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A45110 A general history of Scotland together with a particular history of the Houses of Douglas and Angus / written by Master David Hume of Godscroft. Hume, David, 1560?-1630? 1648 (1648) Wing H3656; ESTC R33612 530,146 482

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obstinacy and treason so was he pleased to nickname vertue of his father saying that he had no service for him nor for any such traitours son as his father was that he had given his lands to better men then himselfe and those that had done him better service then he was able to doe and though they had not been given yet would he never have given them to him So implacable he was and such pride had he conceived with contempt of the deprest estate of this supplicant little remembring the variablenesse of the estate of man and little knowing or considering what weight and moment may be in one man alone in whatsoever condition to braule sometimes and to help even to disappoint and overthrow the enterprises of the mightiest Monarchs It came even so to passe in this man who did this Kings sonne and successour such a piece of shrewd service as he had never the like in all his life which had been more shrewd if the speed of his horses and the undutifulnesse of some Scots that received him into their Castle of Dumbarre when he fled from Bannockburne had not stood him in better steed then all his huge Hoast and rich Kingdome wherewith he was so puffed up Whereby Princes and great men may learne not to despise the meannesse and most afflicted state of any nor to loose the reins neither to unjust actions or reproachfull words Sir James being thus rebuked what could he do against a King a Monarch a victorious and triumphant King to whom all had yeelded with whom all went right well in his ruffe in his highest pitch in his grandor compassed about with his guards with his armies to controll him he was not able to plead for justice it would avail him nothing to reply could profit him lesse a Prince his victors word is a law nay more then a law for the time There was no contesting no contradicting were his speeches never so unjust he behoved to swallow this pill how bitter soever there was no remedy but patience Nay the Archbishop must be silent also and dares not mutter one word wherefore home he goes with this scorn to expect a better time of replying not in words but deeds and of showing what service he was able to have done to him The occasion of which though it were over long in coming in respect of his desire yet did fall out not very long after for within two or three years 1305. Robert Bruce came into Scotland not yet a King save in courage but having right to be King of the Countrey whom Edward had served in the same kind and who had received the like answer and scorn in a Petition not unlike for both did crave their fathers inheritance Sir James onely a Lordship and the Bruce a whole Kingdome which was but his due and he had done him better service then Sir James He had fought against his own Countrey for him spent the bloud of his friends and his owne in hope of it with great losse to himself and example to others not to do the like But neither duety nor desert nor promise could oversway his ambition and master it so farre as to suffer him to perform what he had promised and not content to have fed this Prince with the food of fools faire hopes and after so much imployment and many notable services to frustrate him he must needs also embitter all with a flouting answer to his demand To such a height of pride had prosperity raised him that no modesty could keep him from loosing the reins to an unbridled tongue which doth never beseem a man much lesse a Prince wherefore as hatred and despight did animate him against Sir James for his fathers refusing to serve him so ambition did work the same affection in him against Robert though he had served him both were refused of their suits both their petitions were rejected the one with spight the other with derision What saith King Edward being urged with his promise of giving the Kingdome of Scotland to Bruce N'avons nous autre chose a faire que de conquerir des royaumes pour vous speaking in French Have we nothing else to do but to conquer Kingdomes for you Kings Potentates Victors should not be pressed with their promises So they think and so men say lawes are not made for them which they leap over at their pleasure And it might be thought so perhaps if their power were perfect and if there were not a more absolute and over ruling power that is able to range them under reason We shall finde it so even in this particular in the owne time although this were no time for him to reply no more then it had been for Sir James at Stirling But the time being now come in the yeare 1305. as said is But the time being now come though not so fit as he could have wished yet as it was he behoved to use it and make vertue of necessitie And so withdrawing himself secretly out of England he came to Dumfreis and there slew John Cummin his greatest enemy determining from thenceforth to behave and carry himself as King of this Realme And here by the way we may observe Gods providence towards this Kingdome in preserving the liberties thereof who had before stirred up William Wallace like another Sampson to vindicate it out of the hand of the English Now that he is gone he sends home our lawfull Prince and righteous successour to the Crown to fight our battles for us and to perfect the work which the other had begun onely for so much as about this time John Monteeth under colour of friendship had betrayed William Wallace into the hands of the English for money and he being taken and carried to London was by King Edwards command tortured and put to death with great cruelty and his armes and legs and head hung up in the most eminent places and Cities both of England and Scotland Of which fact of Edwards we will say no more but onely set down the said Wallaces Epitaph which is perfixed to that book that is written of his exploits in Scots rime The Epitaph is in latine verse but the Authour is incertain and the more is the pity for he deserves to have been better known Thus it is Invida morstristi Gulielmum funere vallam Quae cuncta collit Sustulit Et tanto pro cive cinis pro finibus urna est Frigusque pro loricâ obit Ille licet terras loca se inferiora reliquit At fata factis supprimens Parte sui meliore solum Coelumque perrerat Hoc spiritu illud gloria At tibi si inscriptum generoso pectus honesto Fuisset hostis proditi Artibus Angle tuis in poenas parcior esses Nec oppidatim spargeres Membra viri sacranda adytis sed scin quid in ista Immanitate viceris Ut vallae in cunctas or as spargantur horas Laudes tuumque ded●…cus A verse whereof
Towne and after burnt it without resistance This was in the yeare 1318. in May. The next was in the year following 1319. when King Edward having gathered an army lay before Berwick These two entred England as farre as Milton which is within 12. miles of York where the Archbishop of Yorke and the Bishop of Ely Chancellour made head against them in which conflict there were foure thousand English slain amongst whom was the Major of Yorke and a thousand drowned in the water of Swail and if the night had not come in too soon the battell being joyned in the afternoon few or none of them had escaped as it is thought It is called the battell of Milton or Swail or the white battell because there were a number of Priests slain at it belike they have been apparelled in their surplices Hollinshed in his Chronicle of England relateth the manner how it was done He sayes that as the English men passed over the water of Swale the Scots set fire upon certain stacks of hay the smoke whereof was so huge that the English might not see where the Scots lay And when the English were once gotten over the water the Scots came upon them with a wing in good order of battell in fashion like to a shield eagerly assailing their enemies who were easily beaten down and discomfited Many were drowned by reason that the Scots had gotten betwixt the English and the bridge so that the English fled betwixt that wing of the Scots and the main battell which had compassed about the English on the one side as the wing did upon the other The King of England informed of this overthrow brake up his siege incontinently and returned to Yorke and the Scots home into their Countrey of Scotland Their third expedition was that same yeare at Hallowtide when the Northern borders of England had gotten in their cornes and their barns were well stuffed with grain which was their provision for the whole yeare They entred England and burnt Gilsland tooke divers prisoners and drave away all the cattell they could finde Then they went to Brough under Stanmoore and returned by Westmooreland and Cumberland with great booty and spoil none offering to make head against them The fourth was in the yeare 1322. when the King of England grieved with these invasions having complained to the Pope had purchased a Legate to be sent into Scotland to admonish King Robert to desist from further disquieting the Realme of England and because he would not obey he with Sir James Douglas and Thomas Randulph were accursed by the two Cardinalls the Archbishop of Canterbury and York and all the Priests in England every day thrice at Masse These two Sir James Douglas and Randulph some say the King himself following the Legate at the heels as it were entred England little regarding their cursings and wasted the Countrey to the Redcrosse and coming to Darlington at the feast of Epiphanie stayed there a while for gathering of booty and destroying the Countrey The Lord Douglas on the one hand and the Lord Stuart of Scotland on the other the one going towards Hartelpool and Caveland and the other towards Richmond The inhabitants of Richmond-shire having no Captains to defend them gave a great summe of money as at other times they had done to have their Countrey saved from fire and spoil These adventurers stayed 15. dayes in England and returned without battell It is said that the Knights of the North came to the Duke of Lancaster then lying at Pomphret and offered to go into the field with him against the Scots but he refused whether by reason of the discord between him and K. Edward or for some other occasion I know not At this time it is that the King gives to Sir James Douglas a bounding Charter of Douglasdale dated apud Bervicum super Tuedam anno Regni nostri decimo quinto which is either the yeare 1320. or 1322. the first of April It bears Jacobo de Douglas filio haeredi Gulielmi Douglas militis which decides the question of his age and his brother Hughes who outlived Sir James 12. or 13. years and calls himself his heire as shall be showne It hath also this clause Volumus insuper c. wee will also and grant for us and our heires that the said James and his heires shall have the said lands free ab omnibus prisiis petitionibus quibuscunque ita quod nullus ministrorum nostrorum in aliquo se intromittat infra dictas divisas nisi tantum de articulis specialiter ad coronam nostram pertinentibus To return King Edward conceived such discontent and was so grieved at this so wasting of his Kingdome that he gave order to levie an army of 100000. to enter Scotland at Lammas whereof K. Robert being advertised entred England neare to Carlile and burnt some towns which belonged to King Edwards own inheritance spoyled the Monastery of Holme where his fathers corps were interred Hither the Earle of Murray and Sir James Douglas came to him with another army whereupon marching further Southward they came to Preston in Andernesse and burnt all that towne also except the Colledge of the Minorites This was fourescore miles within England from the Borders of Scotland Then they returned with their prisoners and booty to Carlile where they stayed some fourteen dayes wasting and destroying all about with fire and sword and so they returned into Scotland on Saint James day having remained within England three weeks and three dayes without any opposition or resistance They were not long at home when K. Edward entred into Scotland with his army and passed to Edinburgh but for want of victualls which were conveyed out of the way of purpose by King Roberts command and direction he was forced to make a retreat and goe home the way he came having discharged his choller with what he could meet with in his return But hee was quickly followed by the two Colleagues Sir James and Randulph who entred England burnt North Allerton with other townes and villages as farre as Yorke and overtaking the King at the Abbey of Biland gave him battell and defeated him There was taken John Britton Earle of Richmond who had also the Earledome of Lancaster he being ransomed for a great summe of money passed over into France where he remained and never came back again into England The English Chronicle to excuse this defeat layes the blame hereof upon Andrew Barkeley Earle of Carlile whom they say Sir James Douglas corrupted with money upon which pretext Barkeley was executed suffering good Gentleman to cover other mens faults It doth me good to heare Master John Major answer the English Writers in his round and substantiall manner It is but a dream saith he and spoken without all likelihood for neither were the Scots ever so flush and well stored with moneyes as to corrupt the English neither was that the custome of good Sir James Douglas a valiant
Competitor he had gotten also the like renunciation of the King of England and all Evidents Writs and Monuments concerning his pretences delivered up unto him discharged and cancelled and declared to be null and of no value by consent of the English Parliament and to be the surer of King Edwards friendship he had married his sonne David to Jane his sister He had cut off the rebellions that were springing up against him by executing such as were guiltie established Randulph Tutor and Protector to his sonne and Governour of the Countrey hee had removed all occasion of emulation that might have falne out therein and setled all with good advice good precepts good councell in his Testament both for peace among themselves and warre against the enemy But what is the wit of man and how weak a thing are his devices or what bonds will bind whom duety cannot binde This same Balliol whose father had renounced his right nothing regarding what his father had done renewed his claim to the Crown This same King of England who had himself solemnly renounced who had bound up friendship with the most sure and strongest bonds that can bee amongst men regarding neither his resignation made nor his affinity and alliance nor any dutie towards God or faith and promise to man used all means to strip his brother-in-law by consequent his sister out of the Kingdome of Scotland as if nothing were unlawfull that could fill up the bottomlesse gulf of his ambition First he caused an English Monke under colour of giving Physick for the gravell to poyson the Governor Thomas Randulph Earle of Murray and afterward aided Edward Balliol with 6000. English upon condition that Balliol should hold the Crowne of him Edward Balliol entering Scotland with these forces and being assisted by the male-contents in Scotland prevailed so that having wonne a battell at Duplin 1332. the 22. of September the third yeare after the death of King Robert and about one yeare after the death of Randulph in which many were slain to the number of 3000. together with Duncane or Donald Earle of Marre the Governour hee was Crowned at Scone and these of the Bruces side constrained to send their King David Bruce with his wife into France having no safe place at home to keep him in After his Coronation having taken in divers places that stood out against him he went at last to Annand receiving such as would acknowledge him and taking their oath of Allegeance and Fidelitie Whereupon Andrew Murray Earle of Bothwell chosen Governour after Marres death sent Archbald Lord of Galloway to see what hee could do against Balliol in these quarters he taking with him his nephew William Douglas Lord of Liddesdale and John Randulph the Governour Randulphs sonne together with Simeon Fraser having in company with them a thousand horse went first to Mophet and having there understood of Balliols carelesse discipline and securitie departing from thence in the night he came so suddenly to Annand where Balliol lay that he escaped very narrowly being halfe naked not having leasure to put on his cloathes and riding upon a barme horse unsadled and unbridled till he came to Carlile Others write that howbeit he came very quietly to have surprised the enemy at unawares in the night time yet they had notice of his coming and issued forth of the Towne with a great army where they fought long and stoutly till at last Balliol was overthrowne and fled There were slain many of his friends and amongst these Henry Balliol who behaved himselfe very manfully John Mowbray Walter Cummin Richard Kirbie Robert or Alexander Bruce Earle of Carrict and sonne to Edward King of Ireland was taken prisoner and obtained pardon by the intercession of his Cousin John Randulph Hollinshed writeth that somewhat before this time the friends of David Bruce understanding that Balliol did sojourne within the Towne of Perth had besieged it but that they were constrained to raise the siege because of the men of Galloway who having bin sometimes the Balliols dependers invaded the besiegers lands under the conduct of Eustace Maxwell whereupon hee saith Archbald Lord of Galloway with the Earle of March and Murray invaded Galloway with fire and sword and brought away great booties but slew not many men because they got them out of the way for feare of that terrible invasion This narration may bee true in the last part thereof concerning their invasion but the cause of this invasion is not probable that the men of Galloway should invade mens lands that lay so farre from them as they behoved to be that did besiege Saint Johnston for in all liklihood it was besieged by these that were nearest to it being in kinne and friends to those that were slain in Duplin and both Hollinshed himself and others write that it was recovered in Balliols absence about the same time while he sojourned in Annand by those that lay neare to it without mentioning any other siege before that at which it was taken This battell at Annand so changed the case that hee who even now was Crowned King in September who had farre prevailed to whom all men even King Davids nearest friends and kinsmen had yeelded despairing of his estate was by this act of Archbald Lord of Galloway turned quite out of his Kingdome and Countrey and compelled to fly into England to save his life the 25. of December the same yeare about three moneths after his Coronation and was compelled to keep his Christmas at Carlile in the house of the Friers Minors A notable example of the inconstancy of worldly affairs and constancy of an honest heart in the Douglas not abandoning his Princes cause when others had forsaken it and also a proof of his good service and usefull for which as he deserved perpetuall praise and favour of his rightfull Prince so did he incurre great hatred of his enemie the usurping Balliol who the next day after the 26 of December going into Westmoreland and there being honourably received by the Lord Clifford gave unto him the whole lands of Douglasdale which the said Lord Cliffords grandfather had before in the dayes of King Edward the first So proudly did he presume to give that which was not in his power And so little had he learned the lesson of the uncertaintie of humane affairs grounded on whatsoever power appearance or even successe and so difficult a lesson it is to learne where there remains means so great as hee trusted to the power of the King and Kingdome of England with his owne particular friendship and faction within the Countrie of Scotland which shall indeed have power to trouble the State a while but not to establish either the Kingdome to himselfe or any part of Douglasdale to the Lord Clifford The next yeare 1333. K. Edward of England having shaken off all colour of duty to his brother-in-law K. David made open warre to be proclaimed betweene the two Countreyes which
having gathered together a great power of men as privately and as secretly as hee could hee marched towards England They sent VVilliam Ramsay of Dalhousie before and gave him order to burn Norame and to spoil the Countrey about to draw the English upon their hoast which lay in ambuscade at a place called Nisbet-moore Ramsay having done his part very dexterously as he was injoyned having gathered together a great bootie of cattell made as if hee would drive them into Scotland The English to recover their goods pursued him eagerly and he flying of purpose drew them into the ambushment where the Scots arising suddenly set upon them fiercely and put them to flight with great slaughter There were taken prisoners Thomas Gray and his sonne with John Darcy a Noble man and many others even the greatest part of them After this being encouraged by their former successe they did enterprise against the towne of Berwick and took it in by scalade not without great opposition and resistance having been discovered by the watches They had in their company Eugenie Garrantiers with some fouretie Frenchmen more whom John King of France had sent into Scotland a little before with foure thousand crownes to wage souldiers therewith and this was all excepting fair promises a weake support in so great a strait and let it bee well marked that men may see how farre they erre from the truth that alledge that our Countrey and the liberty thereof hath been maintained and upheld by support from France and not by the valour and industry of the inhabitants The Nobility tooke the money and divided it amongst themselves prosecuting the warre in their owne manner by frequent incursions and inrodes These fouretie were present at this exploit and at other occasions where they behaved themselves valorously It is said by some that Thomas Stuart Earle of Angus was present at these surprises and that he had a chiefe hand in it as being the man that first broached it and drew the rest to it by his perswasion But most Authours mention onely the two former There were slaine within the towne of Berwick Alexander Ogle Governour thereof Thomas Percie brother to the Earle of Northumberland and Edward Gray with others but they could not winne the Castle which he held against them whereupon King Edward coming to rescue it they being not able to keep the towne rifled it and then burnt it and razed the walls thereof in the yeare 1355. King Edward caused repair it again and while that was in doing he went himself to Roxbrough where he kept his residence for that time Thither came Balliol and being wearied as may be supposed of his titular Kingdome resigned all that hee had which was a show and pretense to it The King of England requesting instantly that hee would avenge him of the injuries done to him by the Scots who would not acknowledge nor obey him but had expelled him out of his Kingdome King Edward heard him very willingly and upon that pretext invaded Lowthian by sea and land but his Navie was dispersed and broken by storme of weather and by land the victuall was put out of the way so as he was constrained to retire home again after he had powred out his fury upon Edinburgh Hadington and other townes in Lowthian which lay in his way He being gone the Earle of Douglas passed into Galloway and partly by force partly by perswasion and entreatie hee reduced that whole Countie to the Kings obedience and caused Donald Mackdowgall one of the principall men in Galloway to take his oath of allegiance and fidelitie in the Church of Cumnock Hollinshed attributeth this to the Lord of Niddisdale his brothers sonne naturall sonne to the Lord of Galloway he tooke also by force the Castle of Dalswinton and Carlaverock and razed them Some Histories say they were razed by composition and upon agreement by King David himself after his returne At this time also John Stuart sonne to Robert the Governour recovers Annandale from the enemy and Roger Kilpatricke took in Disdeir And even as before in their Kings minority they had done so now during his captivitie these his faithfull subjects made his enemies to reap but small profit of all the pains having now again delivered this Countrey from them almost every where Let it be remarked as wee said before to the end that Kings and Princes may think it the best policy that can bee to procure and entertain the love and heartie affection of his subjects and more specially of his faithfull Nobilitie Shortly after this they write that the Earle of Douglas went into France with 3000. men and was made Knight of the chiefest order in that Kingdome he was present at the battell of Poictiers where the field being lost and John King of France taken prisoner by Edward the black Prince son to King Edward the third the Earle of Douglas escaped very hardly being rescued by his own men of whom there was slain Andrew Stuart Robert Gordon Andrew Haliburton and Andrew Vasse Knights Archbald Douglas son naturall to good Sir James and brother to the Lord Liddisdale was taken prisoner and with him William Ramsay of Colluthie Archbald was known for a man of qualitie but the other not known to be a man of any estate and they perceiving it the more to deceive their taker Archbald used him as his serving-man making him to pul off his boots and do such other drudgerie by which means he was set at libertie for a small ransome Now as these actions of warre do shew his valour and love to his Countrey so likewise there fell out an occasion at home in matter of State Policie which did no lesse manifest his prudencie magnanimitie and affection to his native soile which was this King David being returned from his captivity after he had spent some five years in settling of the troubles and affairs of his Kingdome after he had fined such as had fled first at the battell of Durham and composed such broiles and disorders as were amongst his subjects at last in the year 1363. he kept a Parliament There he propounded unto the Estates that they would give way to the uniting of the two Kingdomes of Scotland and England and seeing he himself had no children be contented to give way that King Edward of England or his son might be his Successour Whether he made this proposition because he did judge it indeed to be most profitable for both Kingdomes so to end all their quarrells and warres or that he had taken a great liking of the King of Englands son or else that he had been constrained to promise and sweare to do it by King Edward when he was in his power or some other occasion it is uncertain But the motion was so ill taken by all that were there present that they had no patience to stay till every mans vote were asked in his turn but altogether with one voice
that present day This being done Sir James returned into Scotland This King Robert thought fit to be done not because his owne title was not good enough before for it was good already and sufficient and so found to bee by a better judge then King Edward of England to wit the Estates of the Realme who are the rightest judges in controversies of this nature and who had power to have made it good if it had not been so might have helped any defect that had been in it seeing Balliol by his owne fact had disabled himself by giving it over to King Edward especially seeing it was prejudiciall and against the common liberty and good of the Kingdome to accept of him who had betrayed these and was not able to defend them Wherefore King Robert being in possession and the Kingdome being confirmed to him and to his posteritie he needed no further right from Balliol Notwithstanding of this to cut away all pretences of quarrells and calumnies that malicious men might surmise thereabout afterwards he thought good to have a renunciation from Balliol of his title and consolidate that with his owne whereupon esteeming none fitter for the purpose then Sir James as well for the honourable place he held as for his sufficiency to discharge the Commission not without some consideration of his kindred with Balliol by the house of Galloway he laid the charge upon him which he performed as we have heard Sir James being thus returned out of France King Robert being very glad that his businesse had succeeded so well called a Parliament at Cambuskenneth in the which the right of succession to the Crowne was renewed to King Roberts heirs and namely failing his sonne David to Marjorie Bruce his daughter and Robert Stuart his sonne This the Nobility did enact and confirme by oath in the yeare 1325. or 1326. and before the sending of Sir James Douglas as some Authours record Not long after King Robert fell sick and partly for that cause partly in regard of his age not being able to ride abroad and endure travel himself he committed the managing of all businesse of weight both in peace and warre to the two Friends and Colleagues Sir James and Randulph two of the most noble Knights and bravest Captains that were in their dayes as our Writers do say And now Edward the second was dead and Edward the third had succeeded to him to whom Sir James laboureth to do as good service as he had done to his father This Edward sent Ambassadours to King Robert to treat of peace but being discovered to have no sincere meaning and to deal fraudfully in stead of peace they carried home warre So due preparation being made on both sides our two Commanders assembled to the number of 20000. all horse men some say 20000. horse and 5000. foot and entred into England with resolution not to sight but at their advantage and pleasure which was the reason they took all or most part horse men and few or no foote men Against these King Edward came in person with a great Army of 100000. men as Froysard writes 80000. horse 24000. archers having brought with him the Lord Beaumont out of the Low-Countries with 700. or 500 horse The English souldiers of this Army were cloathed in coats and hoods embroydered with flowers and branches and did use to nourish their beards wherefore the Scots in derision thereof made this rime and fastned it upon the Church doore of Saint Peter in the Canongate beards hartlesse painted hoods witlesse gay coat gracelesse make England thriftlesse He fortified the Townes of Carlile and Berwick and furnished them with men to stay the Scots passages But they little regarding either his fortifications or his forces passed the water of Tine at knowne Foords and made him first know of their arrivall by smoake and fire whereupon putting his men in order he marched directly towards those places that were smoaking to have given them battell but not finding them there and not knowing how to force them to fight his resolution was to passe Tine and there to entercept them at their returne and to give them battell in those fields where the ground was more levell and even and so fitter for his Armie Thither then he goeth with great trouble and turmoiling both of men and horse by reason of the great raine that fell as also for scarcitie of victuall and after he had lien there eight dayes waiting for them he could heare no newes of them wherefore he chose out about sixteene able young men whom he sent abroad into the Countrey to search for them promising a great reward to him that should first bring him word where they were They having roaved up and downe the Countrey at last one of them fell into the hands of the Scots who when he had told how K. Edward had sent him to search for them they let him goe and withall bid him tell the King that they had beene eight dayes as uncertain of him as he had bin of them and that now they were come within 3. miles of him where they would stay for him and abide him battell being as desirous to sight as he was When the young man told the King this he was rewarded with Knigthood being made such by his owne hand and besides that he got 150. pound land to maintain his dignity Then he gave order that his Army should march towards them but when they came neare they found them so stronlgy encamped upon a hill having steepe rocks at the one side and a river on the other called by Hollinshed the water of Weire that they durst not adventure to assaile them at so great disadvantage wherefore they sent a trumpet to them and desired them to come downe to the plaine ground and so to sight with true vertue for honour and empire and not to sit on the tops of the hils where no body could come at them The Scots answered with derision that they would not sight how and when it pleased their enemie but at their owne pleasure telling him withall that they were come into his Countrey and had done as he knew if any thing that they had done did grieve him he might come and seeke his revenge they would stay there as long as they thought meet and expedient for them and if any should assaile them they would do what they could doe to defend themselves and make their enemies smart So they stayed there three dayes in his view but he not thinking it safe to assaile them in that place after some few skirmishes at their watering place the Scots removed their Camp to another place that was stronger and harder of accesse which Hollinshed calls Stanhop parke whither the English also followed them While they lay there encamped the one over against the other Sir James Douglas who was a provident and watchfull Captaine perceiving that the English watches were somewhat negligently kept either because they despised the
appointment to want of will and their hinderance by France and the poverty of our Countrey together with the roughnesse thereof being so Mountainous and full of heaths and wasts harder enemies then the inhabitants giving no place to the vertue and valour of the people very absurdly and maliciously for as touching the first that they have had no desire of it it is a childish alledgeance when they see they cannot get a thing to deny that they desire it The great means they have used the many attempts they have made and that common and proverbiall speech so ordinary in their owne mouthes and devised amongst themselves Qui la France veut gagner a l' Escosse faut commencer do testifie the contrary And above all their often intending a full conquest of it as their owne Histories beare record And as for the hinderance by France their aides to Scotland have not been very great nor very frequent yea it may bee said justly that France hath received more help then ever it gave for since the league with Charlemaigne it may be truely said without any poeticall hyperbole nulla unquam Francis fulsit victoria castris sine milite Scoto that the French armies never wanted Scottish souldiers but the Scots have but very seldome had Frenchmen to helpe them And if the Kings of England have sometimes bended their forces towards France yet they did it not alwayes but have made more warre in Scotland when they had peace with France And it is amongst the complaints of our Nation that France have cast them into warres with England when they might have had peace Like as when they had advantage by warre France did often wring their weapons out of their hands and forced them to a disadvantagious peace which was commonly the greatest fruits of their friendship and league Now as for the difficulties of hills hunger c. These are not so great as they talke of for neither is it altogether so poore nor so hilly and mountanous as they would have it beleeved to bee and if King Robert at this time or any other at any time have caused spoil and waste in the Countrey at some times thereby to famish or straiten the enemy or have chosen to vexe or trouble them with a Camp volante to eschew the hazzard of a battell as Douglas and Randulph did at this time it hath been the practice of all warriours of all Nations but neither hath it been neither could it have been the onely mean of conserving this Countrey in freedome except manhood and valour had been joyned with it and that in a great measure whereof sufferance and hardnesse to endure great straits want scant cold hunger and travell is no little part As on the contrary not to be able to endure these is effeminatenesse the ordinary consequent of riches wealth ease abundance and delicacie all reprochfull to men Even as the other I confesse are oft the consequences of povertie and are helps to harden the bodies and whet the courages of men Wherefore if they had meant nothing else but that the poverty of Scotland did preserve the liberty thereof because it kept the inhabitants in continuall exercise both of body and minde and did not suffer them to grow tender delicate and effeminate but hardned their bodies against want and their minds and courages against perills and dangers which they imployed for the defence of their Countrey and by the which as the chief means under God they did defend it we could well admit of it and acknowledge as much poverty that is to say want of superfluity and vanity invented by soft and womenly minds and covered under the maske of civility as hath begotten in them valour and temperance as it is said to have done in many people before the Romanes Macedonians Turks Parthians Scythians c. But since that is not their meaning but even to detract from their valour they exprobrate their poverty and casts it up for a reproach to breed contempt of them in others and to ascribe to it what is due to their worth to wit the liberty and preservation of their Countrey from all forrain enemies we may say justly that it hath not been the immediate cause of their being preserved against England Danes or whatsoever enemy but that there hath been as much sufficiency of things necessary call it riches or by what other name you list as hath moved other Nations especially England to cover it and coveting to invade it and when they had done their best they were driven from it not so much by the barrennesse and roughnesse of the soyle as by many and sad stroakes of the inhabitants thereof and by such acts and deeds as became wise valiant and couragious men Touching all which this one example will serve to confute whatsoever hath been or can bee said in this kind then which we need no other proof and that is this same huge and great army raised by this King Edward the third and intending to have come into Scotland if hee had not been thus affronted by Sir James and Randulph and before in his fathers time at Biland and which admitteth for no exception at Bannockburne In all which there is no colour of want of will he showed it he professed it and presumed to devoure them in an instant No want of forces having gat●…ered from all Countreyes not onely his subjects but his friends also no scarcitie of victuall hee had abundance of all things no hills nor mountains they met in the plain fields no forrain aid on the Scots side that we heare of besides the two Brabanders that King Edward sent to help them And so again whatsoever progresse or appearance of conquest the English have made of Scotland it was never by their valour and armes but by the advantage of an intestine warre they siding with the one party and at last overcoming both as did Edward the first in the dayes of Balliol wherefore they make a wrong account and much mistake the matter that thinke the liberty of this Kingdome hath been maintained more by the wants of our soyle want of will in our enemies or of leasure in the English then by the worth of our predecessours if wee weigh things rightly But the true way and mean by which our Countrey and liberty thereof have stood and by which they have relieved and vindicated it when it was thralled are these we have spoken of by which also they procured peace at all times and now also at this time For the same yeare in March Ambassadours came from Edward to treat of perpetuall peace which the next yeare was concluded by the Parliament of England held at Northhampton unto this Parliament for treating of Articles of peace King Robert sent Sir James with some Prelates where it was concluded on these conditions That the King of England should renounce all title and claime that he and his predecessours had laid to the Crowne of Scotland and
of the name of Douglas and their favourers to compeire upon a certaine day and the Earle himselfe within threescore dayes which being expired and none compeiring they were denounced Rebels Then the King himselfe went with an Army into Galloway where at his first entrie having forced their Captaines to retire to their strengths a small number of his hoast whilest they followed the Rebels uncircumspectly through strait places were beaten backe upon the King not without some disgrace The king moved with great indignation hereat went and assaulted their chiefe fortes And first he tooke the Castle of Lochmabane without great trouble or travell thereafter with great toile and wearying of his men the Castle of Douglas which he razed to the ground He commanded the Farmers Tenants and Labourers of the ground to pay their Meales to his Collectours untill such time as the complainers were satisfied with their Lords goods These things being reported thus as they were done to the Earle Douglas while hee was yet at Rome moved him greatly and greatly astonished them that were in his company so that many withdrew themselves fearing what it might turne to and he with the few that remained with him made what haste they could homeward As hee came through England hee was honourably entertained by the King and Queene there but when hee approached neere to the borbers of Scotland hee stayed a little time and sent his brother James before to trie the Kings minde toward him which when hee found to be placable hee returned home was kindely received and lovingly admonished to put away from him disorderly persons especially the men of Annandale who had in his absence committed many outrages and cruelties This when hee had faithfully promised to performe hee was not onely received into his former place of favour but was made also Lieutenant Generall of the whole Kingdome of Scotland And this was the bitter fruit of his perillous Pilgrimage that hereby hee loosed the reines to his enemies and gave them power so farre to prevaile as to embarke the King in open quarrell against him even to the casting downe of his Houses and intrometting with his Revenues This notwithstanding was either his wisedome or the account and respect of his place and person that the King who had done him such harme and disgrace could bee contented so to forget it receiving him so farre into favour and advancing him whatever blame or imputation may bee laid upon him for his journey which was so rashly taken on and which had so dangerous a sequell yet this retreate from that storme cannot but bee commended and his dexteritie whatever it were acknowledged to have beene great which guided him through such billowes and surges to so peaceable a Port and Haven And it were to be wished that Writers had set downe by what means this was brought to passe for the more perfect understanding of the History but we must beare with this amongst many more defects that are to be found in them Now what ever wisedome though undescribed in the particular may appeare to bee in this as much unadvisednesse is evident in that which hee did immediately after in his journey to England For without acquainting the King hee went to the Court of England and had privie conference with that King and Queene hee pretended that it was for restitution of some goods taken out of Scotland and not restored by the Wardens of England but this cause the lighter it was the greater suspition did it move in his owne King who could not thinke it probable that hee being of that place of that courage of that nature would upon such an occasion onely take such a journey The true cause is thought to be that he went to treat of certaine conditions for his assistance to be given to the King of England against his Nobilitie with whom he was then in hard termes the warres of the house of Yorke beginning to spring up which increased afterward so mightily and prevailed to the ejecting him out of the Kingdome This the Queene of England either foreseeing or fearing some other such like enterprise against her husband had dealt with the Earle Douglas when he came home through England from Rome the yeare before to strengthen them by his help and appointed him to return for performance and perfecting of all conditions of agreement But we finde no effect of this agreement and conditions whether because that conspiracie of the Duke of York was not yet come to maturitie and so Douglas was not employed being prevented by death which fell out shortly after this or because they were not fully agreed is uncertaine Neither is it specified what the conditions were onely it is conjectured that they were the same or such like as the same King Henry the sixth granted afterward to the Earle of Angus in the time of King James the third which if they were they were no wayes prejudiciall to the King of Scotland as shall appeare there yet being done without his knowledge it gave occasion either to the naturall jealousie of Princes to think hardly of it by his owne meere motion or to his enemies so to construct it to the King and stirre him up by their speeches to that suspicion which he enclined to Of both which he ought to have beene warie and not to have given such ground to the one or to the other by such a journey undertaken without the Kings allowance Whether at his returne he acquainted the King with what had past betwixt him and the Kings of England it is not certaine and our Writers seeme to say the contrary yet in that hee brought letters from the Queene of England to the Queene of Scotland and shee thereupon interceded for him it is not improbable that he hath acquainted her and so the King also with the truth of the whole businesse which whether the King did not beleeve or if his jealousie remained not the lesse and that hee was not willing there should bee such an accession and increase of the Earles greatnesse who he thought was greater already then was safe for a King hee pardoned him the fault at the intercession of the Queene and some Nobles but he tooke from him the Office of Lieutenant and all other publicke charge that so he might be made unusefull and unsteadable to the King of England or at least not so able to aid him and so he might be frustrate of the conditions so liberally promised unto him from thence Hee restored also his old enemie Creighton to the Office of Chancellour and the Earle of Orkney was made Lieutenant Thus not onely disappointed of his hopes but disgraced at his Princes hands both by being himselfe depressed and his enemies advanced he was incensed against all the Courtiers taking all to proceed from their instigation But more especially his anger was bent against Creighton both as the ancient enemie of his House and also as the chief Authour of all this present dis-favour by
Douglas and howbeit he came somewhat short of that huge greatnesse and puissance of the former yet was he nothing inferiour in place of authority in credit and account in action and employment as we said in the beginning Nothing was done but by him and under his shadow Bishop Kennedie had the greatest vogue he upheld the Bishop by his power and by him men did come to finde favour and did seek to have credit We will set down two examples for all the rest but those remarkeable and sufficient to show of what great account and authority he hath been The one is of our own Nation the other of a Forrainer The first is in the same year 1457. the 13. of May. We heard of James Lord Hamilton a faithfull franke and forward friend for the Earle Douglas so long as he was a friend to himself by any action He leaving himself Hamilton also lest him I mean seeing the Earle had lost that so fair occasion if not to cast the Dice for the Crown as the Lord Hamilton said to him yet to cast the Dice for the victory and to give or take conditions of peace which he had at Abercorne being moe in number than the King the Lord Hamilton was come in to the King upon this that same night He was received by the King but not greatly credited for he was committed to Rosselin a Castle then of the Earle of Orkneyes and afterwards say our writers freinds interceding for him he was released out of prison and received into most inward friendship Thus farre they go but what friends these were or how the friendship was made they do not tell The Earle of Angus evidents tell us and show that it hath been he that did him this friendly office For whether before to move him to intercede for him or after in token of thankfulnesse though it be most likely it was after because it is done at Tantallon which must be after his releasement out of Rosselin he giveth to this Earle George a memorable remembrance He I say being a noble man and a notable active man besides gives him his bond of service or Manreid and that in ample forme and submisse terms excepting none but the King and Queen And that I may not seeme to speak without a warrant in so great a matter scarce to be beleeved of some and that I do rather amplifie things than set down the naked truth I will set down the very words of the band as it is extant in the hands of the Earle of Angus which now is copied word by word that every man may judge of it as he thinks good Be it knowne to all men by thir present Letters me James Lord Hamilton c. to be comen and by these presents to become Man of speciall service and retinue for all the dayes of my life-time to an high and mighty Lord George Earle of Angus Lord Douglas and Warden of the East and middle marches of Scotland foregainst England Before and against all them that live or die may mine allegeance to our soveraigne Lord the King and my band of service to our soveraigne Lady the Queen Mary now present allanerly out-tane Promising all and sundry dutifull points in bands of retinue contained to observe and keep to my Lord foresaid as e●…eirs for all the said time In witnesse of the which thing I have gard set my seale At Tantallon the 13. day of the moneth of May the year of our Lord 1457 c. It hath been no small matter nor small authoritie of him to whom it is given that hath moved such a man to give such a Band. His credit hath been great and Hamilton hath either received great benefit at his hand or expected to receive some I take it that he hath procured his libertie and obtained to him that favour in Court that our Writers speak of to be of the Kings inward friends I suppose also that kinred hath been of some moment to move him to it The reason of my conjecture is because we have heard before that Elizabeth sister to Margaret Countesse of Marre and Angus and Grandmother to this Earle George was married to Sir Alexander Hamilton of Cadyow as some call him by which mean this James Lord Hamilton might be third from her and the Earle of Angus and he Cousins twice removed or fourths in kin as we speak But this I referre to them that have the monuments of that House However what more honour could have been done to the great House of Douglas in the greatest grandour thereof than what is here done to the House of Angus Neither is it any dishonour to him that doth it It is but folly to think so Houses have their beginning and grouth Mine to day thine to morrow This same Lord Hamilton by these beginnings within a few years 17. or 18. at most shall lay such grounds of greatnesse as shall lift his House above any subjects to the very top of all so as to have the Crown entailed to his Posteritie and to enjoy it for a while as Regent and Governour Let us remember the changes of the world and the vicissitudes of Fortune and let every man bear with patience and hear with calmnesse either what he is now or what he was before And this for the first domestick witnesse of honour and authoritie credit and greatnesse of the House of Angus in this mans person The other amongst Forrainers was greater which is this The King of England Henry the sixth being overthrowne and put out of his Kingdome and Countrey of England by the Duke of York Edward the fourth he and his son and his Queen being come into Scotland for refuge he indents with George Earle of Angus for his assistance to help to restore him to his Kingdome and bindes himself to give unto George Earle of Angus and his heires Lands lying betwixt Trent and Humber worth 2000. Marks sterling of yearly rent 2. That he should erect it in a Dutchie and infe●…t the said Earle therein in as free Knight-service as any Land in England and that the Earle and his heires should be Dukes thereof 3. That in time of peace between Scotland and England it should be lawfull for the said Earle to repaire to England to his Dutchie or to Court or where he pleased with an hundred horse in train 4. And that if there happened to be warre betwixt the Countreyes it should be lawfull for him to send 24 armed men who should be under the King of England his protection to gather and up-lift for his use the rents and revenues of the said Dutchie 5. That it should be lawfull for him during the warres between the two Countreyes to serve the King of Scotland which should no wayes prejudice him in the enjoying of his Lands neither should it be a cause of forfeiture or unlaw 6. That he should not be bound to answer in person to the Parliaments of England or any
was renued and continued divers years after and divers murthers and slaughters followed upon it amongst which was the slaughter of Sir Walter Scot himself in Edinburhg There my Lord Fleming also alighted with Angus and took part in the conflict but the Earle of Lennox sate still on his horse by the King as an indifferent spectatour and looker on He being before a suspected but now by this a declared enemie to the Douglasses with-drew himself from Court This fell out about the 18. of July 1526. After this attempt Angus perceiving so many evil-affected toward him entred into parleying with the Earle of Arran and having composed their old differences received him to be his partner and fellow-governour in ruling the Countrey This did the more incense Lennox against them both and his anger made them both the more watchfull and carefull to strengthen themselves against him The ground of their dissention was this Lennox was Arrans sisters sonne as hath been said and failing heirs of his own body was to be his heir and to succeed as well to the Earldome of Arran as to his right and title to the Kingdome of Scotland after the King and his heires and there being great appearance of it Lennox had conceived great hope that he should be his heir because his uncle Arran had been long married to the Chamberlan Hume his sister and had no children by her She also her self whether because she was of good age or because she had been so long barren h●…d lost all hope to conceive whereupon her husband either by her advice or not without her consent as is thought divorceth from her pretending he had before he married her lien with a kinswoman of hers that was so near in bloud as made his marriage with her incestuous and so could not be brooked by him with a good conscience So being divorced he marries one Beton daughter to Creigh in Fyfe who was brother to Beton Archbishop of S. Andrewes This was a great stop in the Earle of Lennox his hopes chiefly concerning the Earledome of Arran for as touching the Crown the report went that the King would entaile that to him out of his own favour Neither was his hope of Arran quite given over if the divorcement could afterward be quarrelled either in substance or formality which Lawyers might readily do in a subject of this nature which is so full of questions and doubts These things wrought jealousie that contrariety and alienation of mindes which soone begat hostility and hatred The diversity of faction increased it and it bred and increased the faction The King held firm for Lennox or was held firm by him and sent him many private Letters to many of the Nobilitie with whom he dealt and drew a great faction In which being very confident he assembled them at Stirlin where was Arch-bishop Beton and divers other Bishops There he propounded in plain terms the setting of the King at liberty which they decreed and appointed a day for the performance and execution thereof Angus so soon as he had found the winde thereof and had begun to smell it out had written to the Earle of Arran to come to Lithgow where they might meet and take such order as was needfull Arran was not slow but gathered his Forces quickly and kept the appointment Lennox hearing of it resolved though the day were not yet come that was appointed for his associats to conveen at Stirlin to adventure to set upon the Hamiltons before Angus who was at Edinburgh should joyne with them with such power as he had ready about him The Hamiltons having notice of Lennox his intention advertised the Earle of Angus thereof Angus made ●…eady and addressed himself for the journey but he got many letts and impediments The King also did hinder and stay him not a little for he lay long a bed pretending indisposition and sickishnesse he marched slowly and stayed often and made many halts by the way as being weary and troubled with loosenesse of his belly which moved him often to untrusse which he did onely for an excuse of purpose to stay them Angus perceiving it and fearing lest he should come too late left his brother Sir George and some few with him to attend the King made all the haste he could to joyn with Arran in time In this mean while Lennox was come from Stirlin straight to Linlithgow and the Hamiltons issuing out of the Town had manned the Bridge which is a mile from the Town and the rest had put themselves in order of battell along some small hils not farre from the Bridge This forced Lennox to forsake the passing of the River by the Bridge and to crosse the water at a foord a little above near to the Abbey of Machlein He exhorted his men to assaile the Hamiltons before Angus should come to assist them and they made haste but by too much haste they broke their ranks and having the little hils to climbe up they were out of winde when they came to strokes and withall the cry arose that Angus did approach So the Hamiltons assailing them with long Weapons from a ground of advantage and the Douglasses also coming upon them on the other hand Lennox his men were over-thrown being sore wounded This was done ere Sir George Douglas could come to them who desired greatly to be with his brother but was held back by the Kings pretences It is constantly reported that Sir George seeing the King linger thus and knowing that he did it of purpose said to him in great fury It is as much as our lives are worthy if our enemies get you from us to day which rather than they shall do we will hold fast one half of you and let them pull away the other These words the King never forgot nor forgave neither would ever hear of pardoning him when he seemed not to be implacable towards the rest When the King could not stay Augus any longer from going to aide the Hamiltons he sent Andrew Wood of Largoe to have saved Lennox life by all means But he was slain in the chace by the Earle of Arrans base son James Hamilton who used the victory cruelly and whom afterwards a Groom of Lennox wounded almost to death having stabbed him in five or six places in revenge of his Lords death He was lamented of his uncle Arran with many tears by Angus with sorrow and sadnesse of heart but above all the King took his death ill seeing his care to save him not to have succeeded It is said that when he was coming from Stirlin Arran sent to him and prayed him not to come forward but to stay otherwise that he would force him to fight him which he desired not to do To which Lennox answered That he would not stay but would go and see the King maugre him and all that would take his part But his purpose was directly to fight the Hamiltons and not to go to the King for
deliver unto them whatsoever Bonds Contracts Writs or Evidents they had for their pretended Title thereto And should leave that Kingdome as free as it had been in the dayes and at the death of King Alexander the third from all bondage and servitude for time to come That the Scots should also resigne to the English all lands and possessions which sometimes they had in England or held of England in fealty as beneficiars thereof and that the Marches between the two Kingdomes should bee Cumberland and Northumberland unto Stone-moore That David sonne to King Robert should marry Jane King Edwards sister called by some Jane of the Tower and by the Scots Jane make peace in derision and that King Robert should pay to Edward three thousand marks sterling for the dammage done to his people in the late warres by Sir James and Randulph Earle of Murray The first of these articles was presently performed and the King of England delivered all the Writs and Evidents which hee had concerning his alledged superiority of Scotland and amongst them an Indenture which they called Ragman saith Hollinshed and certain Jewels won from the Kings of Scotland amongst which the blacke Crosiere or Rood was one This peace the same Authour calleth unprofitable and dishonourable done by evil and naughty counsell If it were dishonourable for England it was so much the more honourable for the Scots that gave the peace But the dishonour hee meaneth is the renunciation of his title to the Crowne of Scotland whereof he had fair claiming King Robert and the Scots had driven him out of his usurpation and vindicated their liberty by force of armes And as for his right and title in Law the world knowes what small account Scotland ever made of his pretensions having never been subject unto any but to their owne King Wherefore it was onely to take away all occasion of cavilling and the better to keep peace with their neighbours that they desired this surrender as they had done before with Balliol whose right notwithstanding carried a greater show of equity and reason and truly it is not so much to be wondered at that King Edward condescended to these Articles as it is that King Robert should have yeelded to them being more unprofitable for him then for the other and a man would think it very strange that he should part with Northumberland or give any moneys to recompense any dammage done in a just warre and that there should not rather money have been given unto him as a dowrie or portion with his daughter in law But the time answereth it hee was now of a good age and unmeet for travel and warres being wearied with battells and cloyed with victories and ceased by sicknesse he longed for peace to himself and to his posteritie but with what fidelity and how little it was kept by King Edward we shall heare hereafter No aliance nor bond of amity which ought but seldome doth tie Princes and great men could keep him from breaking of this peace The marriage was solemnized at Berwick with all the pompe that might bee after which King Robert lived not a full yeare A little before his death being at Cardrois which stands over against Dumbarton on the other side of the water of Levin whether hee had withdrawne himselfe by reason of his age and sicknesse to live a private and quiet life hee called his friends together and made his last Will and Testament in which having ordered all his other affaires hee called to minde a vow that he had made to go into Syria and there to fight against the common enemy of the Christian name but because his warres before and now his age and sicknesse would not suffer him to performe it in his owne person hee recommended the performing of it to Sir James Douglas requesting him earnestly to go and do it for him and withall to carry his heart to Hierusalem and there to bury it neare the holy Grave This was esteemed a great honour in those dayes both by Sir James himself and others and withall a cleare and honourable testimony of the Kings affection towards him and so he interpreted it Wherefore King Robert dying the 7. of July 1329. hee made himself ready and prepared all things for his voyage very diligently yet there were some of the most judicious in those times who tooke it to have a deeper reach and that however he did also respect Sir James and thinke him the fittest for this businesse his main designe was to prevent all dissention which might have risen between these two great Captains Douglas and Murray Randulph to obviate the which they thinke he devised to send Sir James out of the Countrey upon this honourable pretext But there bee Authours that say the King did not particularly designe Sir James by name but desired his Nobles to choose one of his most noble Captains in the Realme for that effect and that they after his decease laid it upon Sir James with one consent who most willingly accepted thereof as one who during King Roberts life had served the body wherein the heart had lodged But whether the King desired him by name or the Nobility did interpret the Kings meaning to be such under the title and description of the most noble Captain or that they themselves did deem him to be so as indeed he was most worthy so it was that the charge was committed unto him and he most gladly undertook it when his presence was very needfull for the Countrey For before he tooke journey their fell out a matter that occasioned great troubles afterwards by Edward Balliol One Lawrence Twine an English man borne and one of those who had obtained lands in Scotland for reward of his service in the warres a man well borne but of a vitious life This man after King Roberts death presuming of inpunite in respect of K. Davids youth loosed the reignes to his licentious lewdnesse and being often taken in adultery and admonished by the officiall of Glasgow when he would not abstain from his wickednesse he was excommunicated wherewith being incensed he tooke the officiall as he was riding to the towne of Aire and kept him prisoner till hee was forced to redeeme his liberty with a summe of money Sir James Douglas highly offended with this enormity caused seek him that he might be punished which Twine understanding and fearing that he should not long escape his hands if he stayed within the Countrey sled into France and addressing himself unto Edward Balliol he perswaded him to enterprise against the King of Scotland and recover that which he had so good right to and so faire an opportunity which Balliol did in Sir James his absence by his voyage or after his slaughter in his voyage And no question his absence was a strong inducement both to this Edward and to Edward of England to attempt the subduing of Scotland which he did thinke would prove easie by making Randulph away which
his surmisings transported herewith hee gave way to his passion to carry him to a course somewhat more then civill which untill that time hee had tempered retaining it with the bridle of equitie and himselfe within the compasse of the lawes Now whether altogether and onely for these causes foresaid or if irritated by a new occasion of malicious speeches uttered by Creighton That the Kingdome of Scotland would never be at rest so long as the house of Douglas was on foot That in the ruine thereof stood the good of the Realme and peace of all Estates That it was necessary a man of so turbulent a nature so puissant and powerfull by his Kindred and Alliance whom no benefits could appease nor honours satiate should bee cut off and the publicke peace established by his death or if Creighton contrived this speech to make Douglas the more odious and his owne quarrell seeme the juster against him for both are written so it is that the Earle caused certaine of his friends and servants lie in wait for him as hee was riding from Edinburgh toward Creighton but he escaped being acquainted with the plot as some write well accompanied and excellently well mounted but not without being wounded himselfe and having slaine some of his adversaries in his escape Others attribute his escaping not to any foresight or fore-knowledge but sayeth that hee was assailed in the night at unawares and being astonished at the first yet afterward recollecting himselfe for he was a man of good courage hee slew the formost he met with and having received some wounds brake through them and saved himselfe in Creighton Castle where he remained not long but his wounds being scarce well cured he conveened his friends and coming on the sudden to Edinburgh had almost surprised the Earle Douglas who was there in quiet manner and looked for no such thing but he getting advertisement hereof did advertise the King that he could no longer endure Creightons hidden malice and practises against his life and estate and his now open attempts also wherefore hee desired to bee excused th●…t hee could no more repair to Court so long as Creighton was there and so retired himselfe to his house to remain as a male-content for a season In the meane time finding his enemies thus to increase in credit at Court and with their credit as commonly it cometh to passe in number and power hee to strengthen himselfe also on the other side against them entered into a new confederacy with the Earles of Crawford and Rosse men of greatest puissance and force next the Douglasses that were in Scotland in their times or rather he renewed the old friendship that had been betwixt them For their houses were in old time in great friendship with the houses of Douglas as hath beene shewed and the house of Crawford was particularly obliged unto them by divers good Offices from the dayes of Robert the second and in this same mans time had been helped against the Ogelbees at Arbroth as his father also had at the Earle Douglas desire spoyled the Bishop of Saint Andrewes Kennedies lands And besides this Beatrix Douglas the Earle Douglas Lady was daughter to one of the Earles of Crawford and could not but bee of kinne to this Earle The summe of their band was That they should every one assist and defend another together with their friends and dependers against all men That they should have the same friends and the same enemies with reservation alwayes and exception of their duety to their Prince But whether this band was made of new as some write or if it were of old continued from hand to hand and then renewed as though it were intended in speciall against Creighton and his partakers and due exception of the King expressely contained in it is uncertain however they so possessed the King that hee interpreted all as done against himselfe And therefore matters being come to publick Hostilitie betwixt Douglas and Creighton and the Countrey divided into factions when the Earle of Crawford and Rosse had sent to Creighton and given up all friendship with him as an enemy to their dearest friend by vertue of the foresaid League hee acquainted the King therewith and with all vehemencie exaggerated the League as a conspiracy against him and his royall Authority and that it was very dangerous for him when such great houses and powerfull men had combined together The King apprehending it to bee so having once settled that opinion in his minde did upon that ground build all his interpretations of the Earle Douglas actions and framed his owne actions accordingly against him Neither was Douglas so fortunate or circumspect as to avoid the occasions of fostering that opinion in the King but as commonly happeneth when ruine is to come on men all things worke that way so fared it with him in two facts The first was on the person of the Lord Harris who was too hardly used of him as appeares The other on the Tutor of Bombee more justly yet so that his carriage in it seemed to confirme that which his enemies alledge against him that he exercised his authority and used his priviledges more absolutely then the King had reason to be contented with The occasion of the first and the forme thereof was Sir William Harris of Terreglis having been the Earle Douglas ancient dependar had now in this frowne of Court and diversity of factions whether to please the Court and because he accounted it jus●…lest to follow it or because indeed he misliked things done by the borderers who followed Douglas withdrawn himselfe from his dependance and if he sided not openly with the other party which hee could nor durst hardly doe lying so neare to Douglas yet did hee not follow him as hee was wont and so either by a reall enmitie in private or a kinde of neutrality in publick had procured the like behaviour of the Earle to him to behave himselfe as neutrall in his affaires and as hee had abstracted his dependance and attendance from him so the other abstracted his Protection from him This when the Annandians perceived they ready upon all such occasions made a rode and furrowed his lands hereof when he complained to the Earle and had received answer according to the foresaid coldnes betwixt them he would needs attempt some redresse by his own power and hereupon assembling a number of his friends he rode into Annandale to have rendered them the like and either to recover his owne or repaire his losses out of their goods But he was overthrowne by them and taken prisoner and so brought to the Earle Douglas hee esteeming him as his owne servant and taken within his bounds where his jurisdiction by regallity or otherwayes was extended put him to assise They of the Jury found him guilty being taken after hee had seized the goods with red hand as they term it and so being convict of theft he was condemned executed and hanged as a
father the Earle of Ormond and that having obtained them he shall resigne them in favour of the Earle of Angus Other things remarkeable we have none untill about the time of the Field of Flowden which makes it seem to be probable which some allege that all this time he was confined in Arane The pretended cause as they say was secret intelligence with King Henry of England but the true cause they say was his taking Jean Kennedie daughter to the Earle of Cassils out of Galloway to whom the King bare affection and to whom the Earle gave infeftement and seizing of the Lands of Bothwel although he never married her As touching the pretended cause it hath no appearance at all seeing there was alwayes peace and friendship betwixt us and both the Henries the 7. and 8. untill the warre was denounced or a very short time before And concerning that of Jeane Kennedie we have a note of an Indenture betwixt Angus Chancellour and the Lord Kennedie but they have neglected to set down about what it hath been in the year 1496. So that we are uncertain what to think of it And contrary to this we finde that the Lands of Bothwel were not in the Earles hands but in his sonne Georges who got them from the Lord Bothwel in exchange for the Lordship of Liddisdale which for that cause he resigned into the Kings hands in favor of the Earle Bothwel in the year 1492. so that the Earle could not give her the Lands that belonged to his sonne Further our Histories tels us that when James Earle of Aran who was sent with the Navy which the King had prepared for a present to Queene Anne of France had turned in upon Ireland and having burnt Knockfergus was come to Air a Sea-port in Coile the King offended with his folly gave the charge of the Ships to Angus for prosecuting of the voyage But Aran having heard of it hoysed saile and was gone before Angus could come to the place where the Ships lay Now although it should seem by this that the King continued his favour toward him yet there are some apparant reasons to move us to think that it hath been somewhat diminished For Alexander Lord Hume was made Warden of all the three marches and that before Flowdon of which the east and middle march at least had continued under the government of the Earles of Angus for the space of three or foure generations descending from father to sonne by succession from Earle William in the persons of James and George to this present Archbald Other mention or monument of him we have none till the Warres betwixt King James the 4. and King Henry the 8. of England It is reported by some that the Queene and he did what they could to disswade the King from that Warre but when he could not prevaile with him he followed him into England There the King having wasted Northumberland and taken Norham with some few other Castles got a view of the wife of one Heron of the Foord and did so fancie her that he neglected the prosecuting of the warre and care of his Army and did nothing but dallie with her Whilest the Army lay there idle the English sent a Herauld to the King desiring that he would appoint a day for battell But the greatest part of the Nobility did dislike it And the Earle of Angus though he saw all this and many moe errours yet he held his peace all this while whereas the rest of the Nobilitie reasoned with the King but in vain For the King told them flatly he would fight them though they were a hundreth thousand more and that he would retire Then and not till then the Earle of Angus hearing his answer and knowing the danger of such resolution being the Chief man amongst them both for years and authoritie he went about to set before the King the reasons of the counsell given him hoping by that meane to break him of his determination in these words Sir said he your Majestie hath done abundantly to satisfie your friendship with the King of France in that ye have made the King of England withdraw the greater part of his Army out of France and have turned the danger of the War from him without endangering your self For they cannot keep the fields long in a Countrey that is so cold and wasted especially now when the Winter is so near Neither need your Majestie to wonder that the French Ambassadour is so instant with us to fight he being a stranger it is no strange thing to see him prodigall of other mens bloud who doth not regard the good of the parties but the benefite that will thereby redound to France Besides his request is altogether impudent and shamelesse For he requires us to do that which his master a man of great understanding thinks not fit to do for his own Kingdom Neither should the losse of this Army seem small because our number is few for all that are of worth excell either in wisedome or valour in Scotland are here and these being slain the vulgar will become a prey to the enemy Therefore as it is safest for the present to prolong the Warre so is it most profitable in generall For if Lewis would have either the English exhausted with charges or wearied with delay what is more convenient then to compell him to divide his Forces by keeping one half thereof continually in readinesse against us who lye in wait to invade his Countrey upon every occasion so to ease the French of so much of their burden As for your honour and reputation which men pretend what can be more honourable than having razed so many Forts and Castles wasted and spoyled their Countrey with fire and sword to returne laden with such store of spoyle that they shall not be able to recover their losses nor their soile redeem the former beautie in many years though there should happen to be peace What greater commoditie can we expect to reap of the Warre than in such a tumultuous noise of Armes to have leisure to refresh our souldiers with ease and quietnesse to our credit and to our enemies shame Of all the victories that are acquired that which is obtained more by counsell than force of Armes is most properly the victory of man and the praise of it doth onely redound to the Commander and Generall for in it the Armie can claim no part or interest When the Earle had ended his speech all that were present shewed by their countenance that they did approve and assent unto his counsell But the King who had solemnely sworn to give battell heard him unwillingly and answered angerly bidding him if he were afraid go home Then Angus seeing the King obstinate and fore-seeing in his minde what would be the event of such headinesse burst forth in teares and after a while having gathered his spirits again when he was able to speak If my former life said he doth
within the Wals of any strength having ever in his mouth this maxime which he had received from his Predecessours That it was better to hear the Lark sing than the Mouse cheep The Castle was well defended for certain dayes none hurt within many without were wounded with shot from the Castle and some burnt and scalded with their own Powder which took fire unawates and divers killed The besiegers were troubled without by the horsemen who assaulted them daily at their trenches so that seeing no hope of carrying it they raised their siege and retired In their retreat they were set upon in the Reare by Angus his horsemen and one David Falconer a principall Cannonier slain with some other hired Musketiers and two of the Cannons cloyed This the K. took so highly esteeming it an affront and scorn put upon him that he swore openly that so long as he lived the Douglasses should never be received into favour He was then young and in his hot bloud and saw not their worth or at least looked upon it through the prospective of an angry passion but before he died he saw it more setledly and clearly and that their service was more steadable than all theirs that were now about him Being come to Edinburgh he adviseth what was next to be done It was thought fit to keep a company at Coldingham which needed not to be very great but onely to lye there constantly to preserve and protect the common people from their incursions But that was to Bell the Cat a good designe but difficult to prosecute Billie where Angus made his residence is within five miles of Coldingham and all the Countrey about did favour him yea some in that same Town it self did bear him good will The task to execute this conclusion was laid upon the Earle Bothwell who was the most powerfull man in Lowthian He refuses it absolutely as that which he was not able to perform So is the King driven to think of another The Earle of Arran was the greatest in power and friendship but he had slain the Earle of Lennox at Linlithgow and was in societie with the Douglasses He doubts with what zeal or fidelity he would prosecute the businesse Argyle was in great account for warrelike and politick wisedome But he lay farre off in the North-West parts of the Kingdome There is no remedie he must be the man he is made Lieutenant and as our Writers say by the Lord Humes assistance drove Angus out of Scotland But all our ancient men who lived in those dayes and were present at those doings and actors in them say the contrary That he did no good but came to Dumbar and some of his companies going before were set upon at the Peeths and three or fourscore of them slain Hereupon was made this rime in derision beginning thus The Earle of Argyle is bound to ride From the border of Edge-bucklin bray And all his Habergeons him beside Each man upon a sonke of Stray They made their vow that they would slay c. Neither did the Lord Hume take any particular dealing against him neither did he leave Scotland being compelled thereto by force as our traditioners say but upon the King of Englands desire who wished him so farre to obey and yeeld to his Prince He also caused him to render Tantallon up to the King What warrand the King of England had and what promises by word for it stood not with his honour to give any thing in writ that his clemency might be free and voluntary and not by capitulation our History doth rather glance at it than expresse it in these words That the Castle of Tantallon being rendred the King should under his hand-writing assure them of the rest of their petitions Yet the Castle being rendred the rest were not for all that sincerely kept What he speaks of the rendering of the Castle our old men acquainted with these mysteries speak also of the Earles leaving Scotland That both were done upon these promises They tell also what the promises were that they should be received again pardoned and get their peace the Kings honour being once thus salved by his going out of the Countrey and rendering of the Castle within such a space as was agreed on Our Histories also signifie no lesse by the exception which it makes in this The rest sayes he were not sincerely kept except that favour was granted to Alexander Drumond to return c. Then his return hath been one of the conditions seeing it is accepted as one of them that were performed Neither hath the condition been that he alone should return but that they should be brought home all of them He signifies also that Drumonds return was not permitted out of any respect to the promise but at the request of Robert Bartaine So that the exception is no exception and so nothing hath been keeped But the King of England to whom the promise was made was not at this time disposed to exact the performance of it and to back his exacting of it with 40000. men as Princes promises should be urged Men say he had other work in hand and businesse of his own to request for which was to desire his Nephew James to be quiet and not to trouble his Kingdome while he made Warre against the Emperour Charles Yet afterward in the year 1532. he sought it directly amongst the conditions of peace that the Douglas according to his promise should be restored For King Henries own part he entertained them with all kinde of beneficence and honour and made both the Earle and Sir George of his privie Councell The Kings anger still continued against them in such sort that nine years after in 1537. he was contented that Jeane Douglas Lady Glames who was Angus sister should be accused by false witnesses condemned and execute The point of her accusation was that she and her husband Archbald Campbell then and her sonne and an old Priest had gone about to make away the King by Witch-craft Their servants were tried and racked but confessed nothing the accuser John Lion a Kinsman of her first husband when he saw how they were like to be used and that the house of Glames would be ruined repenting of what he had done confessed to the King that he had wronged them but it did no good She was burnt upon the Castle hill with great commiseration of the people in regard of her noble bloud of her husband being in the prime of her years of a singular beauty and suffering all though a woman with a man-like courage all men conceiving that it was not this fact but the hatred the King carried to her brothers that had brought her to this end Her husband seeking to escape over the wall of the Castle fell and broke his leg and so died Her sonne was kept in prison because he was so young that the law could not strike against him Others were committed to Ward as
surrendered and the French men returned home into their own Countrey In the beginning of Winter Morton together with Glencairne and Sir William Metellan of Lithington Secretary were sent to thank the Queen of England for her ready succour Morton had also a private message from the Earle of Arran sonne to Duke Hamilton to lay out marriage to her but it is not likely that he would deliver it being so unprobable and such a proposition as he knew would not be very acceptable unto her In this journey Morton procured of his Cousin Lady Margaret Douglas Countesse of Lennox her renunciation of all claime and title she had to the Earledome of Angus in favours of his Nephew Archbald but being done without the consent of her husband Matthew Earle of Lennox it was renewed again afterward The sixteenth of August 1561. Queen Mary returned out of France to her native Countrey and Kingdome of Scotland her husband Francis the second of France being dead before in December The Nobilitie was still divided concerning matter of Religion and although now having their native Princesse at home her husband being dead there was no great cause to fear the power or empire of strangers yet did they suspect that she would be too much ruled and counselled by her Uncles the Cardinal of Loraine and the Guisians The Heads of the parties were James the Queens brother and George Earle of Huntley the first a zealous Protestant and wholly bent to maintaine the received Reformation and the other no lesse forward to reduce the Romish Religion The Queen inclined to favour Huntleyes cause but the Reformed Religion was established by Acts of Parliament which had been ratified by her own consent Huntley as he was a craftie and turbulent man so was he also esteemed to be by the Queen and her uncles who like unto themselves made but a cloak of Religion to attain his own ambitious ends and designes Wherefore howbeit they thought him a fit instrument to bring their own purposes to passe and made use of him yet did they not trust him James Earle of Murray by the contrary was sincere upright trustie and faithfull in all his actions but he ran a course directly opposite to that which they intended The Earle of Morton entred into strait bonds of friendship with Murray which continued so long as they lived together They had the same friends and the same enemies the same ends and aimes the good of their Countrey and maintaining of Religion They ran the same hazard in all perils and dangers never separating their counsels nor failing to aid and assist one another Wherefore Murray being sent by the Queen against the out-lawes upon the Borders being assisted by Morton and his friends who lay near unto these places he came to Hawick upon the Fair-day of that Town and having apprehended fiftie of the most notorious Theeves which came to the Market fearing nothing he did so terrifie the rest that those parts remained peaceable and quiet for a long time after This successe as it increased his reputation so did it also more and more kindle the hatred and envie of his enemies And now besides those at home the Guisards did also plot his ruine Their quarrell was Religion their instrument Huntley their hope his power and greatnesse which was given out to them to be rather more than it was indeed Wherefore they write to the Queen their Neece to feed Huntley with large promises and to entertaine his sonne John with hope of marrying her and fair countenances that so they might be drawn to do what she listed to make away Murray and Morton with their complices The Popes Letters were to the same effect She had sent to him for moneys to make Warre upon those that had spoken of the yoke of Popish obedience and his answer was that she should not want his help so that she would do it seriously that was according to the Cardinall of Lorains Glosse so that first of all she would cause make away those whose names were given her in writing These Letters she shewed unto Murray and the rest either because she suspected they had notice of them some other way or to lull them asleep in security that being thus perswaded of her sincerity and good meaning they might the more easily be over-reached and entrapped So the project goeth on and all things being sufficiently fore-cast and prepared for the accomplishing of their intentions the Queen takes her Progresse into the North. Murray behooved to accompany her and Morton would not forsake Murray Who can imagine that their counsels should be disappointed The Forces which Murray and Morton had were very small and they were farre from their friends which dwelt in the south parts of the Kingdome Huntley commanded all in those quarters being Lieutenant and Sheriff by inheritance and compassed about with his friends and dependers So the Game seemed sure But what can prevaile against that which God hath ordained He had decreed to frustrate them and that by themselves The Queens intentions and Huntleys did not jumpe in all things they had their severall ends They agreed in their desire of being rid of those who opposed the re-establishing of Poperie but Huntley had a further drift He propounded to himself as the reward of his service no lesse than the Queens Person to be married to his sonne John and so in effect the Crown and Kingdome But howsoever the Queen by her carriage toward the young man was contented they should please themselves with that conceit yet neither did she ever go so farre as to promise any such thing neither was it indeed her meaning for she desired no lesse to be rid of Huntley and hated him much more than she did Murray having had many proofs of his persidious dealing both toward her father and her mother Besides she thought him too great and more powerfull than was fit for a Subject or safe for the Prince Wherefore before she began her journey into the North she left his sonne John in prison behinde her The pretext was because he had hurt the Lord Oglebie in a Skirmish on the Street of Edinburgh but the true cause was that he might be kept there as a pledge of his Fathers fidelitie and that he being absent Huntley might not constraine her to marry him nor force her to any thing shee had not a minde to But John made an escape out of prison and followed the Queen that his absence might not bee any hinderance to the marriage So Huntley and his son gather their Forces together to meet the Queen and to cut off Murray and Morton as they would have her beleeve but their main aim was withall to compel her to marry if she should refuse This the Queen knew well enough so that when the Countesse of Huntley did tell her from the Earle her husband that he was ready to put in execution what had been determined the Queen told her
Marre having crossed the water of Aven a good way above Linlithgow they joyned their Troupes and came both safe to Edinburgh the 29. of April about twelve a Clock at night Thus were the two parties the one at Linlithgow the other at Edinburgh each accusing other and blaming other as authours of dissention yet they at Edinburgh offered to yeeld unto any thing and to come to any terms of agreement which might not be prejudiciall to the K. authority and upon condition that they would assure them of their concurrence to avenge the late Kings and Murrayes slaughter But they were so farre from accepting of these conditions that on the contrary they chose three Lieutenants for the Queen Arran Argyle and Huntley they appointed also a Parliament to be held in her name the 3. or 4. of August at Linlithgow In this mean time Sir William Drury with 300. horse and 1000. foot came into Scotland to pursue the Queens Rebels and such as received them as was given out but the Lords at Linlithgow fearing they might be brought against them assoon as they heard of their coming went toward Glasgow and besieged the Castle thereof which Minto had in keeping But he being absent and not above 24. of the Garrison Souldiers within the Castle notwithstanding was so well defended that having slain moe of the besiegers than they were themselves in number after six dayes stay hearing of the approaching of the contary partie they raised their siege and went every man unto his own home The Kings side with Drury and the English went into Cliddisdale and cast down Hamilton and other Houses belonging to the Queens faction After this the English returned to Berwick and Morton did go along with them the 3. of June having stayed some 20. or 22. dayes from the 2. of May. The 13. of July 1570. they chose Lennox to be Regent in a Convention holden at Stirlin and gave him the oath to observe the Laws and to maintain the professed Religion His first care was to stay the Parliament which the contrary partie had appointed to be kept at Linlithgow in August Wherefore he sends to Grange for some pieces of Ordnance out of the Castle of Edinburgh but he refused to send any pretending that he would be a procurer of peace and not an instrument of War and shedding of Scottish bloud Notwithstanding hereof the Regent goes to Linlithgow with 5000. men the 3. of August where he could see no appearance of a Parliament nor of any meeting nor hear no news of them at all save that Huntley had been at Brechin and placed a Garrison there of some hired Souldiers and that he had also commanded them to provide victuals and lodging for some thousands of men against the 10. of August Hereupon the Earle of Morton made haste to go to Brechin to surprize them before they were aware and sent word to the Lord Ruthven and Lindsay to go with him or before him because they lay nearer But the Souldiers having gotten some inkling of their coming fled and retired some to the Steeple some to the Castle where they thought themselves to be in safety Morton therefore lay about these places and not long after the Regent came thither himself in person and the Gentlemen of the Countrey about came all to him so that his Army did now amount to the number of 7000. men Those that were in the Steeple yeelded presently but they that were in the Castle stood upon their defensive at first and wounded some that approached to have assaulted the castle but hearing that the Batterie was to be planted and that Huntley who they looked should have come to their relief according to his promise had abandoned them offered to yeeld their lives only safe but when they could not obtain that they came in the Regents will simply without condition Thirty of them were hanged who had bin taken divers times before and bin pardoned upon their promise never to bear arms against the King the rest with their Captains were let go free This being done they returned to Stirlin the 15. of Aug. The Winter following was quiet and free from trouble In the beginning of February Morton was sent into England to Queen Elizabeth at her desire with whom went Pitcarne Abbot of Dumfermling and Master James Mackgill Clerk Register Being come to the Court the 18. of February he was remitted to seven of the Councel who were appointed to treat with him These propounded two heads to be spoken of one was that the Queen might be better informed of their proceedings and the equity of their cause then as yet she was and that their reasons and proofs might be so clear and such that both she her self might be fully perswaded thereof and that she might be able to satisfie others who should require her help against them The other point was to make some overture of Peace and to finde out some way of reconcilement that so the Kingdome of Scotland might be quieted and settled For the first point they gave in their Reasons in writing the last of February which when the Queen had read she answered by her seven Counsellours that she was not satisfied there with fully and therefore desired them to come to the second point what course was to be taken for pacification She propounded the first Head onely for a shew she knew well enough before what they could say and was sufficiently satisfied but would not be so at least she would not seem to be so As for the second Head they answered that their Commission was limited and that they could not consult of any such thing as tended to the diminution of their Kings authoritie neither would they take it upon them though they might nor use any such power although it had been given them The Queen was at Greenwich whither she sent for them and in a manner chid them for their obstinacie that they would not listen to a Treatie of Peace but did rather avoide that which did concerne their good so much and made large Protestation of her good-will toward them and their King willing them at least if they would do no more to hear what her Counsellours would say unto them On the morrow her Counsellours propounded many things for deciding the Title of the Crown betwixt the Mother and the Son Morton craved the Propositions in writing in regard there were many Articles and of great importance Which being given him after he and the others that were with him had considered of them they found them to be such as did diminish the Kings authoritie and were without the bounds of their Commission wherefore they returned answer that these were things of so high a nature that they belonged only to the three Estates and could not be medled withall by so few as they were This answer the Counsellours craved also to have in writing which was done accordingly the day following The 10. of March
but there is no mention of him in the monuments at Douglas where the rest are set downe by name As for his foure daughtets 1 Margaret the eldest was married to the Lord Dalkeith 2 Beairix the second to John Stuart Duke of Albanie Constable of Scotland and Captain of fifty men at armes in France The third was named Jennat and was married to the Lord Flemine of Cumbernauld Elizabeth who was the fourth died unmarried This Grosse James his eldest sonne William partly to hold up the greatnesse of his house partly by the Ladies owne desire who directly refused to marry any other of the name of Douglas married Beatrix Douglas his Cousin She was called the faire maiden of Galloway and so by this match the estate of Douglas was preserved intire and those lands which shee would have been heire to and divided from it were kept in their owne hands This match was made farre against the opinion of the rest of the name of Douglas who thought it better that she should have been married to some of the house of Angus or Dalkeith alledging that the house of Douglas was too great already and that their greatnesse would be the ruine of the house which maxime although it proveth often true that too great Dominions under Princes as also Princes themselves having so large extent of territories and other republicks and Common-wealths when they come to that hugenesse that they cannot easily be governed do fall and are overthrown by their owne weight and the conspiracies and combinations of neighbouring Princes or States who feare and are jealous of their excessive greatnesse or by their Subjects within either through the Princes jealousie who suspects them or others envie who stirre jealousie in the Prince and draw him to suspect them And therefore all both Lordships and Empires are to be restrained and kept within a mediocritie and that as well Princes and Common-wealths as subjects which all men will confesse but what this mediocritie is they declare not neither will they confesse or doe they ever thinke that they are come to that fulnesse that there is any danger of exceeding so farre as to procure their overthrow or breed any perill It is said of Augustus Cesar that he intended some moderation of the Empire and had resolved to have propagate it no further yet it was doubted upon what ground it was that hee thus resolved whether out of prudencie or of envie toward his successours that none might goe beyond him or adde any more to it then he had And it is indeed a hard matter to perswade men and perhaps no lesse difficult to prove for all agree that these inferiour things even all of them are in a perpetuall fluxe and motion and that they cannot stand long at a stay without going either forward or backward increasing or decreasing If therefore they goe not forward they must goe backe if they doe not increase they must decrease which if it be true it were better to seek to increase so long as men may then to take them to a standing from which they must decrease if they doe not increase But whether out of that discourse of reason his friends of the name of Douglas would thus have perswaded him not to become too great for feare of falling or for any particular of their owne or whether he for this other reason or rather for the common disposition of men to presse ever forward I know not but hee chose to bee great and take his hazzard And because the two parties were within the degrees prohibited by the Romane Church Brothers children he sent to Rome for a dispensation which being long in coming and he fearing least the King and the rest of the name of Douglas would cast all the impediments they could in the way to hinder the match which was also reported and not without ground caused hasten the marriage before the dispensation came and that in Lent too a time forbidden also and which is more on the friday before Pasch called commonly Good-friday This was thought ominous and the unhappy event confirmed this opinion They were married in the Church of Douglas Some write that this marriage was procured and made by the young man himselfe after the decease of his father However this was a speciall cause of dissention and division amongst those of the name of Douglas For the actions of this grosse James wee have no particulars recorded in Histories either in his brothers time or his nephewes time or now when he cometh to be Earle himselfe There is no mention at all made of him whether he did any thing for to revenge the murther of his nephewes by Creighton and Levingston belike as he hath been corpulent so hath his corpulensie caused a dulnesse of spirit as commonly it doth Some write that he was Warden of all the Marches and his Monument at Douglas agreeth with them and sayes that hee was a great justiciary Others write that he was no ill man that hee entertained no disordered wicked men but yet he did not represse them sharply enough and therefore was suspected by the King and disliked by many hee died in Abercorne within two yeares or not three sayes the manuscript after the marriage of his sonne which hath not been long in the making Wee may ghesse it most probably to have beene not fully three yeares and so that he died in the yeare 1443. Hee was buried in Douglas where on his Tombe he is called Magnus Princeps and amongst other Titles Lord of Liddisdale and Jedward Forrest his wife is styled Domina Aveniae Lady of Avendale His Epitaph there is yet to be seen thus Hic jacet magnus potens Princeps Dominus Jacobus de Douglas Comes de Douglas Dominus Annandiae Gallovidiae Liddaliae Jedburg-Forrestiae Dominus de Balveniâ magnus Wardanus Regni Scotiae versus Angliam c. Qui obiit vicesimo quarto die mensis Martii Anno Domini millesimo quadringentesimo quadragesimo tertio 1443. His Wives is thus Hic jacet Domina Beatrix de Sinclaire filia Domini Henrici Comitis Orcadum Domini de Sinclaire Comitissa de Douglas Aveniae Domina Gallovidiae His Childrens thus Hae sunt proles inter predictos Dominum Dominam generatae 1 Dominus Gulielmus primò genitus haeres praedicti Domini Jacobi qui successit ad totam haereditatem predictam 2 Jacobus secundò genitus Magister de Douglas 3 Archibaldus tertiò genitus Comes Murray 4 Hugo quarto genitus comes Ormundiae 5 Johannes quinto genitus Dominus Balveniae 6 Henricus sexto genitus Margarita uxor Domini de Dalkeith Beatrix uxor Domini de Aubignia Joneta uxor Domini de Biggar Cumbernauld Elizabetha de Douglas quarta filia erat In English thus Here lies a great and powerfull Prince Lord James Douglas Earle of Douglas Lord of Annandale and Galloway Liddesdale and Jedbrough-Forrest and Lord of Balveny great Warden of the Kingdome
of Scotland towards England c. Hee died the 24. day of March in the yeare 1443. His Wives is thus Here lies the Lady Beatrix Sinclair daughter of Henry Lord of the Isles Lord Sinclair Countesse of Douglas and Evendale Lady Galloway Their Children These are the children betwixt the said Lord and Lady 1 Lord William his eldest sonne and heire to the said Lord James who succeeded to all the foresaids lands 2 James the second sonne Master of Douglas 3 Archbald the third sonne Earle of Murray 4 Hugh the fourth sonne Earle of Ormund 5 John the fifth sonne Lord of Balvenie 6 Henry the sixth sonne Margarer wife to the Lord of Dalkeith Beatrix wife to the Lord Aubignie Jenet wife to the Lord of Biggar and Cumbernald Elizabeth Douglas was the fourth daughter Jacobus Crassus Duglasii crassique mihi cognomina soli Conveniunt O quam nomina juncta male James the grosse To be a Douglas and be grosse withall You shall not finde another 'mongst them all Of William stain in Stirling Castle the seventh William and eighth Earle of Douglas the sixteenth Lord and fifth Duke of Turrain c. UNto James succeeded his sonne William a man of another mettall and resembling more his Grandfather and Cousin who was put to death in Edinburgh Castle then his father who did remember and imitate more his Cousins diligence then his fathers negligence for hee endeavoured by all means to entertaine and augment the grandure of the house by bonds friendship and dependances retaining renewing and increasing them and therefore his marriage of his Cousin Beatrix is attributed to him and is thought to be his owne doing and not his fathers Upon his first coming to be Earle his first care was to establish some certain order for his affaires for which purpose hee conveened his whole friends at Dumfreis made choice of his Counsellours createth his Officers for his rents and casualties and settleth a constant order in his house Great was that house as hath been said and doubtlesse it was nothing diminished by him but rather increased by the accession of his fathers estate which he had ere he was Earle and his wife which being added unto the old Patrimony of the house made it to surpasse all others that were but Subjects for it had beene ever growing from hand to hand since the time of Lord James slain in Spaine continually who had the Lordship of Douglas onely at the first To it was added the Lordship of Galloway by Archbald slain at Halidoun-hill By Archbald the Grimme the Lordship of Bothwell By Archbald the third called Tine-man the Dutchie of Turrain and Lordship of Longe-ville Annandale and the Earledome of Wigton by Archbald the fourth and now the Lordship of Abercorn by Grosse James So that his revenue hath beene huge at this time as appeares also by the ranke hee ever carried as second in the Kingdome His dependance and following may bee judged by these his Lordships and estate and for his other friendship there were divers houses of the Douglasses as Angus Morton Drumlanrigge By his alliance he had Aubigny and the Lord Fleming of Cumbernauld who had married his sister By his mother the Earle of Orknay by his wife at Beatrix the house of Crawford of which her mother was a daughter beside the old friendship that was ever betwixt them And this may be seen by History who list to observe it whereof more may be found by a more accurate disquisition Thus enriched thus waited on thus followed thus served thus underpropped and sustained by wealth friendship dependance alliance and kindred his power and greatnesse was such as was not matched under the Prince by any in this Kingdome But here is the maleheure the Principalls of his owne name Angus and Morton assisted him not but divided themselves from him and either were not his friends or even became enemies as wee shall heare hereafter What the occasion thereof was is not directly mentioned some thinke it was the discontentment they had conceived at his marriage either because they accounted it unlawfull or because some of them would have had her to themselves which is the more likely or in respect of their kindred with the King who was indeed induced though not yet to think hardly of him or out of emulation of his greatnesse as an hinderance to their growth which was Bishop Kennedies opinion to his brother the Earle of Angus and so it falleth out often where a decay is to come upon a house it first divides from and within it selfe yet that was but an insensible point at this time his owne greatnesse being such as would scarce suffer him to finde the losse standing as it were not by any friendship but meerely of himselfe and upon his bottome At the very first when hee entred to the Earledome he entred also as hereditary to the enmitie of the two grand guiders of the time Levingston and Creighton with whom the hatred tooke beginning in his Uncles time and was thereafter traiterously and cruelly prosecuted by them on his two Cousins it continued though coldly in his fathers time and was now quickned and revived by himselfe They would needs lay the blame of whatsoever disorder happened in the Countrey upon him not onely of what fell out in the borders where hee commanded and might command indeed but even in the Highlands also that which John Gorme of Athole did who fought with the Laird of Ruthven and would have rescued a thiefe out of his hands being apprehended by him as Sheriffe if hee had not beene defeated and thirtie of his men slain by Ruthven they would have it to bee thought that the Earle Douglas forsooth had an hand in it But it is well that our Writers say it was but thought so and thought it had beene said so by his enemies there is no necessitie to beleeve it was so for they had done him more wrong and dealt more treacherously with him then to make such a report for me it soundeth not in my eares that it had so long a foote or that John Gorme could not doe such a thing without the Earle of Douglas or that the Earle Douglas would meddle with such a matter This I thinke that in his owne bounds he would suffer none to acknowledge the Governours which was his Uncles course as we heard seeing he was himselfe to bee answerable for them It was his fathers way also though more coldly according to his naturall disposition as may bee gathered of that which is said that he repressed not theeves though he entertained them not which is as much as to say as he was not Authour or occasion of their theft yet he being no Magistrate himselfe and others having taken the government upon them he would let them beare the weight of their owne charge in executing thereof and would not help them therein by restraining any And that so much the rather because having murthered his Nephew he could not with credit