for one hand washeth another and the Poet saieth well Vt ameris Amabilis esto Who wilt beloued be that thou bist louing see For indeed
some faire passing that age Many such examples are not wanting in England and Ireland to proue that Northerne men are longest liued My selfe haue knowne some and haue credibly heard of many more weomen of one 100 yeers age in these Kingdomes The Irish report and will sweare it that towards the West they haue an Iland wherein the Inhabitants liue so long as when they are weary and burthened with life their children in charity bring them to die vpon the shoare of Ireland as if their Iland would not permit them to die In ourtime the Irish Countesse of Desmond liued to the age of about 140 yeeres being able to goe on foote foure or fiue miles to the Market Towne and vsing weekly so to doe in her last yeeres and not many yeeres before shee died shee had all her teeth renewed Againe Bodine may best be confuted with his owne argument for as he saith that Sortherne men are longest liued so he confesseth that they are most giuen to venery whereas they that are like the Cocke Sparrow cannot be long liued And whereas old writers affirme that the Inhabitants of the middle regions are of shortest life because Southerne men vsed to great heate and Northern men vsed to great cold can easily beare them both but the Inhabitants of the middle regions being oppressed both with cold and heate are subiect to these changes of the Ayre which breed diseases and old age This seemes to me as if they should say that custome makes extreme things but not temperate things to be tollerable since those of the middle regions are no lesse vsed to the changes of their temperate ayre then the others are to the extremities and their changes Giue me leaue to say contrary to the vulgar opinion that the purenes or any properties of the ayre doe not so much cause long or short life as the changes of ayre by long iournies or by remouing mens dwellings from one ayre to another which changes are more powerfull the more violent they are and that to men of all climes whether they iourney or remoue dwelling from the North to the South or from the South towards the North. This experience teacheth by many examples First of great trauailers whereof infinite nombers in youth die before they returne home Secondly of those that dwell in the Fennes of Lincolnshire and of Essex in England where they that are borne and liue all their dayes in those Fennes and in that vnhealthfull ayre liue to be of very olde age and with good health but it they remoue dwelling to a purer ayre soone die as likewise they that are borne in purer ayre and come after to dwell in those Fennes liue very short time This in generall I say because many very aged people are found in those Fennes but particularly I am confirmed in this opinion as by many other so by one pleasant example of a Husbandman whom my selfe did see in Essex who dwelling in the Fennes not farre off was threescore yeares olde healthfull and like to liue long and within few yeares past had married and buried eight wiues all which hee had brought to his house in the Fennes vpon one Nagge of some fortie shillings price for these women borne in purer ayre soone died after they came to dwell with him in the Fennes Many proue that Southerne men are most religious by their sumptuous Churches in which it is a great trespasse so much as to sper by the very Princes of Affrick entring the profession of Monkes by their Fasts frequent praying whipping of themselues lawes made against irreligious persons and the Pontificiall habit of their Kings On the contrarie they affirme that Northerne men as women and children soone make and as soone breake leagues of amitie doe soone and greedily imbrace any Religion and no lesse speedily cast it off againe As the Ostrogothes and Visigothes being driuen from their seate became Christians vnder the raigne of the Emperour Valens and soone after terrified with burnings fell from the Christian Faith And the Gothes in Italy first became Christians then Arrians Yea Gotland soone receiued the Christian Faith and presently returned to their Idolatrie And the Turkes soone fell to the Arabians Religion As also Tartares were easily drawne on both hands for the point of Religion And lastly the Germanes taxing the Papall frauds together with their neighbours did of their owne accord fall from the Popes obedience without any force or violent constraining But on the contrarie that Southerne men euer did slowly imbrace any new Religion and howsoeuer they were often diuided into Sects yet could neuer be drawne to change their Religion without miracles and force of Armes So as Antiochus by no torment could draw any one of seuen brethren or their mother that exhorted them to be constant so much as to tast Swines flesh It is easie to oppose examples and arguments to the fore-said examples and arguments If we behold the Temples Monasteries Bels and other old ornaments or religious vestures of our Northerne Iland England no doubt they farre paste those of the South where neither the present Churches building nor the ruines of like olde building shew the like if any magniffcence Yea rather the Sepulchres then the Moschees or Churches of the South may be thought sumptuous Neither want we examples of Northerne Kings as of the Saxons in England and Gothes in Italy who put on Monks habits nor yet of Nations in Europe who haue violently with much suffering maintained their rites of Religion Moreouer see how these men omit to distinguish superstition from Religion They confesse that the Northerne men first discouered the Papall fraudes yet they will also haue them more simple whence it followes that the sharpe-witted Southerne men did first see these fraudes and couer them for feare of the Popes persecutions or because they esteemed Religion onely a State policie and knowing the truth yet abstained from reformation Surely Petrarch Dante 's and other free wits of Italy did see the Papall frauds before the Germanes and though fearefully yet plainly pronounced Rome to be Babylox But our Northerne Luther when at Rome he had seene the licentious Romanes and their criminall frauds could not abstaine but he must needes diuülge these impostures of Religion and being weake for his defence yet could not but oppose himselfe to most powerfull enemies Northerne men are soone drawne with the loue of Religion the of feare due to God they like Foxes may command ouer Lyons which our good Epimethei at last by the euents perceiuing doe so much abhorre all hypocrisie and whorish painting of Religion as by no danger they can bee frighted from professing truth whose constancy in suffering persecution for the same is abundantly witnessed by the multitude of them burnt in France as Sleyden writes of his owne sight and by the more violent at least more lasting persecution of them by fier vnder Marie late Queene of England Therefore let vs say that Northerne men are
Burgundians who in the Raigne of Charles the seuenth and in the yeere 1422 by a sudden conspiracy cast out and killed the Burgundians lying there in garrison and salted their dead bodies in a vessell of stone which they shew to this day They name three iurisdictions or commonalties which it seems of old had foolish and great priuiledges La Basoche de Paris Les Cornards de Rouen La Mere Folle de Dijon Of the Cities they say Paris la grande the Great Rouen la riche the Rich Orleans la belle the Faire Dijon la Folle the Foolish Anger 's basse ville hauts clochers riches putaines pounres Escoliers Low City high Steeples rich Whores poore Schollars They say vulgarly Les Badauts the Fooles or as we say Cocknies di Paris Les Cornards the foresaid society of horned Di Rouen Les Gue spins the word hath some reference to Vespae a Latin word signifying those that carry dead bodies to be buried by night but the French can hardly giue a true signification of it d'Orleans Les Copienx the copious for their art in ieasting de Flesche Les fanx tosmoings the false witnesses quatorze pour vn'fromage foureteene for a Cheese du Manz 〈◊〉 the nouices or simple men de Solongne qui s'abusent toussiours a leur profit which are abused alwaies to their owne profit as if vnder colour of simplicity they were most crafty Of three Cities of Champaigne Les Graniers the Garners as full of Corne de Challons Les Caues the Cellars as full of wine de Reims Les Bourses the Purses as full of money de Troyes They say vulgarly Ily a plue de Monmartre a Paris que de Paris a Monmartre This speech Ily a is ambiguous or of diuers significations vulgarly it should be thus vnderstood It is further from Monmartre to Paris then from Paris to Monmartre but in this place it is thus meant There is more of Monmartre within Paris then of Paris vpon Monmartre because almost all the Houses of Paris are plastered ouer and the matter of this plaster is daily brought into Paris from Monmartre Also A Monmartre Ily a plus de Putains que de vaches Mais ostes en les Nonnains Ily aura plus de vaches que de Putains At Monmartre there be more Whores then Cowes But take away the Nunnes and there will be more Cowes then Whores Also Fromages Cheeses d' Auuergne Angelots a kinde of Cheese de Brie Andouilles Intrals or Trypes de Troye Saueisses Sawsages du Pont l'Euesque Chapons Capons du Mans. Moutarde Mustard de Dijon Pruneaux Prunes de Tours Marrons great Chesnuts de Lyon Pain d'espice Spiced Bread de Reims Raues rape rootes de Limosin Pesches Peaches de Corheil pain Bread de Genesse The Italiaus say that the manner of the French is Di non dire quando vogliono fare di non legger ' come Scriuotio e di non santare come notano Not to speake that they will doe not to reade as they write not to sing as they pricke England in generall is said to be the Hell of Horses the Purgatory of Seruants and the Paradice of Weomen The Londiners pronounce woe to him that buyes a Horse in Smyth-field that takes a Seruant in Pauls-Church that marries a Wife out of Westminster Londiners and all within the sound of Bow-Bell are in reproch called Cocknies and eaters of buttered tostes The Kentish men of old were said to haue ray les because trafficking in the Low-Countries they neuer paid full payments of what they did owe but still left some part vnpaid Essex men are called calues because they abound there Lankashire egge-pies and to be wonne by an Apple with a red side Norsorlke wyles for crafty litigiousnes Essex stiles so many as make walking tedious Kentish miles of the length Northumberland men exercised in roades vpon the Scots are accounted best light Horsemen Cornish men best Horse riders and Wrastlers and most actiue men Lincolneshire Belles and Bag pipes Deuonshire Whitepots Tewksbery Mustard Banberry Cakes Kings-Norten Cheese Sheffeld kniues Darby Ale are prouerbially spoken of I hastily passed through part of Scotland bordering vpon England and had no skill in the Irish tongue so as I obserued no such Prouerbs in those Kingdomes The second Booke CHAP. I. Of the fit meanes to trauell and to hire Coaches and Horses HEreof I must intreate briefely and howsoeuer the subiect be large yet I wil compendiously restraine this my discourse praying him that desireth more plaine instruction in any particular to reade the following discourse in this third Part of these Nations diet in generall and expences in their Innes as also to gather particular obseruations for his vse out of my daily iournies related in the first Part. The greatest part of Germany is a plaine Countrie with few Hilles and almost no Mountaines but it is full of vast Woods and the soile is either sandy or for the most part drie and little subiect to durt so as they vse commonly Coaches for their iournies which are easily to be found in any City neither shall a passenger long stay for companions to fill vp the Coach so as by this constant manner of trauelling hee shall not be put to any extraordinary charge From Hamburg to Nurnberg being nine daies iourney I remember that sixe of vs in company hired a coach for fifty dollers That fiue of vs for two dayes iournies paid fiue dollers That foure of vs for three daies iorney payed seuen dollers for our Coach But in our iourney from Hamburg to Nurnberg we paied for our Coachmans diet himselfe paying for his horses meate whereas in the other iournies he paied also for his owne diet The ordinary Coaches hold sixe consorts but those of Nurnberg receiue eight bearing two in each boote on the sides But if companions bee not readily found to fill the Coach the passengers shall doe better in going forward with such company as they haue and the Coachmen will rather goe for lesse then stay in the Inne and spend more in expecting the full number The top of the Coaches is made with round hoopes couered with lether or for the most part with black cloath which are buckled together in the middest when it raines or the weather is cold for otherwise the hoopes fastned with staples of Iron to the body of the coach fall backward to the ends so as the passengers may sit in the open aire In lower Germany a passenger commonly payes about foure Lubeck shillings for each meale In middle Germany he shall pay about foure Batzen And in higher Germany he shall pay about sixe or seuen batzen each meale and all passengers sit at one common table At the foote of the Alpes where the fall of waters make the waies durty they vse to ride on horsebacke Sweitzerland consists of hilles and Mountaines so as they likewise trauell on horsebacke And there the passenger shall commonly pay some fiue or sixe batzen each meale The horses in both places are to bee
other Cities is commonly of timber clay and plaster sometimes of freestone and foure or fiue roofes high whereof each as it is higher so is more proiected into the streete much darkening the same and causing the raine to fall into the middest thereof The streetes are no broader then for two Carts to meete and passe one by the other Almost vnder euery house is a Cellar to lay vp wine Perry Cyder and alll kinds of drinke and few of the windowes are glazed which are also darkened with grates of wood the rest are altogether open to be shut by night with windowes of wood The building of the Villages is like ours in England commonly of timber and clay and thatched ouer The Gentlemens houses are built like those in the Cities whereof I haue spoken but the Pallaces of great Lords for the most part are stately built of free stone yet more beautifull and stately are the Kings Pallaces commonly of free stone curiously carued with pillers of marble and sometimes of brickes with pecces of marble in the parts most open to the eye Among these Pallaces of the King that of Fontainebleau is the most stately and magnificent that I did see and most pleasant for the gardens and sweete Aire Caesar in his Commentaries saith that buildings of England were then like those of France Now at London the houses of the Citizens especially in the chiefe streetes are very narrow in the front towards the streete but are built fiue or sixe roofes high commonly of timber and clay with plaster and are very neate and ommodious within And the building of Citizens houses in other Cities is not much vnlike this But withall vnderstand that in London many stately Pallaces built by Noblemen vppon the Riuer Thames doe make a very great shew to them that passe by water and that there be many more like Pallaces also built towards Land but scattered and great part of them in backe lanes and streetes which if they were ioined to the first in good order as other Cities are built vniformely they would make not onely faire streetes but euen a beautifull City to which few might iustly be preferred for the magnificence of the building Besides that the Aldermens and chiefe Citizens houses howsoeuer they are stately for building yet being built all inward that the whole roome towards the streets may be reserued for shoppes of Tradesmen make no shew outwardly so as in truth all the magnificence of London building is hidden from the view of strangers at the first sight till they haue more particular view thereof by long abode there and then they will preferre the buildings of this famous City to many that appeare more stately at the first sight Great part of the Townes and Villages are built like the Citizens houses in London saue that they are not so many stories high nor so narrow in the front towards the streete Others of them are built in like sort of vnpolished small stones and some of the Villages in Lincolneshire and some other Countries are of meere clay and couered with thatch yet euen these houses are more commodious within for clenlinesse lodging and diet then any stranger would thinke them to be Most of the houses in Cities and Townes haue Cellers vnder them where for coolenesse they lay Beere and Wine Gentlemens houses for the most part are built like those in the Cities but very many of Gentlemens and Noblemens Pallaces aswell neere London as in other Countries are stately built of bricke and free stone whereof many yeelde not in magnificence to like buildings of other Kingdomes as Homby built by S r Christopher Hatton Tybals lately belonging to the Earle of Salisbury seated neere London the Earle of Exceter his house neer Stamford by which Pallaces lying neere the high way a stranger may iudge of many other like stately buildings in other parts The Kings Pallaces are of such magnificent building so curious art and such pleasure and beauty for gardens and fountaines and are so many in number as England need not enuie any other Kingdome therein Among them being manie a stranger may see neere London the King Pallaces of Hampton Court of Richmond of Greenewich of Nonsuch of Otelands of Schene of Winsore and in London the Pallace of White Hall In Scotland the Citie Edenborough is fairlie built of vnpolished stone but the galleries of timber built vpon the fronts of the houses doe rather obscure then adorne them And the Kings Pallace at one end and the fortified Castle at the other end of the City are more statelie built then the rest but all the beautie of the Citie confirsts of one large streete the by lanes being few and full of beggery The houses in Villages and scattered in the Countrie are like to those in England but the Gentlemens and Noblemens houses are nothing so frequent nor so stately built as the better sort of the English Neither are their I ownes and Cities in number building or pleasantnesse comparable to those in England Lastly the Villages of clay couered with straw are much more frequent then in England and farre lesse commodious within Among the Kings Pallaces that at Edenburg and that of Sterling for the building and Fawkland for the pleasure of hunting are the chiefe The houses of the Irish Cities as Corke Galoway and Lymrick the fairest of them for building are of vnwrought free stone or flint or vnpolished stones built some two stories high and couered with tile The houses of Dublin and Waterford are for the most part of timber clay and plaster yet are the streetes beautifull and the houses commodious within euen among the Irish if you pardon them a little slouenlinesse proper to the Nation In generall the houses very seldome keepe out raine the timber being not well seasoned and the walles being generally combined with clay only not with morter of lime tempered The Irish haue some quarries of Marble but only some few Lords and Gentlemen bestow the cost to polish it Many Gentlemen haue Castles built of free stone vnpolished and of flints or little stones and they are built strong for defence in times of rebellion for which cause they haue narrow staires and little windowes and commonly they haue a spatious hall ioyning to the Castle and built of timber and clay wherein they eate with their Family Neither are many of these gentle mens houses void of filth and slouenlinesse For other Irish dwellings it may be said of them as Caesar said of the old Brittanes houses They call it a Towne when they haue compassed a skirt of wood with trees cut downe whether they may retire themselues and their cattle For the meere barbarous Irish either sleepe vnder the canopy of heauen or in cabbines watled and couered with turfe The Germans long inioying settled peace the French and the Nitherlanders for many yeeres distracted with warres haue many Cities strongly fortified with ditches and earthen walles
the title of Great Duke and is a most large Prouince fenny and woody so as in Summer there is no passage into it but in winter when the Fenns are frozen Merchants trade with the inhabitants Vilna is the Metropolitan city and seate of the Bishop It hath very few Townes and the Villages are commonly distant 20 German miles one from the other They haue plenty of hony wax a kind of beast like an oxe called Alce wilde beasts and rich furres but they scarce know the vse of mony 6 Volhinia is the most fertile prouince of that Kingdom and fullest of faire townes and Castles 7 Russia or Reutenia hath many Townes whereof the most knowne is Leopolis vulgarly Leimpurg and it is famous for swift and good horses not to speake of the rich furres and other commodities 8 Lastly Podolia aboundeth with excellent Pastures but hath few Cities or Townes In general Poland is subiect to as great cold as the lower part of Germany lying vnder the same Parallel and the Countries as they lie more Northerly so they suffer more cold for the coast of the Baltike Sea the more it lyes towards the East the more it still bends to the North besides that the plainenes of the Countrie and the frequency of Lakes and Fennes doe more increase the cold They vse stoues heated with earthen ouens for remedy against cold as the Germans doe The reuenews of the King and Gentlemen are moderate scarce sufficient to maintaine a plentiful table and to exchange with Merchants for Wines and Spices which they much vse especially in dressing of fish and for forraigne Stuffes and Clothes of Silke and Wooll Poland aboundeth with beasts aswell wild as tame and yeeldeth excellent horses not great but quicke and stirring Neither doe the Gentlemen more delight in any thing then in their horses so as they hang gold chaines and lewels at their eares and paint them halfe ouer with exquisite colours but in that vncomely that they are not naturall for horses as the Carnatian colour and their hinder parts they adorne with rich Furres and skinnes of Lions and Leopards and the like aswell to terrifie their enemies as to adorne and beautifie their horses Poland likewise aboundeth with Flesh Whitemeate Birds fresh-water-Fish it being farre within land and al kind of Pulse as Pease and the like It hath some but very few mines of Gold and Siluer towards the Carpatian Mountaines of Hungary and of Iron and Brimstone It abounds with Hony which they find in hollow trees and caues of the earth besides the Husbandmans hiues It yeelds great quantity of Wax Flax Linnen clothes made thereof Hempe Pich of both kinds Mafts for shippes Beares and Timber rich Furres Salt digged out of pits Amber Soape-ashes and all kinde of Graine especially Rye which hath made Daniske famous for relieuing all Nations therewith in time of dearth No maruell then if Merchants bring vnto them Silkes of Italy Cloth of England Wine of Spaine and the very Spices of India with most remote commodities since they not onely sell them at what price they list but also bring from thence such precious foresaid commodities Poland is all farre within land excepting Borussia vulgarly Prussen which with immunities is subiect to this Kingdome though I haue described it among the Prouinces of Germany because the people are Germans in language and manners And the very inhabitants of Borussia haue but few ships vsing strangers to export their commodities Poland aboundeth with the foresaid most necessary commodities and the people liue content with their owne yet are they not rich because they want the foresaid forraigne commodities farre brought and so deare And they haue so little Gold and Siluer as despising all in respect of it they sell all commodities at a most low rate especially those which are for daily foode and vnfit to be exported And in truth my selfe hauing in Poland and Ireland found a strange cheapenesse of all such necessaries in respect they want and so more esteeme Siluer This obseruation makes me of an opinion much contrary to the vulgar that there is no more certaine signe of a fluorishing and rich commonwealth then the deare price of these things excepting the yeeres of famine nor any greater argument of a poore and weake State then the cheape price of them and it makes me confident to conclude that old wiues snared with papisticall superstition doe foolishly attribute the late deare prices to the change of Religion in our time while they ignorantly extoll former times wherein twenty foure Eggs were sold for a penny for in our Age our Kings haue more royall Tributes our Nobles farre greater reuenews our Merchants much greater wealth then euer our progenitors had and this is the cause that all things for diet and appartell and our very wanton desires are sold at much higher prices then in former ages because our riches make vs not able to want any thing to serue our appetite at what price soeuer it is set Againe for Italy it hath no great store of flesh birds fish and like things for food in regard of the populousnesse thereof yet the Inhabitants holding it no disgrace to be sparing in diet and modest in apparell so it be clenly in regard of this generall temperance and that the Nobility disdaineth not to weaue silkes and trade for them being the sinew of that Countrey howsoeuer all things are sold there at most deare prices yet no Princes considering things to be considered no Gentlemen no Merchants of the vniuersall World haue greater treasures and wealth then those of Italy I haue said that Poland doth abound with all kinds of flesh whitmeates fresh-water fish and all things necessary for foode and that it yeelds no Wine which the Inhabitants seldome drinke but in place thereof they vse Beere which they of Dantzk brew very strong and good and they make a drinke of Hony which they esteeme almost as much as wine and the best composition thereof is made in the Prouince of Masjouia They haue such store of Butter as I haue seene them anoint Cart wheeles therewith but it is more white and lesse sauoury then ours This Kingdome hath few Cities and if a stranger will for a time soiourne in any of them he shall easily find a German or Netherlander to be his Host who will entertaine him more commodiously then any of that Nation though perhaps at extraordinary rates as my selfe found abiding with a Netherlander at Crakaw The Innes in the chiefe Cities affoord conuenient beds and plenty of flesh and fresh-water fish And these fish they dresse with pepper and spice more then enough for which kinde of Cookery the Polonians are praised aboue the Germans or any other Nation yet the spite being farre brought and deerely sold makes the sawce farre more costly then the fish it selfe There is scarce any Gentleman who hath not the skill and doth not vse to dresse fish for his owne eating In
betweene Roane and Diepe called Totes and in like sort in all the Innes of those parts before the ciuill warre assoone as passengers lighted from their horses the Hoast gaue them water to wash and bread and wine for the French haue not the patience to expect their supper without some refection Then at supper the table was serued with Mutton a Capon or Pullet Patridges and like meates with a kind of banquet as in Summer Apples Cherries and Grapes and in Winter Chessenuts Rice Raysons and stewed Prunes Then they gaue their guests cleane sheetes drying them at the fier in their presence and in the morning gaue them for breakfast some buttered tostes or motsell of meate and for all this together with horsemeate each man paid some twenty two or twenty fiue soulz as likewise the bating at noone for horse and man cost each some ten soulz After the ciuill warre I passed through these parts and commonly each meale paid twelue or fifteene soulz with worse interertainment and for breakefasts paid seuerally but no great rate Towards the confines of Flanders the Hoasts onely couer the table and a side table vpon which euerie passenger hath his glasse for the French are curious not to drinke in another mans cup and the Hoasts are onely to bee paid for this seruice Otherwise at times of eating they call the Cookes dwelling neere the Innes who bring the best meates they haue and when the guests haue chosen their meate and agreed for the price they carry it backe to dresse it and so send it warme with sawces In generall through the Cities of France passengers seldome dine at their Innes but with some companions goe to the Tauernes or Cookes shops but at night they must eate with the Hoast that giues them beds where they shall haue cleane sheetes and see them dried before their faces but they are of course cloth and very few chambers are priuate but most haue three or foure beds wherein they lye not single but for the most part with bedfellowes Also the guests as well Merchants and Gentlemen as those of common sort eate at an ordinary table and for supper commonly large with diuers roasted meates each man payes some fifteene soulz He that hiers a chamber in Cities which he may haue well furnished at Paris for some two Crownes a moneth he must buy his meate at Cookes shops which are frequent and very cleanly neither is it any disgrace as with vs to buy a morsell of meate there and to agree for the price before it bee eaten And they that hier chambers can haue no better conueniency for diet either at Paris or in other Cities But hee that stayes long in a Citie may agree in a Citizens house or an Inne for his diet and lodging by the yeere which hee may haue at Paris in extraordinary sort for some one hundred fifty Crownes yeerely and ordinarily for lesse and at Rone for one hundred twenty or one hundred Crownes and in many Cities for eighty Crownes and in many good Innes for sixty Crownes yeerely Drunkennesse is reprochfull among the French and the greater part drinke water mingled with wine and alwaies French wines not Sacke or Spanish wines which are sold as Phisicke onely by Apothecaries or other forraigne Wines whereof I remember not to haue seene any in the Northerne parts of France Yet Marriners Souldiers and many of the common sort vsed to drinke Perry and Syder to very drunkennes yea I haue seene many drink wine with like intemperance and when these kinds of men sit at drinking they vse much mirth and singing in which art they take great delight as the French in generall are by nature chearefull and liuely Women for the most part and virgins alwaies except by stealth they offend against the custome vse to drinke water except it be in the Prouinces yeelding Perry and Syder which all sorts vse to drinke without exception And at Paris I remember to haue seene a poore woman to beg a cup of water which being giuen her she drunke it off and went away merily as if she had receiued a good almes CHAP. III. Of England touching the particular subiects of the first Chapter THE Longitude of England extends nine degrees and a halfe from the meridian of thirteene degrees and a halfe to that of twenty three degrees and the latitude extends fixe degrees from the paralell of fifty degrees and a halfe to that of fifty sixe degrees and a halfe Learned Camden whom I gladly follow in this description of England makes the circuite of all Britany to be one thousand eight hundred thirty six miles This is the most famous Iland of all the World and is diuided into two Kingdomes that of England and that of Scotland England is subeuided into diuers Counties or Shyres and Ilands 1 In the description whereof I will first begin with Cornmall of old inhabited by the Danmonij It is for the most part a Mountanous Country but the soyle is not vnfirtile besides that the people incredibly fatten the same with laying vpon it the owes of the Sea called Orwood and a certaine mud The Sea coast as Camden writeth whom I follow is beautified with very many Townes which haue much shipping The inward parts abound with a rich vaine of Mettals where wonderfull quantitie of most pure Tinne is digged vp and not onely Tinne but Gold and Siluer with it and Dyamonds formed into Angles by nature it selfe which we call Cornish Dyamonds Eringo grows plentifully all along the Sea side and with great labour of the Husbandman they haue such aboundance of Corne as great quantity of wheate is yeerely exported thence into Spaine Also the inhabitants make great gaine by the fishing of Pilchards which they salt and drie in the smoke and export an huge multitude of them yeerely into Spaine and Italy Here is the famous Mount Michael of old called Dinsol and by the inhabitants the Rock Cana. This Rocke is somewhat high and craggy vpon the top whereof is a Chappell dedicated to Michael the Arch-Angell The Towne Falemouth hath a faire Hauen capeable of very many shippes and most safe from stormes where the Rockes doe fortifie two Castles built by Henry the eight and this Hauen is by Ptolomy called Ostium Cenionis 2 Deuonshire likewise inhabited by the Danmonij hath fairer Hauens being no lesse rich in the vaines of Tinne and beautified with frequent Townes In no part of England the ground requireth more expence for in many places it is barren till it bee fatted with the Owes or sand of the Sea which makes it wonderfully fruitfull but in the remotest parts from the Sea this sand is dearely bought The Riuer Plimus giues the name to the Towne Plimmouth of old called Sutton which grew from a fishers Village to a faire Towne by the commoditie of the Hauen being most safe euen for great ships as well in the said Riuer as in another called Tamera Not farre from thence is the
the English and Saint Dauids Ilands right ouer against the seate of the Bishop of Saint Dauy. Next is the 10 Iland called Enhly by the Welsh Britans and Berdsey as the I le of Birds by the English wherein they report that twenty thousand Saints lie buried Next lies 11 Mona that is the shadowed or dusky Iland which after many yeeres being conquered by the English was by them called Anglesey as the Iland of the English It is a most noble Iland the old seate of the Druides Priests so called of old and so fruitfull as it is vulgarly called the Mother of Wales the cheefe Towne whereof is Beaumarish Neere that lies 12 Prestholme that is the Priests Iland whereof the Inhabitants and Neighbours make incredible reports for the multitude of Sea Fowle there breeding Next followes 13 Mona or Monoeda as the farther Mona which we call the I le of Man the Inhabitants whereof are like the Irish in language and manners but haue something of the Norway men It yeeldes abundantly Flaxe and Hempe hath pleasant Pastures and Groues and is fruitfull of Barly Wheate and especially of Oates the people feeding on Oaten bread in all parts are multitudes of Cattle but it wants wood and for fier vseth a kind of Turffe Russia which of the Castle we call Castle-Towne is the cheefe Towne and hath a Garrison of Souldiers but Duglas is the most frequented and best inhabited Towne because it hath an excellent Hauen easie to be entered In the Westerne part Bala-curi is the seate of the Bishop vnder the primacy of the Archbishop of Yorke and there is the Fort called the Pyle wherein a garrison of Souldiers is kept Vpon the Southerne Promontory lies a little Iland called the Calfe of Man which aboundeth with Sea Birds called Puffins and a kind of Duckes engendered of rotten wood which the English call Barnacles In generall the Inhabitants haue their proper Tongue and Lawes and had their proper Coyne They abhorre from stealing and from begging and are wonderfully religious generally and most readily conforming themselues at this day to the Church of England and the people in the Northerne part speake like Scots and in the Southerne part like Irish. Edwin King of Northumberland subdued the Northerne people and subiected them to the Crowne of England yet with many changes of Fortune this Iland long had their owne Kings euen since the Normans conquered England and since the time that Iohn King of England passing into Ireland by the way subdued this Iland about the yeere 1210 till the Kingdome came to the Scots in the yeere 1266. After that time Mary the daughter of Reginald the last laid claime to the Iland before the King of England as supreme Lord of Scotland and when sheecould not preuaile William Montague her Kinseman tooke the Iland of Man by force which his Heire sold for a great summe of money in the yeere 1393 to William Scroope who being beheaded for Treason the Iland fell by right to Henry the fourth King of England who assigned the same to Henry Pearcy Earle of Northumberland with prouiso that he and his Heires at the coronation of the Kings of England should carry the Sword vulgarly called Lancaster Sword before the King but the same Persey being also killed in ciuill warre the King gaue that Iland to Stanlye from whom discend the Earles of Darby who kept the same till Ferdinand Earle of Darby dying without heire male and the Earledome falling to his Brother but this Iland to his Daughters as Heires generall Queene Elizabeth thinking it vnfit that Women should bee set ouer her Souldiers there in garrison gaue the keeping thereof to Sir Thomas Gerrard But King Iames the foureteenth of August in the fifth yeere of his Raigne granted by Letters Pattents this Iland with all things thereunto appertaining to Henry Earle of Northampton and Robert Earle of Saltsbury their Heires and Assignes for euer they vpon doing homage for the same presenting his Maiesty with two Falcons and his Heires and Successours at their Coronation in like sort with two Falcons And howsoeuer no vse or intent of this grant be mentioned in these Letters Pattents yet no doubt the grant was made to the vse of those vpon whose humble petition to his Maiesty the Letters Pattents were granted as therein is expressely declared namely of William Lord Stanly Earle of Darby heire male to Iohn Lord Stanly and of Elizabeth Countesse of Huntington Anne wife to the Lord Chandois and Francis wife to Sir Iohn Egerton Knight being the Heires generall of the said Iohn Lord Stanly The famous Riuer Thames fals into the German Ocean ouer against Zeland and before it fals into the same makes the 14 Iland Canuey vpon the Coast of Essex so low as it is often ouerflowed all but some higher hils to which the sheepe retire being some foure thousand in number the flesh whereof is of delicate taste and they are milked by young men Neere that is the 15 Iland Sheppey so called of the sheepe wherein is Quinborrough a most faire Castle kept by a Constable Without the mouth of Thames lie the shelfes or sands dangerous to Sea men which of the greatest are all called Goodwin sands where they say an Iland the patrimony of the same Earle Goodwinn was deuoured by the Sea in the yeere 1097. In the Britan Sea lies the 16 I le of Wight hauing in the Sea most plentifull fishing and the Land being so fruitfull as they export Corne besides that in all parts it hath plenty of Conies Hares Partridges and Feasanes and hath also two Parkes of Fallow Deare Also the sheepe feeding there vpon the pleasant hils yeeld wool in goodnesse next to the Fleeces of Lemster and Cotswold Flockes It hath sixe and thirty Townes and Castles and the Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction thereof belongs to the Bishop of Wintchester Towards the West lie other Ilands pretented to be French but subiect to England namely 17 Gerzey whither condemned men were of old banished 18 Garnsey neither so great nor so fruitful but hauing a more commodious Hauen vpon which lies the Towne of Saint Peter both Ilands burne a weede of the Sea or Sea coales brought out of England and both speake the French Language I omit the seuen Iles called Siadae and others adioyning and will onely adde that the Ilands lie neere Cornewall which the Greekes called Hesperides the English call Silly and the Netherlanders call Sorlings being in number some 145 more or lesse whereof some yeeld Wheate all abound with Conies Cranes Swannes Hirnshawes and other Sea Birdes The greatest of them is called Saint Mary and hath a Castle wherein Souldiers lie in Garrison committed in our time to the keeping of Sir Francis Godolphin and after to his sonne Sir William Godolphin being of a noble Family in Cornewall Also many of the said Ilands haue vaines of Tynne and from hence was Leade first carried into Greece and the Roman Emperours banished condemned men hither to
strictly forbidden by many Statutes The flesh of Hogges and Swine is more sauoury then in any other parts excepting the bacon of Westphalia and of the Southerne Ilands where they commonly feede on Rootes and Chesnuts The goodnesse of the Sheepe may be coniectured by the excellency of the wooll and wollen clothes which Sheepe are subiect to rotting when they feede on low wet grounds excepting the Marshes ouerflowed by the sea which for the saltnesse are held very wholsome for them and these rots often destroy whole stocks for they seldome drinke but are moistned by the dewes falling in the night And the feeding of Sheepe vpon like accident of discases often vndoes the ownet in his estate but more commonly preferued from that ill they inrich many so as it is prouerbially said He whose Sheepe stand and wiues die the husbands gaining their dowries must needs be rich The Kings Forrests haue innumerable heards of Red Deare and all parts haue such plenty of Fallow Deare as euery Gentleman of fiue hundreth or a thousand pounds rent by the yeere hath a Parke for them inclosed with pales of wood for two or three miles compasse Yet this prodigall age hath so forced Gentlemen to improue their reuenews as many of these grounds are by them disparked and conuerted to feede Cattell Lastly without offence be it spoken I will boldly say that England yea perhaps one County thereof hath more fallow Deare then all Europe that I haue seene No Kingdome in the World hath so many Doue-houses I formerly said that the Wolues were altogether destroied in England and Wales so as the Sheepe feede freely in the fields and Mountaines England hath much more Dogges aswell for the seuerall kinds as the number of each kind then any other Territorie of like compasse in the World not onely little Dogges for beauty but hunting and water-Dogges whereof the bloud-Hounds and some other haue admirable qualities It hath infinite number of Conies whereof the skinnes especially black and siluer haired are much prised and in great quantity transported especially into Turkey The Nagges and Gueldings are singular for the Gentle ambling pace and for strength to performe great iournies So are the hunting Horses of exceeding swiftnes much esteemed in forraigne parts especially in France and Scotland and of both kinds the number is infinite The great Horses for seruice and to draw Coaches and carts are of like number and goodnes and one kinde for seruice called the Corser as bred of the Neapolitan Corsers and English Mares yeelds not for brauery of race to the Neapolitan Corsers or Spanish Gennets I said that they are all strong and the horses for iornies in defatigable for the English especially Northerne men ride from day breake to the euening without drawing bit neither sparing their hories nor 〈◊〉 whence is the Prouerb that England is the Hell of Horses the Purgatory of Seruants and the Paradise of Women because they ride Horses without measure and vse their Seruants imperiously and their Women obsequiously The Gentlemen disdaine trafficke thinking it to abase Gentry but in Italy with grauer counsell the very Princes disdaine not to be Merchants by the great and hardly leaue the retailing commodity to men of inseriour sort And by this course they preserue the dignity and patrimony of their progenitors suffering not the sinew of the Commonwealth vpon any pretence to be wrested out of their hands On the contrary the English and French perhaps thinking it vniust to leaue the common sort no meanes to be inriched by their industry and iudging it equall that Gentlemen should liue of their reuenews Citizens by trafficke and the common sort by the Plough and manuall Artes as diuers members of one body doe in this course daily sell their patrimonies and the buyers excepting Lawyers are for the most part Citizens and vulgar men And the daily feeling of this mischiefe makes the error apparant whether it be the prodigalitie of the Gentry greater then in any other Nation or age or their too charitable regard to the inferiour sort or rashnesse or slothfulnesse which cause them to neglect and despise traffick which in some Commonwealths and namely in England passeth all other commodities and is the very sinew of the Kingdome I haue at large related in this booke treating of Poland the English trafficke in the Baltick Sea and treating of Germany their trafficke with the Hans Cities and so treating of other seuerall States the English traffick with each of them so as it were lost labour to repeare it againe Onely for Spaine whereof I had no cause to speake touching their trafficke with England I will adde that the English carry into Spaine Wollen clothes Saffron Wax and Corne and bring from thence Oyle Fruits Sacks and sweet wines Indian spices with God and Siluer And in generall I wil obserue that England abounds with rich commodities of their owne and exports them with their own ships from very Iseland and Moscouye to both the Indies and at this day buy not so much of the Turkes as they were wont but by long Nauigation fetch Spices and like commodities from the farthest East Indies So as the shipping of England must needs be very great in number and strength But of Englands Nauall glory I must speake at large in the discourse of that Common-wealth In the meane time I freely professe that in my opinion the English Marriners are more daring then any other Nation in stormes of winds raging of Seas and thundring of Ordinance in Nauall fights And if any stranger take me of too much boasting in this point I desire him to consider of Martin Furbushers attempts in the frozen Sea of Sir Francis Drakes and Sir Thomas Candishes dangerous Nauigations round about the world and if these things shal not moue him the worst I wish him is that in person he may experience their courage and art in a fight vpon equall termes Caesar in the fourth Chapter and fifth booke of his Commentaries writes thus of the Britans dyet It is vnlawfull for them to taste Hares Geese or Hennes yet they keepe them all for their pleasure and the inward parts sow no Corne but liue vpon milke and flesh At this day the English inhabitants eate almost no flesh more commonly then Hennes and for Geese they eate them in two seasons when they are fatted vpon the stubble after Haruest and when they are greene about Whitsontide at which time they are held for dainties and howsoeuer Hares are thought to nourish melancoly yet they are eaten as Venison both rosted and boyled They haue also great plenty of Connies the flesh whereof is fat tender and much more delicate then any I haue eaten in other parts so as they are in England preferred before Hares at which the Germans wonder who hauing no Venison the Princes keeping it proper to themselues and the hunting of Hares being proper to the Gentlemen in most parts they esteeme Hares as Venison and seldom eate
to that of fifteene and a halfe and the Latitude extends also foure degrees from the Paralel of fifty foure degrees to that of fifty eight degrees In the Geographicall description I will follow Camden as formerly This famous Iland in the Virginian Sea is by olde Writers called Ierna Inuerna and Iris by the old Inhabitants Eryn by the old Britans Yuerdhen by the English at this day Ireland and by the Irish Bardes at this day Banno in which sence of the Irish word Auicen cals it the holy Iland besides Plutarch of old called it Ogigia and after him Isidore named it Scotia This Ireland according to the Inhabitants is deuided into two parts the wild Irish and the English Irish liuing in the English Pale but of the old Kingdomes fiue in number it is deuided into fiue parts 1 The fast is by the Irish called Mowne by the English Mounster and is subdeuided into sixe Counties of Kerry of Limricke of Corcke of Tipperary of the Holy Crosse and of Waterford to which the seuenth County of Desmond is now added The Gangaui a Scithean people comming into Spaine and from thence into Ireland inhabited the County of Kerry full of woody mountaines in which the Earles of Desmond had the dignity of Palatines hauing their House in Trailes a little Towne now almost vninhabited Not farre thence lies Saint Mary Wic vulgarly called Smerwicke where the Lord Arthur Gray being Lord Deputy happily ouerthrew the aiding troopes sent to the Earle of Desmond from the Pope and the King of Spaine On the South side of Kerry lies the County of Desmond of old inhabited by three kinds of people the Lucens being Spaniards the Velabri so called of their seate vpon the Sea waters or Marshes and the Iberns called the vpper Irish inhabiting about Beerehauen Baltimore two Hauens well known by the plentiful fishing of Herrings and the late inuasion of the Spaniards in the yeere 1601. Next to these is the County of Mec Carti More of Irish race whom as enemy to the Fitz-geralds Queene Elizabeth made Earle of Glencar in the yeere 1556. For of the Fitz-Geralds of the Family of the Earles of Kildare the Earles of Desmond descended who being by birth English and created Earles by King Edward the third became hatefull Rebels in our time The third County hath the name of the City Corke consisting almost all of one long streete but well knowne and frequented which is so compassed with rebellious neighbours as they of old not daring to marry their Daughters to them the custome grew and continues to this day that by mutuall marriages one with another all the Citizens are of kinne in some degree of Affinity Not farre thence is Yoghall hauing a safe Hauen neere which the Vicounts of Barry of English race are seated In the fourth County of Tipperary nothing is memorable but that it is a Palatinate The little Towne Holy-Cresse in the County of the same name hath many great priuiledges The sixth County hath the name of the City Limerike the seate of a Bishop wherein is a strong Castle built by King Iohn Not farre thence is Awue the seate of a Bishop and the lower Ossery giuing the title of an Earle to the Butlers and the Towne Thurles giuing them also the title of Vicount And there is Cassiles now a poore City but the seate of an Archbishoppe The seuenth County hath the name of the City Watersord which the Irish call Porthlargi of the commodious Hauen a rich and well inhabited City esteemed the second to Dublyn And because the Inhabitants long faithfully helped the English in subduing Ireland our Kings gaue them excessiue priuiledges but they rashly failing in their obedience at King Iames his comming to the Crowne could not in long time obtaine the confirmation of their old Charter 2 Lemster the second part of Ireland is fertile and yeelds plenty of Corne and hath a most temperate mild Aire being deuided into ten Counties of Catterlogh Kilkenny Wexford Dublyn Kildare the Kings County the Queenes County the Counties of Longford of Fernes and of Wickle The Cariondi of old inhabited Caterlogh or Carloo County and they also inhabited great part of Kilkenny of vpper Ossery and of Ormond which haue nothing memorable but the Earles of Ormond of the great Family of the Butlers inferiour to no Earle in Ireland not to speake of Fitz pairic Baron of vpper Ossery It is redicnious which some Irish who will be beleeued as men of credit report of Men in these parts yeerely turned into Wolues except the aboundance of melancholy humour transports them to imagine that they are so transformed Kilkenny giuing name to the second County is a pleasant Towne the chiefe of the Townes within Land memorable for the ciuility of the Inhabitants for the Husbandmens labour and the pleasant Orchards I passe ouer the walled Towne Thomastowne and the ancient City Rheban now a poore Village with a Castle yet of old giuing the title of Barronet I passe ouer the Village and strong Castle of Leighlin with the Countrey adioyning vsurped by the Sept of the Cauanaghs now surnamed Omores Also I omit Kosse of old a large City at this day of no moment The third County of Wexford called by the Irish County Reogh was of old inhabited by the Menappij where at the Towne called Banna the English made their first discent into Ireland and vpon that Coast are very dangerous flats in the Sea which they vulgarly call Grounds The City Weshford Weisford or Wexford is the cheefe of the County not great but deseruing praise for their faithfulnesse towards the English and frequently inhabited by Men of English race The Cauci a Seabordering Nation of Germany and the Menappij aforesaid of old inhabited the territories now possessed by the Omores and Ohirns Also they inhabited the fourth County of Kildare a fruitfull soyle hauing the cheese Towne of the same name greatlie honoured in the infancie of the Church by Saint Briget King Edward the second created the Giralds Earles of Kildare The Eblani of old inhabited the territory of Dublin the fifth County hauing a fertile soyle and rich pastures but wanting wood so as they burne Turffe or Seacoale brought out of England The City Dublyn called Diuelin by the English and Balacleigh as seated vpon hurdles by the Irish is the cheefe City of the Kingdome and seate of Iustice fairely built frequently inhabited and adorned with a strong Castle fifteene Churches an Episcopall seate and a faire Colledge an happy foundation of an Vniuersity laid in our Age and indowed with many priuiledges but the Hauen is barred and made lesse commodious by those hils of sands The adioyning Promontory Hoth-head giues the title of a Barron to the Family of Saint Laurence And towards the North lies Fengall a little Territory as it were the Garner of the Kingdome which is enuironed by the Sea and great Riuers and this situation hath defended it from the incursion of Rebels in former