whom assistance may be had and who if they should slip their necks out of the Collar might not do us any displeasure in it They are very necessary with the neighbouring Princes upon a place which is designed to be assaulted either in relation to Passages or in respect of having from them Ammunitions both of War and necessary victuals as there shall be occasion Hannibal knew this full well when as he was upon his expedition into Italy and made a League with the French and Spaniard he took Hostages of them and for better assurance left Garisons in many of their strong Holds The Romans did the same when they made war upon the Lacedemonians by making a League with Ptolomy King of Egypt without whose assistance that would have had somewhat to do to have passed on Besides when there is cause of suspicion of their fidelity it is necessary either to take some Persons or Places of them by way of Hostage to the end that their interest to perserve them may compel them to continue firm in their first resolutions If many of our Kings who have made expedition into Italy had taken such a course as this were it onely in point of Passages we had not seen them exposed to so many dangers nor indeed to so many disgraces yet in case by their receding they cannot cause any great incoveniences there will not then be so absolute a necessity of such security and assurances However as it ought to be taken for granted that they will start aside in case the enemy give them satisfaction to their interests so there ought still to bee Forces ready which may clap in upon them and supply their deficiencies It is a trouble to see them break their words yet a Prince shall reap this profit from a League to make it serve to give a happy beginning to an enterprise by means of such assisting forces as may be drawn from it and by dividing expence between them which else must be undergone by one alone It will not be presently fit to defie them for that would be a means to make them take to the other part but it will be needfull to have an eye upon it and to be prepared for the worst Moreover it is profitable to make Leagues not onely with States but with Princes and their Successors and to contract them with greater certainty then Edward the fourth King of England did who having recourse to one of our Kings after he had been despoyled of his Kingdome had not other answer but that the League was made with the King of England and his State and that he being no longer King of England France could not without breaking the Laws of Alliances imploy their Arms against him who was present Master of the Crown To be short it is good to be carefull that the divers constructions which may be made may not serve for a pretext for them who would fall off There must not be so much as the least starting hole left for them to creep out or to break their words especially if they make any accompt of their reputation which is inseparable from their fidelity for without that they will perchance hardly resolve to run Counter The Marquess de Coevures takes the Field to make himself Master of the Forts in the Valtoline AT the same time that the Kings orders were delivered to the Marquess de Coevures he received a dispatch from the Sieur de Bethune which told him that he despaired of getting any reason from the enemy by those ways which he had till then tried so that now he must have recourse to Nostre Dame de Frappe Fort who as soon as he had received this piece of Rallary he resolved forthwith to take the field concluding there was no reason any longer to defer it and that if he could surprize the places unexpectedly without giving them leave to provide themselves he should strike a great stroke in the businesse without any great trouble He had long before given order to 3 Swiss and 3 Grisons Collonels to raise each of them a Regiment of a 1000 men so that he had nothing else to do but to send them word to be ready on the other side the Residents of Venice and Savoy being come to him they had agreed upon all things together The Sieur de Mesnil had order to make a Magazine of Ammunition at Zurich for the Swisses and Grisons forces and the Resident of Venice undertook that the Common-wealth should make another at Bergamo for such forces as should march into the Republick that which was most troublesome was there being a necessity of discovering the design to several persons it would be impossible to keep it from being known and to hide their intentions of the time when they would enter upon the Valtoline The Popes Nuntio called Scapy and the Marquesse d' Ogliani the Spanish Embassadour had notice of it who made strong indeavours to pervent any Levies amongst the Swisses or the marching of any Troops which the King should send but all would not serve the Levy could not be obstructed for the Cantons of Berne and Zurich where they were to be made had given too particular an assurance of it by means of the money and the promises which were made them that they should be seconded with a puissant succour against any who should attempt any thing against them upon that accompt But their Contrivances and Cabals were so powerfull that the Catholick Cantons resolved to stop their Passages upon them so the Marquesse was forced to his shifts that his Majesties Commands might not be ineffectual His remedy was to cause his Horse to march four by four that is all such as were sent him from Bresse and to secure the Canton of Bern for the conduct of Vaubecourt's Regiment seeming after he was once entred as if he would force his way either by Fair or Foul means to the Grisons It was enough that these Cantons were by several Treaties bound to open their Passages to his Majesties Forces upon so just an occasion as this was and it made no great matter whether they refused it or not seeing if they should they might be forced to it without breaking the Laws of Equity Thus he being well informed of the resolution which the Nuntio and the Marquess de Ogliani had induced them to take resolved not to demand it untill he were upon the very point of passing because they should be better advised then to deny him when they find him in a condition not to be hindred they not having the least time to prepare themselves against it All things being thus in a readinesse for the beginning of the design he sent the Sieur de Lande to Zurich to discourse with the chief of the banished Grisons and to perswade them to rise and then he commanded the Sieur de Harcourt Marshal of the Field and the Sieur du Lande to joyn with Collonel Salis to enter into the Grisons to seize
Prudent States-man ought to make his resolutions and to regulate his Conduct according to circumstances and the advantage of the time present the former would be much found fault with if he should lose the Wind when it is fair and the latter would commit a deplorable over-sight if he should neglect those advantages and opportunities which should present themselves unto him Opportunity is oftentimes of greater advantage then several Troops and Experience hath dayly evidenced to the World that the advantages of time is the onely thing which if laid hold on carrieth great actions to a prosperous issue Nature observeth her time to put forth her works we never see her bedight with Flowers but when the Sun smiles gently upon her just thus is it with a Prudent man he must strike when the Iron is hot and not strike untill it be hot For this reason it was that the Pythagoreans held opportunity to be the first cause of all things and it is but truth that opportunity is that which giveth them all their perfections and causeth them to terminate in a happy successe Antiquity did much esteem of Pittacus his advice which was comprehended in two words onely know thy time that is lose not thy opportunity but make sure of it it being certainly true that the least smile which she bestoweth is the ground-work of great successes above all an enemy ought to be assaulted at his weakest before he be fortified and that his other Troops come to joyn with him The valiant Scipio would no longer defer his fighting with the Carthaginians when he foresaw that if he gave them time Asdrubal would come up and joyn with them which would augment the difficulties to overcome them Marius in the 25 Book of T. Livy resolved to prosecute the enemy because his Prudence fore-told him that in case he deferred it their whole force would in a small time joyn themselves together and then instead of one Captain and one Army he must incounter with three Generals and three Armies Caesar as himself observeth in his first Book of the War with the Gauls having learnt that there were certain forces comming from the Swedes which were to passe the Rhine presently advanced to fight with Anovistus as doubting least if those forces should come up to him he might be too weak to encounter them The King having resolved upon his Italian Expedition commits the Government of the State to the Queen his Mother THe King before he departed from Paris would as reason was settle the affairs of his Kingdome and State in the hand of a person of whom he was well assured He knew that Kings being out of the way gives opportunity to seditious minds to act and stir who in their presence durst not think a thought that way tending Whereupon he concluded it necessary to intrust the management of all things with some one person upon whose Credit Fidelity and Ability he might rely The Cardinal who was never deficient in procuring all kind of honour to the Queen Mother advised his Majesty to fix upon her as he had done at the siege of Rochel though indeed he was but ill requited for his pains it being at that time that she conceived the first seeds of her hatred against him and suffered her self to be deceived by the false Impostures of her and his enemies That which did most of all clash with the Cardinals thoughts in perswading the King to devolve his power upon her was that she still was guided by those very persons who laboured nothing more then the increasing her Majesties hatred against him and who would act to that purpose with so much the more insolency when they found themselves supported by her authority But as he ever preferred his Majesties before his own Interests he did not long stick at it but finding it most fit for the Government of the State he advised his Majesty to resolve upon it For first the Government of the State could not have been left with any other but it would have raised great broils in the State and secondly he had much rather have been thought improvident in fore-seeing that might hurt him then ingratefull in not procuring to her all possible honour lying in his power and lastly he had some reason to hope that the absolute power which his Majesty left with her during his absence might open her eyes to discern with what zeal and fidelity he had served her In fine his Majesty give the Queen his Mother full and absolute power and caused the Commission which he had made for that purpose to bee read in the Parliament Politique Observation NOthing doth so much allay the hatred of a woman as to procure some honour to her for as they are naturally passionate of ruling so there is not any thing doth more please them then power It should seem that nature having created them to obey they become so much the more ambitious of governing both in private families and in States too for either of which they are very improper Hence it is that they arm themselves with fire and anger against all who oppose them unlesse they are mollified and appeased by love next to which nothing doth so much please and satisfie them as the procurement of some extraordinary power and honour unto them It is a long while since a Philosopher said no water doth so readily extinguish the fire of anger as good deeds which as they make a greater impression on the mind by how much they come nearer to their inclination so there is nothing which doth more please or delight them and hence it is that they are the fittest and most dexterous ways to recall and reclaim their unjust and groundlesse anger and displeasure The King chargeth the Lord Keeper Marillac to chuse out the best rules which had been esteemed proper for the good of the Kingdom by the States met at Paris Anno 1614. and to propose them to the Councel to be drawn up into Ordinances AT the same time the King who cherished Justice as the best Flower in his Crown resolved to publish divers Ordinances relating to his peoples good such as he had chosen out of the best rules which had been thought most proper by the States General at Paris in the year one thousand six hundred and fourteen and by the Assembly at Rouen in the year 1617. and at Paris in the year one thousand six hundred twenty six His Majesty knew that God who had put the Scepter into his hands had not more commanded him any one thing than to administer Justice indifferently to all whereupon he gave order to the Lord Keeper to pick out from those rules such choice ones as might be thought most advantagious for his peoples good to propose them to the Counsel that they might be made Ordinances after mature deliberation had upon them all which was done accordingly and thence sent to the Parliament of Paris whether his Majesty went to hear them read in
ashamed to be called Kings and could never have raised themselves so high but by their mutual and reciprocal affections as Plutarch reporteth it in the life of Demetrius Not to look after far fetch'd examples what did ever bring France to so deplorable a condition as the reiterated divisions between our Kings the Dukes of Bourgogne and Orleans Did it not reduce it to an eminent peril of Shipwrack and expose it for a prey to Forraigners who were only chastized by an extraordinary providence of Heave which took a particular care for the preservation of this Monarchy when it was just upon the point of being ruin'd Undoubtedly a State is easily vanquished when divided by those of the Kings own house and family disorders soon follow thick and three-fold The people following their example shake off obedience every one fisheth in the troubled Waters the poor are oppressed by the Souldiers the rich have much ado to enjoy their Estates Governours lose their Soveraigns good wills and do no longer stick to their interests unlesse upon their own private account and in conclusion forreign enemies make what advantages they please out of it The Reasons of the Queen-Mothers Removal THings being at this passe was there any reason to defer the redressing of them what colour could there be after so many perswasions instances and entreaties to leave the Queen-Mother in the Court both animated and discontented where she countenanced a Faction kept a close correspondence with Monsieur against the King and divided the State Had it not been an absolute defect of all sort of Prudence to have endured her keeping up of Combinations without the Kingdom of which we have seen but too many sad consequences To have permitted her party openly to slander the King and his Government to stir up the people to sedition to solicite strangers to make war upon the King under pretence that they had married her children Had it not been an extream basenesse any longer to have dissembled the knowledge of that Faction which would impose a necessity of driving away his most serviceable and confident Ministers and only because they forsooth could not procure from them whatever they desired Had it not been an absolute losse of common sence to have allowed their abrogating that respect which is due to their Soveraign as God Almighties own Image Could any one and not be of this Cabal wink at their endeavours to draw off his Majesties most faithfull servants from that duty which they owe unto him Should one have expected untill the English or Spaniard had brought their Armies into France to assist the revolt or until the Princes who were of this party should have beaten up their drums and sounded their Trumpets for to lead their Souldiers into the field to have ruined the whole Kingdom with fire and sword To have done so had been the most perfect piece of folly that had ever yet been heard of Yet for all this was the King much troubled that he was forced to do such things as would displease the Queen-Mother as to remove her though after he had indeavoured all meek and fair means which her Abettors had rendred in vain though she had laid off al natural thoughts such as a Mother ought to have for a Son and a Subject for a King and though she had to her very utmost stirred up both the French and Forraigners to trouble the quiet of the Kingdom But at last the King began to consider that the businesse would grow worse and worse if convenient order were not taken to prevent it that he was bound to prefer publick before private interests as those of an incensed Mother and if it be proper to use the expression of a Mother revolted against him which were things not to be considered at all according to the judgment of one of the Queen-mothers Grand-mothers who amongst those instructions which she gave her son told him that he ought to prefer without any distinction the safety of the Common-Weal before that of any particular or private persons Withall his Majesty was not ignorant that as God doth ever prepose Universal before Individual benefits so Kings who bear his Image and are his Vicegerents on earth ought to do the same That if the Father Almighty did expose his son who was one and the same with himself to the rage of the Jews he could not then be blamed for removing his Mother a few days from the Court yet continuing to her all Honour Officers Goods Liberty and Power that she could desire and this for the necessary good of the State to the conservation of which God had so obliged him that he ought to prefer nothing before it The King thought with himself that those great Honours and Lands which he had bestowed on her and that almost absolute Authority which he had alwaies intrusted with her whilest she continued in her affection for his Majesty and the publick good would hold him excused from any condemnation and would sufficiently evince to all the World that he had not made use of so violent a remedy but by compulsion and constraint of those her Partisans and by the extremities into which they hurried her so that judging within himself that he ought no longer to defer his resolution he at last proposed it to his Counsel Politique Observation WHen Eagernesse hath laid such deep roots in the mind of Princes of the Blood Royal that they cannot be eradicated by any possibility it will then be absolutely necessary to prevent their forming into Factions which usually arise from such beginnings There will unavoidably great changes soon follow in a Kingdome where partialities have any sway amongst them The very least disorder which can happen between the Heavens is capable of reducing the Universe into its first Chaos and the dissentions of those who are neerest related to the King are able to bring a whole State into Confusion to tie up the hands of Soveraign Authority and to expose all as a prey to Forraigners The opinion which is held that it is proper to nourish several parties and bandyings amongst Grandees whereby to make them lesse able to resist their Kings Will ought not to be understood of Leagues and Combinations to be headed by those of the royal Family which may attempt to impose a necessity on the King to do what even they shall think fit for such a division would lead a Kingdom into utter ruine and undermine the most solid foundations of Monarchy It is no whit lesse inconvenient to let Princes alone in any bad intelligence for their over great union hath produced sad effects it alwaies ought to be limited by the respects and obediences which they ow their King for admitting it to be otherwise their Factions being like impetuous winds the popularity which is gentle and calm like the Sea would receive their impressions with ease become furiously inraged run into all disorders and put a State into desperate hazards On such occasion no
the necessity of withdrawing her from those Factions which would ingage the Kingdom in Revolts and all this to compel him to deliver up this grand Minister in case they could not effect it by the dayly instances which they perswaded her to make unto his Majesty This indeed is the true reason which forced his Majesty to part with her as himself testifieth in his Letter to the Governours of the Provinces where true it is mention is made of her refusal to love the Cardinal but it is likewise said that the hatred which she bare to him transported her to attempt things contrary to the good of his State and the publick quiet insomuch that he could no longer permit her stay at Court But who can impute her removal to the Cardinal when it is well known how carefull and solicitous he was to appease that anger which she express'd against him which he did so effectually as to renounce his own interest and Fortune and to sue for his own discharge from the Court with that earnestness that his stay there may justly be said to be only in order to his Majesties Will and satisfaction who expresly commanded it and to acquit himself of the Obligation which he had to acknowledge by the continuation of his services of the honour which he did him the King still protesting as great a resolution to preserve him as the Queen-Mother did eagerness to destroy him But lastly who can deny that a designe tending to ruine what-ever it cost one of the chiefest pillars of the State and him whom the King himself had often professed to be the principal Author of his good is not a crime Laesae Majestatis Were it not such in any one to attempt the destruction of any the strongest places on the Frontites or rather to invade any the fairest Towns of France Had not experience then made it evident that the Cardinal was of greater use and concern for the good of France then many Citadels and divers of the best Towns in the Kingdom He would easily have retrived them all if so be any Invasion of our Enemies should have forc'd them from us but it was not to be hoped ever to find a Minister qualified as he was who was a greater Protection to France then all the Citadels put together and who by his Industry had made the King master of a great number of Towns and Cities Politique Observation JT was not without reason that Theodosius the younger and Justinian inserted in their Books as likewise Leon the first and Constantine in their Politicis and Basilicis that Law made by the Emperour Arcadius whereby they who had engaged themselves in any Faction tending to ruine the chief Ministers of a Soveraigne were guilty Laesae Majestatis And for this very reason If any one in England be convicted of having contrived though but in his thoughts the downfal of any Counsellor of State though he had not executed it yet such is the Law there that he lose his life as guilty de laesae Majestatis against the King as it was in the case of Somerset Uncle to Edward the sixth and Protector of the Kingdom for only having designed in his thoughts to put the Duke of Northumberland to death who likewise governed the Kingdom of England under the same young King The Laws of Swedeland are so respectful of them that it is death only to speak ill of them Salvian de Marseille saith That the enormity of Injuries ought to be weighed by the quality of them on whom they reflect whence it followeth saith he that those injuries done to a chief Minister of State who representeth the Person of his Prince are to be reputed as done against the Prince himself Thou hast commitied an offence saith Quintilian but because it is against the Magistrate thou art therefore guilty of Treason Whence it was that Verterius as Plutarch observeth was condemned to die he having been defective in his respects to a Tribune whose place is much inferiour to that of a chief Minister This was the sense which Antiquity had of those offences committed against publike persons and thus were they punished who so offended And who can deny these their Laws and Customs to be very reasonable and just seeing chief Ministers are like the noblest parts of the Soveraigne as is declared in the Law of Arcadius And if the Prince be the head of his State they are then the Members and Instruments by which he governeth And thus hath another said Our Saviour is the Head of the Church the Church are his Body and the Prelats are his chief members They are Stars clothed by their Princes with part of their own splendour that they may the better guide the people by their Influences they are the lively Images in which they cause the foot-steps of their Authority to shine forth Whence it is that if a man be guilty de Laesae Majestatis for only offending by any dis-respect his Princes Image or Picture made only of Brass Stone or the like surely he is much more guilty who disâ—respecteth his living Image in whom the most lively stamps of his Royal Authority are engraved who is the Organ by which he delivereth his Will unto the People and indeed the principal Instrument of his Glory And if it be needful to re-inforce this with any stronger reason That is the crime de Laesae Majestatis which offendeth the Soveraign or which interfereth with the greatness of his State And what Is not this to attempt upon the greatness of his State when a Cabal shall be contrived and fomented for the ruine of a Minister who by the conduct of his Masters Arms and his own Prudence hath extended his limits hath rendered him terrible to all other Nations hath vanquished all his Kings enemies and reduced them to an impossibility of attempting any new thing against his Masters authority who hath extinguished all those Factions which troubled the publike quiet who daylie augmenteth the Revenue of the Exchequer hath established Peace in the Kingdom and in a word next unto his Majesty is the greatest prop and supporter of its greatness Cicero saith That he who raiseth a Sedition against the Publike Peace doth diminish the Majesty of the Empire There are three sorts of High Treasons The first is absolutely against the Princes person The second against the Respect due to him And the third against the Grandeur and Safety of his State and Kingdom Now it were to be purposely blind not to rank under this third degree all those Factions which contrive the ruine of any Ministers of State they being so much contrary to the good of the State neither were it unreasonable to range them under the first as in England seeing Ministers carry their Masters Image instamped on their Foreheads Prosecution of the Subject THe Mareschal d' Estree whose Discretion hath been often experimented in the many affairs in which he had been imployed used his utmost endeavours to
Majesties Forces should have free passage through his Country In consideration whereof the Cardinal undertook in his Majesty's behalf to surrender the City and Castle of Bar unto the Duke as also the City and Castle of Saint Mihel Pont-a-Mousson and generally what-ever his Majesty had taken from him to with-draw his Forces from Lorrain and to protect the Person and Estates of the said Duke against all persons without exception The Cardinal perswaded his Majesty to confirm these conditions which could not be well misliked they being advantagious for the glory of France and leaving his Majesty at full liberty to go and chastise them who abusing Monsieurs name had set the Kingdom in an uproar And thus was the Treaty of Liverdun signed upon the 26. day of June This Treaty being thus concluded the King went to Pont-a-Mousson where the Cardinal de Lorrain came to meet him and to give caution for performance of his Brothers promises in order whereunto Stenay was put into the possession of the Sieur de Lambertie Jametts of the Sieur de Plessis who entred with their several Regiments into them and the King surrendred what places he had lately taken in Lorrain From thence the King went to Sechâ—pre whither the Duke came to wait upon him testifying himself to be sorrowful for having given his Majesty any cause of discontent and beseeching him to forget what was pass'd The King receiv'd his Highness with all demonstrations of kindness assuring him he should no more remember what was pass'd and hoping his good conduct for the future would never give him occasion to think of it hereafter The Duke was not backward to make many protestations though he little intended to perform any part of them In conclusion his Majesty returned into France and so to Paris chusing rather to follow the instigations of his goodness then of distrust which he had however cause to return Politique Observation IT is ever more commendable in a Prince to exceed rather in credulity then jealousie especially if it be not to his disadvantage whereas on the other side Distrust is praise-worthy in Treaties with a person not to be credited and where an easie Belief may breed inconveniences It is equally bad to believe no man and to believe every man and as it is prudence not to trust a man whom there is cause to suspect so it is a signe of courage not to fear where there is no cause of distrust It somtimes hapneth that confidence breaketh the courage of an enemy reduceth him to his devoir and forceth him to relinquish his Designs For as distrust doth extreamly much dis-oblige the truest friends so confidence hath such charms that it is able to captivate the most mortal enemies Mens passions are not unconquerable somtimes clemency and bounty may effect more then force and violence A soyl though bad of it self and apt to produce nothing but Thistles and Brambles yet when cultivated and manured with industry may bring forth good grain and spirits though naturally deceitful and false yet may be reformed by reason and generous dealing The Venetians did heretofore shew a notable example hereof when having taken a certain Prince of Mantua prisoner who extreamly much slighted them and had sworn their ruine they not only restored him to Liberty but withal made him General of theâ—r Armies and he finding himself overcome by so great a confidence layed out the utmost of his care and courage to serve them And th'Emperour Augustus by his confidence in Lucius Cinna accused for having designed to murther him so absolutely wrought upon him that he had not afterwards any person more faithful or affectionate to his service Monsieur goeth into Burgogne WE have before declared how the King being just upon his March into Lorrain Monsieur pass'd by with his Forces The sight of his Majesty's Forces hindred him from making any great stay as also from carrying the Duke of Lorrain's Troops along with him which he intended and was a thing very necessary in order to his designs because the business in Languedoc was not yet so forward as was expected From Lorrain he went into Bassigny and quartered at Andelot on the 13 of June where they who abused his favour and made use of his Name published the most seditious Libel that was ever yet heard it was fraught with infinite protestations of doing his Majesty service their usual pretexts who imbroyl the State As if to trouble the whole Kingdom to besiege Towns and Cities to oppress his Subjects to seize on the money belonging to the Exchequer to engage the Nobility in a Revolt were to do his Majesty service and all this expresly against his Majesty's command and inhibition Were not these Protestations a specious veyl wherewith Monsieurs followers endeavoured to hide the impatiency of their spirits when they saw those predictions which foretold the King's death above two years before come to nothing upon which they built all the hopes of their advancements That indeed was the true cause which induced them to spread those libellous calumnies against the Cardinal with such absurd exaggerations that they made them incredible so true it is that slanders of excess and contrary to any probable appearance make but small impressions upon them who are masters but of never so little reason Indeed who could well believe him to be a disturber of the Publike peace an enemy to the King and Royal Family as they published in their Manifest who in fifteen days time procured by his prudent conduct so many glories for France and his Majesty in Lorrain What probability was there to perswade the world that he would make himself Master of the State as they endeavoured to convince unto Monsieur who had used such great industry to cause his return into France when he first left the Kingdom and who never stirred towards Piedmont until his return was certainly concluded And in the end he forced them to dis-own that imputation by his perswading the King to shew him so much clemency and such extraordinary magnificence to oblige him to a second return What reason could they then have to take up Arms upon his accompt They had not any the least just ground for it which is evident to all the world neither were all their slanders able to sully his glory in any particular what-ever But rather on the contrary as Musk and Civet acquire a pleasant and delightful smell amidst the dunghil and Ordure by the same Anti-peristasis that fire is hottest in the coldest of Winter so all their slanders proclaimed against him serv'd only to increase the sweet odour of his Reputation which his Services and Qualities more then humane had acquired unto him That I may say somthing touching his own particular resentment it is most certain his soul was more affected with compassion for France then concern'd for his own Interests amidst all those Thunders which did not much trouble him All the vain attempts of those storms did but redouble his
needs meet him with his Sword in his hand Not a day how holy soever but he would profane by his Duels no place how publique soever which he would not bath with the blood of some one or other so little reckoning did he make of the Kings Prohibition after the comming out of the Edict he had fought with the Count de Thorigny and slain him about the end of the foregoing year and the begining of this he had another Duel with la Frete where his second was killed which quarrels of his were so much the less to be connived at in regard those of the best quality were still parties in it So the King resolved to punish him which he having notice of withdrew himself into Flanders where he found means to perswade the Archduchess to Interest her self in his affairs upon the score of the Damoizelle de Montmorency her favorite who writ to his Majesty to beg his pardon The King took advice of his Confessor and as there was no reason to forgive such offences so he counselled him not to grant it and made it evident to him that he could not do it with a safe conscience but that his Majesty might not seem totally to deny the Infante he sent her word that at her request he should not be questioned for what was past provided he came not either to Paris or the Court. This was as much as a Just Mercy could well do But the same fury which had formerly ingaged Bouteville in those quarrels did so provoke him upon his Majesties denial of a total pardon that he openly vowed he would ere long fight in Paris nay and in the Place Royal it self accordingly not long after thither he came and having given notice of it to the Marquis de Beuuron with whom he had a quarrel that he was ready to give him satisfaction for those differences between them which he had not the liberty to do in Flanders whither Beuuron had come to find him out by reason of the promise which he had ingaged to the Infante not to fight on any of her Territories So they made choise of the Place Royal for their combats where being met three against three Bouteville des Chapelles and La Berte against Beuvron Bussi d' Amboyse and Bouquet they fought and Beuvron was killed out right by Chapelles La Barte desperately wounded by Bouquet and Bouteville with Beruuron close grapling together with a good will to be at it with their daggers but having cast away their Swords it is reported how in this equality of advantage they mutually asked one anothers life to go part their friends This was all that could be got from their neglecting the Kings will and the fury which led them to entertain such detestiable offences The King heard of it and soon after that Bussy's Mother had arrested Bouteville by a Gentleman of hers and des Chapelles at Vitry from whence they were conducted to safe Custodie to Paris and there delivered over to the Parliament to be proceeded against his Majesty having absolutely refused to shew them any favour though their kindred made great requests for it and at last their heads were struck off at the Greve by order of the Parliament Politique Observation HE who defendeth the wicked and he who offendeth the good are both in equal abomination before the Lord as Salomon saith in his Proverb 's I should therefore submit to that of St. Chrisostome who saith That as Justice without Mercy is not Justice but cruelty So Mercy without Justice is not Mercy but extream rashness It were not lesse improper to pardon all Crimes then to use on all occasions the extremity of Justice Both ought to be moderated by discretion without which there are as many inconveniences which will follow gentleness as severity Philip advised his son Alexander to be very courteous to his subjects whilst he was not King for it would not be fit for him to use so great indulgence towards them when as he should arrive to the Throne Judging with great wisdome that it is impossible for him who ruleth to treat all with clemency not only because the Interest of his subjects doth sometimes compel him to be severe but also because unlesse he punish the wicked it will be a dimination of his own authority The Heathens say Jupiter himself cannot raign without Justice And Plutarch in the Life of Demetrius saith nothing is more becoming a Prince then the excercise of this vertue and doth not Solomon who is much more authentique say The Throne of a King is established by Justice St. Cyprian in his Tract of the twelve abuses saith the Justice of the King is the Peace of the people the Nurse of Children the defence of the Country the comfort of the poor and himself the hope of Heaven to come And if a Soveraign ever may make use of it he ought not to let it lye idle when it sends to the purging of his Court from such seditious companions as engage his nobles daily to cut one anothers throats It is a Crime more then Brutal for the instinct of nature forbideth beasts to fall upon one another It is reported that Neurians are Wolves one six mouths of the year men t'other six mouths but I should with more Justice imagine their swash bucklers not to be men at all but that by their greediness of spilling mans blood that are beasts Wolves and Tigres all their lives Their courage is not courage but a fury which hurrieth them on to dip their hands in their brothers blood not a courage but a Rage which maketh them madly expose their bodies to death and their souls to damnation It is not any just Law of Arms which obligeth that to be thus barbarous but a Devilish Charm which deprives them of their reason The foolish passion of an imaginary honour which animateth them is a monster begot by vanity brought up by fury and nourished by blood as it is said of that in Habacuc the greatest the noblest and most courageous serve it for a prey What apparency of reason can there be alledged for renuing the old Butchery of Haman flesh before the images not of a Moloc a Saturn but a vain fantasie of honour What Justice to tollerate that which God hath so expresly forbid and condemned to be punished with death which heaven abhors which the Laws detest and which is only worthy of Hell fier But above all things it ought not to be permitted when committed in dirsion of the Regal authority for once admitting a Kings power to be trampled on the next thing which follows will be the peoples revolt and a general confusion in the whole Kingdom The King of England's and divers other Princes endeavours to divert the King from his resolution against Rochel THough the design of besieging Rochel were kept very secret yet some little suspitions there were of it which allarumd all the neighbouring Princes The English who had already concluded upon
their entring into France resolved to redouble the Forces which had been alloted to take shipping and others too were no lesse jealous of it They knew how much it behooved them to uphold the Hugonot party in France which would disunite the Force of the Kingdom and so employ the King whenever they had a mind to it that he should not be able to march out of his own Frontiers to oppose any designs of theirs or attempt any thing upon them They well knew France was not a little to be feared when as it was at it's full liberty and no remora at home to hinder the going out of their powers That it hath pretensions upon all her neighbours and that if the Hugonots were but once quashed and Rochel their strongest support destroyed his Majesty would then be at full liberty to prosecute his pretences So every one preferring his own Interests before Justice and Religion sought for opportunities to divert his Majesties Arms and force him instead of assaulting others to defend himself they consulted together by means of their Ambassadours and made a league to assault France in divers places at one and the same time The King of Great Brittain being Chief of the league took care to send from one place to another to resolve particularly what should be done Politick Observation POlicie obligeth Kings to foment the beginnings of division amongst their neighbours but it ought to be accompanied with Justice else it cannot passe for a vertue and is to be used onely towards enemies The Laws both of nature and Christianity forbiddeth the doing of that to others which we would not have done to our selves they who deal otherwise do invert the rules of humane society Bajazet the Turkish Emperour was to be pardoned for that answer of his to Sigismonds Ambassadours who remonstrated to him that having no right or Title to Bulgaria he was bound in Justice to withdraw his Arms from it that he had such Guns in his Arcenal as gave him a right not only to Bulgaria but as much as he could finger too in any other place An answer I say excusable in a Tyrant who openly professeth to trample all Equity under foot but not so in Christian Princes whose victories ought alwayes to be bounded in with Justice That which Antigonus the Great replyed to one who would needs perswade him that whatever Kings had a mind to was lawful was much more praise worthy he told him true it was so but amongst Barbarian Kings not them who professe Justice and to whom all injustice is an abomination God hath in the Scriptures apointed distinct Laws both for Princes and private men and as particular persons may not do any thing against the Common good so Princes cannot attempt any thing of injustice without offence Plutarch blameth Marius very much for not executing Justice but when it was advantageous and because he alwayes took profit to be honest not regarding truth so he might be stronger but measured the worth of the one by the value of t'other and attempted the executing of that by craft which he could not obtain by Force God saith Isaiah reproveth the counsels of them which are not conformable to his Laws and Princes do but in vain hope to bring their designs to a good passe when as there is no resistance of Gods decrees Prosecution of the Historie THe Abbot of Scaglia was one of the Prime men in this confederacie by the Duke of Savoys means who desirous to reveng himself because the Treaty of Mouson had been concluded without his knowledge made choise of him as a person capable to embroyle things who went about it the more passionately because he was offended with the Cardinal for having driven him out of France for making of cabals against the State His first voyage was into Holland to see how they stood inclined and to draw them into the league But meeting with some there who negotiated his Majesties affairs he could make but little progress in it his reasons not being seconded with that mony which theirs was Thence he went for England where finding their minds according to his own desire he still used his best endeavours to drive on the quarrel which being once concluded The King of England sent about the month of April the Lord Mountagu to take particular orders for execution of it both in Savoy and Lorrain and with the Duke of Rohan It was needful to have some pretence to disquite Montagues Journy and no one was thought more fit then for him to pretend he was desperately in love with Madam de Cheurcuse then in Lorrain with whom he was to discourse that he might be fully informed of all the Factions at the French Court the Chief of which kept a strict correspondence with her So he began his Treaty with the nearest State first and that was Lorrain besides Buckingham had a particular intercourse with Monsieur de Lorrain by Madam de Cheureuses means and all that he might fully know the State of the Intreagues of France He having found the Duke much exasperated and that he only wanted an oportunity to let the King feel effects of his anger he ingaged to him to enter upon France at the same time that the English Fleet should land there The Duke also gave him hopes that his attempts should be the more considerable in regard the Emperour who he was assured did blow the coals of the French Faction would send him Forces for his assistance being at last fully instructed and having disposed the Duke of Lorrain to the doing whatever he could demand he went into Languedoc where meeting the Duke of Rohan he gave him an accompt of their whole design who being thus filled with hopes of potent succours from England Savoy and Lorrain he resolved to rise at the same time with the rest Thence he went to Savoy where the Duke animated against France and particularly against the Cardinal his only work there was to receive the Dukes assurances of entring upon Dauphine as soon as the English put to Sea to which purpose part of his Forces were already upon their march He presently dispatched one to the Duke of Rohan to assure him of the assistance of six thousand foot and five hundred Horse exhorting him to be careful and courageous for that their business was in a good condition They fancied to themselves that they did all ready cast that thunder bolt with which they ruined the whole Kingdom of France Mountagu shortly after returns through France to Lorrain but the King was not ignorant of his Intreagues having had a continual watch upon him foure months together that he might snap him upon his return and learn more particularly by the contents of his Papers the quality of his negotiations and accordingly he was very fortunatly taken upon the Borders of the Kingdom by the Marquis de Bourbonne whom his Majesty had commanded to apprehend him About him was found a little cabinet of papers which
employed his in procuring the Kings glory and the happiness of France Had he been then present they never durst have been so bold but his frequent absence was that which gave them opportunities to embitter the Queen Mother against him who formerly had a great respect for him They raised her anger to such an height before she was aware of it that upon the Cardinals return from Montauban to Fountainbleau she could no longer conceale her discontent her eyes darting anger which formerly were pleasant toward him her eyes darâ—ed out flames indeed and such as would have burned him had not the King interposed his absolute Authority to defend him Politique Observation ABsence hath alwayes been known to be very prejudicial to Court favourites It is difficult for them to be long away and that some one or other raise not a faction against them especially the Women whose affection being more guided by sence than reason verifies that Proverb Out of sight and out of mind Their memory is treacherous and they who are not in their sight are easily removed out of their favours Importunity worketh more upon them then merit and he who desires to be Master of their affections must necessarily be continually in their sight The Spaniard hath a Proverb much to this purpose and a good one it is Women do easily blot out of the roul of their friends those who are either dead or absent But admitting this were not so yet the envy of those who appertain to great men never permits them to lose the opportunity of any absence without attempting their ruine The eminence of a Favourites genius or the virtues which shine in him are not able to secure him for envy is a passion so maligne that those persons who have most reputation true worth and glory are the usual objects of it Whence one of the most famous Captains among the Ancients said He for his part thought that he had not yet done any thing praise worthy because that envy that companion of virtue had not found him out It is true the services and generous actions which they atchieve for the glory of a State do sometimes raise them to so high a degree of honour and repute that the despair of bettering them secures them from the emulation of others but it never exempteth them from hatred There is an inevitable necessity that they who bear a great sway in a Government should be hated not onely because men borne free are carried by a certain natural inclination to hate those who command them but also because there are divers persons of the Court who flatter themselves that they deserve more Honour than they have and that they who Govern the affairs depriving them of that which is their due do attempt to hurt them Such people are they who blame the Sun because they cannot confidently look upon him but consider not that the fault is in their eyes not his lustre They can no more endure the sight of an extraordinary virtue than that of a bright Star were it not for the night they would hardly know what the day is and it is the glimmering of the Moon and Stars which doth onely teach them what esteem they ought to have of the greatness and power of the Sun such maligne Spirits there are who are excellent at nothing but finding faults that they are excellent at who never cease to contrive the downfal of others and onely because they want merit to advance themselves But happy is that Minister whose favour is chiefly grounded upon his Princes knowledge of his services upon his Princes sence of the encrease of his glory upon his Princes affections which are no lesse assured to him in his absence then when he is present Happy is the Minister then when his Master looks upon him as the Sun which hath no lesse virtue or light when it is furthest from us then when it is nearest to us The Comte de Merodes Chamberlain to the Emperor seizeth upon the Grisons without declaring a War THE Hugonot party being thus reduced the History requireth my looking back into Italy and I must tell you that notwithstanding the Ratification of the Treaty of Suze made in Spain upon condition however that the French should depart out of Italy yet the Comte de Merodes his Imperial Majesties Chamberlain whom we may look upon as a Spaniard both by reason of the strict Union between Spain and the Empire as also because in this affair the Empire was totally guided by the Spaniard invaded the Grisons seized upon the passages between Germany and Italy took Meyenfeld and Coire their capital Cities and built forts in such places as were most convenient for the marching of his Troups This breach was occasioned by Monsieur de Savoy a person naturally turbulent and whose courage besides the affront which he had so lately received at Suze transported him presently after the Treaty of Peace and as soon as ever he saw the King engaged at the siege of Privas to negotiate with the Emperour and King of Spain a new War but upon the old design He had acquainted the Emperour that the violence which had been offered him at Suze did not so much concern his eminency in particular as it reflected on his Imperial Majesty seeing he for his part had never attempted the stopping of the passages but onely in defence of the rights of the Empire that the reliving of Cazal was a contempt of his Authority seeing the Duke of Mantua was his vassal and had not at that time rendred the obedience which he ought to his Majesty He likewise gave the Spaniard to understand that the affront which he received before Cazal brought a disrepute upon him through all Italy and that it was to be feared lest in prosecution thereof they might attempt something upon his Dominions there that the Cardinal had already projected his ruine in Italy that the Common wealth of Genoa was just ready for a revolt that an expedition was already prepared against Milan and that they had already proposed to engage him in it by assuring Bresse unto him and offering ready mony for the Marquisat of Saluces which would much facilitate the entrance of the French into Italy and that in case they should thus deprive him of those two inlets the one by Sea the other by Land there would then nothing be more easie then to despoil him of the Kingdom of Naplâ—s These considerations were of no little power to stir up both those two Potent Princes seeing it concerned their honour but there was as little honour and truth in these his discourses as there was Justice in the Câ—mte de Merodes seizing the Grisons without declaring a War against them or without any cause given of hostility It is true beiâ—g come near the Grisons he sent indeed one of his Company with the Emperours Letters to Coir in which he demanded to passe through their Countrey but instead of expecting an answer he presently
at one time to be obeyed We see if it he otherwise jealousie takes place among them and every one in particular is carefull that no one obtain any advantage which may procure him greater honour then himself insomuch that they make a difficulty to support and assist one another so many men so many minds This approveth one Counsel he another and in this diversity of opinions the thing commonly is left undone Was it not to prevent this inconvenience that the Romans having two Consuls would not that both together should have the marks of Soveraign authority but that each should take his turn Did they not also Ordain that they should not both together command the Armies but each in his day And yet notwithstanding that care some divisions happened amongst them A well governed Army ought to be like the Body of Man whose Members are joyned and united to the Head by invisible Nerves and Arteries which enable him to move them according as he listeth And thus to prevent divisions it were expedient there were but one Head to command the motion of all the Forces according as he shall think fit Agesilaus King of the Lacedemonians though one of the greatest men of Antiquity yet that he might countermine Lysander and discredit his Authority abrogated his sentences and acted quite contrary to his advises And usually it happens where there are two Commanders of an Army the one thwarts the others designs then hatred envy and obstinacy â—riâ—g all things into disorder which obstruct the carrying on of every small inconsiderable enterprize For this cause was it that Lycurgus one of the wisest Legislators among the Ancients ordained in his Laws that the Kings of Sparta in times of Peace should act joyntly with their Magistrates but in War should have Soveraign authority and that all thing should depend upon their Wills Another Commission to Monsieur le Comte de Soissons AS in times of revolt and the Soveraign's absence the insurrections which Rebels may make ought to be mistrusted his Majesty before his departure from the adjacent Provinces of Paris gave the like power to Monsieur le Comte de Soissons in Paris and the Isle of France as also over the Army in Picardy with instructions to repair thither as occasions should require By this means the Provinces thereabout remained in great quiet But that I may say somewhat concerning that Army left by his Majesty in Picardy and in that particular evince the Cardinal 's usual prudence I shal observe the advantages which might there by have been made in the present conjucture of affairs It cannot be doubted but that it was the securing of those Provinces and the awing of such factious spirits at were inclinable to foment the troubles for in case the least insurrection had been that Army had soon fallen in upon them and buried them in their own ruines Moreover it was neer about that time when the leading men of the Low-countries weary of the Spanish Tyranny insupportable to the common people layed the design of shaking off that yoke and setting their Country at liberty The had recourse unto the King to implore his protection and made divers overtures unto him to enter upon the Comtez d' Artois and Flanders which belonged to him by a just Title But his Majesty who never approveth of Revolts in other Princes Subjects more then in his own made a scruple of absolute ingaging with them or of passing his word to assist them in that design though the Spaniards being less religious in the observation of Treaties and who preserve the greatnesse of their State only by fomenting divisions among their neighbours were at that very time ingag'd to support Monsieur in his revolt and to furnish him with Forces for the over-running of Languedoc His Majesty did not totally refuse them but kept himself in a condition of sending them forces in case the Spaniard invaded France as they had promised Thus did this Army serve to keep off the Spaniards in the Bay of Languedoc from landing they mistrusting to be repayed in the Low-countries and doubting if they entred France the French would do the like to assist those Lords who were sufficiently disposed for revolt It is likewise true that it served to beget such jealousie in the Spaniards that they were forced to retain many of their Troops in the Low countries Hainaut and Artois which would have done them more service at Mastrich against the Dutch whom by this means his Majesty did equally succour as if he had sent the Marshal d'Estree with the Army in the Country of Treves according to their own desires and proposals Politique Observation THough Armies for the most part are raised to fight yet sometimes they are designed for other ends wise Princes having oftentimes obtain'd great advantages by them without striking a blow The meer jealousie which their motion may strike into an enemy obligeth him to stand upon his guard who otherwise had design'd to assault some place and in case he have assaulted it to recall some part of his Forces to prevent any attempts This effect is not of mean consequence because it divideth an enemies force and consequently rendreth him more easie to be conquered Whilest the Waters of a great River are all shut up in their own Channel their torrent is more impetuous their force the greater and who so then indeavoureth to waft over them runneth no small hazard whereas if dispersed into several Rivulets their course is more slow their depth lesse so that they are both safely and easily to be Forded Thus an enemies Army may sometimes be so strong that he is to be feared and then nothing better then to divide him and force him to separate himself by some motions which may fill him with suspicions How oft have Princes been compell'd to stay at home in their own defence by their apprehensions of an Army appearing on their own Frontiers just when they have been upon the point of invading their Neighbours Besides what Armies soever a Prince placeth on his Frontiers in times of War they alwaies give him this advantage of keeping his own Country in security either as to Forreigners who commonly make use of any pretensions about the Borders of a Country to colour their attempts or as to the discontented persons of a Kingdom who possibly may stir in their Prince's absence To preserve Peace without making war is an effect advantagious enough and indeed a cause sufficient always to keep an Army on Foot A thing in my sense of the more use in regard War ought not to be made but in order to Peace and withal it being more useful for to preserve Peace by a shew of War then by War it self that common Usher of Fire and Sword For this reason it is that a Prince ought not then to raise his Army when a Forreiner is upon the point of invading his Kingdom or when factious spirits are just ready to revolt No He ought to