Selected quad for the lemma: kingdom_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
kingdom_n	charles_n	king_n	philip_n	1,962	5	9.5788	5	false

Text snippets containing the quad

ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A36118	Discourses upon the modern affairs of Europe tending to prove that the illustrious French monarchy may be reduced to terms of greater moderation.		1680 (1680)	Wing D1630; ESTC R24999	20,174	26

of their teeths for there is no such thing as prudence amongst them That weak and irresolute States do seldom take good Counsels unless they be forced for their weakness suffers them not to deliberate where any thing is doubtful and if that doubt be not removed by a violent necessity they never come to a resolution but are always in suspence And that it is a fault peculiar to all weak and improvident Princes and Governments to be slow and tedious as well as uncertain in their Counsels which is as dangerous as the other With divers more of the like nature Wherefore thete may seem to be but one thing that may perplex us and that is Whether this course may sort to the nature of the times and our circumstances Touching this point the same Author gives this Rule That the occasion of every mans good or bad fortune consists in his correspondence accommodation with the times The wary course that Fabius took against Hannibal was good because the times and the condition of the Romans suited to it But had the same course been holden on when Scipio undertook the War Hannibal might have staid in Italy but the times being changed they also altered the method of the War And it is certainly true That to every purpose there is a time and a judgment therefore the misery of man is great upon him because the time is hard to be discerned for if the time be missed things cannot succeed for man knoweth not his time If a man chuses a wrong time he may labour and travel not only in vain as to the issues designed but may bring forth his own destruction for the universal influence and concourse of the first Providence is wanting But when we shall seriously consider that there is no other way left that the French King will neither be quiet himself nor let any body else alone and that we must either throw up the Cudgels and let him domineer as he pleases or do something that may either deter him from attempting further or if he does may shew him there is as good iron in the world as any he has in France I say things being thus I can foresee no objection of weight against the proposition That State that will defend it self must be in a condition to offend its enemies And so long as this State shall give occasion to France to apprehend that they are afraid of him he will use them as Dogs Therefore since this is like to be a League of as great importance as has been made in the world a good while to render the same secure to the parties to add majesty and grandeur to it to render it more sacred and to give it weight and reputation in the world it will be necessary that the same be approved ratified and confirmed both by the Parliament of England and the General Estates of the Seven Provinces in an extraordinary Assembly I confess the thing is both very extraordinary and magnificent and will make the times famous But the arguments that inforce the necessity thereof are irrefragible the demonstration whereof I shall leave this whole discourse and the dignity and weight of the matters themselves to give evidence unto and shall say no more in this place Than that there is nothing that Princes and States may more justly value themselves upon than Faith and Sincerity in their Leagues and Treaties and Negotiations with other Princes and States and insincerity or Stare-hypocrisie less becomes the majesty of State than it does private persons in moral and civil actions But before we go any further it will be but necessary to answer an Objection that may be made on the part of England and that is That to confirm a League by the Parliament will weaken the Kings Prerogative To which I answer 1. Ad hominem That which has been don in the time of former Kings and those the greatest and wisest of our Princes and did not lessen their Prerogative may be don again without weakening the Prerogative of the present King But this thing has been often don in former Parliaments as our Rolles of Parliament Records Law Books and Histories shew But I shall content my self to name two or three of the most Principal as sufficient A League and Alliance was made between King Henry 5. his Heires and Successors and Sigismond King of the Romans his Heires and Successors Kings of the Romans and was confirmed by Act of Parliament Coke Inst pars 4.156 Rot. Parl. 4. H. 5. N o. 14. That illustrious Peace 9. H. 5. made between Charles the 6. of France and the said Henry 5. of England who was the very Alexander of the Kings of England for magnificence by which the King of England had confirmed to him the Regency of the Kingdom of France during the life of Charles and the succession of the Crown after his death was ratified by the three Estates of France and sworn to by the King of England in Parliament and by the same Parliament ratified And 11. Henry 7. the same case happened again The three States of the Kingdom joyned with the King in the ratification of a Peace with France in the same manner This King was a Prince of great wisdom and sufficiency as I said before He invaded France with a Royal Army made them buy a Peace of him and pay him Tribute which continued yet in the times of Henry 8. his Son nevertheless he ratified a Peace by the Parliament So you see two Kings one the greatest Conqueror as the other was the greatest Polititian of the Kings of England ratifying their Leagues which nevertheless they purchased with their own swords by Parliaments And so sacred were our Leagues and Truces held to be in those times that 2. H. 5. c. 6. It was enacted by Parliament That the breaking of Truces should be High Treason in the subjects of England But 2. I answer ad Rem It is said the Kings Prerogative is to make War and Peace If the King then make a League and the Parliament confirm that League it is so far from lessening that it confirms that Authority That there must be a New League and that it must have not only more but larger dimensions then the present League in being is evident Because the House of Commons in the late long Parliament voted That the League offensive and defensive between his Majestie and this State is not according to their Advices given to his Majestie nor pursuant to the ends by them proposed Which vote has blasted the present League And if you should call twenty Parliaments they would all be of the same opinion And because all humane Providence is short-sighted there may be a provisional clause added That where the ordinary provisions and remedies of this League shall fall short or disproportionate the Parliament shall be called to deliberate of supplemental complements of provisions that may be adequate to the force that shall attacq the League which

and States that are about him especially if their administrations be slow weak and remiss And it is commonly seen when a great man rises in the World either that he is alone or that the magnificence of his actions swallow up the weaker efforts of others as the Sea does the Rivers And secondly That when a wise and Martial Prince rises and is succeeded by one or two Princes of equal condition to himself without a pusillanimous interposed they may do very great things in the world since the succession of two such Princes alone Philip and Alexander in the Kingdom of Macedon was sufficient to Conquer the World I conclude therefore That if the present King of France should be succeeded by a Prince of equal Vertue to himself they would swallow up the greatest part of Europe But because the great things of a Monarchy begin and end with one or a few Princes and it is rarely seen that three sufficient Princes immediately succeed one another without some effeminate or ill-consulted Prince between I am of opinion that Monarchy will sink with its own weight Now having taken a view of the force and strength of this Monarchy and the sufficiency of her present King let us next consider what their next attempts are like to be In general they will do these two things What they begun by War they will pursue in Peace for they had no other design in making Peace than to disarm their Enemies break their Confederation and hinder England from coming into it that they might insult over the world by a Peace more tyrannical than the War of a Gallant Enemy And then when the injur'd World can bear their insolencies no longer out of the elements of this Peace they will raise up a new War For that Prince that would make great Conquests must make short Wars and renew them often Holland they will not attaqne at least not this year for two important reasons Because Flanders lies between that and France And besides they will go as softly as they can till towards the latter end of the Summer for fear of awaking them out of that sleep their wasted Spirits and trading Humour have cast them into And England their stomacks do not serve them to meddle with For though it be true that whosoever he be that shall attempt to set up an Universal Monarchy in Europe will first or last find England the strongest bar in the way I say England which is not only the strongest but now the only strong Kingdom that is in Europe next to France And therefore Philip II. of Spain after al his vain attempts and pursuit turned himself upon England in which though he miscarried yet he maintained a long War in Ireland Yet the French will think to serve themselves of the supine negligence of England and still hope that they may have Prorogations therefor their mony till they have ●ate● up the rest of Europe as they eat bread And besides they wi●● 〈◊〉 a better way to distress England and more effectual than by any point blanck attaque which they can make upon it as we shall see anon Lastly there is yet one very important reason and that is they are afraid of England and truly if God had not placed in man the irascible affection of fear he would be much a wilder creature than he is But lest the truth of this should be doubted it will not be amiss to call a Foreign Witness and that is Machiavel whose own words are The French are in great fear of the English for the great inroads and devastations which they have made anciently in that Kingdom insomuch that among the common people the name of English is terrible to this day But he adds There was not then the same reason for it it is true there are not so strong reasons why they should fear us so much now as they did formerly our advantages which we had over that Kingdom being most of them soft and that Monarchy come to its full strength and the greatest perfection it is ever like to see And yet there be very strong reasons why they should yet fear us and if they do not apprehend them it is no bodies fault but our own And I say that both the Spanish and French Monarchies inherit such a remembrance of the English as the Romans did of Hannibal Nay I think it may be truly affirmed That France is more afraid of the Parliament of England that is the King and the Estates of Parliament for they are all comprehended under the word Parliament than of any one if not of all the Princes and States of Europe But if France will do neither of these what is it then that they will do I answer We must not take our measures by those reports they cause to be given out up and down the world to cast a mist before the eyes of their Neighbour-Princes and States as Jugglers do nor when they seem to look far abroad must we regard it but consider by the exact Rules of Prudence what is sit for them to do and what we our selves would do were we in their case I say then that the greatest and wisest thing which France can do next is to make himself master of the residue of the Spanish Netherlands and particularly to seize upon Ostend and Newport And when he has don that to turn his whole force upon the Empire not omitting in the meane time to attempt all that he can do there as well to amuze and divert them as to open his way to the compleat Conquest of that branch of the miserable house of Austria To demonstrate this I know no better way then a little to consider and discourse upon the consequences of this with respect unto England and Holland For England If the French be permitted to become masters of the Spanish Netherlands and to possess Ostend and Niewport then England will not only not have a footing on the Main but all the Sea-coast opposite to the whole body of it will be in the hands of the French always Enemies to England in Interest and Humour And if he pleases to look over the Sea he may seize upon Ireland when he pleases which will always lie open to him and where he will find Papists enough to entertain and joyn with him And let it be remembred that Ireland is in a manner already cut off from England by the Irish Act. And what would England then be but an Island hemm'd in by the Sea and their Enemy its master and shut out of the world By this means they will be precluded from sending any succours to the rescue or relief of those Provinces And by this means also it must necessarily come to pass which is worst of all that England must lose both the Dominion of the Sea and their Trade and in time will not be able either to build or sail Ships out of their own Ports without the License of France And so will be