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A88696 VindiciƦ contra tyrannos: a defence of liberty against tyrants. Or, of the lawfull power of the prince over the people, and of the people over the prince. Being a treatise written in Latin and French by Junius Brutus, and translated out of both into English. Questions discussed in this treatise. I. Whether subjects are bound, and ought to obey princes, if they command that which is against the law of God. II. Whether it be lawfull to resist a prince which doth infringe the law of God, or ruine the Church, by whom, how, and how farre it is lawfull. III. Whether it be lawfull to resist a prince which doth oppresse or ruine a publique state, and how farre such resistance may be extended, by whome, how, and by what right, or law it is permitted. IV. Whether neighbour princes or states may be, or are bound by law, to give succours to the subjects of other princes, afflicted to the cause of true religion, or oppressed by manifest tyranny.; Vindiciae contra tyrannos. English Languet, Hubert, 1518-1581.; Walker, William, 17th cent. 1648 (1648) Wing L415; Thomason E430_2; ESTC R34504 141,416 156

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to their off-springs and that in some Kingdoms and Countries the right of free election seems in a sort buried yet notwithstanding in all well ordered Kingdoms this custome is yet remaining the sons do not succeed the fathers before the people first have as it were a new established them by their new approbation neither were they acknowledged in qual●ity as inheriting it from the dead but approved and accounted Kings then only when they were invested with the Kingdom by receiving the Scepter and Diadem from the hands of those who represent the Majesty of the people One may see most evident marks of this in Christian Kingdoms which are at this day esteemed heriditary for the French King he of Spaine and England and others are commonly sacred and as it were put into posession of their authority by the Peeres Lords of the Kingdom and Officers of the Crowne which represent the body of the people no more nor lesse then the Emperours of Germany are chosen by the Electors and the Kings of Polonia by the yavvodes and Pallatines of the Kingdom where the right of Election is yet in force In like manner also the Cities give no royall reception nor entries unto the King but also their inauguration and anciently they used not to count the times of their reign but from the day of their coronation the which was strictly observed in France But least the continued course of some successions should deceive us we must take notice that the estates of the Kingdoms have often preferred the cosen before the sonne the younger brother before the Elder as in France Lewis was preferred before his brother Robert Earle of Eureux Annalos Gill●j in like manner Henry before Robert nephew to Cap●t Nay which is more by authority of the people in the same Kingdom the Crown hath bin transported the lawfull inheritors living from one linage to another as from that of Meroue to that of the Charlemaint and from that of the Charlemains to tha● of the Capets the which hath also beene done in other Kingdoms as the best Historians testify But not to wander from France the long continuance and power of which Kingdom may in some sort plead for a ruling authority and where succession seems to have obtained most ●●putation We read that Pharamond was chosen in the year 419 Pepin in the year 751. Charles the Great and Carleman the sonne of Pepin in the yeare 768 without having any respect to their Fathers former estate Carleman dying in the yeare 772. his portion fell not presently into the posession of his brother Charles the great as it ordinarily happens in the succession of inheritances but by the Ordinance of the people and the estates of the Kingdom he is invested with it the same authour witnesseth that in the yeare 812 Lewis the Courteous although he were the sonne of Charles the great was also elected and in the Testament of Charlimane inserted into the history written by Nanclere Charlemane doth intreate the people to chuse by a geuerall assembly of the Estates of the Kingdom which of his Grand-children or Nephews the people pleased and commaunding the Vncles to observe and obey the Ordinance of the people by meanes whereof Charles the bald nephew to Lewis the courtious and Iudith doth declare himself to be chosen King as Aimonius the French historian recites To conclude in a word all Kings at the first were altogeather elected and those which at this day seeme to have their Crown and Royall authority by inheritance have or should have first and principally their confirmation from the people Briefly although the people of some Countries have been accustomed to chuse their Kings of such a linage which for some notable merrits have worthily deserved i● yet we must believe that they chuse the stock it self and not every branch that proceeds from it neither are they so tied to that election as if the successour degenerate they may not chuse another more worthy neither those which come and are the next of that stock are borne Kings but created such nor called Kings but Princes of the bloud royall The whole body of the people is above the King Now seeing that the people chuse and establish their Kings it followeth that the whole body of the people is above the King for it is a thing most evident that he which is established by another is accounted under him that hath established him he which receives his authority from an other is lesse then he from whom he denies his power Potiphar the Egyptian setteth Ioseph over all his House Nebuchadoezzar Danniel over the Province of Babylon Darius the sixscore governors over the kingdom It is cōmonly said that Mrs. establish their servants Kings their officers In like manner also the people establish the King as administrator of the Cōmon-wealth G●od kings have not disdained this title yea he had ones themselvs have affected it insomuch as for the space of divers Ages no Roman Emperor if it were not some absolute tyrant as Nero Domitian Caligula would suffer himself to be called Lord Furthermore it must necessarily be that Kings were instituted for the peoples sake neither can it be that for the pleasure of some hundred of men and without doubt more foolish and worse then many of the other all the rest were made but much rather that th●se hundred were made for the us● and service of all the other And reason requires that he be preferred above the other who was made only to and for his occasion so it is that for the ships sa●e the owner appoints a pylot over her who sits at the he●m and looks that she keeps her course nor run nor upon any dangerous sheilf the pylot doing his duty is obeyed by the Mariners yea of him himself that is owner of the vessel notwithstanding the p●lot is a servant as well as the least in the ship from whom he only differs in this that he servs in better place then they do In a Common-wea●th common●y compared to a ship the King holds the p●nce of pylot the people in general are owners of the vessel obeying the pylot whilest he is ●a●e●ull of the publique good a●though this pylot neither is nor ought to be esteemed other then servant to the publique as a Judge or General in war differs little from other officers but that he is bound to bear greater burdens expose himse●f to more dangers By the same reason also which t●e King gains by acquist of arms be 〈…〉 possesseth himself of Frontier places in warring on the enemy or that which he gets b● esch●ats or consistations he gets it to the Kingdom not to himself to wit to the people of whom the Kingdom is composed no more nor less then the servane doth for his master neither may one contract or ob●iege themse●vs to him but by with reference to the authority derived from the people Furthermore there is an infinite sort of people
recover or conquer any thing with the Arms means of the publick it shall be gained to the Empire and not to himself Wherfore when Charles the 4th promised each of the Electors an hundred thousand Crowns to choose his Son Wencislaus Emperor and having not ready money to deliver them he morgaged Customs Taxes Tributes and certain Towns unto them L. 1. passim c. de con re alien naucler in Chron. which were the proper appurtenances of the Empire whereon followed much and vehement contestation most men holding this ingagement void And questionlesse it had been so declared but for the profit that those reaped thereby which ought principally to have maintained and held intire the rights and dignities of the Empire And it followed also that Wencislaus was justly held uncapable of the government of the Empire chiefly because he suffered the rights of the Empire over the Duchy of Millen to bewrested from him There is a Law very ancient in the Kingdom of Polonia which prohibits the alienating of any of the Kingdoms Lands the which also C intellecto de jure jurando in Decretal Polidor Virgil. In cod His part 5. 1. 5. constis 9. was renewed by King Lewis in the yeer 1375. In Hungary in anno 1221. there was a complaint made to Pope Honorius that King Andrew had ingaged the Crown Lands contrary to his oath In England was the same by the Law of King Edw in the yeer 1298. Likewise in Spaine by the Ordinance made under Alphonsus and renewed in the yeer 1560. in the Assemblie of the Estates at Toledo These Laws were then ratified although long time before Custome had obtained the vigor and effect of Law Now for the Kingdom of France whereto I longer confine my self because she may in a sort passe as a pattern to the rest this right hath ever remained there inviolable It is one of the most ancient Laws of the Kingdom and a right born with the Kingdom it self that the Demain may not be alienated the which Law in anno 1566. although but ill observed was renewed There is onely 2. cases excepted the portions or Apennages of the children and brothers of the King yet with this reservation that the right of Vassallage remains Papon Arestor l. 5. ●● 10. Act. 4. alwayes to the Crown in like manner if the condition of War require necessarily an alienation yet it must be ever with power of redemption Anciently neither the one nor the other were of validitie but by the commandment of the States at this day since the Parliament hath been made sedentarie the Parliament of Paris which is the Sect 5. 11. 16. legis regiae 1566. Court of the Peers and the Chamber of Accounts and of the Treasurie must first approve it as the Edicts of Charles the sixt and ninth do testifie This is a thing so certain that if the ancient Kings themselves would endow a Church although that was a work much favoured in those dayes they were notwithstanding bound to have an allowance of the Estates witnes King Childebert who might not endow the Abbey of St. Vincent at Paris before he had the French and Newstrafians consent Clovis the 2d and other Kings have observed the same They Aimonius l. 4. cha 41 c. might neither remit the regalities by granting infranchisements nor the nomination of Prelates to any Church And if any of them have done it as Lewis 11. Philip 4. and Philip surnamed Augustus did in favour of the Churches of Senis Auxera and Nevers the Parliament hath L. peto 69 Sect praedium D. de leg 2. An. 1329. 1360. 1374. 1401. 1583. declared it void When the King is anointed at Reims he swears to observe this Law and if he infringe it that Act hath as much validitie with it as if he contracted to sell the Empires of the great Turk or Sophie of Pe●sia From this spring the Constitutions or Ordinances of Philip 6. of John 2d of Charles 5th 6th and 8th by which they revoke all alienations made by their Predecessors In the Assemblie of the Estates at Tours where King Charles the 8th Anno 1483. 1522. 1531. 1549 1560. by divers Decrees of the Court of Parliament was in person divers alienations made by Lewis 11. were repealed and annihilated and there was taken away from the Heirs of Tancred of Chastel his great Minnion divers places which he had given him by his proper Authoritie This was finally ratified in the last Assemblie of the Estates held at Orleans Thus much concerning the Kingdoms Demean But to the end that we may yet more clearly perceive that the Kingdom is preferred before the King and that he cannot by his own proper Authority diminish the Majestie he hath received from the people nor infranchise or release from his Dominion any one of his Subjects nor quit or relinquish the Soveraigntie of ●he least part of his Kingdom Charlemayn in former times endeavoured to subject the Kingdom Paulus Aemilius lib 3. of France to the German Empire the which the French did couragiously oppose by the mouth of a Prince of Glasconnie and it Charlemayn had proceeded in that businesse it had come to the triall of the Sword In like manner when any portion of the Kingdom was granted Anno 1195. 1●60 1269. 2297. 1303. 1325. 1330. Anno 1360. to the English the soveraigntie was almost alwayes reserved And if sometimes they obtain'd it by force as at the Treatie of Bretignie by the which king John quitted the Soveraignty of Glasconnie and Poyton that agreement was not kept neither was he more bound to do it then a Tutor or Guardian is being prisoner as he was then which for his own deliverance should ingage the estate of his Pupils By the power Anno 1465. of the same Law the Parliament of Paris made void the Treatie of Confl●us by the which Duke Charles of Burgundie had drawn from the king A●niens and other Towns of Picardie In our dayes the same Parliament declared void the Agreement made at Madrid between Anno 1525. Francis the 1. then prisoner and Charles the 5. concerning the Duchie A●●● 1420. M ●u●●●let chap. 225. of Bu●gundie But the donation made by Charles the 6. unto H●n king of England of the kingdom of France after his decease is a sufficient testimony for this matter and of his madnes if there had been no other proof But to leave off producing any further testimonies examples or reasons by what right can the King give or sell away the kingdom or any part of it seeing it consisteth of people and not of earth or L. liber homo 10● D. de ver obl● liem●t● 34 ●●ct ● D. de co●te ●mp l●●e●●●lt C de op●r libert walls and of Free men there can be made no sale nor traffick yea and the Patrons themselves cannot compell the infranchisde servants to make their habitations in other places then themselves
discover'd or delivered not the delinquents into the hand of the Magistrate If he were negligent in performing this duty for the first mulct he was to receive a certaine number of blowes on his body and to fast for 3. dayes together If the neighbour be so firmely oblig'd in this mutuall duty of succour to his neighbour yea to an unknowne person in case hee be assail'd by thieves shall it not be lawfull for a good Prince to assist not slaves to an imperious Master or children against a furious Father but a Kingdome against a Tyrant the Common-wealth against the private spleene of one the people who are indeed the true owners of the State ●●ainst a ministring servant to the publique And if he c●●elesly or wil●ully omit this duty deserves he no● himselfe to be esteem'd a Tyrant and punished accordingly as well as the other a sobber which neglected to assist his neighbour in that danger Theucidides Theucid lib. 1. upon this matter saies that those are not only Tyrants which make other men slaves but much more those who having meanes to suppresse and prevent such oppression take no care to performe it And amongst others those which assumed the title of Protectors of Greece and defenders of the Countrey and yet sti●re not to deliver their Countrey from oppression of strangers and truly indeed For a Tyrant i● in some sort compeld to hold a straight and tyrannous hand over those who by violence and tyranny he hath constrain'd to obey him because as Tiberius said he holds the Wolfe by the eares whom he can neither hold without paine and force nor let goe without danger death To the end then that he may blot out oue sin with another sinne he files up one wickednesse to another and is forced to do injuries to others lest hee should prove by remisnesse injurious to himselfe But the Prince which with a negligent and idle regard lookes on the outragiousnesse of a Tyrant and the massacring of Innocente that he might have preserved like the barbarous spectacles of the Roman sword-playes is so much more guilty than the Tyrant himselfe by how much the cruel and homicidious directers and appointers of these bloody sports were more justly punishable by all good laws than the poore and constrain'd actors in those murthering tragedies and as he questionlesse deserves greater punishment which out of insolent jollity murthers one than hee which unwillingly for feare of a further harme kills a man If any object that it is against reason and good order to meddle in the affaires of another I answer with the olde man in Terrence I am a man and I believe that all duties of humanity are fit and convenient for me If others seeking to cover their base negligence and carelesse unwillingnesse Pompon de reg ju● l●g 36. alledg that bounds and jurisdictions are distingnisht one from another and that it is not lawfull to thrust ones sickle into anothers harvest Neither am I also of that opinion that upon any such colour or pretence it is lawfull for a Prince to encroach upon anothers jurisdiction or right or uppon that occasion to usurp anothers countrey and so carry another mans corne into his b●rne as divers have taken such shadowes to maeke their bad intentions I will not I say that after the manner of those arbitrators which Cicero Ciccr. 2. offic speaks of thou adjudge the things in controversie to thy selfe But I require that you represse the Prince that invades the kingdome of Christ that you containe the Tyrant within his owne limits that you stretch forth your hand of compassion to the people afflicted that you raise up the Common-wealth lying groveling on the ground and that you so carry your selfe in the ordering a●d managing of this that all men may see your principall aime and end was the publique benefit of humane society and not any private profit or advantage of your owne For seeing that justice respects only the publique and that which is without and injustice fixes a man wholly on himselfe it doubtlesse becomes a man truly honest so to dispose his actions that ever private interests give place and yield to publique commoditie Briefly to epitomize what hath bin formerly said if a Prince outragiously over-pass the bounds of piety justice A neighbor Prince may justly and religiously leave his owne Countrey not to invade and usurp anothers but to containe the other within the limits of justice and equity and if he neglect or omit his duty herein hee shewes himselfe a wicked and unworthy Magistrace If a Prince tirannize over the people a neighbour Prince ought to yield succours as freely and willingly to the people as he would doe to the Prince his Brother if the people mutined against him yea he should so much the more readi●y succour the people by how much there is more just cause of pity to see many afflicted than one alone If Porsenna brought Tarquinius Superbus backe to Rome much more justly might Constantine requested by the Senate and Roman people expell Marentius the Tyrant from Rome Briefely if man become a Wolfe to man who hinders that man according to the proverb may not be instead of God to the needy And therefore the Ancients have ranckt Hercules amongst the gods because he punisht and tam'd Procrustes Busiris and other Tyrants the plagues of man kind and monsters of the earth So whilst the Roman Empire retained her freedome she was truly accounted the safe guard of all the world against the violence of Tyrants because the Senate was the port and refuge of Kings people and Nations In like manner Constantine called by the Romans against Mixentius had God Almighty for the leader of his Army and the whole Church doth with exceeding commendations celebrate his enterprize although that Maxentius had the same authority in the West a● Constantine had in the East Also Charlemaine undertooke War against the Lombards being requested to assist the Nobility of Italy although the Kingdome of the Lombards had been of a long continuance and he had no just pretence of right over them In like manner when Charles the bald King of France had tyrannously put to cleath the Governour of the Country between the River of Seynt and Loyre with the Duke Lambert and another Noble-man cald Jametius and that other great men of the Kingdome were retired unto Lewis King of Germany brother but by another mo●her unto Charles to request aid against him and his mother called Juclith one of the most pernitious women of the world Lewis gare them audience in a full Assembly of the German Princ●s by whose joynt advice it was decreed that Warres should be made against Charles for the re-establishing in their goods honours and estates those whom he had unjustly dispossest Finally as there hath ever been Tyrants disperst here and there so also all histories testifie that there hath been neighbouring Princes to oppose tyranny and maintain the people in their right The Princes of these times by imitating so worthy examples should suppresse the Tyrants both of bodies and soules and restraine the oppressors both of the Common-wealth and of the Church of Christ otherwise they themselves may most deservedly be branded with that infamous title of Tyrant And to conclude this discourse in a word piety command● that the Law and Church of God be maintain'd Justice requires that Tyrants and destroyers of the Common-wealth be compel'd to reason Charity challenges the right of relieving and restoring the oppressed Those that make no account of these things doe as much as in them lies to drive pietie justice and charity out of this world that they may never more be heard of FINIS
a contrary opinion In those times all men acknowledged the Pope for Gods Vicar on earth and head of the universal Church Insomuch that as it is said common errour went instead of a Law notwithstanding the Sorbonists being assembled and demanded made answer that the L. Parber Philip D. de Senat. King and the Kingdom might falsly without blame or danger of schisme exempt themselves from his obedience and flatly refuse that which the Pope demanded for so much as it is not the separation but the cause which makes the schisme and if there were schisme it should be only in separating from Boniface and not from the Church nor from the Pope and that there was no danger nor offence in so remaining untill some honest man were chosen Pope Every one knowes into what perplexities the consciences of a whole Kingdom would fall which held themselves separated from the Church if this distinction be not true I would demand now if it be not yet more lawfull to make use of this distinction when a King invades and incroacheth on the jurisdiction of God and oppresseth with hand servitude the scales dearly bought with the pretious blood of Jesus Christ Let us adde another example In the year of our Lord 2408. when Pope Benedict the 13. did oppose the French Church by tributes and exactions the Clergy assembled by the Command of King Charles the 6. decreed that the King and Inhabitants Annales of France monstrelet of the Kingdom ought not to obey Benedict which was an Heritick a schismatick and altogether unworthy of that dignity the which the Estates of the Kingdom approved and the Parliament of Paris confirmed by a decree The same Clergy also ordained that those which had been excommunicated by that Pope as forsakers and enemies of the Church should be presently absolved nullifying all such excommunications and this hath been practised not in France onely but in other places also as Histories do credibly report The which gives us just occasio●●ost perspicuously to see and know that if he which holds the place of a Prince do govern ill there may be a separation from him without incurring justly the blame of revolt for that they are things in themselves directly contrary to leave a bad Pope and forsake the Church a wicked King and the Kingdom To returne to those of Lobna they seeme to have followed 2 Kings 19. 8. this before remembred expedient for after the reestablishment of the service of God they presently became again the subjects of King Ezekias And if ti is distinction be allowed place when a Pope incroacheth on the rights of any Prince which notwithstanding in some cases acknowledgeth him for his Soveraign Is it not much more allowable if a Prince which is a Vassall in that respect endeavours to assure and appropriate to himselfe the rights of God Let us conclude then to end this discourse that all the people by the authority of those into whose hands they have committed their Power or divers of them may and ought to Extrau de majo obed reprove and represse a Prince which Commands things against God In like manner that all or at the least the principalls of Provinces or Towns under the authority of the chiefe Magistrates established first by God and secondly by the Prince may according to Law and reason hinder the entrance of Idolatry within the inclosure of their walles and maintain their true Religion yea further they may extend the Confines of the Church which is but one and in failing hereof if they have meanes to do it they justly incur the penaltie of High-Treason against the Divine Majesty Whether private men may resist by Armes It remaines now that we speak of particulers which are private persons First particulars or private persons are not bound to take up arms gainst the Prince which would compell them to become Idolaters The L. sicut 7 5. 1. D. qu●d cujusque ●nivens Cove-nant betweene God all the people who promise to be the people of God doth not in any sort bind them to that for as that which belongs to the whole vniversall body is in no sort proper to particulars so in like manner that which the body owes and is bound to performe cannot by any sencible reason be required of particular persons neither doth their duty any thing obliege them to it for every one is bound to serve God in that proper vocation to which this called Now private persons they have no power they have no publik command nor any calling to unsheath the sword of authority And therefore as God hath not put the sword into the hands of privat men so doth he not require in any sort that they should strike with it It is said to them put up thy sword into thy scabberd On the contrary the Apostle saies of Majestrates Mat. 26 52. Rom. 13. 4. they carry not the sword in vaine If particuler men draw it forth they make themselves Delinquents If Majestrates be slow and negligent to use it when just occasion is offered they are likewise justly blameable of negligence in performing their duties and equally guilty with the former But you will say unto me hath not God made a Covenant as well with particular persons as with the generality with the least as well as the higest To what purpose was Circumcision and Baptisme ordained What meaneth that frequent repetition of the Covenant in so many passages of holy writ All this is true but the consideration hereof is divers in their severall kinds For as all the subjects of a good and faithfull Prince of what degree soever they be are bound to obey him but some of them notwithstanding have their particuler duty as Magestrates must hold others in obedience in like manner all men are bound to serve God bnt some as they are placed in a higher rancke have received greater authority in so much as they are accountable for the offences of others if they attend not the charges of the Communalty carefully The Kings the Communalties of people the Majestrates into whose hands the whole body of the Common-wealth hath committed the sword of authority must and onght to take care that the Church be maintained and preserved particulars ought only to looke that they render themselves members of this Church Kings and popular Estates are bound to hinder the pollution or ruine of the Temple of God ought to free and defend it from all corruption within and all injury from without Private men must take order that their bodies the Temples of of God be pure that they may be fit recptacles for the Holy-ghoast to dwell in them If any man defile the Temple of God saith the Apostle him 1 Cor. 3. 17. 6. 19. shall God destroy for the Temple of God is holy which Temple ye are to the former he gives the sword which they beare with authority to the other he recommends the sword of the
house-hold breakes his staffe of office and sayes Our Master is dead let every one provide for himselfe On the other side the kingdom hath her officers to wit the Mayor of the Palace which since hath been called the Constable the Marshals the Admirall the Chancellour or great Referendary the Secretaries the Treasurers and others which heretofore were created in the Assembly of the three Estates the Clergy the Nobility and the People Since that the Parliament of Paris was made Sedentary they are not thought to be established in their places before they have beene first received and approved by that course of Parliament and may not be dismissed nor deposed but by the authority and consent of the same Now all these officers take their oath to the Kingdome which is as much as to say to the people in the first place then to the King which is protector of he Kingdome the which appears by the tenour of the oath Above all the Constable who receiving the Sword from the King hath it girded unto him with this charge That he maintain and defend the Common-wealth as appears by the words that the King then pronounceth Besides the kingdome of France hath the Peers so called either for S. Filius fam instit quib mod jus patriae pot solvitur that they are the Kings companions or because they are the Fathers of the Common-wealth taking their denominations from the severall Provinces of the kingdome in whose hands the King at his inauguration takes his oath as if all the people of the kingdome were in them present which shews that these twelve Peers are above the King They on the other side swear That they will preserve not the King but the Crown that they will assist the Common-wealth with their councell and therefore will be present with their best abilities to councell the Prince both in peace and war as appears plainly in the Paitentee of their Peership And they therefore have the same right as the Peers of the Court Renatus ch●pinus ' lib. 3. which according to the Law of the Lumbards were not only associates to the Lord of the Fee in the judgment of cau●es but also did take an ●ccount and judge the differences that happenod between the Lord and his vassall We may also know that those Peers of France did often discusse suits and differences between the King and his Subjects Insomuch that when Charles the 6. would have given sentence against the Duke of Brittain they opposed it alleadging that the discussing of that businesse belonged properly to the Peers and not to the king who might not in any 〈◊〉 derogate from their authority Therefore it is that yet at this day the Parliament of Paris is called the Court of Peers being in some sort constituted Judge between the king and the people yea between the king and every private person and is bound and ought to maintain the meanest in the kingdome against the kings Attorney if he undertake any thing contrary to law Furthermore if the king ordain any thing in his Councell if he treat any agreement with the Princes his neighbours if he begin a Warre or make peace as lately with Charles the 5. the Emperour the Parliament ought to interpose their authority and all that which concerns the publike State must be there inregistred neither is there any thing firm and stable which the Parliament doth not first approve And to the end that the Councellours of that Parliament should not fear the king formerly they attained not to that place but by the nomination of the whole body of the Court neither could they be dismissed for any lawfull cause but by the authority of the said Body Furthermore if the Letters of the King be not subsigned by a Secretary of the Kingdom at this day called a Secretary of State and if the Letters Pattents be not sealed by the Chancellour who hath power also to cancell them they are of no force or value There is also Dukes Marquesses Earls Vicounts Barons Seneschabs and in the cities and good towns Mayors Baylistes Lieutenants Capitols Consuls Sindiques Sheriffs and others which have speciall authority through the Circuit of some countries or towns to preserve the people of their jurisdiction Time it is that at this day some of these dignities ere become hereditary Thus much concerning the ordinary Magistrates The Assembly of the three Estates Besides all this anciently every yeer and since lesse often to wit when some urgent necessity required it the generall or three Estates were assembled where all the Provinces and Townes of any worth to w●t the Burgesses Nobles and Ecclesiasticall persons did all of them send their Deputies and there they did publikely deliberate and conclude of that which concerned the publike state Alwayes the authority of this Assembly was such that what was there determined whether it were to treat peace or make war or create a Regent in the Kingdom or impose some new tribute it was ever held firm and inviolable nay which is more by the authority of this Assembly the Kings convinced of loose intemporancy or of insufficiency for so great a charge or tyranny were disthronized yes their whole Races were for ever excluded from their succession to the Kingdome no more nor lesse as their Progenitors were by the same authority formerly called to the administration of the same Kingdome Those whom the consent and approbation of the Estates had formerly raised were by the dissent and disallowing of the same afterwards cast down Those which tracing in the vertuous steps of their Ancestors were called to that dignity as if it had been their inheritance were driven out and dis-inherited for their degenerating ingratitude for that being tainted with insupportable vices they made themselves uncapable and unworthy of such honour This shews that succession was tollerated to avoid practises close and under-hand canvasing discontents of persons refused contentions interraines and other discommodities of elections But on the other part when successiou brought other mischiefes more pernicious when tyrannie trampled on the Kingdome and when a Tyrant possessed himselfe of the Royal Throne the Medicine proving much worse then the Disease then the Estates of the Kingdome lawfully assembled in the name of all the people have ever maintained their authority whether it were to drive out a Tyrant or other unworthy King or to establish a good one in his place The ancient French had learned that of the Gauses as Caesar shewes in his Commentaries For Ambiorix King of the Eburons or Leigeons confesseth That such were the condition of the Gaulish Empire that the people lawfully assembled had no lesse power over the King then the Caes l. 5. 7. de bello Gal. lico King had over the people The which appears also in Vircingentorix who gives an account of his actions before the Assembly of the people In the kingdoms of Spain especially Aragon Valentia and Catalonia there is the very same For
gardens and patrimoniall lands are distinstuished from those of the publick the one serving for the provision of the Sultans table the other imploied onely about the Turquish affaires of State There be notwithstanding Kingdomes as the French and English and others in which the King hath no particular patrimony but onely the publick which he received from the people there this former distinction hath no place For the goods which belongs to the Prince as a quaere of what nature the ancient demeane is in England private person there is no question he is absolute owner of them as other particular persons are and may by the civill Law sell ingage or dispose of them at his pleasure But for the goods of the Kingdome which in some places are commonly called the demeanes the Kings may not be esteemed nor called in any sort whatsoever absolute Lords Proprietors of them For what if a man for the flocks sake have made thee Shepheard doth it follow L. cum servus 39. Sec vlt. D. de leg 1. l. universi 9. ● seq C de fundo patrim that thou hast libertie to flea pill sell and transport the Sheepe at thy pleasure Although the people have established thee Judge or Governour of a Citie or of some Province hast thou therefore power to alienate sell or play away that City or Province And seeing that in alienating or passing away a Province the people also are sold have they raised thee to that authority to the end thou shouldest seperate them from the rest or that thou shouldest prostitute and make them slaves to whom thou pleasest Furthermore I demand if the Royall dignity be a patrimony or an Office If it be an Office what Community hath it with any propriety If it be a Patrimony is it not such a one that at least the paramount propriety remaines still in the people which were the doners Briefly if the revenue of the Exchequer or the demeanes of the Kingdome be called the dowrie of the Common-wealth and by good right and such a dowrie whose dismembring or wasting brings with it the ruine of the publick State the Kingdom and the King by what Law shall it be lawfull to alienate this dowrie Let the Emperor Wencislaus be infatuated the French King Charles the sixt lunatick and give or sell the Kingdom or part of it to the English let Malcolme King of the Scots lavishly dissipate the demeanes and consume the publick treasure what followes for all this Those which choose the King to withstand the invasions of forrein enemies shall they through his madnesse negligence be made the slaves of strangers and those meanes wealth which would have secured them in the fruition of their own estates and fortunes Shall they by the election of such a King be exposed to the prey rapine of all commers and that which particular persons have saved from their own necessities and from those under their tutorship and government as it hapned in Scotland to indew the Common-wealth with it shall it be devoured by some Pandar or Broker for unclean pleasures But if as we have often said that Kings were constituted for the peoples use what shall that use be if it be perverted into abuse What good can so much mischiefe and inconvenience bring what profit can come of such eminent and irreparable dammages and dangers If I say in seeking to purchase my own liberty wellfare I ingage my selfe into an absolute thraldome and willingly subject my self to anothers Yoake and become a fettered slave to another mans unruly desires therefore as it is imprinted in all of us by nature so also hath it by a long custome been approved by all Nations that it is not lawfull for the King by the counsel of his own fancie and pleasure to diminish or waste the publick revenue and those which have run a contrar●e course have even lost that happy name of a King and stood b●●●●ded with the infamous title of a Tyrant I confesse that when Kings were inst●uted there was of n●cessity means to be assigned for them as well to maintain their Royall dignity as to furnish the expence of their teaine and Officers Civility and the wellfare of the publick State seeme to require it for it was the duty of a King to establish Judges in all places who should receive no presents nor sell Justice and also to have power readie to assist the execution of their Ordinances and to secure the waies from dangers that commerce might be open and free c. If there were likelihood of warrs to fortifie and put Garrisons into the frontier places and to hold an Armie in the field and to keep his Magazins well stored with munition It is commonly said that peace cannot be well maintained without provision for wars nor warrs managed without men nor men kept in discipline without pay nor mony gotten without Subsidies and Tributes To discharge therfore the burden of the State in time of Peace was the demeane appointed and in time of warrs the tributes and imposts yet so as if any extraordinary necessity required it mony might be raised by Subsidies or other fitting meanes The finall intendment of all was ever the publick utility in so much as he which converts any of these publick Revenues to his own private purposes much more he which mispends them in anyunworthy or loose occasions no way merits the name of a King for the Prince saith the Apostle is the minister of God for the good of the people and for that cause is Tribute paid unto them Rom. 13. This is the true originall cause of the customes and imposts of the Romans that those rich merchandises which were brought The same reason is recorded for all our imposts in England with which a Navy was wont to be maintained at Sea from the Indies Arabia Ethiopia might be secured in their passage by land from theeves and robbers in their transportation by Sea from Pirats insomuch as for their security the Common-wealth maintained a Navy at Sea In this rank we must put the Custome which was payd in the red Sea and other Imposts of gates bridges and passages for the securing of the great road waies therfore called the Pretorian consular and the Kings high-waies from the spoile of theeves and free-booters The care also of the reparation of bridges was referred to Commissaries deputed by the King as appeares Archi in Ca● fi qois Romi p●●●s pereg 24. q 3. B●lam c●● Sect. conventicula de pace iure iurfir l. 2. D. ne quid in loto publ viarum by the Ordinance of Lewis the Courteous concerning the 12. bridges over the River of Seyne commanding also boats to be in a readinesse to ferrie over passingers c. For the tax laid upon Salt there was none in use in those times the most of the Salt pits being injoyed by private persons because it seemed that that which nature out of her
like The which is the rather to be allowed in that Subjects are neither slaves nor intra●ch●●de servants but brothers and not onely the Kings b●ethren taken one by one but also considered in one body they ought to be e●●e●n●ed absolute Lords and owners of the Kingdom Whether the King be the usufruictuor of the Kingdom But if the King be not Lord in proprietie yet at the least we may esteeme him usufruictuor of the Kingdom and of the Demean nay truly we can allow him to have the usufruit for being usufruictuor though the proprietie remain in the people yet may he absolutely dispose of the profits and ingage them at his pleasure Now we have already proved that Kings of their own Authority cannot ingage the Revenues of the Exchequer or the Demain of the Kingdom The usufroictuor may dispose of the profits to whom how and when he pleaseth Contrarily the excessive gifts of Princes are ever judged void his unnecessary expences are not allowed his superfluous to be cut off and that which is expended by him in any other occasion but for the publick utilitie is justly esteemed to be unjustly extorted And is no lesse liable to the Law Cincea then the meanest Roman Citizen formerly was In France the Kings gifts are never of force untill the Chamber of Accounts have confirmed them From hence proceed the postils of the ordinarie Chamber in the giving up of the Accounts in the Reigns of prodig all kings Trop donne soyt repele which is excessive gifts must be recal●ed The Judges of this Chamber solemnly swear to passe nothing which may prejudice the Kingdom or the publick State notwithstanding any letters the King shall write unto them but they are not alwayes so mindfull of this oath as were to be desired Furthermore the Law takes no care how a usufruictuor possesseth and governes his revenues but contrariwise she prescribes unto the King how and to what use he shall imploy his For the ancient Kings of France were bound to divide their royall revenues into foure parts The first was imployed in the maintaining of the Ministers of the Church and providing for the poore The second for the Kings table The third for the wages of his Officers and houshold servants The last in the repairing of bridges castles and the royall Palaces And what was remaining was layd up in the treasurie to be bestowed Monstrel in Car. 6. on the necessities of the Common-wealth And Histories do at large relate the troubles and tumults which hapned about the yeer 1412 in the Assemblie of the Estates at Paris because Charles the sixt had wasted all the money that was raised of the revenues and demean in his own and his minnions loose pleasures and that the expences of the Kings houshold which before exceeded not the summe of 94000. francks did amount in that miserable estate of the Common wealth to five hundred and fourty thousand francks Now as the demeane was imploied in the before mentioned affaires so the aydes were onely for the war and the taxes assigned for the payment of the men at armes and for no other occasion In other Kingdomes the King hath no greater authority and in divers lesse especially in the Empire of Germanie and in Poland But we have made choise of the Kingdome of France to the end it be not thought this hath any speciall prerogative above others because there perhaps the common-wealth receiveth the most detriment Briefly as I have before said the name of a King signifie● not an inheritance nor a Propriety nor a usufruict but Ex concil Valem in c. 1. ●e his quae fiunt a praelat abque consenlucapit a charge office and procuration As a Bishop is chosen to look to the wellfare of the soul so is the King established to take care of the body so far forth as it concerns the publick good the one is dispensor of the heavenly treasure the other of the secular and what right the one hath in the Episcopall revenues the same hath the other and no greater in the Kingdoms demean If the Bishop alien the goods of the Bishoprick without the consent of the Chapter this alienation is of no value If the King alien the demeane without the approbation of the Estates that is also void one portion of the Eclesiasticall goods ought to be imployed in the reparation of the Churches the second in releiving of the poore the third for the maintenance of the Church-men and the fourth for the Bishop himself We have seen before that the King ought to divide into foure parts the R●venues of the Kingdoms demeane The abuse of these times cannot infringe or annihilate the right for although the most part of the Bishops steale from the poor that which they profusely cast away on their pandars and ruine and destroy their lands and woods the calling of the Bishop is not for all that altered Although that some Emperors have assumed to themselves an absolute power that cannot invest them with any further right because no man can be judge in his own cause What if some Caracalla vaunt he will not want money whilest the sword remaines in his custodie The Emperor Adrian will promise on the contrary so to discarge his office of Principalitie that he will alwaies remember that the Common-wealth is not his but the peoples which one thing almost distinguisheth a King from a Tyrant Neither can that act of A●talus King of Pergomus designing the Roman people for heires to his Kingdome nor that of Alexander for Egypt nor P●olom for the Cyrenians bequeathing their Kingdomes to the same people nor Praesutagus King of the Icenians which left his to Caesar draw any good consequence of right to those which usurpe that which by no ●ust title belongs to them nay by how much the intrusion is more violent by so much the equity justice of the cause is more perspicuous for what the Romās assumed under the colour of right they would have made no difficulty if that pretext had been wanting to have taken by force we have seen almost in our daies how the Venetians possest themselves of the Kingdom of Ciprus under pretence of an imaginarie adoption which would have proved rediculous if it had not been seconded by power and armes To which also may be not unfitly resembled the pretended donation of Constantine to Pope Silvester for that straw of the decretist Gratian was long since consumed and turned to ashes neither is of more validity the grant which Lewis the courteous made to Pope Paschal of the Citie of Rome and part of Italy because he gave that which hee possessed not no man opposed it But when his Father Volater l. Geogr 3. Charlemain would have united subjected the Kingdome of France to the Germane Empire the French did lawfully oppose it and if he had persisted in his purpose they were resolved to have hindered him and defended themselves by armes There can be to as