of Arms in the defence of the Laws and Liberties was judged by the one side to bee Lawfull and Necessary condemned on the other to be Trayterous and Rebellious the same act could not be Lawfull and Trayterous too the Difference onely is as a long time it hath been concerning the severall objects and matters in dispute as how Peace hath been forfeited how lost now on what terms and by what means to regain and secure it when regained The Kings party say the more moderate from a reluctancy of heart and unwillingness to be Conquered others of a fiercer spirit to be Avenged on their Adversaries the surest and next way to Peace is in the Prince his enjoying what his Father had faintly believing that he will be avenged only on those who were the Authors Contrivers of his Fathers death that he will passe by with a generall Act of Oblivion all other of the People by a light Fining or putting them to Compound for their Estates The Parliament having in their wisdome and experience discerned and foreseen the danger which the Common wealth They and Their Friends are thereby subject to are of a contrary minde to what the Kings party doe give out They doe foresee and know that it concerns them to provide against that the Prince will not onely rest there to be avenged for his Fathers death he will remember his owne being kept out and as it were exiled from out the Kingdome whereunto he aspires and hath engaged so many against this The Scots in maintenance of the Kings Party's judgement contend to aid his Sonne the Prince but whether for tho Covenant as their Motto's doe professe or against through a mis-understanding it or through willfull blindness their Actions doe declare and are here expressed They give out that they have brought the Prince to repentance for his Faâ—hers sinnes and for the sinnes of his Family but that their Prince doth threaten not many moneths before requiring aid to be avenged for his Fathers death and yet to repent and to be humbled for his Fathers sinnes seems inconsistent But doe they mean the Prince in his Person only or his Party they should withall have brought to repentance all the King his Fathers party else their Covenanting to prevent and oppose seems to be of little use the meaning of preventing and opposing carries with it a further progress of motion then to intend onely the person of the King then living the Repentance which they speak of if it should prove feigned and dissembled the Heart is desperately evil who can know it and thereby the safety of many thousands engaged in this Quarrell swallowed up the too late his Partyes construction as to offend Whosoever shal look on in a conflict betwixt two opposite Parties his affections questionlesse incline whatsoever his Actions are more to the one party then to the other So Neutrals such as have not acted for the King being already by his Party adjudged Guilty are subject to the censure may be brought in within the compasse of the Prince his meaning for if upon the late King his Parties good successe in some victories obtained when they kept Garrison at Oxford they in the high tide of triumph construing their fellow Subjects demeanour in relation to the King spared not to bring in all Neutralls if the Prince shall come in Conquerour what shall be judged and who reputed Principalls who Accessaries which is all one if it were Treason to his fathers death when as the Charge of taking away his life Forraigners and strangers beyond Sea reckon to be a Nationall and the Peoples Act because the Parliament is the Representative of the people for they not knowing the reason and exigency of matters here account it not an Act only of the Iudges Advocates and Officers deputed for his Tryall but include the whole English driven on first by the Scotish Nation the English more manifestly in that divers of their Friends and Agents being employed beyond Sea for making good the Amity and correspondence betwixt Them and other States and Nations have been barbarously and inhumanely murdered by the enemies party severall affronts and indignities offered them all to disgrace lessen and discourage the Parliament and their Actings So that it concernes both Nations the English and the Scots rightly to apprehend and rather to have continued in their mutuall League then be led away as the Scots have manifested themselves to be by the power and ambition of the greater ones to engage one against the other The English have sufficiently expressed their averseness from a Warre with the Scots their readynesse to afford them ayd in their greatest wants and cannot now be thought forward unlesse provoked to invade their Country or if they do to be gayners by it what the Scots may by invading This all men know who know the condition of Theirs and Ours how sterile the one how fruitfull the other Country is the setting Us and Them at variance the differences and dissentions between Us now flowÌ„ frow one common Source to wit the Enemy his wiles and subtilty who wants no stratagem to bring this contest betwixt him and Us into a fresh debate both by secret and covert acts at home to promote sedition and division amongst those whom he would overcome as by open Acts and solicitings abroad to pursue his attempting to bring in any forraign force how wild or barbarous soever they be how hard to get them out againe out of this plentifull Nation yeelding them all provisions all habiliments of Warre to strengthen themselves in this as to provide for their next attempt elsewhere after they have destroyed and harrased this not knowing how to distinguish between Presbyterian Independent and Royall Party and this to be driven on by him and his accomplices in an hazardous and uncertaine way out of revenge and thirst to regaine unto himselfe his power againe long since forfeited through his mistaken loyalty certainely through disaffection to his native Brethren of the same Nation or without considering which wise men should the price of peace which cannot be had without a War Mony being the sinewes and support thereof the Country-man grudgeth not to pay for seed expecting a plentifull harvest nor the Tenant to contract with his Landlord to disburse great summes for an estate in Reversion for his posterity yet the laying out mony by either of them for that without which the Countrymans harvest nor the Tenants Estate can fall out joyously is irksome to them both The frequent exception which the People make by way of comparison between the payment of Ship-money in the late Kings time and the Impositions and Taxes now required comes fitly to be answered Better say they that the payment of Ship-money should have continued and the like illegall Taxes demanded beyond and above the power of Law easier to be born then so much Bloud spilt then such vast summes of money spent in the maintenance of this War
of their Right to the Crown as Hen. 6. the lawfulness whereof not at any time questioned and when the Tytle to the Crown hath been disputed it was by Authority of that Court setled and the Crown entailed as they in Pollâ—y and prudence thought sit Speeds Chronic. in the life of Hen. 6. Edward 4 5. k See the Scots Remonstrance Printed 1640 cited by Master Thomas May in his History of the Parliament of England written 1647. l Cited and complained of by the King in the same Dâ—clararation against His Scotish Subjects for inviting forrein forces into this Kingdome page 55 56. See the Letter it self in the same Declaration signed by seven of the principall of the Nobility of Scotland m The Lord London See his Answer n See in the Kings name the Authors accompt of them how in the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} he keeps in memory That the Scots weâ—e the first that began the Kings troubles in the Treatise of his leaving Oxford and going to the Scots and elsewhere in severall places of that Book Also in the Declaration printed on the Kings behalfe at Oxford 1643. pag. 23. suggesting an intent in them to confound the Government and alter the Laws of England The Marquesse of Montrosse declareth how they began His Troubles viz. by dispersing their Apologeticall Pamphlets as he termes them through Great Britaine before the Troubles began and before their comming with an Army into England See a Book entituled The History of His Majesties affairs under the Conduct of the Marquesse in the years 1644 1645 1646. page 3. o Amongst other Motives to his aâ—gâ—r about the Earl of Strafford's death which whether he would have avenged on the Party who condemned him may be guessed at in that an unknown Author in his name severall times repents the injustice of that Act to which he was forced to yeeld complyance for which sin as the Author mentions it the King and his Kingdomes have felt long great and heavy Troubles See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} in the Treatise concerning the Earl of Strafford and the Marquesse of Moâ—trosse his Declaration set forth 1649 aggravating the same to incense the King and his party against the Scots expressing in it their disloyall Practices Breach of Duty Covenants calling them Traytors c. p See the Kings gratefull acknowledgement of the Affection and Loyalty of his Irish Subjects in offering to supply him with Preparations c. together with their Persons and Estates even to the uttermost of their ability to reduce his dis-affected Subjects of Scotland to their obedience desiring withal it may be Recorded as an Ordinance of Parliament and to be Printed as a Testimony of their Loyalty to all the world and succeeding Ages In his Declaration since the Pacification pag. 63. Which could not but stir up the Scots to seeke protection and assistance from their fellow subjects and friends wheresoever whom the King calls his dis-affected subjects and how he doth secern them from the rest is hard to judge when as the whole and most considerable part of that Kingdome did by their Pacts and Counsels at their Assemblies hâ—ld withstand and resolve to withstand divers of his Messages obtruding on them such matters as made against the Peace of their Church and Kingdome q In the third Treatise r Mr. Dâ—nz Hollis his speech June 1642. Å¿ See the Message sâ—nt from both Houses of Parliament to the King his parties receiving it mentioned in this Book t See the Declaration of the Lords Commâ—ns assembled at Oxford printed there 1643. u See the Remonstâ—ance sent out of Scotland 1639. w See the same Declaration ibid. x See it cited in the Declaration Printed at Oxford 1643. pag. 13. y Mr. John Heywood on the life of Hen the 4th z Bracton lib. 4. a France b See the Duke of Rohan in his Treatise of the Interests of the Princes and States of Christendome calling England a little world set apart as having nothing to do with other Princes c. c Mercurius Aulicus d Victoria naturâ insolens superba est Cicero e King James his Speech in Parliament 1609 f In Norththamptonshire g Sir Francis Bacon on the life of Hen. the 7th h Nulla tam sancta Lex est quam non oppoâ—ceat si salus populi postâ—let urgeatque necessitâ—s muâ—are Bodin lib. 4. de Repub. i See the Parliaments Remonstrance 1647. k In the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Treatise 28. upon the Vote of Non-Addresses l In the Book stiled the present judgment of the Convocation held at Oxford m Calâ—ing Jâ—piter amongst the rest of tâ—e heathen Gods {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} n {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} quasi {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} o Sir Francis Bacon on the life of Hen. the 7th p In the Remonstrance dated Nov. 1648. pag. 6. q See the Declaration of the Lords and Commons in Answer to the Scots Commissioners dated the fourth of March 1647. r See the Breviary of the History of the Parliament of England pag. 112. Å¿ See the Objections and Answers at large in the relation of the passages at the meeting at Vxbridge 1644. Printed then at Oxford t Hen. 2. â— Eliz. u The Law book Casâ—s give the Reason why the bringing counterfeit money into England out of Ireland is but Misprision of Treason although the bringers know and utter it Quiae Hibernia est membrum Angliae Dalâ—on Iustice of Peace in cap. de high Treason w The Lord wâ—aâ—ton z See these Charges mentioned by the two Houses of Parliament against the King in Mâ— May his History lib. 1. cap. 6. pag. 118. a BERK-SHIRE b Twyford O kingham â—arringdon c See Master May his History of the Parliament of England mentioning the Demand and Answer d In the Book of an unknown Author called The State's Martyr e See the Message and Answer f See the History of the Kings affaires in Scotland c. where the Historian speaking of the Marquesses Mâ—nâ—â—osse and Argyle the Generalls of the two opposite Armies in the Kingdome of Scotland he highly exâ—olls Mâ—ntrosse and as much reviles and derogates from Argyle rendring him in many passages of that Booke A 〈◊〉 spirited Soâ—ldâ—er and a Knave when as in other mens judgements he had when he was so depraved otherwise proved himself g See it cited in the Oxford Declaration pag. 1â— h See the Kings Letter March 23. 1644. and the Committees Summons in Aprill following i See the Proclamation in the Kings name set forth 1642 accusing many Gentlemen serving as Knights and Burgesses for their severall and respective Countâ—es to be Trayâ—ors and their Persons to be seized on as Rebells k See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} in Treatise 17. on Church-Government l See their Declaration Printed at Oxford March 1643. towards the end of the Book m In a Book styled The
The English PRESBYTERIAN AND INDEPENDENT Reconciled SETTING FORTH THE Small ground of Difference between them Both LONDON Printed for Edward Brewster at the Sign of the Crane in Pauls Church-yard 1656. THE ENGLISH PRESBYTERIAN and INDEPENDENT RECONCILED THe great long and heavy troubles brought upon the three Kingdoms under the late King's Dominions complained of in the Discourse and a Meditations of the Book called The Kings Pourtrayture have had other Causes from whence they originally did spring and have derived their Being from a more antient date of time than of what the Author of that Book complaines of the King's Complyance and giving way unto the death of a Lord a Favorite of his mentioned in that Book when as the late Jealousies between the King and his party on the one side and the Court of Parliament on the other grown into Civil broils and having for many years disturbed the Peace of his Kingdomes cannot be ascribed to any other visible Motive than to a more generall and universall one at first Iniustice and Oppression practised where no Power was able to resist for if as the b Wise man observes Righteousnes exalts a Nation sheweth also how the King's Throne may be established by the rule of contraries Iniustice overthrows a Nation and by His listening unto the wicked His Throne is thrown down The next motive whereunto the continuation of these troubles mentioned in that Booke may be ascribed is unto the Violence and Heat in the prosecuting their severall Interests upon the one Party's mis-apprehending the Subject of the Quarrell both Parties pretending to the preservation of the common Peace and severally setting forth the justice of their Cause the reason and equity of their proceedings which hath produced so much Sedition Strife and Faction that untill in more of all sides a right and perfect understanding be had the Common-wealth is likely to remain as a long time it hath in a languishing and sad estate Severall discourses have been vented diverse Bookes of an opposite sort each to other published to vindicate and cleare the one to calumniate and traduce the other Party when as there is but one Truth and Justice which both Parties challenge to be theirs laying the Iniquity and Wrong-doing to their Adversaryes charge A scrutiny made into the falshood and counterfeit glosses practised by the one an equitable acceptation of the just interest and pleading of the Other a serious and true examining the various Writings on either part what hath passed in the transaction of their Affairs might stint the Quarrel the observing how the one Party in their Declarations have unjustly and deeply charged the other of severall Crimes and Misdeamenours thereby wronging their own proceedings in the manner of their dealing might convince the Adversary and consequently put a speedy period to this contention When about eleven years since the King c from the urgency of his own affairs as is given out in his behalf from indeed His contesting with His Subjects of Scotland about their endeavouring to defend their antient Constitutions summoned this Parliament and by his Writ confined it to such a Time and Place when the matters were debated there the Convention being full and free so by himself acknowledged that which seemed displeasing and not consonant to his Will was attempted to be made frustrate by his Power which the Parliament being sensible of and foreseeing future and forcible attempts to be made upon their Priviledges sought on the other side to maintain their Power and Rights to relieve their fellow subjects suffering under the late oppressions offered by the Ministers of Justice against the peoples liberties against the known fundamental Laws The infringing of which added to the late jealousies entertained by our neighbouring Nation the Scotish and divers of the English Nation was in most mens judgment the first Ascent to these Divisions Oppression Injustice in the King his party first then their contending to defend and excuse themselves to accuse and retort on the Parliament and their Party the guilt of their own demeanor wherein when they could not prevaile their desire and pursuit of making good their Accusation encreased the division to this height how and by what degrees it went higher what projects and practices to get the upper hand follows in this Narration In the resenting which all men seemed engaged either in Affections and tacite Wishings or in Action some to the one others to the other Party most unto that which they conceived was ordained and then convened to preserve Peace and Justice which by the other had been not long before disturbed Not by the way that it is thence inferred that the Parliaments Cause was therfore the better or more just because the most and greatest part of People then sided with them or that the King's Parties Cause is so now in that so many are faln off from the Paâ—â— and that party some upon dissenting in Opinion others grudging at without duly weighing the reasons of the Parliaments actings most indeed troubled at being subject to their Power Government by reason of the Impositions Taxes wch for a time they do lie under repine to pay not looking back to the first Occasioners of the war but fondly conceiving because they feel not the fury of a prevalent hostility war that therefore there is no war but because the People the wiser sort at least long since knew the benefit and use the dignity necessity of that Court as the supreme Judicatory of the Kingdom therefore the antient Authority thereof to be maintained the Power and Priviledges not to be infringed or violated they knowing the End wherefore that Court was instituted at first by an ancient necessary and wholesom * Law of giving redresse to grievances in a Common-wealth of what quality the Persons assembled by solemn Writ should be directing how they were to be Habited to defend their Country against all force opposing them as by the d Emblem of Valour required in them it may appear And no question if the Kings of this Realm have deputed none to place of iustice but e meunltz valiantz as King Edward the 3. expresseth it None but such are to defend serve their Country in the highest place of Judicature That as to this present Parliament the King himself in his f Answer to a Declaration sent him from both Houses of Lords and Commons doth confesse and allow them a full and Iuridicall power to iudge and determine the most doubtfull high and weightiest crimes and causes although he seems to limit it again by particular Cases and regularly brought before them acknowledging withal g together with the Lords and Commons assembled at Oxford the Privileges of Parliament to be so substantiall and entire a Right that the Invasion of the liberties of either House as the course of Parliaments was then heretofore held was an iniury to the other and to
themselves yet if there be a greater price at stake and the chief Governour be false to his Trust in Government that thereby the safety of many hundred thousands be in jeapordy that his design be probably such as to make his way through the shedding the bloud of many thousands for compassing it and rather than fail engage the Kingdoms each against the other to the destruction of all three It cannot be thought a breach of the Covenant in the Covenanters to remove the Governour when as the more principall matters to be secured are in danger to be destroyed The Resemblance may be fitted in a case of a narrower orbe if souldiers in a Town of Garrison for the better security of the Town shall enter into a League and Covenant to preserve the Magazine thereof to keep withoâ—t making away or suffering to be made away the Arms and Ammunition belonging to the Garrison to defend the Governour thereof if notwithstanding this their Oath and League they shall suspect Revolting in the Governour a Failer of his Trust whereby to turne the Arms and Ammunition against the Garrison and the Inhabitants to the detriment and destruction of the Town so that upon good causes of suspition of their Governours breach of Trust they remove the Magazine and Arms they withstand and resist the Governour it is no violation of their Oath for what they swore was in order and relation to the most considerable part of what they were to maintain viz. The defence of the Town and Garrison without staying untill they had too late made a perfect and full discovery of the Governours Revolt and Falshood If the King hath given cause of suspition of maintaining Å¿ Popery Prelacy or of disturbing the Peace of any of these his Kingdomes it is no breach of the whole Covenant to provide against the endangering of what they have Covenanted more principally to secure The Question is not of the King his enjoyning his immediate and actuall bringing in of Popery for then his own Protestant Party would have failed him in the maintenance of his Cause and Quarrell nor of his upholding and adhering unto Prelacy which the t Scots have so much withstood and laboured to extirpate but if he had not by his Power Favour or other personall relation working strongly on his affections given Cause of just suspition of maintaining the one viz. Popery of his taking part and favouring the other Prelacy if he had shewne any dislike he had of Prelacy any condiscending or propension to the abolishing it according to the u Covenant which he hath beene often implored to take inhibiting it If he had not had a great influence on the Archbishops and Bishops and if the Author of that Book be to be credited they Protection and Incouragement from him One of them avowing these Contentions and the Warre to be Bellum Episcopale as hath been given out That the Warre was intended and waged against Bishops and the Hierarchicall Government and had they not had tuition support from his exercising a more powerfull Authority then their ordinary and meaner friends could have supplyed them with there had not so much bloud been spilt in this Quarrell So the substance and drift of the Covenant one part of the Article being to defend the Kings Person and Authority is not crossed by taking the Engagement of late enjoyned if duely weighed Admit that the Letter of the Preamble to the Covenant did in the Covenantâ—rs sense comprehend the Kings Heirs and Successors yet still the maine and principall parts of the Covenant are to be observed in order to the preservation of the Protestant Religion the Subjects Liberty the Peace Union and Safety of the three Kingdoms So that if his Heirs and Successors shall be discovered and known to tread in their Predecessour's steps he having given cause of suspition of his endeavouring to overthrow them all the Covenanters could not both maintain the Honour of his Heirs and Successours and yet in the common Cause of Religion Liberty and Peace of the Kingdoms withstand as they w protested they would all opposition to bee made against the same and what they could not of themselves suppresse they would doe their best to prevent and remove The Scots our Covenant-Brethren cannot but confess that the words Preventing and Opposing in the Covenanter with his large expression of bending his whole force and power carry an universall and greater latitude then to take away the present power of the Fathers Person or that the Covenant should continue only for his life time seven years and the term of life being by common repute in men's commerce equivalent each with other the Covenant neere half so many years in framing no doubt was made and entred into to remain for longer then for so soon an expiring term as a mans life to provide against his future and successive power To take the paines of removing Danger out of the Fathers reach and leave it in the Sonne or any of his Successours being of the Fathers temper and laying His Cause to heart could not be thought a Task worthy of so solemn a LEAGUE and COVENANT or the Industry which both Kingdomes have taken to settle their Peace and Liberties As to that part of the Covenant that they had then no intention to diminish the Kings just power and greatnesse they might intend no lesse untill they saw they could not overcome him by humble applications and dutifull addresses by their Reasons Declarations and Messages setting forth the wrongs and injustices acted by his Ministers of Iustice the mischiefs and dangers whereunto his Kingdomes were exposed unlesse he returned and hearkned to their Councels and joyne in redresse of such Grievances yet notwithstanding those faithful humble expressions that they could not discerne any conâ—iscending to such Peâ—tions any acknowledgment of his former errours any placable or propitious heart towards his Parliament and People any purpose in him to signe those Propositions as the only and necessary means for setling a safe peace long since tendred to him joyntly and unanimously by the Parliament then sitting whether Presbyterians or Independents as they are called yet not concluding or providing what was to be done in cased he did refuse but instead of sorrowing for what he had done his refusing to signe those Propositions and contrary to the x Articles of the large Treaty agreed upon gracing and preferring to his nearest secrecy and trust a person proclamed guilty of High Treâ—son charging still and banding against the Parl. one of the Supremest and Greatest Councells for weight and number in all Europe Retorting on them and highly and with a scornfull vanity demanding in lieu of the Propositions sent to him counter-Propositions of his Parties devising to be sent to them contending to lay the deluge of blood spilt in this Warre at Their doors and theirs alone ever seeking by a covert and restlesse ill-will one way against the y