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A01483 The historie of the reigne of King Henry the Seuenth VVritten by the Right Hon: Francis Lo: Virulam, Viscount S. Alban. Whereunto is now added a very vsefull and necessary table. Bacon, Francis, 1561-1626. 1629 (1629) STC 1161; ESTC S106900 150,254 264

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THE HISTORIE Of the REIGNE of KING HENRY THE SEVENTH Written by the Right Hon FRANCIS LO Virulam Viscount S. ALBAN Whereunto is now added a very vsefull and necessary TABLE London printed by I. H. and R. Y. and are to be sold by Philemon Stephens and Christopher Meredith At the Signe of the Golden Lyon in Pauls-Church-yard 1629. TO THE MOST ILLVSTRIOVS AND MOST EXCELLENT PRINCE CHARLES Prince of Wales Duke of Cornwall Earle of Chester c. It may Please Your Highnesse In part of my acknowledgment to Your Highnesse I haue endeuoured to doe Honour to the Memory of the last King of ENGLAND that was Ancestour to the King your Father and Your selfe and was that King to whom both Unions may in a sort referre That of the Roses beeing in him Consummate and that of the Kingdomes by him begunne Besides his Times deserue it For hee was a Wise Man and an Excellent King and yet the Times were rough and full of Mutations and rare Accidents And it is with Times as it is with Wayes Some are more Vp-hill and Downe-hill and some are more Flat and Plaine and the One is better for the Liuer and the Other for the Writer I haue not flattered him but took him to life as well as I could sitting so farre off and hauing no better light It is true Your Highnesse hath a Liuing Patterne Incomparable of the King your Father But it is not amisse for You also to see one of these Ancient Peeces GOD preserue Your Highnesse Your Highnesses most humble and deuoted Seruant Francis St. Alban THE HISTORIE OF THE REIGNE OF King HENRY the Seuenth AFter that RICHARD the third of that name King in fact onely but Tyrant both in Title and Regiment and so commonly termed and reputed in all times since was by the Diuine Reuenge fauouring the designe of an Exilde man ouerthrowne and slaine at Bosworth-field There succeeded in the Kingdome the Earle of Richmond thence-forth stiled HENRY the Seuenth The King immediately after the Victorie as one that had beene bred vnder a deuout Mother and was in his nature a great Obseruer of religious formes caused Te Deum Laudamus to be solemnely sung in the presence of the whole Armie vpon the place and was himselfe with generall applause and great Cries of Ioy in a kind of Militar Election or Recognition saluted King Meane-while the body of RICHARD after many indignities and reproches the Dirigies and Obsequies of the common people towards Tyrants was obscurely buried For though the King of his noblenesse gaue charge vnto the Friers of Leicester to see an honourable interrment to be giuen to it yet the Religious People themselues being not free from the humors of the Vulgar neglected it wherein neuerthelesse they did not then incurre any mans blame or censure No man thinking any ignominie or contumely vnworthy of him that had beene the Executioner of King HENRY the Sixth that innocent Prince with his owne hands the Contriuer of the death of the Duke of Clarence his Brother the Murderer of his two Nephewes one of them his lawfull King in the Present and the other in the Future fayling of him and vehemently suspected to haue beene the Impoisoner of his wife thereby to make vacant his Bed for a Marriage within the Degrees forbidden And although he were a Prince in Militar vertue approued iealous of the honour of the English Nation and likewise a good Law-maker for the ease and solace of the common people yet his Cruelties and Parricides in the opinion of all men weighed downe his Vertues and merits and in the opinion of wise men euen those Vertues themselues were conceiued to bee rather fained and Affected things to serue his Ambition then true Qualities ingenerate in his Iudgement or Nature And therfore it was noted by men of great vnderstanding who seeing his after Acts looked backe vpon his former Proceedings that euen in the time of King EDWARD his Brother he was not without secret Traines and Mines to turne Enuie and Hatred vpon his Brothers Gouernement as hauing an Expectation and a kind of Diuination that the King by reason of his many disorders could not be of long life but was like to leaue his Sonnes of tender yeares and then hee knew well how easie a step it was from the place of a Protector and first Prince of the Bloud to the Crowne And that out of this deepe root of Ambition it sprang that aswell at the Treatie of peace that pussed betweene EDWARD the Fourth and LEWIS the Eleuenth of France concluded by Enteruiew of both Kings at Piqueny as vpon all other Occasions RICHARD then Duke of Glocester stood euer vpon the side of Honour raising his owne Reputation to the disaduantage of the King his Brother and drawing the eyes of all especially of the Nobles and Souldiours vpon himselfe as if the King by his voluptuous life and meane marriage were become effeminate and lesse sensible of honour and Reason of State then was fit for a King Andras for the Politique and wholesome Lawes which were enacted in his time they were interpreted to be but the Brocage of an Vsurper therby to wooe and winne the hearts of the people as being conscious to himselfe that the true obligations of Soueraigntie in him failed and were wanting But King HENRY in the very entrance of his Reigne and the instant of time when the Kingdome was cast into his Armes met with a Point of great difficultie and knotty to solue able to trouble and confound the wisest King in the newnesse of his Estate and so much the more because it could not endure a Deliberation but must be at once deliberated and determined There were fallen to his lot and concurrent in his person three seuerall Titles to the Imperiall Crowne The first the title of the Lady Elizabeth with whom by precedent Pact with the Partie that brought him in he was to marry The second the ancient and long disputed Title both by Plea and Armes of the House of Lancaster to which he was Inheritour in his owne Person The third the Title of the Sword or Conquest for that he came in by victorie of Battaile and that the King in possession was slaine in the field The first of these was fairest and most like to giue contentment to the people who by two and twentie yeares Reigne of King EDWARD the Fourth had beene fully made capable of the clearnesse of the Title of the White-Rose or House of Yorke and by the milde and plausible Reigue of the same king toward his Latter time were become affectionate to that Line But then it lay plaine before his Eyes that if he relied vpon that Title he could be but a King at Curtesie and haue rather a Matrimoniall then a Regall power the right remaining in his Queene vpon whose decease either with Issue or without Issue he was to giue place and bee remoued And though he should obtaine by Parliament to bee continued
the King might appoint him Keepers to looke to him in Sanctuarie The King also for the better securing of his estate against mutinous and malecontented Subiects wherof He saw the Realme was full who might haue their refuge into Scotland which was not vnder Key as the Ports were For that cause rather then for any doubt of Hostilitie from those parts before his comming to London when he was at Newcastle had sent a solemne Ambassage vnto IAMES the third King of Scotland to treate and conclude a peace with him The Ambassadors were RICHARD FOXE Bishop of Excester and Sir RICHARD EDGCOMBE Comptroller of the Kings House who were honourably receiued and entertained there But the King of Scotland labouring of the same disease that King HENRY did though more mortall as afterwards appeared that is Discontented Subiects apt to rise and raise Tumuh although in his owne affection hee did much desire to make a Peace with the King Yet finding his Nobles auerse and not daring to displease them concluded onely a Truce for seuen yeeres giuing neuerthelesse promise in priuate that it should bee renewed from time to time during the two Kings liues HItherto the King had beene exercised in setling his affaires at home But about this time brake forth an occasion that drew him to looke abroad and to hearken to forraine businesse CHARLES the eight the French King by the vertue and good fortune of his two immediate Predecessors CHARLES the seuenth his Grand-father and LEWES the eleuenth his Father receiued the Kingdome of France in more flourishing and spread Estate than it had beene of many yeares before being redintegrate in those principall Members which anciently had beene portions of the Crowne of France and were after disseuered so as they remained onely in Homage and not in Soueraigntie being gouerned by absolute Princes of their owne Angeou Normandy Prouence and Burgundie There remained only Brittaine to be revnited and so the Monarchie of France to be reduced to the ancient Termes and Bounds King CHARLES was not a little inflamed with an ambition to repurchase and reannex that Duchie Which his ambition was a wise and well weighed Ambition not like vnto the ambitions of his succeeding enterprizes of Italie For at that time being newly come to the Crowne he was somewhat guided by his Fathers Counsels Counsels not Counsellors for his Father was his owne Counsell and had few able men about him And that King be knew well had euer distasted the designes of Italie and in particular had an eye vpon Brittaine There were many circumstances that did feed the ambition of CHARLES with pregnant and apparant hopes of Successe The Duke of Britaine old and entred into a Lethargie and serued with Mercenarie Counsellors father of two only daughters the one sickly and not like to continue King CHARLES himselfe in the flower of his age and the Subiects of France at that time well trayned for Warre both for Leaders and Souldiers men of seruice being not yet worne out since the warres of LEWIS against Burgundie Hee found himselfe also in peace with all his Neighbour-Princes As for those that might oppose to his enterprise MAXIMILIAN King of Romans his Riuall in the same desires as well for the Duchy as the Daughter feeble in meanes and King HENRY of England aswell somwhat obnoxious to him for his fauours and benefits as busied in his particular noubles at home There was also a faire and specious occasion offered him to hide his ambition and to iustifie his warring vpon Britaine for that the Duke had receiued and succoured LEWIS Duke of Orleance and other of the French Nobilitie which had taken Armes against their King Wherfore King CHARLES being resolued vpon that Warre knew well he could not receiue any opposition so potent as if King HENRY should either vpon Policie of State in preuenting the growing greatnesse of France or vpon gratitude vnto the Duke of Britaine for his former fauours in the time of his distresse espouse that quarrell and declare himselfe in aide of the Duke Therfore hee no sooner heard that King HENRY was setled by his victorie but forth with he sent Ambassadours vnto him to pray his assistance or at the least that hee would stand neutrall Which Ambassadours found the King at Leicester and deliuered their Ambassage to this effect They first imparted vnto the King the successe that their Master had had a little before against MAXIMILIAN in recouerie of certaine Townes from him which was done in a kind of priuacie and inwardnesse towards the King as if the French-king did not esteeme him for an outward or formall Confederate but as one that had part in his affections and fortunes and with whom he tooke pleasure to communicate his businesse After this Complement and some gratulation for the Kings victorie they fell to their errand declaring to the King that their Master was enforced to enter into a iust and necessarie Warre with the Duke of Britaine for that hee had receiued and succoured those that were Traitors and Declared Enemies vnto his Person and State That they were no meane distressed and calamitous Persons that fled to him for refuge but of so great qualitie as it was apparant that they came not thither to protect their owne fortune but to infest and inuade his the Head of them being the Duke of Orleance the first Prince of the bloud and the second Person of France That therfore rightly to vnderstand it it was rather on their Masters part a Defensiue Warre then an Offensiue as that that could not bee omitted or forborne if he tendred the conseruation of his owne Estate and that it was not the first Blow that made the Warre inuasiue for that no wise Prince would stay for but the first Prouocation or at least the first Preparation Nay that this Warre was rather a Suppression of Rebels then a Warre with a iust Enemie where the case is That his Subiects Traitors are receiued by the Duke of Britaine his Homager That King HENRY knew well what went vpon it in example if Neighbour-Princes should patronize and comfort Rebels against the Law of Nations and of Leagues Neuerthelesse that their Master was not ignorant that the King had beene beholding to the Duke of Britaine in his aduersitie as on the other side they knew he would not forget also the readinesse of their King in ayding him when the Duke of Britaine or his mercenary Councellors failed him and would haue betrayed him And that there was a great difference betweene the courtesies receiued from their Master and the Duke of Britaine for that the Dukes might haue ends of vtilitie and Bargaine whereas their Masters could not haue proceeded but out of entire Affection For that if it had beene measured by a politicke line it had beene better for his affaires that a Tyrant should haue reigned in England troubled and hated then such a Prince whose vertues could not saile to make him great and potent whensoeuer he
two Sonnes EDWARD and RICHARD Duke of Yorke both very young EDWARD the eldest succeeded their Father in the Crowne by the name of King EDWARD the Fift But RICHARD Duke of Glocester their vnnaturall Vnckle first thirsting after the Kingdome through Ambition and afterwards thirsting for their Bloud out of desire to secure himselfe imployed an Instrument of his confident to him as hee thought to murther them both But this Man that was imployed to execute that execrable Tragedie hauing cruelly slaine King EDWARD the eldest of the two was mooued partly hy Remorse and partly by some other meane to saue RICHARD his Brother making a Report neuerthelesse to the Tyrant that hee had performed his Commandement for both Brethren This Report was accordingly beleeued and published generally So that the World hath beene possessed of an Opinion that they both were barbarously made away though euer Truth hath some sparkes that flye abroade vntill it appeare in due time as this hath had But Almighty GOD that stopped the Mouth of the Lion and saued little JOAS from the Tyrannie of ATHALIAH when shee massacred the Kings Children and did saue ISAACK when the hand was stretched forth to sacrifice him preserued the second Brother For I my selfe that stand heere in your presence am that very RICHARD Duke of Yorke Brother of that infortunate Prince King EDWARD the Fift now the most rightfull suruiuing Heire-Male to that Uictorious and most Noble EDWARD of that Name the Fourth late King of England For the manner of my Escape it is fit it should passe in silence or at least in a more secret Relation for that it may concerne some aliue and the memorie of some that are dead Let it suffice to thinke I had then a Mother liuing a Queene and one that expected dayly such a Commandement from the Tyrant for the murthering of her Children Thus in my tender age escaping by GODS Mercie out of London I was secretly conueyed ouer Sea Where after a time the Partie that had mee in Charge vpon what new Feares change of Minde or Practice GOD knoweth suddenly forsooke mee Whereby I was forced to wander abroade and to seeke meane Conditions for the sustaining of my Life Wherefore distracted betweene seuerall Passions the one of Feare to bee knowne lest the Tyrant should haue a new Attempt vpon mee the other of Griefe and Disdaine to bee vnknowne and to liue in that base and seruile manner that I did I resolued with my selfe to expect the Tyrants Death and then to put my selfe into my Sisters hands who was next Heire to the Crowne But in this Season it happened one HENRIE TIDDER sonne to EDMOND TIDDER Earle of Richmond to come from France and enter into the Realme and by subtile and foule meanes to obtaine the Crowne of the same which to mee rightfully appertained So that it was but a Change from Tyrant to Tyrant This HENRIE my extreame and mortall Enemie so soone as hee had knowledge of my beeing aliue imagined and wrought all the subtill waies and meanes hee could to procure my finall Destruction For my mortall Enemie hath not onely falsly surmised mee to bee a fayned Person giuing mee Nick-names so abusing the World but also to deferre and put mee from entrie into England hath offered large Summes of Money to corrupt the Princes and their Ministers with whom I haue beene retayned and made importune Labours to certaine Seruants about my Person to murther or poyson mee and others to forsake and leaue my Righteous Quarrell and to depart from my Seruice as Sir ROBERT CLIFFORD and others So that euery Man of Reason may well perceiue that HENRIE calling himselfe King of England needed not to haue bestowed such great Summes of Treasure nor so to haue busied himselfe with importune and incessant Labour and Industrie to compasse my Death and Ruine if I had beene such a fained Person But the truth of my Cause beeing so manifest moued the most Christian King CHARLES and the Lady Duchesse Dowager of Burgundie my most Deare Aunt not onely to acknowledge the truth thereof but louingly to assist mee But it seemeth that GOD aboue for the good of this whole Island and the knitting of these two Kingdomes of England and Scotland in a strait Concord and Amitie by so great an Obligation had reserued the placing of mee in the Imperiall Throne of England for the Armes and Succours of your Grace Neither is it the first time that a King of Scotland hath supported them that were bereft and spoyled of the Kingdome of England as of late in fresh memorie it was done in the Person of HENRY the Sixth Wherefore for that your Grace hath giuen cleare Signes that you are in no Noble qualitie inferiour to your Royall Ancestours I so distressed a Prince was hereby mooued to come and put my Selfe into your Royall Hands desiring your Assistance to recouer my Kingdome of England promising faithfully to beare my Selfe towards your Grace no otherwise than If I were your owne Naturall Brother and will vpon the Recouerie of mine Inheritance gratefully doe you all the Pleasure that is in my vtmost Power AFter PERKIN had told his Tale King IAMES answered brauely and wisely That whatsoeuer hee were hee should not repent him of putting himselfe into his hands And from that time forth though there wanted not some about him that would haue perswaded him that all was but an Illusion yet notwithstanding either taken by PERKINS amiable and alluring behauiour or inclining to the recommendation of the great Princes abroade or willing to take an occasion of a Warre against King HENRY hee entertained him in all things as became the person of RICHARD Duke of Yorke embraced his Quarrell and the more to put it out of doubt that hee tooke him to bee a great Prince and not a Representation onely hee gaue consent that this Duke should take to wife the Lady KATHERINE GORDON daughter to the Earle Huntley beeing a neare Kinswoman to the King himselfe and a young Uirgin of excellent beautie and vertue Not long after the King of Scots in person with PERKIN in his company entred with a great Armie though it consisted chiefly of Borderers beeing raysed somewhat suddenly into Northumberland And PERKIN for a Perfume before him as hee went caused to be published a Proclamation of this tenor following in the name of RICHARD Duke of Yorke true inheritor of the Crowne of England IT hath pleased GOD Who putteth downe the Mightie from their Seate and exalteth the Humble and suffereth not the Hopes of the Iust to perish in the end to giue Us meanes at the length to shew Our Selues armed vnto Our Leiges and People of England But far bee it from Us to intend their hurt and dammage or to make Warre vpon them otherwise than to deliuer Our Selfe and them from Tyrannie and Oppression For our mortall Enemie HENRY TIDDER a false Vsurper of the Crowne of England which to Vs by Naturall and Lineall Right
vpon whom the surest Aime that could bee taken was that hee would not be long as hee had beene last before would all three being potent Princes enter into some strait League and Confederation amongst themselues Whereby though hee should not be endangered yet hee should be left to the poore Amitie of Arragon And whereas he had beene heretofore a kind of Arbiter of Europe he should now goe lesse and bee ouer-topped by so great a Coniunction Hee had also as it seemes an inclination to marrie and bethought himselfe of some fit Conditions abroad And amongst others hee had heard of the Beautie and vertuous Behauiour of the young Queene of Naples the Widdow of FERDINANDO the younger being then of Matronall yeares of seuen and twentie By whose Marriage he thought that the Kingdome of Naples hauing beene a Gole for a time betweene the king of Arragon and the French King and being but newly setled might in some part be Deposited in his hands who was so able to keepe the Stakes Therefore hee sent in Ambassage or Message three Confident Persons FRANCIS MARSIN IAMES BRAY-BROOKE and IOHN STILE vpon two seuerall Inquisitions rather than Negotiations The One touching the Person and Condition of the young Queene of Naples The Other touching all particulars of Estate that concerned the Fortunes and Intentions of FERDINANDO And because they may obserue best who themselues are obserued least hee sent them vnder Colourable Pretexts giuing them Letters of Kindnesse and Complement from KATHERINE the Princesse to her Aunt and Neece the Olde and Young Queene of Naples and deliuering to them also a Booke of new Articles of Peace which notwithstanding it had beene deliuered vnto Doctor de PVEBLA the Leigier Ambassadour of Spaine here in England to be sent yet for that the King had beene long without hearing from Spaine hee thought good those Messengers when they had beene with the two Queenes should likewise passe on to the Court of FERDINANDO and take a Copie of the Booke with them The Instructions touching the Queene of Naples were so curious and exquisite beeing as Articles whereby to direct a Suruey or framing a Particular of her Person for Complexion Fauour Feature Stature Health Age Customes Behauiour Conditions and Estate as if the King had beene young a Man would haue iudged him to bee Amorous but being ancient it ought to be interpreted that sure he was verie Chaste for that hee meant to finde all things in one Woman and so to settle his Affections without ranging But in this Match hee was soone cooled when hee heard from his Ambassadors that this young Queene had had a goodly Ioynture in the Realme of Naples well answered during the time of her Vnckle FREDERICKE yea and during the time of LEVVIS the French King in whose Diuision her Reuenue fell But since the time that the Kingdome was in FERDINANDO'S hands all was assigned to the Armie and Garrisons there and shee receiued only a Pension or Exhibition out of his Coffers The other part of the Inquirie had a graue and diligent Returne informing the King at full of the present State of King FERDINANDO By this report it appeared to the King that FERDINANDO did continue the Gouernment of Castile as Administrator vnto his Daughter IOAN by the Title of Queene ISABELLA'S Will and partly by the Custome of the Kingdome as he pretended And that all Mandates and Grants were expedited in the name of IOAN his Daughter and himselfe as Administrator without mention of PHILIP her Husband And that king FERDINANDO howsoeuer hee did dismisse himselfe of the Name of King of Castile yet meant to hold the Kingdome without Accompt and in absolute Command It appeareth also that hee flattered himselfe with hopes that king PHILIP would permit vnto him the Gouernement of Castile during his life which hee had layed his plot to worke him vnto both by some Councellors of his about him which FERDINANDO had at his deuotion and chiefly by Promise that in case PHILIP gaue not way vnto it hee would marrie some young Ladie whereby to put him by the Succession of Arragon and Granada in case hee should haue a Sonne And lastly by representing vnto him that the Gouernement of the Burgundians till PHILIP were by continuance in Spaine made as Naturall of Spaine would not bee indured by the Spaniards But in all those things though wisely layed downe and considered FERDINANDO failed But that PLVTO was better to him than PALLAS In the same Report also the Ambassadours beeing meane men and therefore the more free did strike vpon a String which was somewhat dangerous For they declared plainely that the People of Spaine both Nobles and Commons were better affected vnto the part of PHILIP so hee brought his wife with him than to FERDINANDO And expressed the reason to bee because hee had imposed vpon them many Taxes and Tallages whith was the Kings owne Case betweene him and his Sonne There was also in this Report a Declaration of an Ouerture of Marriage which AMASON the Secretarie of FERDINANDO had made vnto the Ambassadours in great secret betweene CHARLES Prince of Castile and MARIE the Kings second Daughter assuring the king that the Treatie of Marriage then on foot for the said Prince and the Daughter of France would breake and that shee the said Daughter of France should bee married to ANGOLESME that was the Heire apparant of France There was a touch also of a speech of Marriage betweene FERDINANDO and Madame de FOIS a Ladie of the Bloud of France which afterwards indeed succeeded But this was reported as learned in France and silenced in Spaine The King by the returne of this Ambassage which gaue great light vnto his Affaires was well instructed and prepared how to carrie himselfe betweene FERDINANDO King of Arragon and PHILIP his Sonne-in-law King of Castile resoluing with himselfe to doe all that in him lay to keepe them at one within themselues But howsoeuer that succeeded by a moderate Carriage and bearing the Person of a Common-friend to loose neither of their Friendships but yet to runne a Course more entire with the King of Arragon but more laboured and officious with the King of Castile But hee was much taken with the Ouerture of Marriage with his Daughter MARIE Both because it was the greatest Marriage of Christendome and for that it tooke hold of both Allies But to corroborate his Alliance with PHILIP the Windes gaue him an Enter-view For PHILIP choosing the Winter-Season the better to surprise the King of Arragon set forth with a great Nauie out of Flanders for Spaine in the Moneth of Ianuarie the one and Twentieth yeare of the Kings Raigne But himselfe was surprised with a cruell Tempest that scattered his Ships vpon the seuerall Coasts of England And the Ship wherein the King and Queene were with two other small Barkes onely torne and in great perill to escape the Furie of the weather thrust into Waymouth King PHILIP himselfe hauing
KNESVVORTH likewise that had beene lately Maior of London and both his Sheriffes were for Abuses in their Offices questioned and imprisoned and deliuered vpon one Thousand foure hundred pounds payed HAVVIS an Alderman of London was put in Trouble and died with Thought and Anguish before his Businesse came to an end Sir LAVVRENCE AILMER who had likewise beene Maior of London and his two Sheriffes were put to the Fine of one Thousand Pounds And Sir LAVVRENCE for refusing to make payment was committed to Prison where hee stayed till EMPSON himselfe was committed in his place It is no marueile if the Faults were so light and the Rates so heauie that the Kings Treasure of store that hee left at his death most of it in secret places vnder his owne Key and keeping at Richmond amounted as by Tradition it is reported to haue done vnto the Summe of neare Eighteene hundred thousand pounds Sterling a huge Masse of Money euen for these times The last Act of State that concluded this kings Temporall Felicitie was the Conclusion of a Glorious Match betweene his Daughter MARIE and CHARLES Prince of Castile afterwards the great Emperour both beeing of tender yeares Which Treatie was perfected by Bishop FOXE and other his Commissioners at Calice the yeare before the Kings Death In which Alliance it seemeth hee himselfe tooke so high Contentment as in a Letter which hee wrote thereupon to the Citie of London commaunding all possible demonstrations of ioy to bee made for the same hee expresseth himselfe as if hee thought hee had built a Wall of Brasse about his Kingdome When hee had for his Sonnes-in-law a King of Scotland and a Prince of Castile and Burgundie So as now there was nothing to bee added to this great Kings Felicitie beeing at the top of all worldly Blisse in regard of the high Marriages of his Children his great Renowne throughout Europe and his scarce credible Riches and the perpetuall Constancie of his prosperous Successes but an opportune Death to withdraw him from any future blowe of Fortune Which certainely in regard of the great Hatred of his People and the Title of his Sonne being then come to Eighteene yeares of age and being a bold Prince and liberall and that gained vpon the People by his very Aspect and Presence had not beene impossible to haue come vpon him To crowne also the last yeare of his Raigne as well as his first hee did an Act of Pietie rare and worthy to bee taken into Imitation For hee granted forth a Generall Pardon as expecting a second Coronation in a better Kingdome Hee did also declare in his Will that his minde was that Restitution should bee made of those Summes which had beene vniustly taken by his Officers And thus this SALOMON of England for SALOMON also was too heauie vpon his People in Exactions hauing liued two and fiftie yeares and thereof Raigned three and twentie yeares and eight Moneths beeing in perfect Memorie and in a most Blessed Minde in a great Calme of a Consuming Sickenesse passed to a better World the two and twentieth of Aprill 1508. at his Palace of Richmond which himselfe had built THis King to speake of him in Tearmes equall to his Deseruing was one of the best sort of VVonders a Wonder for VVisemen Hee had parts both in his Vertues and his Fortune not so fit for a Common-place as for Obseruation Certainly hee was Religious both in his Affection and Obseruance But as hee could see cleare for those times through Superstition so he would be blinded now and then by Humane Policie Hee aduanced Church-men hee was tender in the Priuiledge of Sanctuaries though they wrought him much mischiefe Hee built and endowed many Religious Foundations besides his Memorable Hospitall of the Sauoy And yet was hee a great Almes-giuer in secret which shewed that his VVorkes in publique were dedicated rather to GODS Glorie than his owne Hee professed alwaies to loue and seeke Peace and it was his vsuall Preface in his Treaties That when CHRIST came into the World Peace was sung and when HEE went out of the World Peace was bequeathed And this Vertue could not proceede out of Feare or Softnesse for he was Valiant and Actiue and therefore no doubt it was truely Christian and Morall Yet hee knew the way to Peace was not to seeme to bee desirous to auoyde Warres Therefore would be make Cffers and Fames of Warres till hee had mended the Conditions of Peace It was also much that one that was so great a Louer of Peace should be so happie in VVarre For his Armes eyther in Forraine or Ciuill VVarres were neuer Infortunate neyther did be know what a Disaster meant The VVarre of his Comming in and the Rebellions of the Earle of Lincolne and the Lord AWDLEY were ended by Victorie The VVarres of France and Scotland by Peaces sought at his hands That of Brittaine by accident of the Dukes death The Insurrection of the Lord LOVEL and that of PERKIN at Excester and in Kent by flight of the Rebells before they came to Blowes So that his Fortune of Armes was still Inuiolate The rather sure for that in the quenching of the Commotions of his Subiects hee euer went in Person Sometimes reseruing himselfe to backe and second his Lieutenants but euer in Action and yet that was not meerely Forwardnesse but partly Distrust of others Hee did much maintaine and countenance his Lawes Which neuerthelesse was no Impediment to him to worke his VVill. For it was so handled that neyther Prerogatiue nor Profit went to Diminution And yet as hee would sometimes straine vp his Lawes to his Prerogatiue so would hee also let downe his Prerogatiue to his Parliament For Minte and Warres and Marshall Discipline things of Absolute Power hee would neuerthelesse bring to Parliament Iustice was well administred in his time saue where the King was Partie Saue also that the Councell-Table intermedled too much with Meum and Tuum For it was a very Court of Iustice during his time especially in the Beginning But in that part both of Iustice and Policie which is the Durable Part and cut as it were in Brasse or Marble which is The making of good Lawes he did excell And with his Iustice hee was also a Mercifull Prince As in whose time there were but three of the Nobilitie that suffered the Earle of Warwicke the Lord Chamberlaine and the Lord AWDLEY Though the first two were in stead of Numbers in the Dislike and Obloquie of the People But there were neuer so great Rebellions expiated with so little Bloud drawne by the hand of Iustice as the two Rebellions of Black-heath and Excester As for the Seueritie vsed vpon those which were taken in Kent it was but vpon a Scumme of People His Pardons went euer both before and after his Sword But then hee had withall a strange kinde of Interchanging of large and inexpected Pardons which seuere Executions Which his Wisedome considered could not bee imputed to any