11. lent vpon the Counties of Roussilion and Parpignan by meane of that cousining frier Oliuer Maillard I let passe with these notes that as it behooueth the kings of France to suspect the hypocrisie of friers in regard of the ambition of Spaine and Lorran so it standeth the king of Spaine in hand not to dye in Egypt no man being buried there by an ancient law of that region if his gouernement hath bin tyranous or his debts vnpaide To returne to the second part of their couetousnesse ouerthrowing the foundation of Iustice if this ground be true that nothing is profitable that is not honest these men are too deuout seruitors of the Pope he crying this Prince sweats or fetch to leape like water spaniels at the sacred dignities of kings and to enter violently their Domaines established by his diuine order who said by me kings do raigne I will iustifie it that if the right of Millaine appertaine not to the kings of France who claimed that Dutchie by Valentina grandmother to Levvis the twelfth daughter and heire to Iohn Galeazzo who had it of the gift of the Emperor Sigismund that then it belongeth to the Empire It is also certaine that the Spanish claime to the kingdome of Naples and Sicilia if the treatie at Madrick helpe not is voidable the same growing vpon the adoption of Alphonso king of Aragon by Iohn the daughter of Lancelot the son of Charles de la Paix an vsurper of those realmes which for good cause shee retracted in her life conuaied her title to Levvis the third sonne to Levvis the second sonne to Levvis the first being Duke of Aniou and before adopted by Ioan the daughter of Levvis the sonne of Robert all which were lawfully possessed of those Realmes After which Levvis the third Duke of Aniou hauing in him the right of the two Queenes and dying without issue left thē to his brother Rene who hauing no issue male gaue his interest to his brother Charles who dying likewise without issue left his title by testament to the french king Levvis the 11. in respect wherof Charles the 8. his sonne entred Italie recouered Naples where he was crowned Moreouer the Spaniard neither as king of Spaine or Duke of Burgundie hath any right to Holland Zeland and Henault the same hauing bene the patrimonie of Iaquet daughter heire to Guilliam Duke of Bauiers wife to Iohn Duke of Brabant who died without issue since which time Philip the Duke of Burgundy his cosen his heire hauing their will for law haue violently detained those prouinces Furthermore their title to Maiorica Minorica to the higher Nauar resteth vpon these doubts first that if king Philip were takē in battel or intrapped by other meanes and imprisoned during his life whether Spaine shuld be forfait to him whose captiue he were Secondly if Spaine were prescribed by the holy father who many times is implacable whether that kingdome were his who first laid hand thereon I am perswaded they would reck on these questions absurd but if the case bee altered with names it is cocke on the hoope for them clearer then the midday For the king of Aragons conquest of Maiorica and Minorica was by no other meane then by keeping the king of both in prison till his death of which wrong the king his sonne complained to Edvvard Duke of Aquitan who assured him his wars ended for Don Piero of Castile he would yeeld him all fauor possible Their chiualrie in their thieuish surprising the higher Nauarre which they hold by force of the Popes proscription is of like condition whereby it may appeare that notwithstanding these Caualeros haue their Rapiers hanging point blancke that it is their penurie at home that giues them stomake according to their name that they are Sagaces Hispani to winde or smell their neighbors cupbords abrode The late Prince of Orenge hath declared their iniurie to Don Anthonio for Portingall and God himselfe wherein we haue to boast and be thankfull hath with hautie stile penned our Apologie for England wherefore I omit both to shewe the last branch of their couetousnesse then which there is nothing that more toucheth their indignitie for if it be proper to the Lion and Tiger to pursue with incredible furie those that bereue them of their whelpes what greater beastlines can there be in man who hath reason is not borne for himselfe then contrarie to the naturall instinct of brute beastes to make his issue captiue whom nature made free as the Spaniards by selling the Indian women conceiued with child by them haue done to their great obloquie This kinde of auarice caused the Indians to practise new matter but rather it may be the diuine punishment considering the simplicitie of that people who as they could opportunely take the Spaniards powred melted gold into their mouthes vsing Thomyris words to Cyrus head in bloud now drinke your fill To returne from whence I digressed touching their qualities expressing the significations of Spaine Next to their couetousnesse their enuy is to be regarded a vice proper to men of base account and peculiar aboue all others to this nation as well by testimonie of Gaston the Erle of Foix a Prince of singular magnificence and valure who dehorting the Lords of Biern from seruing the king of Castill against the Portingall tould them the Spaniards were filthie lowsie and enuious of the prosperitie of straungers which at Iuberoth the French desiring to haue the vanward found true the king of Castill not being able in regard of their place to bring his Spaniards though 20000. to make supply by meane whereof the Lords of Biern with their retinue being 12000. were slaine As also by the Duke of Albas reproouing Countie Egmond who with the aide of our artilery from sea ouerthrew the Frenchmen betweene Grauelin and Dunkercke which victorie the Spaniard imputed onely to the Counties temerity and for recompence of his valure could not after aford him his life Hitherto haue I prooued the significations of Spaine as causes by their effects or maximes by their consequences now remaineth to speake of Tubal signifying of the world worldly confusion and ignomy Some may thinke that what hath bene said for Spaine belongeth also to Tubal but I am of another minde for as it followeth not necessarily that whosoeuer is rich is therefore proud high minded and insolent no more is it consequent that the poore are worldly confuse and ignominious many of both sorts being such whom God doth loue in respect whereof it behoueth me to handle this as the other a part to make apparant that they are no lesse confuse and ignominious than naturally poore and miserable As for these words worldly or of the world although their grosse ignorance of diuine things may be prooued thereby yet for that they belong to my Masters the Diuines I let them passe First therefore as touching confusion it is a peruerting
the authoritie of maximes Whosoeuer is a tyrant saith he is also a coward for an instance of which after he had cited sundrie cruelties of Alphonso the father and Ferdinando the sonne kings of Aragon and vsurpers of Naples he sheweth that vpon the approach of the French king Charles the eight to Naples they both departed the realme in such haste that manie of their souldiers lept out of the windowes hauing not seene the enimy Alphonso beleeuing that all thinges tooke part against him in fauour of the French king and that the moouing of the leaues of trees sounded in the behalfe of Charles as a watchword of partie France France Ferdinando his sonne after Charles had taken his pleasure in the kingdome and was departed towards France leauing for his viceroy the Duke Monpensier returned and hauing alied himselfe with the Venetians and the Marquise of Mantua who could not digest the greatnes and neighborhood of the French nation he fell to ill arts for recouerie of that kingdome he lost by cowardice This disgrace he recompenced with a greater tending to his perpetuall infamie For after the French had cleared all parts from apparant hostilitie they were notwithstanding conquered by diseases gotten by eating the flesh of dead meÌ„ which Ferdinando had procured to be sold them for Tunny the vse of which corrupting the liuer by extreame moisture and matter of too neere qualitie brought forth most foule vlcers with other paines of which many miserably died leauing for Trophees of their victories their countrie name to the disease This is fearefully described by Guicciardin in respect the disease was infectiue and then incurable and as sincerely laide downe by Giouanni Fioreuanti a Philosopher of that time who beholding the deformitie of that sicknesse and hearing of their new diet indeuoured to finde the reason by the effects He kept for that he would not be deceiued in the diuersitie of kinds a tame Pie and a Dog so long without meate that the one refused not to eate the flesh of another Pie and the Dogge to feed of an other Dog by meane whereof the Pie within few dayes lost her fethers and the Dog his haire both hauing most filthy soares breaking forth in sundrie parts of their bodies The want of victuall being accessarie to this calamitie draue the French to accept no lesse dishonorable conditions for their departure than their disease was horrible the most part of them dying in their returne Some reply that if that contagion were as Fioreuanti coniectured the Canibals would haue the like which obiection proueth no lesse then is affirmed no people being more subiect thereto then they that are within that tract in which as in the scorpion there is his sting to kill and his oyle to cure is found the wood Guaicum a most present remedie for that disease This practise hath deepely touched the renowne of this Nation which being in the highest degree of socery hath for the ineuitable daunger hapening by the abuse of things naturall bene alwayes seuerely punished both by diuine and humaine lawes I am therefore perswaded that of all villanies it is the greatest and most worthy of chastisement As for that which is named Magia infamis or what else may be concluded by imprâ—cation or incantation or any other thing meeting with the shrewdnesse of our nature it is not to be esteemed but this onely is to be feared which being receiued for food entereth the vaines and entrals either inflaming vnlawful lust or abating the power of generation to cut off discents or presently killing or breeding diseases worse then death and more to be regarded at this instant in which they striue who shal be and not who shall raigne then in that age in which neither their malice or power had taken so deepe roote as at this time To returne from whence I digressed the Archbishop of Treues withstaÌ„ding the election of the emperor Charls the fift whose greatnesse was extolled by Maience in respect of his new kingdome of Spaine affirmed that the Spaniards seldome aford them selues in field without the aide of straungers a report very sclaunderous to chiualry for which though they be often well backt as they were at Naueret by the Lords of France they deserue no souldiers crowne or garland This cowardise at Nauaret where they had 60000. of their owne people was after obiected against them by Monsieur du Lignac in a consultatioÌ„ of warre amongst the French men that serued king Iohn of Castill sonne to Henry the bastard against the Duke of Lancaster It hath bin also remembred by Frossard against whom Monsieur du Lignac they can take no exception He first citeth the wordes of one Hartesel an English man at Iuberothe to the king of Portingall whom he told that the Spaniards were flying calues without wings bearing banners wauing with the winde lastly sheweth his owne opinion of them as followeth At the first incounter saith Frossard they are fierce if they haue aduantage high minded they fight well on horseback but as soone as they haue cast two or three dartes and giuen a stroke with the sworde and see that their enemies be not discomfited they turne their horses and fly This far Frossard woh in other places doth altogether discommend their footmen as such that are vtterly vnprofitable for battell The like report in a maner Florus maketh sauing that he speaketh somewhat more reuereÌ„tly of the NumaÌ„tines Portingals Celtiberians froÌ„ whoÌ„ Marcus Porcius Cato and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus conquered seuen hundred of their walled townes in fewe yeares as Plutarche Strabo and Polybius witnesse The great antiquarie and historian Antonio di Gueuarra in his epistle to Don Alphonso of Fonseca bishop of Burgos affirmeth that the Mores in eight moneths conquered Spaine to the rocke Horadada and that the Spaniards were eight hundred years before they recouered that losse during which time we must not thinke that the Negros sent for women out of Aphrick or that the Spaniards were in those dayes very martiall By comparing these numbers I find them no lesse vnable to defend then to recouer a thing lost so there be an election of seasons and a prouision of other necessaries which is to be regarded by our nation as well for that we being brought vp in a more temperat and colder clime then Spaine haue our naturall moisture easilie exhausted by the heat of that country opening our poets in the sommer by which that quicke and subtill ayre named Serena entreth the vitall parts and sleyeth the bodie as also for that we being not accustomed to their strong wines and hauing no other waters to mingle with them then snow broth descending in the spring from the hilles into the riuers fall into pestilent feauers fluxes and inflammations of all the inward parts as moreouer for that after May about which time they haue their haruest nothing remaineth out of their townes vnlesse some fruites to sustaine either
Canibals onely not one in these dayes feeling the smart of either hath not more pietie or is not more simple then others Omitting for that I would draw to an end their cruelties which haue no ende as their hunting the Indians with dogs and other like villanies hauing spoken before of men offending against their owne persons the subiect the Magistrate and the Superior the inferior The next is of confounding societie amongst priuate persons of one Nation for which I wil cite one example as it was reported to me at Venice 1569. by a Gentleman of the house of Mantua of great credite His other additions I passe with silence least he yet liue and may thereby be in daunger of the bugges of Millan his neighbors The manner thereof was as he said in this sort One of these monsters meeting his enimie vnarmed threatned to kill him if he denied not God his power and essentiall properties vz. his mercy sufferance c. the which when the other desiring life pronounced with great horror kneeling vpon his knees the Brano cried out nowe will I kill thy bodie and soule and at that instant thrust him through with his Rapier The last part of confusion is left to their confounding the societie of Nations belonging also to ciuill societie maintained by Ambassadors entercourse of trafficke iustice ministred strangers open denouncing of warre and mercie to the vanquished As for the first though it hath beene in vse to beare with whatsoeuer an Ambassador not exceeding his commission or an Herault wearing the Cote-armor of his Prince deliuered as the French king Charles the sixt suffered a proud defiance from the Duke of Geldres yet haue the Spaniards as men tied to no rule not onely murthered Ambassadors passing their countrie as Alphonso d'Aual their Lieuetnant in Lumbardy slue Caesar Fregoso and Antony Rinson sent from France towards Constantinople but also haue killed some sent to themselues as Ferdinando of Aragon who vsurped Naples murthered one Segnior Iacobo the Ambassador of Francis Duke of Millan and imprisoned others as the king of Aragon did the Archbishop of Buxdeaux sent from the Duke of Lancaster before named Neither haue they beene lesse iniurious to our marchants they hauing arrested some burnt others and stayed the goods of many without restitution vpon this pretence they had in their ships or chambers the Psalmes of Dauid or some treatise of Scripture in the vulgar the same being either the Erle of Surries sonets or some other like matter but neither were our countrie men so happie to bee afflicted for righteousnesse or the Spaniards so iust in censuring their lightnesse which should haue bin reformed at home for if the reading a Sonet or the bookes of Amadis du Gaul which they haue incresed to a great volume bâ—e death which of them are free from iudgement their chiefest Lectures consisting vnlesse in the superstitious iudicials of Astronomie in such light and vaine matter sed hinc ille lacrymae that they are of all men most contemptible if they loose the counterfait of holinesse To seeme good and be so is hard but to be euill and seeme good is easie and the onely thing that hath made them great To seize therefore on the foxes case it was requisite to name him a horned beast entring the lyons denne which rule maketh much for their oppression of all nations by stealth Neither is this name Lutheran vnprofitable for them they meaning to ouerthrow thereby this position Contra hostes non est nisi legitimè dimicandum which partly is by deuouring warre to them whom they inuade and to draw vs either as heretickes or traitors to their persons into a degree higher then those that are tearmed hostes But how that may be I see not the one being in question and the other vntrue vnlesse the regard of neighborhood be an offence which Abraham with the testimonie of a good conscience vsed But grant we were worthily excluded the priuiledges of armes for not being of that church we thanke God they are of What moued them to pretend an indefesible peace by meane of no lesse State than Philip the Archduke of Austria with Levvis the twelfth named for his piety the father of his countrie and being as they tearme their friends buenos Catholicos they surprising at that time the kingdome of Naples surely no other thing then which caused the Duke of Parma to entertaine her Maiesties Ambassadors with a long parle till their great Armado was vpon our coast These things are inexcusable and therefore I am of this minde that if they had that bell named Martinella which the ancient Florentines rong one moneth continually before they entered into any warre they would say they could not make her sound for want of a rope Their want of compassion towards the vanquished is of one scantling with their iniustice to straungers to whom the lawe of Nations hath alwayes had speciall regard The lawes permit to take armes against enimies but to spoile them who haue submitted their liues to vs is ignoble and farre from the generositie of our elders Some obiect for their cruelty the slaughter of the French prisoners at Iuberoth wherein I shew my opinion they had double wrong first for that they were Portingals that did that deede a Nation for this eight hundred yeares distinct froÌ„ Spaine Secondly if they had bin Spaniards they had bin without blame hauing to do with a new enimie that was fresh and thrise their number I therefore omit this and Francis the French king complaining in Guicciardin of his entertainement in Spaine and wil for their acts done put the reader in mind of their gratious behauiour before recited towards the simple Indians and for their purpose to doe shewe him the intention of the Marquise of Guasto It is in controuersie whether a Christian taking a Christian in battell may giue his armes so is it determined hee may not simply detaine his prisoner paying his ransome much lesse oppresse him being yeelded the Marquise notwistanding these rules encountering Francis of Bourbon Earle of Anguien at Sirrizolles entended had he gotten the victorie to send all the frenchmen in chaines to the gallies a most cruell thought considering the noblenes of the French Nation and his owne profession of knighthood Thus much of their confounding things diuine naturall ciuill and forren the same appertaining to one of the significations of Tubal now remaineth to say somewhat of the other and last signification which is Ignomy This may be named a reproch or blot belonging to the foulenesse of any act before done a description not disagreing with the French prouerbe Orguiell cheuauche deuant honte vene apres That Ignomy followeth our vices as shadowes our bodies though it needeth no proofe experience teaching no lesse yet not to leaue men to coniectures behold a position made by Philip de Comines Lord of Argentai whose singular honestie and valure sufficed to giue his sentences
so called by the Mores who about nine hundred yeares past tooke footing in that kingdome and since ouerflowed Spaine About eight hundred years past another company of Mores possessed that part which they named Granado of a citie they built The next are the Vandals a people of the North calling that part after their name Vandaluzia which by loosing the first letter and corruption of speach is called Andaluzia as Arrogona hath T being before Terracona But here I must not forget a report of their own touching the etimologie of Andaluzia which is that the Mores landing in Spaine demanded a pesant driuing an asse the name of that prouince but he vnderstanding them not spake to his asse Anda luzia which is go luzia according to which the Mores named that country but to returne Of these is a like quintessence drawne as Alexander drank out of the hoofe of an horse for what vicesoeuer hath bin peculiar to any of them besides those they had in cōmon is now proper to them all As I sayd before that a simple is more perfect then a compound so affirme I that those beasts which are engendred of sundrie kinds are most cruell If a lion match with a Parde there remaineth in the issue some generositie of the parent but if the Leopard couple him self with a Tiger nothing is to be looked for in their broode but a barbarous fiercenesse The naturall Spaniard being as a simple is of a confuse and beastly conceipt of diet miserable and furious nourished to increase those humours in scarsitie but mixed with the Gothes and Vandals giuen to the euery and drunkennes mingled with the Mores cruell and full of trecherie and consequently tasting of euerie one a spring of all filthinesse The Italian hath this prouerbe that a thing begun is halfe ended and experience teacheth that after the sunne hath climed the Meridian he declineth All things haue their infancie riper yeares decrepitage and are subiect to alteration yet passe not with like celeritie to their period The Spaniards began to be of some reputation but in the time of Ferdinando and Isabella who vnited Aragon and Castilia before which they were either subiect to the Carthaginians Romans or some other nation or els so deuided into small kingdomes that they were of no force It is therefore no maruell that Antonio di Gueuara in regard of their weaknes and want of valiant personages cited in his epistle to Don Ian di Padillia a Captaine of the rebels in Spain one Cid Fernan Gonsalis the knight Tiran and in his epistle to Sir Antoni of Cuniga prior of S. Iohn named Viriato a Spaniard he being a naturall Portingall whom the Spaniard aboue all men hateth as Comines maintaineth vnlesse it be to rob him of his honor and dignitie In the time then of Ferdinando after the rapine of the kingdomes of Naples Sicilia and Nauarre were they first esteemed neither would their fortunes haue had longer life then his age had they not ben after houed vnder the wings of the eagle during which time they increased their empire with Milan and caught some heat of the Lion In their prosperity they are of the nature of gourds which ouerlooke those things by which they clime England hath yelded them the greatest countenance besides their comoditie of sheepe the King hauing for the duties of wool 30 quentos the lower contries the greatest reuenues and these two are they at which they haue first leuelled They esteme the kingdoms of Castill and Aragon to be the cheifest of their Diadem yet do the commodities of Belgia contrepois more then the weight of both the due of the prouinces being seuen hundred quentos the kingdom of Castill but foure hundred and fifty and of Aragon Catalonia but one hundred and fifty wherby it should seeme that before they had rauened Malorques Nauar Milan Sicilia and Naples that their proper right notwithstanding their mine of Guadalcanal was of no great accompt the kingdom of Naples yelding three hundred and fifty quentos and the state of Milan three hundred quentos or after the opinion of Philip de Comines six hundred and fifty thousand Duckets which cometh neere to one reckning exceeding the rest of their aunciēt Domains of Spaine I speake nothing of the States of Parma and Florence for that since their match with the house of Austria they yealded the Spaniards but the lone of some citadells Yet was the surprising of Piazenza by the Emperors lieutenāt of Lūbardy treacherous cruel the Emperors answer framed by a Spanish frier Iacobin his confessor to the Bishop of Phano the Popes nuncio who solicited the restitution thereof no lesse cautelous and dishonerable vz. that in a doubtfull or obscure title the condition of the possessor is to be preferred before the other Lo here diuinity fit for Spaine and martial pollicie of Ferdinando Gonzaga But most infamous was their attempt towardes their general lieutenāt of Belgia who had deserued better of their nation which hath bene often fatall to his house but so vse they to make happy their frends It should seeme the king of Spaine exceedeth in greatnes and reuenues the mightiest kings in Europe but remember with all that vertue vnited is stronger and being dispearsed weaker and that also many things fall betwene the vpper lippe and the cuppe That garment therefore in my conceit is most comely that is of one cloth and most strong that is least peeced How then their robe will hang together I may gesse what the euent of all will be the wiser may foresee I alledged that as all things had their risings so had they also their fall though not after one motion I gather therby and the former circumstances that the empire of Spaine declineth but my chiefest ground is that nothing which is vehement is durable To deuine of those things which are in the secret purpose of God is impietie but to vse coniectures against coniectures answereth the iniustice of their ambition no man taking hurt but by meane of him selfe I could vse an incident for this which though it may seeme of small weight yet may it haue his misterie with his act who being of base condition placed himself with out any perturbation of minde in the royall seat of Alexander which the Caldeans prognosticated to portend the death of Alexander The actors were that Bergamasco for his phantastick humors named Monarcho and two of the Spanish embassadors retinue who being about foure and twentie yeares past in Paules church in London contended who was soueraigne of the world the Monarcho maintained him self to be he and named their king to be but his viceroy for Spain the other two with great fury denying it At which my self and some of good account now dead wondred in respect of the subiect they handled and that want of iudgment we looked not for in the Spaniards Yet this moreouer we noted that notwithstanding the weight of their