many wayes And namely to make a Breach between Scotland and England her Majesties Forces were again in the year 1582. by the Kings best and truest Servants sought and required And with the Forces of her Maâ—esty prevailed so far as to be possessed of the Castle of Edenborough the principall part of that Kingdome which neverthelesse her Majesty incontinently with all Honour and Sincerity restored After she had put the King into good and faithfull Hands And so ever since in all the Occasions of Intestine Troubles whereunto that Nation hath been ever subject she hath performed unto the King all possible good Offices and such as he doth with all good Affection acknowledge The same House of Cuise under Colour of Alliance during the Raign of Francis the second and by the Support and practâ—â—â— of the Queen Mother who desiring to retain the Regency under her own Hands during the Minority of Charles the ninth used those of â—uise as a Counterpoise to the Princes of the Bloud obtained also great Authority in the Kingdome of France whereupon having raised and moved Civill Warrs under preâ—ence of Religion But indeed to enfeeble and depresse the Ancient Nobility of that Realm The contrary Part being compounded of the Bloud Royall and the Greatest Officers of the â—rown opposed themselves onely against their Insolency And to their Aides called in her Majesties Forces giving them for security the Town of New-Haven which neverthelesse when as afterwards having by the Reputation of her Majesties Confederation made their Peace in Effect as they would themselves They would without observing any Conditions that had passed have had it back again Then indeed it was held by force and so had been long but for the great Mortality which it pleased God to send amongst our Men. After which time so far was her Majesty from seeking to sowe or kindle New Troubles As continually by the Sollicitation of her Embassadours she still perswaded with the Kings both Charles the 9th and Hen. the 3d to keep and observe their Edicts of Pacification and to preserve their Authority by the Union of their Subjects which Counsell if it had been as happily followed as it was prudently and sincerely given France had been at this day a most Flourishing Kingdome which is now a Theater of Misery And now in the end after that the Ambitious Practises of the same House of Guise had grown to that Ripeness that gathering further strength upon the weakness and Misgovernment of the said King Hen. 3d He was fain to execute the Duke of Guise without Ceremony at Bloys And yet neverthelesse so many Men were embarqued and engaged in that Conspiracy as the Flame thereof was nothing asswaged But contrarywise that King Hen. grew distressed so as he was enforced to implore the Succours of England from her Majesty Though no way interessed in that Quarrell Nor any way obliged for any good offices she had received of that King yet she accorded the same Before the Arrivall of which Forces the King being by a sacrilegious Iacobine murthered in his Camp near Paris yet they went on and came in good time for the Assistance of the King which now raigneth The Justice of whose Quarrell together with the long continued Amity and good Intelligence which her Majesty had with him hath moved her Majesty from time to time to supply with great Aides And yet she never by any Demand urged upon him the putting into her Hands of any Town or Place So as upon this that hath been said let the Reader judge whether hath been the more Just and Honourable Proceeding And the more free from Ambition and Passion towards other States That of Spain or that of England Now let us examine the proceedings reciproque between themselves Her Majesty at her Comming to the Crown found her Realm entangled with the Wars of France and Scotland her nearest Neighbours which Wars were grounded onely upon the Spaniards Quarrell But in the pursuit of them had lost England the Town of Calice Which from the 21. year of King Edward 3 had been possessed by the Kings of England There was a meeting near Burdeaux towards the end of Queen Maries Raign between the Commissioners of France Spain and England and some Overture of Peace was made But broke off upon the Article of the Resâ—itution of Callice After Queen Maries Death the King of Spain thinking himself dischaâ—ged of that Difficulty though in hoâ—our he was no lesse bound to it then before renewed the like Treaty wherein her Majesty concurred so as the Commissioners for the said Princes met at Chasteau Cambraâ—ssi near Cambray In the proceedings of which Treaty it is true that at the first the Commissioners of Spain for form and in Demonstration onely pretended to stand firm upon the Demand of Calliceâ— but it was discerned indeed that the Kings Meaning was after â—ome Ceremonies and perfunctory Insisting thereupon to grow apart to a â—eace with the French excluding her Majesty And so to leave her to make her own Peace after her People Had made his Wars Which Covert Dealing being politickly looked into her Majesty had reason being newly invested in her Kingdom And of her own Inclination being affected to Peace To conclude the same with such Conditions as she mought And yet the King of Spain in his Dissimulation had so much Advantage as she was fain to do it in a Treaty apart with the Frâ—nch whereby to one that is not informed of the Counsels and Treaties of State as they passed it should seem to be a voluntary Agreement of her Majesty whereto the King of Spain would not be party whereas indeed he left her no other choice And this was the first Assay or Earnest penny of that Kings good affection to her Majesty About the same time when the King was sollicited to renew such Treaties and Leagues as had passed between the two Crowns of Spain and England by the Lord Cobham sent unto him to acquaint him with the Death of Queen Mary And afterwards by Sir Thomas Challenor and Sir Thomas Chamberlain successively Embassadours Resident in his Low Countries Who had order divers times during their Charge to make Overtures thereof both unto the King and certain principall persons about him And lastly those former Motions taking no effect By Viscount Montacute and Sir Thomas Chamberlain sent unto Spain in the year 1560 no other Answer could be had or obtained of the King but that the Treaties did stand in as good Force to all Intents as new Ratification could make them An Answer strange at that time but very conformable to his Proceedings since which belike even then were closely smothered in his own Breast For had he not at that time some hidden Alienation of Mind and Design of an Enemy towards her Majesty So wise a King could not be ignorant That the Renewing and Ratifying of Treaties between Princes and States do adde great Life and Force both of Assurance to the parties themselves
Merchants should pay Strangers Custome in England that resteth upon the Point of Naturalization which I touched before Thus have I made your Majesty a brief and naked Memoriall of the Articles and Points of this great Cause which may serve onely to excite and stir up your Majesties Royall Iudgement and the Iudgement of Wiser Men whom you will be pleased to call to it Wherein I will not presume to perswade or disswade any thing Nor to interpose mine own Opinion But do expect light from your Majesties Royall Directions Unto the which I shall ever submit my Iudgement and apply my Travailes And I most humbly pray your Majesty in this which is done to pardon my Errours and to cover them with my good Intention and Meaning and Desire I have to do your Majesty Service And to acquiâ—e the Trust that was reposed in me And chiefly in your Majesties benign and gracious Acceptation FINIS THE BEGINNING OF THE HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN BY the Decease of Elizabeth Queen of England the Issues of King Henry the 8th failed Being spent in one Generation and three Successions For that King though he were one of the goodliest Persons of his time yet he left onely by his Six Wives three Children who Raigning successively and Dying Childelesse made place to the Line of Margaret his eldest Sister Married to Iames the 4th King of Scotland There succeeded therefore to the Kingdome of England Iames the 6th then King of Scotland descended of the same Margaret both by Father and Mother So that by a rare Event in the Pedegrees of Kings it seemed as if the Divine Providence to extinguish and take away all Note of a Stranger had doubledâ— upon his Person within the Circle of one Age the Royall Bloud of England by both Parents This sucâ—ession drew towards it the Eyes of all Men Being one of the most memorable Accidents that had hapned a long time in the Christian World For the Kingdome of France having been re-united in the Age before in all the Provinces thereof formerly dismembred And the Kingdome of Spain being of more fresh memory united and made entire by the Annexing of Portugall in the Person of Philip the second There remained but this Third and last Vnion for the counterpoizing of the Power of these three great Monarchies And the disposing of the Affaires of Europe thereby to a more assured and universall Peace and Concord And this Event did hold Mens Observations and Discourses the more Because the Island of Great Britain divided from the Rest of the World was never before united in it self under one King Notwithstanding the People be of one Language and not separate by Mountains or great Waters And notwithstanding also that the uniting of them had been in former times industriously attempted both by Warre and Treaty Therefore it seemed a manifest work of Providence and Case of Reservation for these times Insomuch as the vulgar conceived that now there was an End given and a Consummation to superstitious Prophecies The Belief of Fooles but the Talk sometimes of Wise Men And to an ancient tacite Expectation which had by Tradition been infused and inveterated into Mens Minds But as the best Divinations and Predictions are the Politick and probable Foresight and Conjectures of wise Men So in this Matter the Providence of King Hen. the 7th was in all Mens Mouths Who being one of the Deepest and most prudent Princes of the World upon the Deliberation concerning the Marriage of his Eldest Daughter into Scotland had by some Speech uttered by him shewed himself sensible and almost Prescient of this Event Neither did there want a Concurrence of divers Rare externall Circumstances besides the Vertues and Conditions of the Person which gave great Reputation to this Succession Aâ— King in the strength of his years supported with great Alliances abroad established with Royall Issue at home at Peace with all the World practised in the Regiment of such a Kingdome as mought rather enable a King by variety of Accidents then corrupt him with Affluence or vain glory And One that besides his universall Capacity and Judgement was notably exercised and practised in Matters of Religion and the Church Which in these times by the confused use of both Swords are become so intermixed with Considerations of Estate as most of the Counsailes of Soveraign Princes or Republiques depend upon them But nothing did more fill Forraign Nations with Admiration and Expectation of his Succession then the wonderfull and by them unexpected Consent of all Estates and Subjects of England for the receiving of the King without the least scruple Pause or Question For it had been generally dispersed by the Fugitives beyond the Seas who partly to apply themselves to the Ambition of Forreiners And partly to give Estimation and value to their own Employments used to represent the state of England in a false light That after Queen Elizabeths Decease there must follow in England nothing but Confusions Interregâ—s and perturbations of Estate likely for to exceed the Ancient Calamities of the Civill Wars between the Houses of Lancaster and York By how much more the Dissentions were like to be more Mortall and Bloudy when Forraign Competition should be added to Domesticall And Divisions for Religion to Matter of â—itle to the Crown And in speciall Parsons the Iesuite under a disguised Name had not long before published an expresse Treatise Wherein whether his Malice made hâ—m believe his own Fancies Or whether he thought it the fittest way to move Sedition Like evill Spirits which seem to foretell the Tempest they mean to move He laboured to display and give colour to all the vain Pretences and Dreams of Succession which he could imagine And thereby had possessed Many abroad that knew not the Affaires here with those his Vanities Neither wanted there here within this Realm divers Persons both Wise and well affected who though they doubted not of the undoubted Right yet setting befoâ—e themselves the waves of peoples Hearts Guided no lesse by suddain and temporary Winds then by the naturall Course and Motion of the Waters Were not without fear what mought be the Event For Queen Elizabeth being a Prince of extream Caution and yet One that loved Admiration above Safety And knowing The Declaration of a Successour mought in point of Safety be disputable But in point of Admiration and Respect assuredly to her Disadvantage Had from the beginning set it down for a Maxime of Estate to impose a Silence touching Succession Neither was it onely Reserved as a Secret of Estate but Restrained by severe Lawes That no Man should presume to give Opinion or maintain Argument touching the same So though the Evidence of Right drew all the Subjects of the Land to think one Thing yet the Fear of Danger of Law made no Man privy to others Thought And therefore it rejoyced all Men to see so fair a Morning of a Kingdome and to be throughly secured of former Apprehensions As
and Constancy as it did strike the Minds of those that heaâ—d him more then any Argument had done And so Mr. Speaker against all these witty and subtile Arguments I say that I do believe and I would be sorry to be found a Prophet in it That except we proceed with this Naturalization Though not perhaps in his Majesties time who hath such Interest in both Nations yet in the time of his Descendants these Realms will be in continuall Danger to divide and break again Now if any Man be of that carelesse mind Maneat nostros ea Cura Nepotes Or of that hard Mind to leave things to be tried by the sharpest Sword sure I am he is not of Saint Pauls Opinion who affirmeth That whosoever useth not Fore-sight and Provision for his Family is worse then an unbeliever Much more if we shall not use fore-sight for these two Kingdoms that comprehend so many Families But leave things open to the perill of future Divisions And thus have I expressed unto you the Inconvenience which of all other sinketh deepest with me as the most weighty Neither do there want other Inconveniences Mr. Speaker the Efâ—ect and Influence whereof I fear will not be adjourned to so long a Dâ—y as this that I have spoken of For I leave it to your wisdom to consider whether you do not think in case by the deniall oâ— this Naturalization any Pike of Alienation or unkindness I do not say should be thought to be or noised to be between these two Nations whether it will not quicken and excite all the Envious and Malicious Humours wheresoever which are now covered against us either forraign or at home And so open the way to practises and other Engines and Machinations to the Disturbance of this State As for that other Inconvenience of his Majesties Engagement into this Action it is too binding and pressing to be spoken of And may do better a great deal in your Minds then in my Mouth Or in the mouth of any man else because as I say it doth press our Liberty too far And therefore Mr. Speaker I come now to the third generall part of my Division concerning the Benefits which we shall purchase by this knitting of the knot surer and streighter between these two Kingdoms by the Communicating of Naturalization The Benefits may appear to be two The one Surety the other Greatness Touching Surety Mr. Speaker it was well said by Titus Quiutius the Roman touching the state of Peloponnesus That the Tortois is safe within her shell Testudo intra Tegumen tuta est But if there be any Parts that lye open they endanger all the rest We know well that although the State at this time be in a happy peace Yet for the time past the more Ancient Enemy to this Kingdome hath been the French and the more late the Spaniard And both these had as it were their severall postern Gates whereby they mought have approach and Entrance to annoy us France had Scotland and Spain had Ireland For these were the two Accesses which did comfort and encourage both these Enemies to assail and trouble us We see that of Scoâ—land is cut off by the Vnion of both these Kingdoms If that it shall be now made constant and permanent That of Ireland is likewise cut off by the convenient situation of the North of Scotland toward the North of Ireland where the Sore was Which we see being suddainly closed hath continued closed by means of this Salveâ— So as now there are no Parts of this State exposed to Danger to be a Temptation to the Ambition of Forrainers but their approaches and Avenues are taken away For I do little doubt but those Forrainers which had so little successâ— when they had these advantages will have much lesse comfort now that they be taken from them And so much for Surety For Greatness Mr. Speaker I think a Man may speak it soberly and without Bravery That this Kingdom of England having Scotland united Ireland reduced the Sea Provinces of the Low-Countreys contracted and Shipping maintained Is one of the greatest Monarchies in Forces truly esteemed that hath been in the world For certainly the Kingdoms here on Earth have a Resemblance with the Kingdome of Heaven which our Saviour compareth not to any great Kernell or Nut but to a very Small Grain yet such an one as is apt to grow and spread And such do I take to be the Constitution of this Kingdome If indeed we shall refer our Counsels to Greatness and Power And not quench them too much with Consideration of Utility and Wealth For Mr. Speaker was it not think you a true Answer that Solon of Greece made to the Rich King Craesus of Lydia when hee shewed unto him a great Quantity of Gold that he had gathered together in Ostentation of his Greatness Might But Solon said to himâ— contrary to his Expectation Why Sir if another come that hath better Iron then you he will be Lord of all your Gold Neither is the Authority of Machiavell to be despised who scorneth the Proverb of estate taken first from a Speech of Muciauus That Moneys â—re the Sinews of War And saith There are no true Sinews of War but the very Sinews of the Arms of valiant Men. Nay more Mr. Speaker whosoever shall look into the Seminaries and Beginnings of the Monarchies of the world he shall find them founded in Poverty Persia a Country barren and poor in respect of the Medes whom they subdued Macedon a Kingdome ignoble and Mercenary untill the Time of Philip the Son of Amyntas Rome had poor and pastorall Beginnings The Turks a Band of Sarmatian Scythes that in a vagabond manner made Impression upon that part of Asia which is yet called Turcomania Out of which after much variety of Fortune sprung the Ottomon Family now the Terrour of the world So we know the Gothes Vandals Alanes Huns Lombards Normans and the rest of the Northern People in one Age of the World made their Descent or Expedition upon the Roman Empire And came not as Rovers to carry away prey and be gone again But planted themselves in a number of fruitfull and rich Provinces Where not onely their Generations but their Names remain till this Day witness Lombardy Catalonia A name compounded of Goth Alane Andaluzia A name corrupted from Vandelicia Hungary Normandy and others Nay the Fortune of the Swizzes of late years which are bred in a barren and Mountanous Countrey is not to be forgotten Who first ruined the Duke of Burgundy The same who had almost ruined the Kingdome of France what time after the Battail of Granson the Rich Jewell of Burgundy prized at many Thousands was sold for a few pence by a common Swizze That knew no more what a Jewell meant then did â—sops Cock And again the same Nation in revenge of a Scorn was the Ruin of the French Kings Affaires in Italy Lewes the 12th For that King when he
strait-way think with himself Doth this Man beleeve what he saith Or not beleeving it doth he think it possible to make us beleeve it Surely in my conceit neither of both But his End no doubt was to round the Pope and the King of Spain in the Eare by seeming to tell a Tale to the People of England For such Bookes are ever wont to be translated into diverse Languages And no doubt the Man was not so simple as to think he could perswade the People of England the Contrary of what they tast and feele But he thought he might better abuse the States abroad if he directed his Speech to them who could best convict him and disprove him if he said untrue So that as Livy saith in the like case AEtolos magis coram quibus verba facerent quam ad quos pensi habere That the Aaetolians in their Tale did more respect those which did over-hear them then those to whom they directed their Speech So in this matter this Fellow cared not to be counted a Lier by all English upon Price of Deceiving of Spain and Italy For it must be understood that it hath been the generall Practise of this kind of Men many years of the one side to abuse the forraine Estates by making them believe that all is out of Joynt and Ruinous here in England And that there is a great part ready to joyn with the Invader And on the other side to make the Evill Subjects of England believe of great Preparations abroad and in great readinesse to be put in Act And so to deceive on both sides And this I take to be his Principall Drift So again it is an extravagant and incredible Conceit to Imagine that all the Conclusions and Actions of Estate which have passed during her Majesties Raign should be ascribed to one Counseller alone And to such an one as was never noted for an Imperious or Over-ruling Man And to say that though He carried them not by Violence yet he compassed them by Devise There is no Man of Iudgement that looketh into the Nature of these Times but will easily descry that the Wits of these Dayes are too much refined for any Man to walk Invisible Or to make all the World his Instruments And therefore no not in this point assuredly the Libeller spake as he thought But this he foresaw That the Imputation of Cunning doth breed Suspicion And the Imputation of Greatnesse and Sway doth breed Envy And therefore finding where he was most wrung and by whose pollicyâ— and Experience their plots were most crossed the mark he shot at was to see whether he could heave at his Lordships Authority by making him suspected to the Queen or generally odious to the Realm Knowing well enough for the one point that there are not only Iealousies but certain Revolutions in Princes Minds So that it is a rare Vertue in the Rarest Princes to continue constant to the End in their Favours and Employments And knowing for the other point that Envy ever accompanieth Greatness though never so well deserved And that his Lordship hath alwaies marched a Round and a Reall Course in service And as he hath not moved Envy by Pomp and Ostentation so hath he never extinguished it by any Popular or Insinuâ—tive Carriage of Himself And this no doubt was his Second Driâ—t A Third Drift was to assay if he could supplant and weaken by this violent kind of Libelling and turning the whole Imputation upon his Lordship his Resolution and Courage And to make him proceedâ— more cautelously and not so throughly and strongly against them Knowing his Lordship to be a Politick Man and one that hath a great Stake to leese Lastly least while I discover Cunning and Art of this Fellow I should make him wiser then he was I think a great part of this Book was Passion Difficile est tacere cùm doleas The Humours of these Men being of themselves eager and Fierce have by the Abort and Blasting of their Hopes been blinded and enraged And surely this Book is of all that Sort that have been written of the meanest work-man-ship Being fraughted with sundry base Scoffs and cold Amplifications and other Characters of Despite But void of all Iudgement or Ornament 2. Of the presents Estate of this Realm of England whether it may be truly avouched to be prosperous or Afflicted THe Benefits of Almighty God upon this Land since the time that in his singular providence he led as it were by the hand and placed in the Kingdome his Servant our Queen Elizabeth are such as not in Boasting or in Confidence of our selves but in praise of his Holy Name are worthy to be both considered and confessed yea and registred in perpetuall Memory Notwithstanding I mean not after the manner of a Panegyrique to Extoll the present Time It shall suffice onely that those Men that through the Gall and Bitterness of their own Heart have lost their Tast and Iudgement And would deprive God of his Glory and us of our sences in affirming our Condition to be Miserable and â—ull of Tokens of the Wrath and Indignation of God be reproved If then it be true that Nemo est Miser aut Felix nisi comparatus Whether we shall keeping our selves within the Compasse of our own Island look into the Memories of Times past Or at this present time take a view of other States abroad in Europe We shall â—ind that we need not give place to the Happinesse either of Ancestours or Neighboursâ— For if a Man weigh well all the Parts of State and Religion Lawes Aministration of Iustice Pollicy of Government Manners Civility Learning and Liberall Sciences Industry and Manuall Arts Armes and Provisions of Wars for Sea and Land Treasure Traffique Improvement of the Soyle Population Honour and Reputation It will appear that taking one part with Another the State of this Nation was never more Flourishing It is easie to call to Remembrance out of Histories the Kings of England which have in more ancient times enjoyed greatest Happinesse Besides her Majesties Father and Grand father that raigned in rare Felicity as is fresh in Memory They have been K. Henry 1. K Hen 2. K. Hen. 3. King Edw the 1. K. Edw. the 3. K. Henry the 5. All which have been Princes of Royall Vertue Great Felicity and Famous Memory But it may be truly affirmed without derogation to any of these worthy Princes that whatsoever we find in Libels there is not to be found in the English Chronicles a King that hath in all respects laid together raigned with such Felicity as her Majesty hath done For as for the First 3. Henries The First came in too soon after a Conquest The Second too soon after an Vsurpation And the Third too soon after a League or Barons War To raign with Security and Contentation King H. 1. also had unnaturall Wars with his Brother Robert wherein much Nobility was consumed He had therewithall tedious Wars in Wales
the rest of their Body The Kingdome of Portugall which of late times through their Merchandizing and places in the East Indies was grown to be an Opulent Kingdome is now at the last after the unfortunate journey of Affrick in that State as a Countrey is like to be that is reduced under a Forreiner by Conquest And such a Forreiner as hath his Competitour in Title being a Naturall Portugall and no Stranger And having been once in possession yet in Life wherby his Iealousie must necessarily be encreased and through his Jealousie their Oppression which is apparent by the Carrying of many Noble Families out of their Naturall Countries to live in Exile And by putting to Death a great Number of Noble-Men naturally born to have been principall Governers of their Countries These are three Afflicted parts of Christendome The Rest of the States enjoy either Prosperity or tolerable Condition The Kingdome of Scotland though at this present by the good Regiment and wise proceeding of the King they enjoy good quiet yet â—ince our Peace it hath passed through no small Troubles And remaineth full of Boyling and Swelling Humours But like by the Maturity of the said King every day encreasing to be repressed The Kingdome of Poland is newly recovered out of great Wars about an Ambiguous Election And besides is a State of that Composition that their King being Elective they do commonly chuse rather a Stranger then one of their own Countrey A great Exception to the Flourishing Estate of any Kingdome The Kingdome of Swedeland besides their Forrain Warrs upon their Cousins the Muscovites and the Danes Hath been also subject to divers Intestine Tumults and Mutations as their Stories do record The Kingdome of Denmark hath had good Times specially by the good Government of the late King who maintained the profession of the Gospell But yet greatly giveth place to the Kingdome of England in Climate Wealth Fertility and many other Points both of Honour and Strength The Estates of Italy which are not under the Dominion of Spain have had peace equall in continuance with ours Except in regard of that which hath passed between them and the Turk Which hath sorted to their Honour and Commendation But yet they are so brideled and over-awed by the Spaniard that possesseth the two principall Members thereof And that in the two extream parts as they be like Quillets of Freehold being intermixed in the midst of a great Honour or Lordship So as their Quiet is intermingled not with Iealousie alone but with Restraint The States of Germany have had for the most part peaceable Times But yet they yeeld to the State of England Not only in the great Honour of a great Kingdome they being of a mean Stile and Dignity but also in many other Respects both of Wealth and Pollicy The State of Savoy having been in the old Dukes Time governed in good Prosperity hath since notwithstanding their new great Alliance with Spain whereupon they waxed insolent to design to snatch up some piece of France After the dishonourable Repulse from the Seige of Geneva deen often distresâ—ed by a particular Gentleman of Daulphâ—ny And at this presenâ— day the Duke feeleth even in Piedmont beyond the Mountaines of the weight of the same Enemy Who hath lately shut up his Gates and common Entries between Savoy and Piedmont So as hitherto I do not see but that we are as much bound to the Mercies of God as any other Nation Considering that the Fires of Dissention and Oppression in some Parts of Christendom may serve us for Lights to shew us our Happinesse And the good â—states of other places which we do congratulate with them for is such neverthelesse as doth not stain and exceed ours But rather doth still leave somewhat wherein we may acknowledge an ordinary Benediction of God Lastly we do not much emulate the Greaâ—nesse and Glory of the Spaniards Who having not only Excluded the Purity of Religion but also Fortified against it by their Devise of the Inquisition which is a Bulwark against the Entrance of the Truth of God Having in recompence of their new Purchase of Porâ—ugal lost a great part of their ancient Patrimonies of the Low-Countries Being of far greater Commodity and Valew or at the least holding part thereof in such sort as most of their other Revenewes are spent there upon their own Having lately with much Difficulty rather smoothed and skinned over then Healed and extinguished the Commotions of Arragon Having rather sowed Troubles in France then reaped Assured Fruit thereof unto themselves Having from the Attempt of England received Scorn and Disreputation Being at this time with the States of Italy rather suspected then either Loved or Feared Having in Germany and else where rather much practise then any Sound intelligence or Amity Having no such clear succession as they need object and Reproach the Incertainty thereof unto another Nation Have in the end won a Reputation rather of Ambition then Iustice And in the pursuit of their Ambition rather of Much Enterprising then of Fortunate Atchieving And in their Entâ—rprising rather of Doing Things by Treasure and Expence then by Forces and Valour Now that I have given the Reader a Tast of England respectively and in Comparison of the Times past and of the States abroad I will descend to examine the Libellers own Divisions Whereupon let the World judge how easily and clean this Inke which he hath cast in our faces is washed off The First Branch of the pretended Calamities of England is the great and wonderfull Confusion which he saith is in the State of the Church which is subdivided again into two parts The one the Prosecutions againg the Catholicks The other the Discords and Controversies amongst our selves The former of which 2. parts I have made an Article by it self Wherein I have set down a clear and simple Narration of the proceedings of State against that sort of Subjects Adding this by the way That there are 2. Extremities in State concerning the Causes of â—aith and Religion That is to say the Permission of the Exercises of more Râ—ligions then one which is a dangerous Indulgence and Toleration the other is the Entring and Sifting into Mens Consciences when no Overt Scandall is given which is Rigorous and Straineable Inquisition And I avouch the proceedings towards the intended Catholicks to have been a Mean between these two Extremities Referring the Demonstration thereof unto the aforesaid Narraâ—ion in the Articles following Touching the Divisions in our Church the Libeller affirmeth â—hat the Protestanticall Caluinism For so it pleaseth him with very good grace to term the Religion with us established is grown Contempâ—ible and Detected of Idolatry Heresie and many other superstitious Abuses by a Purified sort of Professors of the same Gospell And this Conâ—ention is yet grown to be more intricate by reason of a Third Kind of Gospellers called Brownists Who being directed
Athenians could rest which was if the Deputies of the Lacedemonians could make it plain unto them that after these and these things parted withall the Lacedemonians should not be able to hurt them though they would So it is with us As we have not justly provoked the Hatred or Enmity of any other State so howsoever that be I know not at this time the Enemy that hath the Power to offend us though he had the Will And whether we have given just Cause of Quarrell or Offence it shall be afterwards touched in the feurth Article Touching the true Causes of the Disturbance of the Quiet of Christenâ—ome As far as it is fit to justifie the Actions of so High a Prince upon the Occasion of such a Libell as this But now concerning the Power and Forces of any Enemy I do find that England hath sometimes apprehended with Jealousie the Confederation between France and Scotland The one being upon the same Continent that we are and breeding a Souldier of Puissance and Courage not much differing from the English The other a Kingdom very Opulent and thereby able to sustain Wars though at very great Charge And having a brave Nobility And being a Near Neighbour And yet of this Conjuncâ—ion there never came any Offence of Moment But Scotland was ever rather used by France as a Diversion of an English Invasion upon France then as a Commodity of a French Invasion upon England I confesse also that since the Vnions of the Kingdom of Spain and during the time the Kingdom of France was in his Entire A Conjunction of those two potent Kingdoms against us might have been of some Terrour to us But now it is evident that the State of France is such as both those Conjunctions are become Impossible It resteth that either Spain with Scotland should offend us or Spain alone For Scotland thanks be to God the Amity and Intelligence is so sound and secret between the the two Crowns Being strengthened by Consent in Religion Nearnesse of Blood and Continuall good Offices reciprocally on either side as the Spaniard himself in his own Plot â—hinketh it easier to alter and overthrow the present State of Scotland then to remove and divide it from the Amity of England So as it must be Spain alone that we should fear which should seem by reason of his Spacious Dominions to be a great Over-match The Conceit whereof maketh me call to mind the Resemblance of an Ancient writer in Physick who labouring to perswade that a Physician should not doubt sometimes to purge his Patient though he see him very weak Entreth into a Distinction of Weakness and saith there is a Weakness of Spirit and a Weakness of Body The latter whereof he compareth unto a man that were otherwise very strong but had a great pack on his Neck So greatâ— as made him double again So as one might thrust him down with his Finger Which Similitude and Distinction both may be fitly applyed to matter of State For some States are Weak through want of Means and some VVeak through Excesse of Burthen In which rank I do place the State of Spain which having outcompassed it self in embracing too much And being it self but a barren Seed-plot of Souldiers And much Decayed and Exhausted of Men by the Indies and by continuall wars and so to the State of their Treasure being endebted and engaged before such times as they waged so great Forces in France And therefore much more since Is not in brief an Enemy to be feared by a Nation Seated Manned Furnished and Pollyced as is England Neither is this spoken by guesse For the Experience was Substantiall enough and of Fresh Memoâ—y in the late Enterprise of Spain upon England What Time all that Goodly Shipping which in that Voyage was consumed was Compleat what Time his Forces in the Low Countries was also full and Entire which now are wasted to a fourth part What time also he was not entangled with the Matters of France But was rather like to receive Assistance then Impediment from his Friends there In respect of the great Vigour wherein the League then was while the Duke of Guise then lived and yet neverthelesse this great preparation passed away like a Dream The Invincible Navy neither took any one Barque of ours Neither yet once offered to land But after they had been well Beaten and Chased made a Perambulation about the Northern Seas Ennobling many Coasts with VVracks of Mighty ships and so returned home with greater Derision then they set forth with Expectation So as we shall not need much Confederacies and Succours which he saith we want for the breaking of the Spanish Invasion No though the Spaniard should nestle in Brittain and supplant the French and get some Port-Townes into their hands there which is yet far off yet shall he never be so commodiously seated to annoy us as if he had kept the Low-Countries And we shall rather fear Him as a wrangling Neighbour that may Trespass now and then upon some Stragling ships of ours then as an Invader And as for our Confederacies God hath given us both Meanes and Minds to tender and relieve the States of others And therefore our Confederacies are rather of Honour then such as we depend upon And yet nevertheless the Apostata's and Huguonets of France on the one part For so he termeth the whole Nobility in a manner of France Among the which a great part is of his own Religion which maintain the clear and unblemished Title of their Lawfull and Naturall King against the seditious popular And the Beere-Brewers and Basket-Makers of Holland and Zealand As he also termes them on the other have almost banded away between them all the Duke of Parma's Forces And I suppose the very Mines of the Indies will go low or ever the one be Ruined or the other recovered Neither again desire we better Confederacies and Leagues then Spain it self hath provided for us Non enim verbis faedera confirmantur sed jisdem vtilitatibus We know to how many States the King of Spain is odious and suspected And for our selves we have incensed none by our Injuries Nor made any Jealous of our Ambition These are in Rules of Pollicy the Firmest Contracts Let thus much be said in Answer of the Second Branch concerning the Number of Exteriour Enemies Wherein my Meaning is nothing lesse then to attribute our Felicity to our Pollicy Or to nourish our selves in the Humour of Security But I hope we shall depend upon God and be vigilent And then it will be seen to what end these False Alarums will come In the Third Branch of the Miseries of England he taketh upon him to play the Prophet as he hath in all the rest play'd the Poet And will needes Divine or Prognosticate the great Troubles whreunto this Realm shall fall after her Majesties Times As if he that hath so singular a Gift in Lying of the present Time and Times past had
hath proved Concluded as the Spaniards are great Waiters upon Time ground their Plots deep upon two Points The one to profess an extraordinary Patronage Defence of the Roman Religion making account thereby to have Factions in both Kingdoms In England a Faction directly against the State In France a Faction that did consent indeed in Religion with the King and therefore at first shew should seem unproper to make a Party for a Forreiner But he foresaw well enough that the King of France should be forced to the end to retain Peace and Obedience to yeeld in some things to those of the Religion which would undoubtedly alienate the Fiery and more violent sort of Papists Which Preparation in the People added to the Ambition of the Family of Guise which he nourished â—or an Instrument would in the end make a Party for him against the State as since it proved and mought well have done long before As may well appear by the Mention of League and Associations which is above 25. years old in France The other Point he concluded upon was That his Low-Countries was the aptest place both for Ports and Shipping in respect of England And for Sciâ—uation in respect of France having goodly Frontier Townes upon that Realm And joyning also upon Germany whereby they might receive in at Peasure any Forces of Almaines To annoy and offend either Kingdom The Impediment was the Inclination of the People which receiving a wonderfull Commodity of Trades out of both Realmes especially of England And having been in ancient League and Confederacy with our Nation And having been also Homagers unto â—rance He knew would be in no wise disposed to either War Whereupon he resolved to reduce them to a Martiall Government Like unto that which he had established in Naples and Millain upon which suppression of their Liberties ensued the Defection of those Provinces And about the same time the Reformed Religion found entâ—ance in the same Countries So as the King enflamed with the Resistance he found in the first Part of his Plots And also because he mought not dispense with his other Principle in yielding to any Toleration of Religion And withall expecting a shorter work of it then he found Became passionatly bent to Reconquer those Countries Wherein he hath consumed infinite Treasure and Forces And this is the true Cause if a Man will look into it that hath made the King of Spain so good a Neigbbour Namely that he was so entangled with the Wars of the Low-Countries as he could not intend any other Enterprise Besides in Enterprizing upon Italy he doubted first the Displeasure of the See of Rome with whom he meant to run a Course of strait Conjunction Also he doubted it might invite the Turk to return And for Germany he had a fresh Example of his Father who when he had annexed unto the Dominions which he now possesseth the Empire of Almaign neverthelesse sunck in that Enterprize whereby he perceived that the Nation was of too strong a Composition for him to deal withall Though not long since by practise he could have been contented to snatch up in the East the Countrey of Emden For Portugal first the Kings thereof were good Sons to the See of Rome Next he had no Colour of Quarrel or pretence Thirdly they were Officious unto him yet iâ— you will believe the Genuese who otherwise writeth much to the Honour and Advantage of the Kings of Spain It seemeth he had a good mind to make himself a way into that Kingdom seeing that for that purpose as he reporteth he did artificially nourish the yong King Sâ—bastian in the Voyage of Affrick expecting that overthrow which followed As for his Intention to warr upon the Inâ—idels and Turks it maketh me think what Francis Guicciardiue a wise writer of History speaketh of his great Grandâ— Father Making a Judgement of him as Historiographers use That he did alwayes mask and vail his Appetites with a Demonstration of a Devout and Holy Intention to the Advancement of the Church and the Publick Good His Father also when he received Advertisement of the taking of the French King prohibited all Ringings and Bonfires and other Tokens of Joy and said Those were to be reserved for Victories upon Infidels On whom he meant never to warre Many a Cruzada hath the Bishop of Rome granted to him and his Predecessours upon that Colour Which all have been spent upon the Effusion of Christian Bloud And now this year the Levies of Germans which should have been made under hand for France were coloured with the pretence of Warr upon the Turk Which the Princes of Germany descrying not onely brake the Levies but threatned the Commissioners to hang the next that should offer the like Abuse So that this Form of Dissembling is Familiar and as it were Hereditary to the King of Spain And as for his Succours given to the French King against the Protestants he could not chuse but accompany the Pernicious Counsels which still he gave to the French Kings of breaking their Edicts and admitting of no Pacification but pursuing their Subjects with Mortall Warre with some Offer of Aides which having promised he could not but in some small Degree perform whereby also the Subject of France namely the violent Papist was enured to depend upon Spain And so much for the King of Spaines proceedings towards other States Now for ours And first touching the Point wherein he charâ—â—th us to be the Authours of Troubles in Scotland and France It will appear to any that have been well enformed of the Memoâ—iâ—s of these Affaires That the Troubles of those Kingdomes were indeed chiefly kindled by one and the same Family of the Guise A Family as was partly touched before as particularly dâ—voted now for many years together to Spain as the Order of the Iâ—suiâ—es is This House of Guise â—aving of late years extraordinarily flourished in the eminent Verâ—ue of a few Persons whose Ambition neverthelesse was nothing inferiour to their vertue But being of a House notwithstanding which the Princes of the Bloud of France reckoned but as strangers Aspired to a Greatness more then Civill and proportionable to their Cause wheresoever they had Authority And accordingly under Colour of Consanguinity and Religion they brought into Scotland in the year 1559 and in the Absence of the King and Queen French Forces in great numbers whereupon the Ancient Nobility of that Realm seeing the imminent danger of Reducing that Kingdome under the Tyranny of Strangers did pray according to the good Intelligence between the two Crowns hâ—r Majesties Neigh â—ourly â—orces And so it is true that the Action being very Just Honourable her Majesty undertook it expelled the Strangers and restored the Nobility to their Degrees and the State to Peace After when Certain Noble-Men of Scotland of the same Faction of â—uâ—se had during the Minority of the King possessed themselves of his Person to the end to abuse his Authority
within the Kingdome to do her Hurt if no Forraign Enemy joyned with them But then about the three and twentieth year of her Raign there followed a Mighty Change And this Distinction of the Times is not any Device of mine but it is expressed in the publick Acts of that Time and as it were cut in Brasse For before that year was there never any Capitall or severe Punishment inflicted upon any of her Subjects as they had Relation to the Romish Religion by the Lawes formerly made But just then began that proud and vast Intention of Spain to conquer this Kingdome by little and little to shew it Self Of this the principall Part was to stir up by all means a Party within the Kingdome of such as were ill affected to the State and desirous of Innovation that might adhere to the Forrainer at his Landing For this they had no other Hopes then the Difference in Religion Wherefore they set it down to pursue this Course with all their power And the Seminaries at that time budding Priests were sent into England to plant and disperse a Love to the Romish Religion To teach and inculcate the power of the Popes Excommunication in freeing Subjects from their Allegeance And to awaken and prepare the minds of Men to an Expectation of a Change About the same time Ireland also was attempted by an Invasion And the Queens Name and Government traduced by sundry and scandalous Libells To be short there was an unusuall Swelling in the State the Forerunner of greater Troubles Yet I will not affirm that every Priest which was sent over was made of the Counsell or Privy to the Enterprise But that some of them became the wicked Instruments onely of other Mens Mallice Notwithstanding this is true and witnessed by the Conâ—â—ssions of many that almost all the Priests which were sent into this Kingdome from that aforenamed year unto the Thirtieth year of Queen Elizabeths Raign At what time that Design of the Pope and Spain was put into execution by those memorable Preparations of the Navy and Land-Forces Had in their Instructions besides other Parts of their Function to distill and insinuate iâ—to the People these Particulars It was impossibleâ— Things should continue at this stay They should see ere long a great change in this State That the Pope and Catholick Princes were carefull for the English if they would not be wanting to themselves Again sundry of â—he Priests did manifestly interpose themselves into those Consultations and Plots which tended to the undermining and Ruining of this Kingdome And which especially moved her Letters were intercepted out of divers parts that discovered the true Face of the Plot In which was written that they doubted not to go beyond the vigilancy of the Queen and State in the Matter of Catholicks For the Queen would onely have an eye least there should arise any Fit Head in the Person of some Lord or other Eminent Gentleman of quality under whom the Catholicks might unite But they had thought upon another course As namely by private Men and those but of mean Rank that should not confer nor scarce know of each others employment to prepare and mature the Businesse by the Secrecy of Confession And these were their Engines then which as hath appeared since in a case not much unlike are usuall and familiar to that Ordâ—r of Men. In this great Deluge of Danger there was a Necessity imposed upon Queen Elizabeth to restrain by some sharper Bands of Lawes that part of her Subjects which were alienated from her and had drunk too deep a Draught of this Poyson ever to recover And further which by their retired Living and Exemption from publick Offices were grown very Rich And moreover the Mischief daily growing when as the Cause thereof was ascribed to none other then the Seminary Priests Who had been nourished in Forrain Parts and received Exhibition from the Bounty and Almes of Forrain Princes professed Enemies to this State And who had conversed in such places where the Name of Queen Elizabeth was never heard but as of an Heretick and Excommunicate and Accursed Person And who though themselves sometimes had no hand in Treason yet they were known to be the intimate Friends of them that had And lastly who by their Arts and Poysons had infected and soured the Masse and Lump of the Catholicks which before was more Sweet and Harmlesse with a new kind of Leven and desperate Maliciousnesse There could no other Remedy be devised but by forbidding such Persons to enter into this Kingdome upon pain of their Lives Which at last in the 27 th year of her Raign was done accordingly Nay and when the event it self had confirmed this to be true I mean immediatly after that the dreadfull Tempest arose from Spain threatning no lesse then utter desolation yet did it nothing mollifie or turn the edge of these Mens Mallice and Fury but rather whetted it As if they had cast off all Naturall Affectionâ— to their Country As for the Times succeding I mean after the Thirtieth year of her Raign though indeed our Fear of Spain which had been the Spur to this Rigour had fairely breathed out or was well abated yet considering the Memory of Times past had made so deep Impression in Mens Hearts and Cogitations And that it would have seemed either Inconstancy to repeal those former Lawes or Sloath to neglect them The very Constitution of Things did suggest to the Queen that it was not safe to reduce them unto that State wherein they had continued untill the three twentieth year of her Raign Hereunto may be added the Industry of some Persons in improving the Revenues of the Exchequer And the Zeal of some other Ministers of Iustice which did never think their Country safe unlesse the Lawes were rigorously executed All which did importune and presse the Execution of the Lawes Notwithstanding the Queen for a manifest Token of her Royall Nature did so dull the edge of the Lawes that but a very few Priests in respect of their Number did suffer death Now all this which I have said is not by way of Defence For the Matter needes it not For neither could this Kingdom have been safe without it Neither were the Proceedings any way comparable or of kinn to those bloody and unchristianly Massacres in the Catholick Countries Which proceeded meerely from Rancour and Pride and not from any necessity of State Howsoever I hope I have made my first Assertion good That she was Moderate in the Point of Religion And that the Change which happened was not in her Nature but upon the Necessity of the Times Now for the Constancy of Queen Elizabeth in Religion and the observance thereof I know no better Argument then this That although she found the Romish Religion confirmed in her Sisters dayes by Act of Parliament And established by all strong and potent Meanes that could be devised And to have taken deep Root in this Kingdom And
Territory hath been rather matter of Burthen then matter of Strength unto them yea and further it hath kept alive the Seeds and Roots of Revolts and Rebellions for many Ages As we may see in a fresh and notable Example of the Kingdome of Aragon Which though it were united to Castile by Marriage and not by Conquest And so descended in Hereditary Union by the space of more then an 100. years yet because it was continued in a divided Government and not well Incorporated and Cemented with the other Crowns Entred into a Rebellion upon point of their Fueros or Liberties now of very late years Now to speak briefly of the severall parts of that form whereby States and Kingdomes are perfectly united They are besides the Soveraignty it self four in Number Vnion in Name Vnion in Language Vnion in Lawes Vnion in Employments For Name though it seem but a superficiall and Outward Matter yet it carrieth much Impression and Enchantment The Generall and common Name of Grecia made the Greeks alwaies apt to unite though otherwise full of Divisions amongst themselves against other Nations whom they called Barbarous The Helvetian Name is no small Band to knit together their Leagues and Confederacies the faster The common Name of Spain no doubt hath been a speciall meanes of the better union and Conglutination of the severall Kingdomes of Castile Aragon Granada Navarre Valentia Catalonia and the rest Comprehending also now lately Portugall For Language it is not needful to insist upon it because both your Majesties Kingdomes are of one Language though of severall Dialects And the Difference is so small between them as promiseth rather an inriching of one Language then a continuance of two For Lawes which are the Principall Sinnewes of Government they be of three Natures Iura which I will term Freedomes or Abilities Leges and Mores For Abilities and Freedomes they were amongst the Romans of four Kinds or rather Degrees Ius Connubii Ius Civitatis Ius Suffragii and Ius Petitionis or Honorum Ius Connubii is a thing in these times out of Use For Marriage is open between all Diversities of Nations Ius Civitatis answereth to that we call Denization or Naturalization Ius Suffragii answereth to the Voice in Parliament Ius Petitionis answereth to place in Counsell or Office And the Romans did many times sever these Freedomes granting Ius Connubii sine Civitate And Civitatem sine suffragio And suffragium siâ—e Iure Petitionis which was commonly with them the last For those we called Leges it is a Matter of Curiosity and Inconveniency to â—eek either to extirpate all particular Customes Or to draw all Subjects to one Place or resort of Iudicature and Session It sufficeth there be an Uniformity in the Principall and Fundamentall Lawes both Ecclesiasticall and Civill For in this Point the Rule holdeth which was pronounced by an Ancient Father touching the Diversity of Rites in the Church For finding the Vesture of the Queen in the Psalm which did prefigure the Church was of divers Colours And finding again â—hat Christs Coat was withâ—ut a seam he concludeth well In veste varietas sit Scissura non sit For Manners a Consent in them is to be sought industriously but not to be enforced For Nothing amongst People breedeth so much peâ—â—inacy in holding their Customes as suddain and violent ofâ—er to remove them And as for Employments it is no more but in indifferent Hand â—nd Execution of that Verse Trâ—s Tyriusque mihi nullo discrimine agetur There remaineth only to remember out of the Grounds of Nature the two Conditions of Perfâ—ct mixture Whereof the former is Time For the Naturall Philosophers say well that Compositio is Opus Hominis and Mistio Opus Naturae For it is the Duty of Man to make a fit Application of Bodies together But the perfect Fermentation and Incorporation of them must be left to Time and Nature And Vnnaturall Hasting thereof doth disturb the work and not dispatch it So we see after the Graft is put into the Stock and bound it must be left to Time and Nature to make that Continuum which at the first was but Contiguum And it is not any continuall pressing or Thrusting together that will prevent Natures season but rather hinder it And so in Liquours those Commixtures which are at the first troubled grow after clear and setled by the benefit of Rest and Time The Second Condition is That the greater draw the lesse So we see when two Lights do meet the greater doth darken and dim the lesse And when a smaller River runneth into a greater it looseth both his Name and Stream And hereof to conclude we see an excellent Example in the Kingdomes of Iudah and Israel The Kingdom of Iudah contained Two Tribes The Kingdom of Israel contained Ten King David raigned over Iudah for certain years And after the Death of Isbosheth the Son of Saul obtained likewise the Kingdom of Israell This Union continued in him likewise in his Son Salomon by the space of 70. years at least between them both But yet because the Seat of the Kingdom was kept still in Iudah and so the lesse sought to draw â—he greater upon the first occasion offered the Kingdomes brake again and so continued ever after Thus having in all Humblenesse made Oblation to your Majesty of these simple Fruits of my Devotion and Studies I do wish and do wish it not in the Nature of an Impossibility to my Apprehenâ—ion That this happy Vnion of your Majesties two Kingdomes of England and Scotland may be in as good an Houre and under the like Divine Providence as that was between the Romans and the Sabines CERTAIN ARTICLES OR CONSIDERATIONS TOUCHING THE UNION OF THE KINGDOMES OF ENGLAND and SCOTLAND Collected and dispersed for His MAIESTIES better Service YOUR Majesty being I do not doubt directed and conducted by a better Oracle then that which was given for Light to AEneas in his Peregrination Antiquam exquirite Matrem hath a Royall and indeed an Heroicall Desire to reduce these two Kingdomes of England and Scotland into the Unity of their Ancient Mother Kingdome of Brittain Wherein as I would gladly applaud unto your Majesty or sing aloud that Hymne or Antheme Sic itur ad Astra So in a more soft and submisse voice I must necessarily remember unto your Majesty that Warning or Caveat Ardua quae Pulchra It is an Action that requireth yeaâ—â—nd needeth much not only of your Majesties Wisedome but of â—our Felicity In this Argument I presumed at your Majesties first Entrance to write a few Lines indeed Scholastically and Speculatively and not Actively or Politickly as I held it fit for me at that time when neiâ—her your Majesty was in that your desire declared Nor my self in that Service used or trusted But now that both your Majesty hath opened your desire and purpose with much Admiration even of those who give it not so full an Approbation And that my self was by the
be too great a Work to embrace whether it were not convenient that Cases Capitall were the same in both Nations I say the Cases I do not speak of the Proceedings or Trials That is to say whether the same Offences were not fit to be made Treason or Felony in both places The Third Question is whether Cases Penall though not Capitall yet if they concern the Publick State or otherwise the Discipline of Manners were not fit likewise to be brought into one Degree As the Case of Misprision of Treason The Case of Premunire The Case of Fugitives The Case of Incest The Case of Simony and the rest But the Question that is more urgent then any of these is Whether these Cases at the least be they of an higher or inferiour degrâ—e Wherein the Fact committed or Act done in Scotland may prejudice the State and Subjects of England or é converso Are not to be reduced into one Vniformity of Law and Punishment As for Example A perjury committed in a Court of Iustice in Scotland cannot be prejudiciall in England Because Depositions taken in Scotland cannot be produced and used here in England But a Forgery of a Deed in Scotland I mean with a false Date of England may be used and given in Evidence in England So likewise the Depopulating of a Town in Scotland doth not directly prejudice the State of England But if an English Merchant shall carry Silver and Gold into Scotland as he may and thence transport it into forrain parts this prejudiceth the State of England And may be an Evasion to all the Lawes of England ordained in that Case And therefore had need to be bridled with as severe a Law in Scotland as it is here in England Of this kind there are many Lawes The Law of the 50 of Rich. the 2. of going over without licence if there be not the like Law in Scotland will be frustrated and evaded For any Subject of England may go first into Scotland and thence into forrain parts So the Lawes prohibiting Transportation of sundry Commodities as Gold and Silver Ordnance Artillery Corn c. if there be not a Correspondence of Lawes in Scotland will in like manner be deluded and frustrate For any English Merchant or Subject may carry such Commodities first into Scotland as well as he may carry them from Port to Port in England And out of Scotland into Forrain Parts without any Perill of Law So Libells may be devised and written in Scotland and published and scattered in England Treasons may be plotted in Scotland and executedâ— in England And so in many other Cases if there be not the like Severity of Law in Scotland to restrain Offences that there is in England whereof we are here ignorant whether there be or no It will be a Gap or Stop even for English Subjects to escape and avoid the Lawes of England But for Treasons the best is that by the Statute of 26. K. Hen. the 8'h Cap. 13. any Treason committed in Scotland may be proceeded with in England as well as Treasons committed in France Rome or elsewhere For Courts of Iustice Trialls Processes and other Administration of Lawes to make any Alteration in either Nation it will be a Thing so new and unwonted to either People That it may be doubted it will make the Administration of Iustice Which of all other Things ought to be known and certain as a beaten way To become intricate and uncertain And besides I do not see that the Severalty of Administration of Iustice though it be by Court Soveraign of last Resort I mean without Appeal or Errour Is any Impediment at all to the Vnion of a Kingdom As we see by Experience in the severall Courts of Parliament in the Kingdome of France And I have been alwayes of Opinion that the Subjects of England do already fetch Iustice somewhat far off more then in any Nation that I know the largeness of the Kingdome Considered though it be holpen in some part by the Circuits of the Iudges And the two Councels at York and in the Marches of Wales established But it may be a good Question whether as Commune Vinculum of the Iustice of both Nations your Majesty should not erect some Court about your person in the Nature of the Grand Councell of France To which Court you might by way of Evocation draw Causes from the ordinary Iudges of both Nations For so doth the French King from all the Courts of Parliament in France Many of which are more remote from Paris then any part of Scotland is from London For Receits and Finances I see no Question will arise In regard it will be Matter of Necessity to establish in Scotland a Receit of Treasure for Payments and Erogations to be made in those parts And for the Treasure of Spare in either Receipts the Custodies thereof may well be severall considering by your Majesties Commandement they may be at all times removed or disposed according to your Majesties Occasions For the Patrimonies of both Crowns I see no Question will arise Except your Majesty would be pleased to make one compounded Annexation for an Inseparable Patrimony to the Crown out of the Lands of both Nations And so the like for the Principality of Britain and for other Appennages of the rest of your Children Erecting likewise such Dutchies and Honours compounded of the Possessions of both Nations as shall be thought fit For Admiralty or Navy I see no great question will arise For I see no Inconvenience for your Majesty to continue Shipping in Scotland And for the Iurisdictions of the Admiralties and the Profits and Casualties of them they will be respective unto the Coasts over against which the Seas lye and are situated As it is here with the Admiralties of England And for Merchandizing it may be a Question whether that the Companies of the Merchant Adventurers of the Turky Merchants and the Muscovy Merchants if they shall be continued should not be compounded of Merchants of both Nations English and Scottish For to leave Trade free in the one Nation and to have it restrained in the other may percase breed some Inconvenience For Freedomes and Liberties the Charters of both Nations may be reviewed And of such Liberties as are agreeable and convenient for the Subjects and People of both Nations one Greaâ— Charter may be made and confirmed to the Subjects of Britain And those Liberties which are peculiar or proper to either Nation to stand in State as they do But for Imposts and Customes it will be a great Question how to accommodate them and reconcile them For if they be much easier in Scotland then they be here in England which is a Thing I know not then this Inconvenience will follow That the Merchants of England may unlade in the Ports of Scotland And this Kingdome to be served from thence and your Majesties Customes abated And for the Question whether the Scottish
of Lawyers in Narrativeâ— The Exercise of Sophists and Io. ad Oppositum with manifest effect Artificiall Memory greatly holpen by Exercise The Excercise of â—uffons to draw all things to Conceits Ridiculous The Meanes that help the Vnderstanding and Faculties thereof are Not Example as in the Will by Conversation And here the Conceit of Imitation already disgested with the Confutation Obiter si videbitur of Tullies Opinion advising a Man to take some one to Imitate Similitude of Faces analysed Arts Logick Rhetorick The Ancients Aristotle Plato Thaetetus Gorgias Litigiosus vel Sophista Protagoras Aristotle Schola sua Topicks Elenchs Rhetoricks Organon Cicero Hermogenes The Neotericks Ramus Agricola Nil sacri Lullius his Typocosmia studying Coopers Dictionary Mattheus Collection of proper words for Metaphors Agrippa de vanitat c. Que. if not here of Imitation Collections preparative Aristotles Similtude of a Shoomakers Shop full of Shoes of all Sorts Demosthenes Exordiâ— Concionum Tulliâ—s precept of Theses of all sorts preparative The Relying upon Exercise with the Difference of Vsing and tempering the Instrument And the Similitude â—f prescribing against the Lawes of Nature and of Estate 5. Points That Exercises are to be framed to the Life That is to say to work Ability in that kind whereof a Man in the Course of Action shall have most Vse The indirect and Oblique Exercises which do per partes and per consequentiam inable these Faculties which perhaps direct Exercise at first would but distort And these have chiefly place where the Faculty is weak not per se but per Accidens As if Want of Memory grow through Lightnesse of Wit and want of stayed Attention Then the Mathematiques or the Law helpeth Because they are Things wherein if the Mind once roam it cannot recover Of the Advantages of Exercise As to dance with heavy Shoes To march with heavy Armour and Carriage And the contrary Advantage in Natures very dull and unapt of working Alacrity by framing an Exercise with some Delight or Affection Veluti pueris dant Crustula blandi Doctores Elementa velint ut discere prima Of the Cautions of Exercise As to beware lest by evill doing as all Beginners do weakly a Man grow not and be inveterate in an ill Habit And so take not the Advantage of Custome in perfection but in confirming ill Slubbering on the Lute The Marshalling and Sequele of Sciences and practises Logick and Rhetorickâ— should be used to be read after Poesy History and Philosophy First Exercise to do things well and clean after promptly and readily The Exercises in the Vniversities and Schooles are of Memory and Invention Either to speak by Heart that which is set down verbatim Or to speak Extempore Whereas there is little use in Action of either of both But most things which we utter are neither verbally premeditate nor meerly Extemporall Therefore Exercise would be framed to take a little Breathing and to consider of Heads And then to fit and form the Speech Ex tempore This would be done in two manners Both with writing and Tables And without For in most Actions it is permitted and passable to use the Note Whereunto if a Man be not accustomed it will put him out There is no use of a Narrative Memory in Academiis viz with Circumstances of Times Persons and Places and with Names And it is one Art to discourse and another to Relate and Describe And herein Vse and Action is most conversant Also to Summe up and Contract is a Thing in Action of very generall Vse CERTAIN CONSIDERATIONS Touching the Better PACIFICATION AND EDIFICATION OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND Dedicated to His most Excellent MAJESTY THE Vnity of your Church excellent Soveraign is a Thing no lesse precious then the Vnion of your Kingdomes Being both Works wherein your Happiness may contend with your Worthiness Having therefore presumed not without your Majesties gracious Acceptation to say somewhat of the one I am the more encouraged not to be silent in the other The rather because it is an Argument that I have travelled in heretofore But Salomon commendeth a Word spoken in Season And as our Saviour speaking of the Discerning of Seasons saith When you see a Cloud rising in the West you say it will be a shower So your Majesties Rising to this Monarchy in the West Parts of the World doth promise a sweet and fruitfull Shower of many Blessings upon this Church and Common-wealth A Shower of that Influence as the very first Deaws and Drops thereof have already layed the Stormes and Winds throughout Christendom Reducing the very Face of Europe to a more peaceable and Amiable Countenance But to the Purpose It is very true that these Ecclesiasticall Matâ—ers are Things not properly appertaining to my Profession which I was not so inconsiderate but to object to my Self But finding that it is many times seen that a Man that standeth off and somewhat removed from a Plot of Ground doth better survey it and discover it then those which are upon it I thought it not impossible but that I as a Looker on might cast mine Eyes upon some Things which the Actours themselves especially some being interessed some led and addicted some declared and engaged did not or would not see And that knowing in my Conscience wheretoo God beareth witnesse that the Things which I shall speak spring out of no Vein of Popularity Ostentation Desire of Novelty Partiality to either Side Disposition to intermeddle or any the like Leven I may conceive hope that what I want in depth of Judgement may be countervailed in Simplicity and Sincerity of Affection But of all Things this did most animate me That I found in these Opinions of mine which I have long held and embraced as may appear by that which I have many years since written of them according to the proportion neverthelesse of my weakness a Consent and Confoâ—mity with that which your Majesty hath published of your own most Christian most Wise and Moderate Sense in these Causes wherein you have well expressed to the World that there is inâ—used in your Sacred Brest from God that High principle and Position of Government That you ever hold the Whole more dear then any Part. For who seeth not that Many are affected and give Opinion in these Matters as if they had not so much a desire to purge the Evill from the Good as to countenance and protect the Evill by the Good Others speak as if their Scope were onely to set forth what is Good and not to seek what is Possible which is to Wisâ— and not to Propound Others proceed as if they had rather a Mind of Removing then of Reforming But howsoever either Side as Men though excellent Men shall run into Extremities yet your Majesty as a most Wise Equall and Christian Moderator is disposed to find out the Golden Mediocrity in the Establishment of that which is Sound And in the Reparation of that which is Corrupt and
And that the Deans and Chapters were Councells about the Sees and Chairs of Bishops at the first And were unto them a Presbytery or Consistory And intermedled not onely in the Disposing of their Revenues and Endowments but much more in Iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall But it is probable that the Deans and Chapters stuck close to the Bishops in Matters of Profit and the World and would not loose their Hold But in Matters of Jurisdiction which they accounted but Trouble and Attendance they suffered the Bishops to encroach and usurp And so the one continueth and the other is lost And we see that the Bishop of Rome Fas enim ab Hoste doceri And no question in that Church the first Instituâ—ions were excellent performeth all Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction as in Consistory And whereof consisteth tâ—is Consisâ—ory but of the Parish Priests of Rome which term themselves Cardinals à Cardinibus Mundi Because the Bishop pretendeth to be universall over the whole World And hereof again we see many shadowes yet remaining As that the Dean and Chapter pro formâ chooseth the Bishop which is the Highest Point of Iurisdiction And that the Bishop when he giveth Orders if there be any Ministers casually present calleth them to joyn with him in Imposition of Hands and some other Particulars And therefore it seemeth to me a Thing Reasonable and Religious and according to the first Institution that Bishops in the greatest Causes and those which require a Spirituall Discerning Namely in Ordaining Suspending or Depriving Ministers In Excommunication being restored to the true an proper Use As shall be afterwards touched In sentencing the Validity of Marriages and Legitimations In Iudging Causes Criminous as Symony Incest Blasphemy and the like Should not proceed sole and unassisted Which Point as I understand it is a Reformation that may be planted sine Strepiâ—u without any Perturbation at all And is a Matter which will give strength to the Bishops Countenance to the inferior Degrees of Pelates or Ministers And the better Issue or proceeding to those Causes thaâ— shall pâ—sâ—e And as I wish this strength given to the Bishops by Councell so it is not unworthy your Majesties Consideration whether you sâ—all not think fit to give strength to the generall Councell of your Clergy the Convocation House which was then restrained when the State of the Clergy was thought a Suspected Part to the Kingdome in Regard of their late Homage to the Bishop of Rome Which State now will give place to none in their Loyalty and Devotion to your Majesty For the Second Point which is the Deputation of their Authority I see no perfect and sure Ground for that neither Being somewhat different fâ—om the Examples and Rules of Government The Bishop exerciseth his Iurisdiction by his Chanceller and Commissary Officiall c. We see in all Lawes in the world Offices oâ— Confidence and skill cannot be put over nor exercised by Deputyâ— Except it be especially contained in the Originall Graunt And in that case it is dutifull And for Experience there was never any Chanceller of England made a Deputy There was never any Iudge in any Court made a Deputy The Bishop is a Iudge and of a high Nature whence commeth it that he should deputeâ— Considering that all Trust and Confidence as was said is personall and Inherent And cannot nor ought not be transposed Surely in this again Ab Initio non fuit sic But it is probable that Bishops when they gave themselves too much to the Glory of the World and became Grandees in Kingdomes and great Councellers to Princes then did they deleague their proper Iurisdictions as Things of too inferiour a Nature for their Greatnesse And then after the Similitude and Imitation of Kings and Counts Palatine they would have their Chancellers and Iudges But that Example of Kings and Potentates giveth no good Defence For the Reasons why Kings administer by their Iudges although themselves are Supream Iudges are two The one because the Offices of Kings are for the most part of Inheritance And it is a Rule in all Lawes that Offices of Inheritance are rather Matters that Ground in Interest then in Confidence For as much as they may fall upon Women upon Infants upon Lunaticks and Ideots persons incapable to Execute Iudicature in Person And therefore such Offices by all Lawes might ever be exercised and administred by Delegation The Second Reason is because of the Amplitude of their Jurisdictions Which is a great as either their Birth-right from their Ancestours or their Sword-right from God maketh it And therefore if Moses that was Governer over no great People and those collected together in a Camp And not scattred in Provinces and Cities Himself of an extraordinary Spirit Was neverthelesse not able to suffice and hold out in person to judge the People But did by the advise of Iethro approved from God substitute Elders and Iudges how much more other Kings and Princess There is a Third Reason likewise though not much to the present purpose And that is That Kings either in respect of the Common-wealth or of the Greatnesse of their own Patrimonies are usually Parties in Suites And then their Iudges stand indifferent between Them and the Subject But in the Case of Bishops none of these Reasons hold For first their Office is Elective and for Life and not Patrimoniall or Hereditary An Office meerly of Confidence Science and Qualification And for the Second Reason it is true that their Iurisdiction is Ample and Spacious And that their Time is to be divided between the Labours As well in the Word and Doctrine as in Government and Iurisdiction But yet I do not see supposing the Bishops Courts to be used incorruptly and without any indirect course held to multiply Causes for gain of Fees But that the Bishop might very well for Causes of Moment supply his Iudiciall Function in his own Person For we see before our Eyes that one Chanceller of England dispatcheth the Suites in Equity of the whole Kingdome which is not so much by reason of the Excellency of that Rare Honourable Person which now holdeth the place But it was ever so though more or lesse burdenous to the Suiter as the Chanceller was more or lesse able to give dispatch And if Hold be taken of that which was said before that the Bishops Labour in the Word must take up a principall Part of his Time so I may say again that Matters of State have ever taken up most of the Chancellers Time Having been for the most part Persons upon whom the Kings of this Realm have most relyed for Matters of Councell And therefore there is no Doubt but the Bishop whose Circuit is lesse ample and the Causes in Nature not so multiplying with the Help of References and Certificates to and from fit Persons for the better Ripening of Causes in their mean proceedings And such ordinary Helps incident to Iurisdiction May very well suffice his Office But yet there
lent your Reputation in this Case That is To pretend that if Peace go not on and the Queen mean to make not a Defensive Warr as in times past but a full Reconquest of those parts of the Countrey you would accept the Charge I think it would help to settle Tyrone in his seeking Accord and win you a great deal of Honour gratis And that which most properly concern's this Action if it prove a Peace I think her Majesty shall doe well to cure the Root of the Disease And to Professe by a Commission of Peaceable Men of Respect and Countenance a Reformation of Abuses Extortions and Injustices there And to plant a stronger and surer Government than heretofore for the Ease and Protection of the Subject For the Removing of the Sword or Government in Arms from the Earl of Ormond Or the sending of a Deputy which will ecclipse it if Peace follow I think it unseasonable Lastly I hold still my Opinion both for your better Inâ—ormation and the fuller Declaration of your Care in Medling in this urgent and meriting Service That your Lordship have a set Conference with the persons I named in my former Letter A Letter of Advice to my Lord of Essex immediately before his going into Ireland My sigular good Loâ—d YOur late Note of my Silence in your Occasions hath made me set down these few wandring Lines as one that would say somewhat and can say nothing touching your Lordships intended Charge for Ireland Which my Endeavour I know your Lordship will accept graciously whether your Lordship take it by the Handle of Occasion ministred from your Self or of the Affection from which it proceeds Your Lordship is designed to a Service of great Merit and great Peril And as the Greatness of the Peril must needs include a like proportion of Merit So the Greatnesse of the Merit may include no small Consequence of Peril if it be not temperately governed For all immoderate Successe extinguisheth Merit and stirreth up Distast and Envy The assured Forerunners of whole Charges of Peril But I am at the last point first Some good Spirit leading my Penn to presage to your Lordship successe Wherein it is true I am not without my Oracles and Divinations None of them Superstitious and yet not all Natural For first looking into the Course of Gods Providence in Things now depending And calling to consideration how great things God hath done by her Majesty and for her I collect he hath disposed of this great Defection in Ireland thereby to give an urgent occasion to the Reduction of that whole Kingdom As upon the Rebellion of Desmond there insued the Reduction of that whole Province Next your Lordship goeth against three of the unluckiest Vices of all others Disloyalty Ingratitude and Insolency Which three Offences in all Examples have seldom their Doom adjourn'd to the world to come Lastly he that shall have had the Honour to know your Lordship inwardly as I have had shall find Bona Exta whereby he may better ground a Divination of Good than upon the Dissection of a Sacrifice But that part I leave For it is fit â—or others to be confident upon the cause The Goodnesse and Justice whereof is such as can hardly be matched in any Exampleâ— It being no Ambitious Warr against Forreiners but a Recovery of Subjects And that after Lenity of Conditions often tryed And a Recovery of them not onely to Obedience but to Humanity and Policy from more than Indian Barbarism There is yet another Kinde of Divination familiar to Matters of State Being that which Demosthenes so often relyed upon in his time when he said That which for the time past is worst of all is for the time to come the best which is that things goâ— ill not by Accident but by Errours Wherein if your Lordship have been heretofore an Awaking Censour you must look â—or no other now but Medice Cura teipsum And though you shall not be the Happy Physician that commeth in the Declination of the Disease yet you embrace that Condition which many Noble Spirits have accepted for Advantage which is that you goe upon the greater Peril of your Fortune and the lesse of your Reputation And so the Honour countervaileth the Adventure Of which Honour your Lordship is in no small possession when that her Majesty known to be one of the most judicious Princes in discerning of Spirits that ever governed hath made choice of you meerly out of her Royal Iudgement her Affection inclining rather to continue your Attendance into whose hand and trust to put the Command and Conduct of so great Forces The Gathering the Fruit of so great Charge The Execution of so many Counsels The Redeeming of the Defaults of so many former Governers The clearing of the Glory of her so many happy years Reign onely in this part eclipsed Nay further how far forth the peril of that State is interlaced with the peril of England And therefore how great the Honour is to keep and defend the Approaches or Ave-newes of this Kingdom I hear many discourse And there is a great Difference whether the Tortoise gathereth her self within her shell hurt or unhurt And if any Man be of Opinion that the Nature of the Enemy doth extenuate the Honour of the Service being but a Rebell and a Savage I differ from him For I see the justest Triumphs that the Romans in their greatnesse did obtain And that whereof the Emperours in their Stiles took Addition and Denomination were of such an Enemy as this That is People Barbarous and not reduced to Civility magnifying a kind of lawlesse Liberty and prodigal of Life hardned in Body fortified in Woods and Boggs and placing both Justice and Felicity in sharpnesse of their Swords Such were the Germans and auncient Brittons and divers others Upon which kinde of People whether the Victory were a Conquest or a Reconquest upon a Rebellion or a Revolt It made no difference that ever I could find in Honour And therefore it is not the Enriching Predatory Warr that hath the preheminence in Honour Else should it be more Honour to bring in a Carick of rich Burthen than one of the 12. Spanish Apostles But then this Nature of People doth yield a higher point of Honour considered in Truth and Substance than any warr can yield which should be atchieved against a Civil Enemy If the End may be Pacique imponere morem to replant and refound the policy of that Nation To which nothing is wanting but a just and Civil Government which Design as it doth descend unto you â—rom your Noble Father who lost his life in that Action though he paid Tribute to Nature and not to Fortune So I hope your Lordship shall be as Fatal a Captain to this warr as Africanus was to the Warr of Carthage After that both his Uncle and Father had lost their Lives in Spain in the same warr Now although it be true that these Things which I