ground to believe he was a great Man that he had a Sir-name or Addition Because if we believe the Great Antiquary Mr. Cambden Sirnames Camb. Rem p. 136. were not setled among the Common People fully till about the Time of Edw. 2. 2. The Earl of Moreton a very Ipse Comes tenuit Estreham T. R. E. powerful Prince as I may call him held Estreham in Tenrige Hundred in the Time of King Edward He enjoyed several other great Possessions of the Gift of King William I doubt not indeed but he was a Norman born yet he was here before the entrance of the Norman Duke and might not improbably be in Favour with King Edward the Confessor who was all Camb. Rem p. 136. Frenchified He to be sure had some Lands within the Kingdom of England which he enjoyed not from William's Division Pag. 176. Hampshire 3. Ralph Mortimer held several Possessions some of which he had Jure Haereditario from before the Reputed Conquest Ipse Radulphus tenet Ordie This Mannor T. R. E. extra Ecclesiam emptum fuit eo pacto conventione ut post tertium haeredem cum omni pecunia Manerium Ecclesia Sancti Petri de Episcopatu recuperet nunc qui tenet Radulphus est tertius haeres Dorsetshire Dorsete 4. Ten Thains hold Chimedecome Ipsi tenuerunt T. R. E. pro. 1. Manerio Omnes qui has terras tenuerunt T. R. E. potuerunt ire ad quem Dominum volebant Staffordshire Statfordscire 5 Alric holds Stagrisgeshowe Ipsi has Terras tenuerunt T. R. E. And Aswold holds Chrochesdene 14. more hold Lands of Titles Prior to King William's amongst which the Earls Hugh de Ferriers and Alberic de Vere the first of which held St. Warburgh of Chester in the Time of the Confessor 6. And lastly Vctred held several Lands in the Time of King Edward as in the Time of William the First Besides several dispossessed who have their Titles allowed I think these six Instances are enough referring the more curious to Mr. Attwood's Book before mentioned or to the great Survey it self to bear out my Assertion That the English had Estates and Fortunes still in their hands which they held in King Edward's Time and did not derive under King William's Title Having now given you these six Individuals I shall offer you three more and they are from the Charters of King William the one to the Dean of St. Pauls confirming to him the Lands c. belonging to that Church and this was upon the day of his Coronation too The other is to the Abby of Westminster and the third to the City of London granting to them the Liberties and Franchises which they enjoyed in the Time of Edward the Confessor To begin with that made to the Dean of St. Pauls 1. Ego Willielmus Dei Gratia Rex Carta Regis Williel Conquestor in Appendice in Histor Eccles Cathedr S. Pauli By Sir Will. Dugdale fol. 190. Anglorum unà cum Mathilda Reginâ Principibusque meis coram conventu Sacerdotum Dei Reverendis scilicet Archiepiscopis Aldredo Stigando caeterisque Episcopis Abbatibus hujus Patriae terras Monasterii Sancti Pauli quae in tempore Antecessorum meorum à quibuslibet hominibus ablatae fuerant injustè detentae omnes in die primi Diadematis Coronationis meae Deo ejusque Apostolo Paulo in Lundonia eorum servitoribus in perpetuùm possidendas restitui eas ex omni parte liberas esse concessi 2. William the First gives the Cartae Antiq. C. C. n. 31. Church of Westminster decimam de Wic de eadem parte quae ad me pertinebat atque iterùm reddidi eandem partem eis injustè ablatam quà m Rex Edwardus antea dederat So that we see that as on the one hand William the First gave them the Tithes of that part which was his right so likewise he restored the Tithes of that part which was unjustly taken from that Church and which Edward the Confessor had before given And no Conquest was here pretended but the Precedent proves the quite contrary viz. that there was none insisted on 3. And now I come to that respecting the City of London Williem King grets Williem Bisceop and Godfred * Porteregravan portgrave Saxonicè Hollinshead ' s 3d Vol. fol. 15. 2. Col. n. 21. Porterefan ealle ya Burghwarn binnen London Frenciâ—e Englise frendlice Ic kiden eoy yeet Ic wille yeet git ben ealra weera lâ— gayweord ye get weeran on Eadwerds daege Kings And Ic wille yeet aelc child by his Fader yrfnume aefter his Faders daege And Ic nelle ge Wolian yeet adnig man eoy aenis wrang beode God eoy heald Willielmus Rex Salutat Willielmum Episcopum Goffridum Portegrefium omnem Burghware infra London Frans Angl. amicabilitèr Et vobis notum facio quòd ego volo quòd vos sâ—iâ— omni lege illa digni quae fuistis Edwardi diebus Regis Et volo quod omnis Puer sit Patris sui haeres post diem Patris sui Et ego nolo pati quòd aliquis homo aliquam injuâ—iam vobis inferat Deus vos salvet Englished in Stow's Survey of London Stow ' s Survey of London fol. 740. thus William King grete William Bishop and Godfrey Porters and al the Burgeis within London Frensh and English And I grant you that I wyll that yee be all your Lawe worth that ye were in Edwardis dayes the King. And I wyl that ich Childe be his Faders Eyer And I nyl suffur that ony Man you any wrongys beed And God you kepe Now 't is evident from this Charter 1. That it was made immediately upon or after the Coronation of William because you see he stiles himself King. 2. This may seem to justify not only what the Historians who lived nearest his Time as Pictaviensis c. but what his own Laws do likewise declare viz. That he was crowned King by compact with the English and at the same time swore inviolably to observe King Edwards Laws which he confirmed to them 3. With this further That he denounced a severe Prohibition that no Man should offer any affront or do any wrong to the Citizens of London 4. And for a compleat assurance of all this his Love and Kindness to the City he concludes with a Prayer to Heaven That God would keep and bless them But by the way give me leave to shew you though I think likewise it does not a little contribute to the strength and validity of my Argument the Greatness and Power of the City of London in those early Times I shall transcribe the words of a Learned Writer concerning it and so leave it to your more serious consideration William Stephanides a Monk of Canterbury born as Stow saith in his fore-cited Book of Worshipful Parents in the City of London and who lived in the Stephanid
his Heir and adopted me to Rule over this Nation In his Charter dated 1088. of the Liberties of St. Martins the Great in the Manuscript thereof are these words In Example of Moses who built the Tabernable and of Solomon who built the Temple Ego Guilielmus Dei dispositione consanguinitatis Haereditate Anglorum Basileus c. The Charter of Hen. 1. his Son to this Abby in honour of Edward my Kinsman who adopted my Father and his Children to be Heirs to this Kingdom c. In another Charter of Hen. 1. in the Book of Ely he calls himself the Son of King William the Great who by Hereditary Right succeeded King Edward It is true as to his pretence of Title by the Will of the Confessor Mathew Paris objecteth That the Devise was void being without the consent of the Barons To which may be answered That probably the Law might be so in Hen. 3. Time when Paris wrote and was so taken to be in the Statute of Carlisle and in the Case of King John. But at the time of Duke William's Invasion the Law was taken to be That a Kingdom might be transferred by Will. So was that of Sixtus Rufus and Asia came to the Romans by the Will of King Attalus the words by Annaeus Florus are Populus Romanus Bonorum meorum HAERES esto Bithinia came to the Romans by the last Will of their King Nicomedes which is remembred by Vtropius together with that of Libia Cicero in his Oration tells us That the Kingdom of Alexandria by the last Will of their King was devolved to Rome And Prasutagus Rex Icenorum in England upon his Death-bed gave his Kingdom to the Emperor Nero. As to Examples in this Point at Home This King William the first by his Will gave England to his younger Son William Rufus King Stephen claimed by the Will of Henry the first King Henry the eight had Power by Act of Parliament to order the Succession of the Crown as he pleased by Will. And the Lords of the Council in Queen Mary's Time wrote to her That the Lady Iane's Title to the Crown was by the Will and Letters of Edward the sixth As the case of Hen. 8. was by Act of Parliament so Duke William after he had conquered Harold was by the general consent of the Barons and People of England accepted for their King and so his Title by Will confirmed And he both claimed and governned the Kingdom as an Heir and Successor confirmed their Antient Laws and ruled according to them This appears by Chronica Chronicorum speaking of William the Bastard King of England and Duke of Normandy he saith That whereas as St. Edward had no Heir of England William having conquered Harold the Vsurper obtained the Crown under this Condition That he should inviolably observe those Laws given by the said Edward It is testified likewise by many of our Historians That the Ancient Laws of England were confirmed by Duke VVilliam Jornalensis saith That out of the Merchen-Lage West-Saxon-Lage and Dane-Lage the Confessor composed the Common Law which remains to this day Malmesbury who lived in Duke William's Time saith That the Kings were sworn to observe the Laws of the Confessor so called saith he because he observed them most religiously But to make this Point clear out of Ingulphus he saith in the end of his Chronicle I Ingulphus brought with me from London into my Monastery Crowland the Laws of the most Righteous King Edward which my Lord King William did command by his Proclamation to be Authentick and Perpetual and to be observed throughout the whole Kingdom of England upon pain of most heinous punishment The Lieger-Book of the Abby of Waltham commends Duke William for restoring the Laws of the English-men out of the Customs of their Country Radburn follows this Opinion and these Laws of Edward the Confessor are the same in part which are continued in our GREAT CHARTER of LIBERTIES A Manuscript entituled De Gestis Anglorum saith That at a Parliament at London 4. W. 1. the Lawyers also present that the King might hear their Laws he established Saint Edward's Laws they being formerly used in King Edgar's Time. There is also mention of the twelve Men out of every County to deliver truly the Estate of their Laws The same is remembred by Selden's History of Tythes and Titles of Honour and in a Manuscript Chronicle bound with the Book of Ely in Cotton's Library One of the worthy Gentlemen from whom I differ in Opinion was pleased to say That if William the Conqueror did not introduce the Laws of Normandy into England yet he conceives our Laws to be brought out of France hither in the time of some other of our Kings who had large Territories in France and brought in their Laws hither else he wonders how our Laws should be in French. Sir I shall endeavour to satisfy his Wonder therein by and by but first with your leave I shall offer to you some Probabilities out of the History That the Laws of England were by some of those Kings carried into France rather than the Laws of France brought hither This is expresly affirmed by Paulus Jovius who writes That when the English Kings reigned in a great part of France they taught the French their Laws Sabellicus a Venetian Historian writes That the Normans in their Manners and Customs and Laws followed the English Polydore Virgil contradicting himself in another place than before cited relates That in our King Hen. 6. Time the Duke of Bedford called together the Chief Men of all the Cities in Normandy and delivered in his Oration to them the many Benefits that the English afforded them especially in that the English gave to them their Customs and Laws By the Chronicle of Eltham H. 5. sent to Cane in Normandy not only Divines but English Common Lawyers by the agreement at Troys So there is much more probability that the Laws of England were introduced into France and Normandy than that the Laws of Normandy or any other part of France were introduced into England If the Normans had been Conquerors of England as they were not but their Duke was only a Conqueror of Harold and received as Hereditary King of England yet is it not probable they would have changed our Laws and have introduced theirs because they did not use to do so upon other Conquests The Normans conquered the Isles of Guernsey and Jersey yet altered not their Laws which in their local Customs are like unto ours The like they did in Sicily Naples and Apulia where they were Conquerors yet the Ancient Laws of those Countries were continued I hope Mr. Speaker I have by this time given some satisfaction to the Worthy Gentlemen who differed from me that the Laws of England were not imposed upon us by the Conqueror nor brought over hither either out of Normandy or any other part of France but are our Ancient Native Laws I must now come to indeavour
A Seasonable Treatise Wherein is proved That KING WILLIAM commonly call'd The CONQUEROR Did not get the Imperial Crown of England by the Sword but by the Election and Consent of the People To whom he swore to observe the Original Contract between King and People The Norman swore to Laws by which we 're free Laws here more His than Our Security LONDON Printed for J. Robinson at the Golden Lion in St. Paul's Church-yard 1689. An Explanation of the Frontispiece warranted by the Authorities cited in the following Argument NO sooner had the * King Harold victorious over the K. of Denmark Tosta Harold ' s Brother at York Valiant HAROLD conquered the Danish King and his own Brother the daring TOSTA but news was brought him †William D. of Normandy at the same time lands in Sussex That the NORMAN Duke was arrived at Pemsey in Sussex whereupon with haste he went to meet him and at * Harold meets him at Hastings where they fight Hastings gave the NORMAN battel which proved fatal to him For he was as you may see * Haroid slain slain between the NORMAN Long-Bows and ENGLISH Spears leaving the Duke VICTOR in the Field WILLIAM proud with this Success The D. comes up to London marches with all speed up to Berkhamstead near LONDON The Rest of the ENGLISH if they had look'd upon his coming as a Design to conquer the Nation and not to assert his pretended legal Title against HAROLD were then able to have driven him back to his own Country or at least found him a Tumulary in this for there was not a fifth part of the Strength of the Nation that felt the Force of his Arms Enters into Compact with the English to make him King. but Duke WILLIAM and the ENGLISH soon came to an Agreement and the latter entred into solemn Compact to make him King. Thereupon BRITANNIA Britan. gives him the Scepter holds forth to him the Scepter with one Hand And With the other shews him the excellent And St. Edward ' s Laws to keep and most famous Laws of St. EDWARD As also at the same Time a Noble A Bishop tenders the Coronation Oath Prelat tenders him the Coronation-Oath The ENGLISH first being asked by the Bishop If they would assent to have the Duke their KING and if he should then be crowned To which they all with an unanimous consent answered Yea Yea The Oath VVilliam took at his Coronation Whereupon he takes the Coronation-Oath the sence of which take as follows This Scepter Fairest Queen I most Sacramentum Willielmi Senioris Ante Altare S. Petri Apostoli coram Clero Populo jurejurando Promisit se velle Sanctas Dei Ecclesias ac Rectores earum defendere necnon cunctum Populum sibi subjectum juste ac Regali providentia regere rectam Legem Statuere tenere rapinas injustaque judicia penitùs interdicere Hoveden pars Prior. fol. 258. l. 14. Exacto prius coram omni Populo jurejurando quod se modesse erga subjectos ageret aequo Jure Anglos quo Francos tractaret Malmsb. lib. 3. fol. 154. b. l. 8. Rex pro bono pacis juravit super omnes Reliquias Ecclesiae Sancti Albani Tactisque Sacro sanctis Evangeliis bonas approbatas Antiquas Regni Leges quas Sancti ac pii Angliae Reges ejus Antecessores Maxime Rex Edwardus Statuit inviolabiliter observare Mat. Paris Vitae Viginti trium Sancti Albani Abbatuum fol. 48. l. 37. thankfully receive and with it do solemnly Promise and Swear to govern both Church and State in Peace And I vow to Rule my Subjects with that Iustice and prudent Care as becomes a good King. I will with the Advice and Consent of my Great Council enact right Law Which done * The Invocation be Witness all ye Saints that to the utmost of my Power I will my self religiously keep and observe it For what can be more vain and inconsistent with the common Reason of all Mankind than for a Prince publickly and solemnly to ordain a Law and the next moment after to break and abrogate it in his Closet All Rapines I will forbid and all false Judgments no illegal or ARBITRARY ACTS under pretence of the Prerogative-Royal will I suffer or permit to the oppression of my ENGLISH Subjects between whom and my Normans I will administer EQUAL RIGHT And that God Angels my NORMANS and You O Sacred Queen may all be Witnesses and Parties to the sincerity of my Heart That I will not take the English-men's Inheritances by Injustice or thrust them out of their Paternal Possessions by wrong That I have not nor will pretend to any Absolute or Despotical Power over their Lives Liberties and Estates nor violate break or alter the Fundamental Rights of the Kingdom as Tyrants do who only design to enslave their People I do here solemnly promise and swear in the presence of all Ye mighty Powers inviolably to observe and keep the Sacred Laws of St. Edward my Kinsman Which said the Arch-bishop of York sets the Imperial Crown upon WILLIAM's Head and thus of a Duke of NORMANDY he was created KING of ENGLAND TO MY Worthy FRIEND The Learned Author of Argumentum Anti-Normannicum GReat Britain fairest Queen of all the Isles Inrich'd at Home with bounteous Natures smiles Thou such a self-sufficiency dost own All Countries need thy Stores but thou want'st none Divided from the World Thou to thy self art one The Sea and Continent proclaim Thee Great Proud Monarchs have lain Captives at thy Feet The Scales of th' Western World are in thy Hand Each Kingdom 's Fate depends on thy Command Where e're thy Friendship and thy Force combine Against that State in vain the Rest design To Thee no Ills from Forreign Foes can come The basest and more dangerous are at Home No Desert Beasts of Prey thy Land does bear But yet worse Beasts within thy Bowels are Who would thy Rights and Ancient Glories tear Those having lost their Liberty of Mind From vanquish'd Sires a weak excuse would find Are these thy Sons Or Marks of thy disgrace Who own themselves a slavish conquer'd Race The Norman Duke on Terms receiv'd the Crown Swore He 'd by Edward's Laws support his Throne Which sure no absolute Victor would have done That Title which his Great Successor hath Came from the Pact not from the Breach of Faith. That gives the Bounds to all incroaching Might And sets the Banks about the Subjects Right Who pulls them down le ts in a raging Sea Which drowns and swallows up all Property Who e're attempt to let that Torrent in At their own Houses may the Waste begin Let them for others Till their proper Land Or under some base Favourites Command May they whilst others riot with their Stores Without Relief beg at their Native Doors Vnder their Countries Curse their Tyrant's Scorn May they with never-ceasing Pangs be
trickt him and set the Crown on his own Head he sends over several Ambassadors with Commission to require him to remember the Oath he had formerly made to the said William in the time of his Extremity when he was his Prisoner in Normandy Which was That he the said Harold should assist him in the obtaining of the Crown of England if ever Edward died without Issue 3. And receiving but unkind Returns from Harold by way of Answer to his Demands which thus the Historian relates De Regno addebat praesumptuosum Wil. Mâ—lmesb lib. 3. fol. 56. l. 25. fuisse quòd absque Generali Senatus Populi conventu Edicto alienam illi haereditatem juraverit That as for him to take an Oath to deliver up the Inheritance of any Realm without the general consentand allowance * That is without the assent of the Wittenagemot Mycel Synod or Parâ—iament of the Senate and People could not but be a great piece of presumption yea altho' he might have just title so to do †Praeterea iniquum postulat ut imperio decedat quod tanto favore civium regendum susceperit Malmsb. l. 3. f. 56. l. 30. wherefore it was an unreasonable Request of the Duke now to require him to renounce the Kingdom in which he was so well setled to the good liking and content of his People This Norman Duke not to be his own Judg refers himself to the Pope then Alexander the second to decide the Matter and so resolved that the infallible Chair should determine who had the Justest Title to the Crown and Kingdom Harold or Himself And the good old Gentleman who would not be behind-hand with him in civility for so great a kindness as was the Appealing to him and so flattering him with a Judicatory Power over Princes easily was induced to pronounce sentence on William's behalf But all these blustering Pretences of nearness in Blood which it seems his Son Henry thought to be the best flower in his Garland when he * In his Charter whereby he advanced the Abby of Ely into the degree of a Bishoprick calls himself the Son of William the Great pray Sir be pleased to observe it is not of William the Conqueror Seldeni ad Eadmerum Notae Spicileg fol. 211. lin 39. Qui Edwardo Regi Haereditario Jure successit in Regnum Who succeeded to King Edward in the Kingdom by Right of Inheritance or the Confessor's bequest of the Crown to him Or lastly the Pope's definitive Sentence in William's favour All these blustering Pretences of his I say availed but little with Harold and therefore you must think it could not but incense the Duke of Normandy very greatly so that he had now a just cause of open quarrel against Harold for the Reasons you have heard And thereupon convening his Parliament or Assembly of three Estates which consisted Nobility is taken in France for Gentlemen as well as for Earls or persons of like dignity of the Clergie Nobility and Commons the Nobility in fine promised to serve him Verstegan ' s restitution of decayed Intelligence in Antiquities dedicated to King James pag. 173. and the Clergie and People to aid him with Mony according to their several Abilities and such offers as they made were forthwith set down in writing by a Secretary there present So that being thus supplied and assisted with several other of his Friends he makes for England and was no sooner arrived at a place in Sussex called Pevenessey now Pemsey and got well on Land but by his Proclamation he declared upon what Occasions he thus entred the Realm and so preparing to give Harold Battle he hereby seemed as if he would have all the World to know his Quarrel was more Personal than National But this I will speak more particularly and largely to when I come to mention some of the Charters he made after he was established King. And as Perjury seldom or never escapes unpunished so here was a visible Instance of the Divine Justice upon Harold for his breach of Oath and Covenant to the Duke for in the Battle of Hastings he met with his Reward losing both his Crown and his Life at once and leaving William to finish the day with Victory over those that were yet resolved to dispute the Cause with him And now being rid of his stubborn Enemy and in the heat of the Chase got to London he possessed himself of that Kingdom which he pretended was his own by Right before from the Titles we have already mentioned Yet however it was in no such haughty and insulting way as many boast of and would gladly have their unwary Readers to believe upon their bare Credit and Testimony but he chose the more grateful and complying Artifices of a Courtier and setled himself in it by a kind of mutual Agreement and express compact as now I hope will be clearly demonstrated by what I shall offer to you after this his pretended absolute Conquest For 1. Tho' he was victorious over his great Adversary Harold yet if he had been an absolute Conqueror as hath been of late so vigorously asserted by our Modern Writers what urgent necessity was there for him or how did it stand him in such mighty stead still to keep himself armed with the aforesaid Titles that so he might have the more colourable pretence of Right and Justice on his side in laying a legal Claim to this Imperial Crown For me-thinks if he had a full possession upon such a forcible entry as is pretended this had been a stronger Title than any thing else he could have alledged for how could or durst a vanquished enslaved Nation dispute with him when he rode triumphing on their Backs and had lashed them into an entire submission of vassalage But 2. Let us see the manner of this first King William's Coronation and whether or no he did not take an Oath at the same time which was in sence and substance if not just in the words themselves the very same with that which the Ancient Saxon Kings used likewise to take upon their Coronations And for your full satisfaction herein I shall give you the parallel of them both together and begin first with The Oath of either King Edward In vita Aelfredi Magni fol. 62. Promissio Regis vel Edvardi vel Aethelredi utrumque euim Dunstanus Kingstoniae Coronavit circa Ann. 970. or King Ethelred for Dunstan crowned both of them at Kingston about the Year 970. This writing punctually to a Letter Hoc Scripto de litera ad literam descriptum est ad scriptum illud quod Dunstanus Archiepiscopus tradebat Domino nostro Kingstoniae ipso illo die quo Consecratus erat in Regem atque illi interdicebat ne ullam sponsionem daret praeter sponsionem illam quam deposuerat in Altari Christi quemadmodum Episcopus illi dictaret corresponds with that Writing which Dunstan the
Writ to summon a County Court The Debate lasted three days before the Freemen of the County of Kent in the presence of many chief Men Bishops and Lords and others skilful in the Laws and the Iudgment passed for the Arch-bishop Lanfrank upon the Votes of the Freemen This County Court was holden by special Summons and not by adjournment as was allowable by the Saxon Law upon special occasions And this Suit was originally begun and had its final determination in the County Court. And the County Courts in those days were of so great esteem that two of the greatest Peers of the Realm one a Norman the other an Italian did cast a Title in fifteen Mannors two Lordships with many Liberties upon the Votes of the English Freeholders in a County Court and that the Sentence was allowed and commended by the King and submitted to by all But 2. The Hundred Courts were still 2. Hundred Courts continued and they were of two sorts The first whereof was holden twice a Year and all the Free-holders within the Hundred were bound to appear for the service of their Fees and was the Sheriff's Court and such appearances were called the Sheriffs Turnes where it belonged to Sheriffs to enquire of all Personal Offences and of all their Circumstances done within those Hundreds The other was the more ordinary Court belonging to the Lord of the Hundred to whom also belonged the Fines in cases there concerned This Court was to be held once in each Month and no suit to be begun in the King's Court that regularly ought to begin in the Hundred No Distringas to issue forth till three demands made in the Hundred And three Distresses then to issue forth and if upon the fourth the Party appear not execution then to be by Sale of the Distress and the Complainant to receive satisfaction 3. And so likewise were the Court Barons c. continued and the Lords held Pleas either in their own Persons or by their Stewards But not to forget Sir your Question I shall now shew you what the Soveraign Court of Parliament was and whom it consisted of in the Saxon Times and for this I think it will be needless to give you any more than one Instance which as by the way it does impreguably assert That the Commons of England were an Essential and Constituent Part of the Saxon General Councils so doth it I think fully and clearly refute and The Anoâ—imous 〈…〉 p. 20. â—n the Margin baffle that novel Erroneous Notion viz. That there are no Commons to be found in the Saxon great Councils Idem p. 13. 14. nor any thing that tends towards the proof of the Commons of those Times to have had any share in making Laws in those Councils The memorable Instance is the mighty Law of Tythes which was made and ordained A Rege Baronibus Populo Laâ—â—â—â—â—â— â—â—â—priscis 〈◊〉 Legiâ—us 〈◊〉 fol. â—39 Spelm. 〈◊〉 Tom. 1. 〈◊〉 â—â— By the King his Barons and his People Now William the First in that little time of Rest he had from Forreign Wars with the French King and his Neighbouring Princes to Normandy did apply both it and himself in the setling of Laws here which was done not ex plenitudine Regiae Potestatis no nor by the Norman Barons co-operating with that Power but by the joint Advice and unanimous Consent of the Grand Council of the Lords and wise Men of the Kingdom of England To prove which I shall produce the Testimony of Ancient Writers whom no Man of Historical understanding can modestly impeach of Partiality Faction or Interest in the Case in Question I. The first shall be taken out of the Lambard fol. 158. Chronicle of Litchfield which tells us That this William in the fourth Year of his Reign at London Consilio Baronum suorum by the Advice of his Barons caused a General Meeting or Assembly to be summoned Per universos Angliae Comitatus omnes Nobiles Sapientes suâ Lege eruditos ut eorum Leges consuetudines audiret i. e. of all the Nobility wise Men and such as were skilled in the Laws through all the Counties of England to hear what their Laws and Customs were And after this was done at the request of the English Community he did consent that they should be confirmed and so they were ratified and kept throughout all his Kingdom The words are Ad preces Communitatis Anglorum ex illo die Magna Authoritate veneratae per universum Regnum corroboratae conservatae sunt Leges Sancti Regis Edwardi prae caeteris Regni Legibus From this Testimony I think it will plainly appear 1. That the Barones sui here of William cannot absolutely exclude the English and only signify his Norman Barons upon those Authorities and Reasons I have already offered to prove That there were equally Barones Francigeni Angli nostri in his Time as you may see in my Argument under the third Question 2. That the King having by the Counsel of these his Barons summoned all the Nobility wise Men and those that were skilled in the Laws of the Land throughout all the Counties of England he then and there ratified and confirmed the Laws of St. Edward 3. And to prove that this general Assembly of the Nobility wise Men and able Lawyers were a PARLIAMENT I shall now give you the Judgment of Mr. Selden in his own words Selâ—en's Tit. of Hon. f. 580. which are these viz. That William the first in the fourth Year of his Reign or MLXX. which was the Year wherein he first brought the Bishops and Abbots under the Tenure of Barony Consilio Baronum suorum saith Hoveden p In Hen. 2. p. 343. E. Lond. out of a Collection of Laws written by Glanvill Fecit summoniri per universos Consulatus Angliae Anglos Nobiles Sapientes sua Lege eruditos ut eorum jura Consuetudines ab ipsis audiret And twelve were returned out of every County who shewed what the Customs of the Kingdom were which being written by the hands of Aldred Arch-bishop of York and Hugo Bishop of London were with the Assent of the same Barons for the most part confirmed in that Assembly which was a Parliament of that Time. And a little lower he saith This might be the same Parliament wherein the Controversy between Thomas Arch-bishop of York he was consecrated after the death of Aldred the same Year and to the same Year this Controversy is attributed and Vlstan Bishop of Worcester touching certain Possessions was determined So that from hence 't is easy to observe That 1. There were English Men in this Council by the words ANGLOS NOBILES c. And 2. Besides the Confirmation of the Laws of St. Edward here mentioned it may reasonably be supposed That the Law for bringing the Bishops and Abbots under the Tenure of Barony was first made in this Parliament And that 3. Likewise the great Case