and good Fathers 7 The Soveraignty of the Kings of England over Scotland proved by Records p. 195 The Scots objections answered 197 Spain 's large Dominions abroad how it became united with the House of Austria 54 The Spaniard 's policy commended and admired p. 2 The Spaniard censured p. 3 The Spaniards and French compared with the Romans and Carthaginians p. 76 The designs of the Spaniard against the person and state of Queen Elizabeth p. 1 By what means his power may be diministed p. 240 241 Oftner conquered then any Nation of Europe p. 219 The twelve Kingdoms of Spain united in Ferdinand and Isabel 54 The Spanish King's Title to the Indies p. 62 His Title to the Dukedom of Milan p. 62 His Title to the Dukedom of Burgundy p. 63 By what means he preserveth his Dominions p. 63 His proceedings with the Turk p. 71 With the French King p. 73 With the Princes of Germany p. 79 With the Pope p. 80 With the Venetians and the rest of the Princes of Italy p. 81. With the Queen of England p. 82 Supposed more strong and wealthy then he really is p. 111 His Errours in Governing the Low-Countries p. 125 His League with the Guisards condemned p. 136 137 140 141 His intention to invade England proved vain and indiscreet p. 171 172 c. His light credit to the false reports of English Fugitives p. 171 183 The Tyranny and Cruelty of his Government 237 The Count of Saint Paul proclaimed Traytor by Lewis the eleventh 165 Subjects frame their lives and manners to the example of their Princes 8 Subsidies and Taxes levied by former King of England 184 185 186 Succour refus'd to divers Princes out of politique interests 96 Suchin made Vicount of Milan by Pope Benedict the twelfth 52 The Earl of Surry 's resolute answer to the Iudges 184 Switzers defrauded of a debt due from France p. 42 To what height they are grown from a low beginning 260 T TEacha Queen of Slavonia causeth a Roman Ambassadour to be slain 209 Temporal Princes to intermeddle in spiritual affairs 182 Theodorick the first of France deposed by the States of the Realm 41 Theseus his policy to augment the City of Athens 65 Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury slain by four Assassinates 179 180 Titus the delight and love of the people 5 Towns not well inhabited a main cause of penury among the Inhabitants 6 Trajan the pattern of a good Emperour 5 The Treason of the Duke of Bourbon renders him odious to a Spanish Grandee p. 139 He is proclaimed Traytor by Francis the first 165 Turain quitted by the King of England 45 The Turks aid implored by divers Christian Princes 139 The Turkish Monarchy strengthned by the divisions between France and Spain p. 2 And by the sloth and amâ—bition of Princes and States in several ages 11 12 V VAsoeus his immoderate commendations of Spain refuted 118 119 The Venetians break their League with the Spaniards upon the not delivering of Brescia 100 J. Viennensis his faâ—se relation of Scotland to Charls the sixth King of France 189 190 The Violent proceedings of the Catholique Princes against the Protestants p. 226 227 Makes their party so much the stronger 227 228 The Virgin of Orleans her proceeding in France 49 50 Pope Urban gives the Kingdom of Sicily and Dukedoms of Pulia and Calabria unto Charls Earl of Argiers and Provence p. 53 Afterwards to Lewis K. of Hungary 55 The Duke of Urbin and Andrea Doria take part with Charls upon hopes of preserment 242 243 W WArs waged upon very slight occasions p. 147 148 Upon Injuries offered to prevent greater mischiefs 148 The Earl of Warwick 's example a warning to the Guisards 148 149 William K. of Sicily plucketh out the eyes of Henry Dandolo the Venetian Ambassadour 209 William Gonzaga made Lord of Mantua and Rezzo by the Pope 53 Womens Rule and Government rare 〈◊〉 Cardinal Wolfey 's power with Henry the eight the French King and the Emperour p. 43 His policy in entertaining Henry the eight with all delights 189 Z THe Zeal of the French king to the Roman Catholique Religion 151 160 Table to the Supplement ANtonio Peres forsaketh Spain to live in England p. 1 He writeth a Book called The Fragment of History ibid. He imparteth the transactions between John de Austria and the Pope and Duke of Guise unto the K. of Spain p. 3 He poysoneth Escovedo ibid. Aragonian kings subject to the constitutions of the Country 21 22 c. THe Duke of Britany commandeth Bavilion to murther the Constable of France 10 C CArdinal de Guise his death compared with Escovedo 's 13 Clisson high Constable of France preserved by Bavilion 10 Craesus spared by Cambyses his servants who were commanded to kill him 11 The Prince of Conde an enemy to the Duke of Guise 's party p. 28 He turneth Protestant and freeth Charls the ninth out of prison D THe Danish King not to make war without consent of the States 21 The Pope's Delegate in some cases above the Popes Legate 11 Diego de Meneses unjustly executed by the Spanish King 27 E THe Emperor may be convented by his own subjects before the Pope 25 Escovedo made Secretary to Don John de Austria in the room of John de Soto p. 2 The Duke returning from Spain leaves Escovedo 〈◊〉 him where he is poisoned p. 3 Several questions cleared concerning this fact 4 5 F THe French King deserved to lose his Crown for the murther of the Guises 13 G GHilmesa freeth Antonio Peres out of prison 4 The Duke of Guise his death compared with Escovedo 's 13 H HArpagus saveth Cyrus notwithstanding Astyages his command 11 Hector Pinto a Fryar poysoned by the Souldiers of Castile 27 Henry Perera unlawfully executed by the Spanish King 27 I IAmes de Moronack beaten to death with Souldiers 27 Indignities offered by subjects to their Princes no unusual thing 22 The Inquisition used against all sorts of offenders as well as heretiques 23 John de Soto Secretary to John de Austria p. 2 John de Escovedo put in his room 2 Don John de Austria concludeth a great League of friendship with the Duke of Guise 3 L LAws to be observed by Princes as well as Subjects 21 22 M MOntmorency and Chastilian take part with Vendosm and Conde against the Guises p. 28 Montmorency made Constable of France ibid. N THe Names of several plotters against the life of Q. Elizabeth 23 De la Nuca executed by Alonzo de Vargas at the command of the King Of Spain 16 O OAths not grounded upon a just cause bind not 24 P PEdro Escovedo accuseth Antonio Perez of his fathers death 3 4 Perjury excludeth a man from all preferment 18 The Polish King not to make war without leave of the States 21 The Pope plotteth to make Don John of Austria King of England p. 2 Next to make him King of Tunis ib. Princes deposed or excommunicated for Murther p. 14 15
lived in his time four men of especial account Pompey and Crassus Piso and Curio Pompey was so valiant and fortunate in Armes that he was worthily surnamed the GREAT Crassus attained to such wealth that he was commonly called the RICH. Piso bare such sway with the people that no man was either feared or loved more then he And Curio was so wise and so eloquent that the people loved him greatly and he so desirous of their favour and so careless and prodigal of money that to attain any thing for himself or for his friend he would spare no manner of costs or charges To win these men that were fit for his purpose and yet of divers humours Caesar thought it convenient to use divers means he married his daughter to Pompey he took to wife Pyso's Sister he paid all Curio's debts and because there was a competency and emulation betwixt Pompey and Crassus by reason whereof he thought it very difficult to grow in favour with both of them he being absent from Roâ—e when they were in the heat of their contention came thither of purpose not to extinguish the same but to use it as a means to deceive them both and seeing that each of them sought his friendship against the other he would not follow any of them but carrying himself as neutral and indifferent betwixt them he procured all wayes possible to make them friends And knowing that so long as he declared not himself to be a faithful friend to one of them both would do for him whatsoever he should demand of them he held them both in suspence and made them so jealous of him that for fear to lose him both laboured to content and please him and so much that first he made himself equal to either of them next he brought to pass that the power and authority which was in their hands only was divided betwixt him and them And in the end he alone came to rule all for he drave Pompey out of Rome and out of Italy and made himself Lord and Master of both places opened the Roman Treasure and paid his Souldiers therewithal What followed the Histories reporteth and I haste unto another of the like mind but of better fortune for Caesar lived not long after he came to the Empire And many wise and learned men wonder why the Emperours at this day carry still his name since he was the only ruine and overthrow of his Countrey and of the ancient liberty thereof whereas he of whom I intend to speak not only enjoyed the Crown and Scepter many years together which he usurped cunningly but also transferred the same unto his posterity in which it hath remained better then these five hundred years and Caesar his posterity enjoyed not his purchase the twentiâ—th part of that time You have heard that the last Race of the Kings of France descended from Hugh Capet who being but Master of the Kings Palace governed all things under him and so carried himself in that his Government that he wan the hearts and love of the common people and also got into such favour with Lewis the Fifth of France a Prince of small worth and of no great wit that as some Historographers write he dying the year 987. without Heirs Males not of his natural death but by poyson gave his Kingdom unto Blanch his Wife and willed her to marry Hugh Capet which she did according to her Husbands Commandment and so Capet became King albeit the Kingdom appertained â—y right unto Charles Duke of Lorrain Brother unto King Lotharius and Uncle unto the said Lewis For Charles being then in Lorrain and having been called and sent for by some of the Nobles of France to be crowned King thereof came not with such speed as was convenient for him to have used but gave time and respite unto Capet to seize upon the Kingdom pretending himself to have Title thereunto by the late Kings will by reason that he was in some sort by his Mothers side of the race of Charlemaign by signifying unto the people that Charles Duke of Lorrain deserved not to be chosen King because in all contentions debates and differences betwixt the Crown of France and the Empire the said Charles favoured the Emperours more then the French King and by suggesting that he being present and alwayes ready to defend the Realm ought to be preferred before Charles that was absent and not willing to come to accept the Crown when he was called thereunto by inducing Anselm Bishop of Laon to deliver the said Duke his Master with his two Children into his hands very trayterously by committing the Duke and his Sons to prison in Orleance where they dyed and by degrading Arnolph Arch-bishop of Rhemes under colour and pretence of Bastardy for fear he proving himself to be lawful and legitimate brother unto Charles might in time deprive him of the Kingdom but the especial policy that Capet used for the obtaining his purpose was the imitation of Pipin of France of whose practises you shall first hear and then as Plutarch in the lives of the Worthies of Greece and Rome compared a Graecian and a Roman together that the vertues and excellencies of both may appear the better by that his comparison So I will compare the devices of the late Duke of Guise with the practices of Sejan Caesar Capet and Pipin to the end you may see in what points he imitated them fully and also wherein he failed to follow their foot-steps Pipin being Master of the Palace under Childerick the third King of France who for his unworthiness was deprived of his Crown by the Pope Lachary thought that the greatness of his Office and the weakness of his Prince and Master might well serve him for a Ladder to climb to the Kingdom and knowing that it would not suffice to advance his own credit and commendation unless he did also dispraise and discredit his King he suborned men of purpose not only to spread abroad the kings indignities to inveigh against his insufficiencies and to cry out against his evil Government but also to set forth his own praise to commend his valour and to extoll his exploits and services done as well for his Country as for the See of Rome to the end that as soon as the people began to contemn and dislike their King they might also begin to love and affect him of which affection and love he hoped there might in time proceed such a good liking that they would vouchsafe to elect and câ—use him for their King and because he knew that the French-men were well affected to the Pope and would do any thing at his Commandment to win the Popes favour and assistance he not only promised but went into Italy of purpose to succour his Holiness against the Lombards who at that time greatly troubled the universal rest and quiet of Italy Besides fearing that the Oath which the Frenchmen make unto their King and the Love and Loyalty
late French King and still continue their open Revolt and unlawful disobedience against his right Heir and lawful Successor Neither can any man deny that all they that took part with Lewis surnamed the Meek against Bernard King of Italy were also most famous and disloyal Traytors For Lewes being younger Brother unto Pipin who dyed before his Father Charlemain and left Bernard King of Italy his sole Heir had no right to the Crown of France so long as the said Bernard his eldest Brothers Son lived for that as well in the Succession of Crowns and Kingdoms as of private mens Lands and Inheritances the eldest Brothers Son and Heir is always to be preferred before his Uncle And for as much as Lewis having taken his Nephew Bernard in the field Prisoner did not only detain him and his chief Councellors in hard Prison but also in the end put him to an unlawful and unnatural death Those Subjects who followed and assisted him in those his unkind and unjust actions because it is a most wicked deed to participate with the wicked in their wickedness must needs be accounted as wicked as the present Subjects of France who consented unto the cruel Massacre of their late King Again all those French Subjects who bore Arms against Edward the Third in the behalf of Philip de Valoys were in as high degree of Rebellion as these latter Rebels And so likewise were those who stood with Charls the seventh against Henry the fifth and sixth of England For the only reason and cause which they alledged to debar these English Kings from the Succession as lawful Heirs to the Crown of France was the Law Salique which as they then pretended excluded not only women but also other Heirs males descending from the woman from the Inheritance of the Crown Which Law was no sufficient bar because it was undoubtedly a local Law made in Salem a Town about the River of Rhine in Germany at what time the French Kings were both Kings of France and Emperours of Germany and therefore as all other local Laws are was tyed to the Inheritance of that Town only and could not stretch her Forces to forrain Countries or to the succession of Kingdoms no more then the Law of Gavelkind being peculiar not to all but to some part of Kent is of full strength and full force in other places of England Besides it is confirmed that there was never any such Law in France by the Testimony of the Duke of Burgundy who when as Philip surnamed the Long was created King never left to cry out against his Creation and to profess openly That the Kingdom belonged of right unto Ioan Daughter unto Hutine sometimes King of France before that Philip stoppen his mouth with the gift of the Country of Burgundy in Dower with his eldest Daughter I could stand longer upon the proof that there was never any Salick Law in France were it not that Du Haillan a French Chronicler in the first Volumn of his History easeth me of that pain and cleareth that point so plainly that he being a Frenchman and refuting a Law suggested not only to be a Law but also one of the chief Pillars and Maintainers of the ancient Dignity of the Crown of France cannot be thought to write thereof either partially or untruly But although I let pass Ed. 3. his Title as the less valuable because it was impugned and weakned by the only Allegation of that Law yet I must enlarge somewhat more Henry the fifth his Right because the same in my simple conceit and opinion was far stronger then Edward the Thirds For Henry the fifth considering that because his Predecessors did always from the time of Edward the third lay continual claim unto the Crown of France and that therefore the Kings or rather Usurpers thereof had do right nor just title thereunto because they not having bonam fidem a point requisite in Prescription by reason that they knew the right to be in Kings of England rather then in themselves could not lawfully prescribe a right unto the said Crown demanded the same by force of Arms of Charls the sixth and drave him to such extremities that he being able no longer to make resistance against his invincible Forces was glad to capitulate and agree upon conditions of Peace with him The principal Articles of which Peace were That the said Charls the sixth should during his life continue King That he should dis-inherit his Son and Heir who was afterwards Charles the seventh That the King of England should take to Wife Isabel Daughter unto the French King and in regard of that Marriage he proclaimed Regent of that Kingdom during Charles his Father in laws life because he was sometimes Lunatique and Heir apparent to the Crown after his death And lastly that the Nobility and Peers of France should not only consent thereunto but also take a solemn Oath which was accordingly performed and executed to maintain every point of those Articles and uphold and assist Henry the fifth and his lawful Heirs and Successors against Charles Son unto the French King the rather because his Father had for very good and just occasions him moving thereunto dis-inherited the said Charles and by the last Will and Testament made when he was in perfect sence and memory ordained and constituted the said Henry his sole and lawful Heir of the Crown But the Frenchmen have their Objections to all that is said the which I cannot lightly pass over because I know you are desirous to hear their Exceptions and also what may be replied in Answer to their Allegations But I may not dwell long upon every particular Point because my leisure will not serve me and it is not pertinent to my first purpose They say first That their Kingdom goeth not by Dissent and Inheritance from the Father to the Son but by succession which is grounded not upon Law but upon a Custom by vertue whereof the next of the Blood Royal be he of the farthest degree that may be of Kindred succeedeth not as a lawful Heir but as a Successor by Custom not newly invented but of long continuance even from the time of the first King Pharamond Which objection I mean briefly to Answer before I will proceed to any others Guicciardine who wrote an Universal History of all things that hapned in his time not only in Italy but also in all other places of Europe although he was a very perfect and learned Lawyer yet when he had occasion to touch any Point of Law he handled not the same Lawyer-like but passed it over lightly setting down his opinion of the Case in as few words as he could possibly because if he had done otherwise he knew that he should not observe the Laws and Bounds whereunto Histographers are tyed and bound In like manner although these Questions are meerly civil and ought to be handled by me as a Civilian yet because I purpose
not be thought lawful for his Father to inflict upon him the like punishment The one of them denyed his Father in law such help as he demanded The other purposed to have poysoned his own Father The unkindness of both was not in all degrees equal yet their punishments were in all respects alike The Father of the one incurred no loss by his Son in lawes disobedience and the Father of the other lived not a minute of an hour the less notwithstanding his sons wicked purpose But Charles the 6ths case was in many respects lamentable and his Sons ingratitude for many causes worthy of greater punishment then the loss of a Kingdom for the murdered the Duke of Burgundy one of the chief Peers of France and when he was summoned by Proclamation to shew some cause before his Father and the Nobles of France why he had committed so horrible a murder did not only not appear at his Fathers Summons but also defended his cruelty in killing the Duke and his disobedience in not appearing at his Fathers Commandment by force of Armes For which unnatural Rebellion not his Father alone but the whole Council and Nobility of France gave judgement that he should be banished the Realm and reputed unworthy to succeed his Father either in the whole Kingdom or in any part or parcel thereof which done and Judgment being both begun and ended with all such solemnities as in the like cases are required must of necessity be held and reputed most just and equal since both Law and mans reason neither hath not can invent any better means to chastâ—se and correct the unnatural disobedience of rebellious children towards their Parents then by depriving them of their Patrimony descending from their Parents And if Princes should be debarred of this manner of correction they should be in far worse condition then their poorest Subjects for Princes Children having more occasions to lead them to wickedness then their Subjects Children have if they should not be restrained by dis-inheritance would undoubtedly go far beyond all others in lewdness and unhappiness because Princes and Noble-men whether they give themselves unto vertue or unto vice most commonly excell the meaner sort in both as it may evidently appear unto such by reading the lives of Princes and Peers of all Realms and Kingdoms shall find such rare Presidents of vertues and vices in them as far exceed mans reason or will hardly be credited or beleeved of any man Was there ever any private man comparable to Nero for cruelty or to Vespasian for mercy to Solomon for wisdom or to Childerick of France for folly to Trajan for goodness or to Cambyses for murder to Tarquin for pride or to Lewis of France for meekness to Caesar for liberality or to Caligula for avarice to Marcus Aurelius for moderation and temperance or to Commodus for prodigality and dissoluteness Briefly to Antonius and Titus for lenity and clemency or to Dionisius and Tiberius for rigor and severity For undoubtedly as long as the provocations to vices and the allurements to vertues are more and greater in Princes then in private men so long will the one far exceed the other in vertues or in vices Then since it is behoveful for every Common-wealth to be ruled by good Princes it must also behove good Parents to be careful to leave good children to succeed after them and not to be so affected to the eldest of their children because he is the first of their strength as to make him and no other but him their sole Heir and Successor although he alone be wicked and ill given and the rest wise discreet and vertuous so he unworthy to Govern and they most fit to Rule because he would overthrow and they uphold the whole Estate and Kingdom The Consideration hereof moved the good Emperour Marcus Aurelius who had a good and a bad Son when he was visited with a Disease that was mortal greatly to lament his own death not because he was loth and unwilling to dye knowing as he did that death was the end of all miseries and the beginning of everlasting felicity but for that he was bound by the custome generally and time out of mind received and allowed by his Predecessors contrary to his will and desire to leave the Empire of Rome which had been ruled a long time by his many years and great experience to be Governed and Ruled by the indiscreet youth and youthful indiscretion of his bad Son Commodus The Consideration hereof caused Iames King of Aragon and Sicily to perswade his eldest Son Iames who was more fit to live sequestred from the company of men in a Monastry then to sway a Monarchy to leave the world and betake himself to a Monastical life suffering his second Brother Alphonsus upon whom God had bestowed sufficient gifts and qualities capable of a Kingdom to succeed his Father in both Kingdoms The Consideration hereof induced Robert King of France to make his second Son Henry his Heir and Successor in the Kingdom because he knew that God had endowed him with a far better spirit and wit more fit to Command and Govern then his eldest Son Robert had upon whom he bestowed the Dutchy of Burgundy The Consideration hereof moved not only Lewis surnamed the Gross King of France but also all the Peers and States of the same Realm to make Lewis his second Son King because Robert his eldest Son was by him and them for want of judgment and understanding judged unfit and unworthy to bear or sway the Crown of France and therefore he and they held it sufficient to bestow upon him the Earldom of Dreux Lastly the Consideration hereof moved Dagobert King of France to intreat Sigisbert his eldest Son who not being able in his opinion to Rule and Govern so great a Kingdom as France and yet desirous to have the name of a King to be contented with the small Kingdom of Austrasia and to resign and give over his Right and Title to the Kingdom of France unto his younger Brother Clouis Considering therefore That the Gifts which are required in a Prince are many and very difficult to be attained That very few have wit and wisdom sufficient to govern a Kingdom That of these few some use their wits to attain to their purpose and when they have gotten their desire leave both to be wise and vertuous as I could declare by many Examples if it were not to digress from my purpose And lastly that the vertues of the Parents are obscured and blemished by the childrens vices and the Predecessors Conquests are oftentimes either lost or diminished by the Successors folly and pusillanimity It were a shame for the Father a detriment to the Common-wealth a wrong to the Kingdom and an injury to the vertuous child where there is a good Son to succeed a vertuous Father to bind the same Father to leave little or nothing to his good children and a whole
the better knowledge of them and difference between them it was added The King of France holding his Mansion house or Royal Court at Paris at Orleans at Soissons or at Mets. And the Soveraignty of Basemain of these four Kingdoms was due only unto the King of Paris as unto the chief and principal King until in the year 618. all these kingdoms were united and incorporated into one So was England divided into many kingdoms as into the kingdom of Kent of Northumberland c. So the three sons of Brutus as Camber Locrinus and Albanactus divided the whole kingdom betwixt them after their fathers death And this division continued in France in England and in the Empire until their mortal wars or friendly marriages voluntary agreement or forceable violence greedy ambition or fatal destiny reduced them unto one Monarchy The Union of the twelve Kingdoms of Spain fell out in Ferdinando his time who being king of Aragon matched with Isabella Queen of Castile as heir unto her Brother Henry and in her right held himself and after his decease transferred unto his Daughter Ioan begotten upon her body all the Kingdoms of Spain which Daughter married with Philip Arch-Duke of Austria who begate upon her body Charls the fifth who was Emperour and unto him succeeded Philip which now reigneth And thus he came by the States within his own Country The States without the limits of Spain some of them are Kingdoms as of Naples of Navarra of both Sicilies and of Portugal together with the many Kingdoms of both the East and the West Indies some Earldoms and Dukedoms as of Milan Brabant and Flanders of Burgundy and briefly of the seventeen United Provinces How he came by all these it will be more tedious then wondrous to declare The Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily have been the butchery of most Nations of Europe For the Popes challenging to be Soveraign Lords thereof and by vertue of that Title to have full power and authority to dispose the same at their pleasure according to the variety of their humours their affections their quarrels and their factions they have somtimes bestowed them upon Frenchmen other times upon Italians somtimes upon Germans other times upon Swetians somtimes upon Spaniards other times upon Hungarians and once upon the Englishmen So that all these Nations either for the conqâ—est or for the deâ—ence thereof have lost their blood hazarded their lives and spent infinite treasure which is shortly proved by these examples following In the year 1381. Pope Clement crowned in Avignion Charls Prince of Tarento King of Sicily who had married the sister of Ioan Queen of Sicily and of Ierusalem the which Ioan for default of heirs adopted for her son and heir Lewis Duke of Anjou and made him king of Naples Sicily and Ierusalem and Duke of Cambria and Earl of Provence This gift and adoption was ratified by the Pope and furthered by the Frenchmen for these respects Clement the pope having a Corrival named Urban who was favoured by the king of Castile and of Hungary thought it convenient and necessary for him to procure the help and assistance of the Frenchmen for the better maintenance of his cause as divers of his Predecessors had done before him and therefore with his gift and donation so wrought and won unto him the said Lewis who was then Regent of France that although the Kings above-mentioned had sent their Ambassadors unto the French king to entreat his favour and furtherance for Pope Urban they could not prevail with him because the said Lewis who governed the king and all the Realm was wholly for Clement insomuch that through his favour Clement's Cardinals had all the best Benefices and Ecclesiastical promotions of France without any respect being had to their lives to their learning to their qualities or to their Religion The Frenchmen aided the said Lewis in this quarrel and in his Wars for the obtaining of these Kingdoms most willingly because they were desirous to send him far from home who wearied them at home daylie with new Taxes and unaccustomed grievances Pope Urbane on the contrary side to gratifie his friends and to be assured of their help gave these Kingdoms unto Charls Nephew of the King of Hungary who willingly accepted the same as well for the benefit thereby likely to arise as for to revenge the death of his Brother cruelly and unjustly murthered by the said Ioan his Wife Wherein he had so good success as that he took the said Ioan Prisoner and caused her to be put to death Here you see Frenchmen and Hungarians at mortal Wars for this Kingdom And before these later Contentions you shall understand that the above mentioned Ioan being weary of her Husband Lewis and having divers ways so wronged him that he lived many years indurance Adopted for her Heir Alonso King of Aragon who drave Lewis out of his Kingdom Here you see Frenchmen and Spaniards at deadly feud for these Kingdoms Conradin Duke of Suavia and Son to Conrade the Emperour being disposed and purposed to retire himself after the death of his Father into his Kingdom of Naples obtained great help of divers German Princes and especially of Frederick Duke of Austria his very neer and dear Kinsman but being encountred by Charls brother of the King of France and betrayed unto him by Pope Clement the fourth both he and the aforesaid Frederick were taken Prisoners and by the advice of the Pope not long after beheaded So came the Kingdom of Naples from the Suavian unto the Frenchman and the Dukedom of Suavia ended and was utterly extinct by the Treason and wickedness of Pope Clement What Contentions have been betwixt divers Families of Italy and divers Houses of Naples it self for those Kingdoms the Chronicles of Italy report And I hasten from this Nation to our own Country because it may seem somewhat strange we had ever to do so far from home and what quarrel presence or title we could lay to a Kingdom so remote and far distant from England By that which hath been said you may easily perceive that the Popes have used these Kingdoms and their pretensive right unto them for the only means and instruments to furnish themselves with friends in time of need and necessity And when they began to be weary upon any occasion of the present King of Naples they incontinently set upon another displaced their enemy and called such a Prince as best pleased them or the time or the opportunity made fittest to hearken to their perswasions and to persecute their Adversaries into Italy and there continued and cherished him for a time until they likewise grew weary of him or he could no longer stand them in stead This is verified by many Armies that have been especially brought out of France and by sundry Kings and Princes of that Country who spent their time travel and treasure in those Wars But there is not one Example that
confirmeth the same more apparently then that which our Histories report of Henry the third King of England This King by reason he had Reigned many years saw sundry alterations in divers Kingdoms and as Princes who continue long are oftentimes sought unto he was honoured of all the Kings and Potentates that lived in his time and many of them were glad of his amâ—ty and friendship for as he was mighty so was he very wise and therefore able to help them with his strength and counsel them with his wisdom yet neither so strong nor so wise but that his power was abated and his wisdom abused by the Popes subtle policies There was a time when Conradus king of Sicily began to be somewhat grievous and offensive to the Pope who to be revenged of his supposed wrongs had suborned divers Princes against him and when all had either failed him or faintly proceeded in their quarrel against Conrade he fled for his last refuge unto the said Henry the third and to induce him to shew his readiness and good will to drive Conrade out of his Royal Seat and Dominion he used divers sinister means and many subtle devices First he defamed the said Conrade accused him of Heresie layed murther to his charge burthened him with the death and poysoning of his own Brother thereby making him odious to the world Then not thinking it sufficient to disgrace and discredit him for that the Princes neither then nor in those days did easily undertake Wars one against another in hatred of the vices which possessed them but in hope of the Kingdoms which they enjoyed he to encourage our King the more gave him the Kingdoms of Apulia and Sicily and entituled his Son by the name of king of both those Countries And understanding that he wanted sufficient men to imploy in that service he dispensed him to take those Souldiers which had enrolled themselves for the Wars of the Holy Land and publishing that his Adversary for grief was dead and forsaken by his friends With these devices and his Embassadors subtleties he induced our King to bind himself upon pain of loss of his Kingdom to spend and send 140 m Marks to those Wars and this promise was so readily performed and men by our King so willingly transferred for that service that the whole Realm in very short time felt great want both of men and of money Thus you see that Naples and Sicily have been both troublesome and chargeable to as many Nations as I before named And yet you see not how they came directly unto the house of Spain nor with what Right and Title king Philip possesseth them at this day To the end therefore that herein as well as in other Points you may be fully satisfied I will let you understand the late claims and challenges layed and made to those Kingdoms Charls the eighth king of France challenged the Kingdom of Naples because Renatus Duke of Anjou his very near Kinsman dying without children and being made Heir of the same kingdom by the last Will and Testament of Ioan Queen of Naples had made and declared in his last Will and Testament Lewis the eleventh for his Heir unto the same kingdom which Lewis was Father unto the said Charls who followed the Claim with such speed and expedition that he got the kingdom by force of Arms in so short a time that a notable Historiographer writing thereof saith That an Embassadour would almost have spent as much time in going thither from France as the said Charls did imploy in conquering thereof The Frenchmen enjoyed not their Conquest many years for Ferdinando king of Spain began to lay claim unto the kingdom of Naples because that although Alphonsus king of Aragon had bestowed the same kingdom upon Ferdinando his base Son yet both Iohn his Brother and Successor in the kingdom of Naples and also Ferdinando himself being Son unto the said Iohn had just cause of claim and title therâ—unto because that Alphonso having gotten the same both with the Forces and with the treasure of the Realm of Aragon it should of right belong unto that Crown This claim of Ferdinandos was furthered by Pope Iulio the second who either being wearied of the insolency of the Frenchmen or desirous to follow the steps of his inconstant Predecessors or rather willing to revenge the wrong offered unto his Predecessor by Charls the eighth what time he imprisoned him in the Castle of S. Angelo and enforced him to give him for his ransome or deliverance the Castles of Civita Vecchia of Forracina and of Spoleto to hold them until he had made full conquest of Naples and also constrained him to invest himself in the said Kingdom besought Ferdinanâ—o king of Aragon to undertake the defence of the Church and of the States and Dominions thereof against all those who persecuted the same and especially against Lewis the 11. of France and to make him the more willing and ready to accomplish this his desire he sent him the Investure and Gift of the same kingdom with a very small and reasonable yearly Tribute for the same Ferdinando thinking his Title the better by the Popes Grant and his possibility to prevail the greater because of his assured help and furtherance prosecuted his claim by open Wars upon the Frenchmen wherein he had so good success that he drew the French King to make a friendly division of the kingdom between them This composition as all agreements betwixt Princes most commonly are was kept inviolable until Gonsalvo General for the Aragonian king in those parts who was afterwards for his Excellency called the Great Captain as Pompey was amongst the Romans took these occasions following to dispossess and drive the Frenchmen out of all that they possessed within the Realm of Naples First he alledged that the division was not equally made because the Dogana of Puglia which indeed was the best and greatest Revenue of that Crown was wholly allotted unto the Frenchmen and neither any part thereof nor any thâ—ng else that might countervail the same in worth value and goodness was assigned unto the Spaniards Secondly there fell such a disease amongst the Frenchmen by reason of the abundance of fruit which they eat daylie and because the waters which they drank as it was thought were poisoned by the Spaniards that most part as well of the private souldiers as of the chief Captains died thereof and many for fear thereof departed from the French kings Camp Thirdly that poor and small remainder that was lest presuming that this composition should be held inviolable grew so negligent and careless that they suffered the Spaniards to do all that they would and never distrusted them until it was too late Lastly Gonsalvo being required to desist from Wars because there was a peace concluded betwixt the Spanish and French kings in regard whereof the French General had long before surceased all acts of
hostility answered That he could not leave off his wars because he knew not what authority Don Philip who was the Mediator of that Peace and should have had the French Kings daughter for wife to his son Charls had from the King and Queen of Spain to conclude the said Peace And the said King and Queen hearing of the good success which their General had daily against the Frenchmen permitted him to proceed as he began and disclaimed all that was agreed or yeilâ—ed unto by the said Don Philippo saying that he had no power or authority from them to make any such agreement But Don Philippo seeing his credit thereby called in question published to all the world that he had done nothing more in the concluding the said peace then the King and Queen had given him full commission to do and further before he departed out of Spain he saw them both swear upon the holy Evangelists and upon the Image of Christ crucified that they would confirm ratifie and observe whatsoever should be concluded by him Thus Naples was gotten deceitfully although Francis the first after that he was unhappily taken Prisoner at Pavia by Charles the fifth did voluntarily renounce all his Right Title and Interest unto the same kingdom for the ransom and deliverance of his two Sons who were Prisoners a long time in Spain as pledges for their Father From Naples and Sicily I hasten to the kingdom of Navarra gotten by the Spaniards Predecessors and held as unlawfully by him as the two other kingdomes for when as Ferdinando so often before mentioned had occasion to pass with an Army through the kingdom of Navarra to succour the Pope he demanded safe passage of the King thereof who being so commanded by Lewis the French king his Soveraign denied him passage Ferdinando certifying the Pope of his denial the Pope excommunicated the King and depriveth him as a Schismatique of his kingdom Ferdinando hereupon having his Army in a readiness invadeth the kingdom taketh the King unprovided and before he could have any help from the French king depriveth him of his Royal Seat and Dignity and his Heirs have held the same ever â—ithence by no better Title then this Of which give me leave in a few words to tell you my simple opinion and then I will come to the kingdom of Portugal As it is most certain that the Kings of Naples and of Scotland hold their kingdomes the one of the Pope of Rome the other of the Queen of England as of their Soveraigns so it is undoubtedly true that the Kings of Navarra owe homage faith fealty and obedience unto the king of France as unto their Lord and Soveraign for their kingdom in regard whereof they are bound to many conditions of services unto him as their Soveraign and especially to aid and assist him in his just quarrels wars and contentions against any other Prince whatsoever and never to leave him upon pain of forfeiture of their States and Dominions holden of him which is so true that many Doctors of Law writing upon this case make this question whether a Vassal such as the king of Navarra was in respect of the French king leaving his Lord and Soveraign sorely hurt in the field and forsaking him in that case doth forfeit his Estate or no And they all generally conclude that it his wounds be not mortal and such as they leave no small hope of life then the Vassal for forsaking him loseth his Estate be it never so great But I will not stand upon the proof of this point nor upon the justifying of the king of Navarra his denial made unto the Aragonian king by Commandment of his said Lord and Soveraign for I shall have occasion to enlarge hereof in another place whereunto when I come you shall see it sufficiently and plainly proved that the king of Navarra could not without manifest loss and forfeiture of his kingdom unto the French king deny or resist his Commandment This then being most manifest it must needs follow that the king of Aragon did most wrongfully invade and take from him his kingdom and so consequently the king of Spain withholdeth the same from the present king of Navarra with no better right or reason then he that detaineth a private mans lands who never having any just title thereunto justifieth his Tenure by no other reason but by a few years wrongful possession which giveth no just title especially if the same hath been continually claimed and demanded by the lawful owners thereof as without all doubt the kingdom of Navar hath been for the present king and his Predecessors did oftentimes require restitution thereof of them which did wrongfully detain it And had not the civil wars of France hindred the present king from demanding the same by force of Arms he had long before this time warred upon the now king of Spain for the recovery thereof Now to the Kingdom of Portugal This kingdom as Scotland and Navarra are members of the kingdom of England and France so it is a member of the kingdom of Spain for Alphonsus the sixth king of Spain had a base Daughter nam'd Taresia whom he married unto Henry Count of Lotharinga and gave him in Dower with her the Kingdom of Portugal because he had done him very great service against the Moors But his Son Alphonsus the first was the first that was named King of Portugal and the first that got the City of Lisbone from the said Moors and having overcome in one Battel five of their Kings he left five Shields for Arms unto his Posterity This kingdom hath had many alterations and sundry Wars moved by such as layed claim thereunto but none considering the small continuance thereof more lamentable then the late Wars betwixt the now king of Spain and him whom the Spaniards call Don Antonio and no lawful king of Portugal for besides that the chief of the Nobility of that Realm were either cruelly murthered in the said War or unkindly held in extream thraledom or servitude by the Spaniard their natural and professed enemy the rightful King was most wrongfully driven from his lawful Inheritance to live as you know in a strange Country with the Princely and yet slender releif that her Majesty of her Royal liberality and clemency vouchsafeth him and his poor Train The Spaniard for the better obtaining of his Kingdom imitated in some measure the policicy of Charls the fifth his Father who during the competency betwixt him and Francis the first king of France for the Empire brought an Army of men unto the place where the Electors were assembled to make choice of the Emperour pretending the cause of bringing his Army thither to be his just and Princely desire to free the Electors from all manner of fear which they might justly have of some violence to be offered them by the French king if they made not choice of him Whereas in very deed his
shall please God to send an end of these Civil Wars The occasions are great And if you remember what hath been said of the Strength of France you will think that the means which the French king may have to be revenged of these wrongs are far greater and so in this respect the Spanish king hath shewed his indiscretion in entring into League with the Guisards Of whose Friendship I pray you let us now consider what hold and good assurance he may have There are divers kindes of assurances to be taken together some content themselves with the faithfull promise of their Allies others require Hostages many demand to have some Holds and Towns of strength in their custody and there be such as never think themselves safe or well assured unless they unarm their confederates But the strongest and best bond is in the opinion of the wisest a firm conjunction and binding of the Allies together by the way of Wedlock Now of all these sorts of Alliances which hath the king of Spain taken Or which of them can he take without shewing himself very indiscreet May he content himself with the faithfull promise of his Allies Will they hold their promise unto him who have violated their faith unto their Liege Lord and Sovereign Hath he taken Hostages of them Will they carefull of other mens lives who have so small care of their own Will they give him any strong holds With what reason can he detain them since both they that give them have no authority or sufficient power to deliver them up into his hands and he is not strong enough to keep and defend them when the hath them Will he unarm them Take their weapons from them and what good can they do him Will he make them assured to be at his devotion by a fast bond and linck of marriage What honour or rather shame shall it be for him to mingle his Blood his Honour and his House with the Infamy Dishonour and Ignominy of Rebels and Traytors But of Traytors some one of them will become a king O poor and unadvised Prince who shall spend his money to honour him who deserveth no honour and of whose faithfull friendship he can have no fast assurance But how shall he become a King By the Forces of Spain O simple and indiscreet King who thinketh to purchase a great and invincible Kingdom from a Stranger when he is not able to recover a poor Country taken from him by his own Subjects But by what means and by what colour shall he become a King By the Example and imitation of Hugh Capet who as you have heard was made King by shewing unto the Pope and the People of France that in choosing a King the man that is present ought to be preferred before him that is absent he that governeth in Person before him that ruleth by a Deputy he that is both carefull and vertuous before him that is careless and vicious But what manner of imitation is this unless you call it an imitation when as a man doth all things quite contrary to his Actions whom he proposeth to himself to follow and imitate For he that was deposed by Hugh Capet governed by his Lieutenant and the present King of France ruleth by his own person he was hated by reason of his great negligence and this King was beloved for his great pains and diligence He was insufficient to Govern and this King hath given many Experiments of his great wit and sufficiency And to be short This Hugh Capet who is proposed as a man worthy to be imitated by the Arch-Traitor that would make himself king of France used as his most principle reason this Argument to shew that Charles Duke of Lorrain and Uncle unto Lewis the fifth deserved not to be chosen king because that in all controversies that fell out in his time betwixt the Empire and the Kingdom of France the said Charles shewed himself more affectionate and friendly unto the Emperor then unto the French King How blinde then are those Guisards who cannot see that when they shall desire the people to make choice of one amongst them to be their King the greater part will hardly yeeld to their motion they will cry out that their King is yet alive that it is not reason to take the crown from his head and to put it upon a Strangers or upon one of his inferiour Vassals that many can witness that in all contentions betwixt France and Spain they have alwayes shewed themselves more favourable unto Spain then unto their own Country And lastly that the Duke of Lorrain because he was a Prince of the Empire had more Reason to favour the Emperor then the Guisards have to befriend the Spanish king whom they should hate and abhorre because he loveth not their Country You have seen the Spanish kings indiscretion in contracting this League Now give me leave to shew you the Leagueâ—s great solly in subscribing thereunto The Causes which moved them to enter into this League were as you understand already very many But it appears not how true or rather how false their pretentions are This must be discovered and then their folly cannot be concealed They lay to their late kings charge that he was an Heretick a Parricide a wicked and impious despiser of God a Tyrant and Hypocrite a perjured Prince and a man given over to all kinde of vice and wickedness They charge him further that he wasted the Revenues of the Crown and that he committed many other follies long since mentioned To all these that their malice falsehood and folly may appear I will answer briefly A full denial of all that they say might serve for mine answer were it not that I seek by reason and truth to confound them that have neither reason nor truth I must therefore run thorow the kings life and to purge him of the crime of Heresie I think it convenient to declare what he did both before and after he was king against those whom the Leaguers term Hereticks Now to omit other matters testifying his great zeal and affection unto the Roman Catholicks before he was king of France I will prove the same by four principal Arguments First it is apparent unto the world that he was one of the chief Authors of the Massacre of Paris which was general through Erance and practised with a great hope utterly to extirpe all the Protestants in France Next it is certain that no Prince living could shew greater hatred stomach or courage against men of a contrary Religion unto himself then he did at the â—iege of Rochel before which he lay until he was fetcht thence into Poland Thirdly it is notorious unto as many as know any thing of his Election unto the Kingdom of Poland that there was nothing that more estranged the Affections of the Electors from him then his great hatred shewed against the Protestants both in the time of the massacre and also at
considerable advantage 98 XXIX That there was just occasion given for the intercepting the Spanish money sent into Flanders 105 XXX That the Spaniard is generally supposed to be more powerful then really he is 110 XXXI The nature and condition of the Spanish people 115 XXXII The false commendations given by divers Authors unto Spain 117 XXXIII That the King of Spain 's wars with the Low-Countries have depriv'd him of that benefit which he might have reaped if they had not been so much impoverished 123 XXXIV That it was no point of Policy in the Spanish King not to grant liberty of Conscience to his subjects in Flanders 128 XXXV That it redounded not so much to the Spanish Kings honour as he imagined to enter into a League with the Princes of Italy the Duke of Lorrain and the House of Guise against the Lutheran Princes 136 XXXVI That many Princes have been less to blame for entring into a League with the Turk then the King of Spain for his League with the Guisards 139 XXXVII That Princes oversights are never forgotten after their deaths however their vertues may 142 XXXVIII The likelyhood of the downfal of the Duke of Guise his faction 145 XXXIX That it is but uncertain trusting to the friendship of Rebels 148 XL. The French King vindicated from divers things laid to his charge 151 XLI The King of France his killing of the Duke of Guise justified 160 XLII How the Kings of France have from time to time raised the revenues of that Crown 166 XLIII The commendations of Henry the third of France from divers eminent Authors XLIV To what a vast power and authority the Popes of Rome are advanced from a small beginning with their deceits and cruelties 172 XLV VVhat losses and injuries Princes have sustained by submitting to the Pope's authority 179 XLVI Queen Elizabeth unjustly accused by the English fugitives to the King of Spain for overcharging her subjects with unaccustomed subsidies and taxes 183 XLVII The Spanish King blamed for giving too easie credit to the reports of the English fugitives 189 XLVIII Certain objections against the Queen of Englands putting the Scottish Queen to death answered 191 XLIX VVhether it be allowable for Subjects to take up Arms against or put their Princes to death 202 L Of the proceedings of divers Princes toward those that have fled unto them for succour 208 LI. That Embassadors violating the Laws of Nations or of Arms have oft-times been rigorously dealt with 210 LII That neither the death of the Scottish Queen nor any other occasion could warrant the King of Spain's invading of England 215 LIII That it is no easie matter for the King of Spain to conquer England 218 LIV. The Popes and Emperours machinations against the Lutherans make them so much the stronger 224 LV. The cruelty of Princes to their subjects proveth most commonly prejudicial to themselves 229 LVI Many motives of Rebellion and Discontent among the K. of Spain 's subjects threatning inconveniences to him the like whereof have fallen upon Princes in former ages 238 LVII That many famous and learned men have favoured wrong causes for reward or preferments sake 241 LVIII That the K. of Spain 's best friends may be easily won to for sake him or at least to stand Neutral 243 LIX Several Emperours of the House of Austria set forth according to their true qualities and conditions 249 LX. That there is as just cause to fear France if that Kingdom grow too powerful as Spain it self 257 LXI That the Low-Countries joyned together under one Form of Government would grow very formidable 258 LXII How powerful the Switzers are grown since they have Incanton'd themselves 260 LXIII How expedient a Confederacy with the Low-Countries is in reference to a falling out either with France or Spain 261 In the Supplement I. IOhn de Soto Secretary to Don John de Austria removed and John de Escovedo put into his room p. 2 II. Antonio Perez commanded by the K. of Spain to poison Escovedo 3 III. Several questions discussed concerning Escovedo 's murther and first whether the K. commanding Escovedo to be murthered may not worthily be accounted a murtherer 4 IV. The second question whether Antonio Perez obeying the Kings command be not guilty of Escovedo 's death as well as the King 10 V. The third question whether the King being found a murtherer deserveth not to be deposed or excommunicated better then the K. of France deserved to be deprived of his life for murthering the Duke of Guise 13 VI. The fourth question whither this excommunication and deposition may be warranted by the example of other Prince 14 VII VVhether wilful perjury and breaking of Laws be punishable with deprivation in a Prince and whether subjects may lawfully resist such a Prince 17 VIII That the Nobility of Aragon have from the beginning bound their Kings strictly to the maintaining of their priviledges 22 IX That Subjects may seek remedies against such Princes as will not do them Right and Iustice. 26 X. The K. of Spain 's actions much aggravated in respect of those which the K. of France hath been charged with 27 The Table A ADrianus the Emperour's vast Armies and strength in war p. 74 Albertin Coraza made lord of Padua p. 53 Alexander the Great the pattern of a valiant Prince p. 5 Not superiour to divers of-the Roman Captains p. 232 233 Alexander King of Epirus his opinion concerning Alexander the Great 's victories p. 74 Pope Alexander the third's prastises against Frederick Barbarossa p. 177 Alonzo King of Aragon adopted by Joan Queen of Naples p. 55 Alphinus King of the Scots and Picts openly beheaded p. 214 other examples of the like nature p. 215 Cardinal Allen compared with Richard Shaw and John Petit p. 189 The ambition of the Earl of Anjou 's wife set him on to get the Kingdom of Naples p. 258 Amulius his cruelty to his Brother Numitor and his children p. 89 Anjou quitted by the King of England p. 45 Don Antonio justifieth his Title to Portugal by several arguments p. 60 Anthony Montefeltro made Duke of Urbin by the Emperour Lewis 53 Appius his severity hurtful to the Commonwealth 233 The Arch-bishop of Toledo rebelleth against the King of Aragon p. 16 and is aided by Alonzo K. of Portugal ib. Aristides the pattern of a just Magistrate 5 Armies going far from home meet with many occasions of destruction p. 70 71 Artevild Agricola and Besconius the chief Ring-leaders of the Gantois Rebels 230 231 Astyages seeketh the destruction of his Grand-child Cyrus 87 88 89 Attila the Scourge of God 5 Augustus the pattern of a fortunate King 5 The Duke of Aumale chosen head of the faction of the Guises 159 The House of Austria their Original from Hapsburgh p. 17 Their Greatness Tyrannie and Oppression p. 17 18 The continuance of their Greatness 50 The Author a voluntary Exile in the time of Queen Elizabeth p. 1 His Credit with Great men
and Experience in Forraign Affairs 3 B BAgeus his Magnanimity and Resolution p. 161 162 Lords of Bearn heretofore of great power in France 37 The Duke of Bedford refuseth to meet the Duke of Burgundy 47 Bellemarine a Saracen marrieth the Daughter of Peter King of Spain and turneth Christian 140 Bernard King of Italy cruelly used by Lewis the Meek 163 Bernardin Mendoza the Spanish Ambassadour sent away not without just cause p. 211 His practises against Queen Elizabeth p. 212 213 He is compared to Richard Shaw and John Petit 189 Blemishes of divers great Captains p. 142 143 Brennus maketh war against the Romans 210 The Britans excuse the breach of their League with the Picts 99 The Duke of Britain refuseth to restore the Earl of Richmond to Edward the fourth and Richard the third 95 The Duke of Burgundy murthered by the Dolphin of France 38 Buchanan 's opinion concerning subjects taking up Arms against their Prince 202 203 C CAesar his prodigality in his youth p. 24 His four great Competitors ibid. His cunning practises to attain his greatness 25 The King of Calecut driveth the King of Cochin out of his Realm 95 Caligula 's cruelty 231 Caius Marius the Founder of Cities 5 Cambyses being jealous of his brother Smerdis murthereth him p. 89 The pattern of a cruel Governour 5 Campobasso forsakes the Duke of Burgundy in the fight against the Prince of Lorrain 253 Duke Casimire cometh into Flanders with an Army p. 155 A peace concluded between him and the French Ibid. Catholiques of England the Spaniards chief Enemies at the Invasion of eighty eight 218 Charls the Great the son of Fortune 5 Charls the fifth his policy to keep the Kingdom of Aragon p. 68 What Forces he had in his chief wars p. 121 122 His endeavour to subvert Luther and the Protestant Princes proves fruitless p. 224 225 His Civility to them afterwards p. 226 A deep Dissembler 252 253 Charls the sixth King of France his intention to invade England p. 190 The cause of his not proceeding falfly charg'd upon the Duke of Berry ibid. He is civilly treated by Henry the fift 34 Charls the seventh dis-inherited for his disobedience to his Father 36 37 Charls the eighth King of France his claim unto the Kingdom of Naples 56 Charls Prince of Tarento crown'd King of Sicily by Pope Clement 54 Charls Earl of Flanders cruelly murthered by rebels 124 Charls Duke of Burgundy slain by the treachery of Nicholas Campobasso 253 A brief Character of the chief Princes and States of Christendom 4 A Character of the Spanish Monarchy 84 85 Cinibaldo Ordelafi obtaineth the Cities of Furli and Cesena 53 Pope Clement favoured by the French against Pope Urban 54 Clement the seventh's practises against the Emperour Henry the fourth 177 Cleomenes his trechery toward Ptolomy King of Egypt 200 The Climate not the only proof of VVits 259 260 The King of Cochin harboureth the King of Calecut 's enemies 95 A Comparison between the Duke of Guise and other great Rebels of other Countries 23 26 27 Conrade the Emperour's Law the Emperours Law concerning wicked Princes 204 248 Conradin of Suavia vanquish'd and beheaded by Charls brother to the King of France 55 Constantinople taken in the time of Frederick the third 252 Contention about the Kingdom between Alphonsus of Castile and Garcias of Navar p. 135 Between Artobarzanes and Zerxes ibid. Between John Baliol and Robert Bruce of Scotland p. 136 A contention between Alonzo de Vargas and Julio Romero 116 Conversation allow'd between men of different opinions in Religion 130 132 133 Councels chosen to rectifie the mis-government of Princes 206 207 Cruel Governours the destruction of many brave Nations p. 126 And the occasion of sundry Rebellions 127 Cruelty of the French where they have the upper hand 34 35 Cyrus his Birth and Fortune p. 87 88 89 He is stiled the Father of Common People p. 5 His humanity to Astyages and to Croesus 200 D DAgobert leaveth the Kingdom of France to his youngest son Clouis p. 39. He commandeth all those of a different Religion to depart the Kingdom within a time limitted 129 Darius his policy in revenging the injury of Oretes 161 Signior Darrennes his commendation of Henry the third of France 170 Kings Deposed in several Nations 203 204 The Diet at Auspurgh a politique pretence of Charls the fifth 253 Dionysius the pattern of a Tyrant 5 Disobedience to Parents severely punished p. 40 The Disobedience of the Spanish Souldiers 116 Dissentions and troubles easily revived in France 261 262 The Dolphiny bequeathed to Philip de Valois 50 Dunorix spared by Caesar for his brother Divitiacus his sake 162 209 E EDward the third his success in France p. 10. He taketh his advantage to invade the Scots notwithstanding the League between them p. 98 He is favoured by the common people of Flanders against Philip de Valois 261 Edward the fourth's suspition of Henry Earl of Richmond p. 68 His politique proceedings to regain the Kingdom of England 221 Queen Elizabeth of England blamed for making a League with France and the United Provinces p. 3 The most considerable Enemy of the Spaniard p. 82 83 Her Vertues and Power extolled and compared wiâ—h the mightiest Princes of former ages 85. The attempts of many against her life p. 86 Her attempts against Spain and Portugal justified p. 91 93 Her assisting of Don Antonio justified p. 94 And her protection of the Low Countries p. 102 103 Her intercepting the Spanish money going into Flanders excus'd p. 105 The English Fugitives answer'd who charge her with the raising of new Subsidies and Taxes 183 Divers Emperours have admitted Haeretiques in their Realms to preserve quietness among their subjects 133 134 Embassadors justly slain upon some occasions 210 Enemies not suppressed but augumented by Caligula's cruelty 231 England 's Title to France how it came to be neglected p. 43 45 46 47 c. It s strength and security above other Nations p. 219 The last of the Romans Conquests 220 English Armies coming into France compared by du Haillan to wild Geese resorting to the Fens in winter 83 84 Englands possessions in Forraign parts 44 Ericus King of Norway demandeth the Kingdom of Scotland in right of his daughter 198 Duke Ernestus the fittest match for the King of Spain 's daughter 257 Escovedo 's murther censured p. 3 His credit greater upon the Burse of Antwerp then the King of Spain 's 112 The Duke of Espernon rendred suspected to the French King p. 157 He discovereth the practises of the Guises 165 Eude Earl of Paris made King of France instead of Charls the Son of Lewis 42 Eumenes his stratagem to preserve his life 65 The Excommunications of the Pope invalid 171 The Expences of divers Princes and States in their Wars and Buildings and other occasions 113 F FAbius Ambustus the Roman Ambassadour the occasion of the war between Brennus and the Romans 210 Fabius Maximus the
Lewis Prince of France repuls'd from England with dishonour 217 Lewis of Anjou adopted by Joan queen of Sicily 54 Lewis Sforza Duke of Milan maketh use of an Army of Turks 139 Lewis Adolistz hath the Cities of Faenza and Imola conferr'd upon him by the Emperour 53 The Low Countries a considerable advantage to the king of Spain 123 M MAhomet how he grew to the credit and reputation of a God 50 Manlius being in trouble the Romans put on mourning weeds 5 Marcus Aurelius leaveth the Empire to his son Commodus unwillingly 39 Marcus Coriolanus reconciled to the Senate of Rome by the mediation of his wife and mother p. 1 His death bewailed ten moneths by the Roman Dames p. 5 His reconcilement to his Country proposed to the Guises for imitation 148 Marcus Marcellus the Sword of the Country 5 The Marquess of Mantua won by promises to take part with the Duke of Milan 242 The Marquess of Pescara hardly disswaded from siding with Charls the fifth The Marquess of Villona rebelleth against the king of Aragon and is aided by Alonzo of Portugal 16 Martin Scala made Lord of Verona and Vincenza by the Pope 53 Mary Queen of Scots her practises against Queen Elizabeth p. 107 Several arguments made in her behalf by her friends p. 191 Answered p. 192 193 c. Masistias death greatly bewailed by the Persians 5 Matthew king of Hungary striveth for precedency with Ladislaus of Bohemia 195 Maximinus his great strength 231 The Duke of Mayne displeased with his brother the Duke of Guise 's proceedings p. 22 He and the Marquess du Pont Competitors 146 The Country of Mayne quitted by the king of England 45 Menemus Agrippa's discreet Oration appeaseth the rage of the common people 235 Merouingians Charlemains and Capets the three races of the French kings 36 Monastical Lives voluntarily assumed by divers Princes 215 The Murthering of the Duke of Guise excused 160 161 162 c. N NAtions have their several qualities according to the Climate they inhabite 9 The Nature of the Italian and Spanish Souldiers 114 Navar conquered by the King of Spain p. 58 A member of the Kingdom of France 59 New exactions cause rebellion in the place where they are levied 6 Pope Nicholas the third useth all means to diminish the French King's power 276 247 Mr de la Noves opinion concerning the strength of the French King 77 O THe Obizes and Estentes made Dukes of Ferrara by the Pope 53 Olaus and Eustus kill the Ambassadour of Malcolm King of Scots 209 Open Enemies less dangerous to Princes then deceitful friends 106 Othagarius King of Bohemia refuseth the Empire p. 249 The Electors offer it to Rodolph Master of his Palace ibid. Othagar maketh war against him and is slain by reason of Milotas trechery 251 Otho the third the wonder of the world 5 Otho Duke of Saxony subdueth Berengarius and is made Emperour 173 Otho 's law concerning wicked Princes 204 248 The Oversight of the King of France after the murthering of the Duke of Guise 145 P THe Duke of Parma politiquely diverted from claiming his right in Portugal 68 Pope Paul the third's distaste against the Emperour Charls the fifth 100 101 The Persians poll themselves and their Beasts for the death of their King Masistias 5 The Marquess of Pescara disswaded from following Charls the fifth 243 Philip the long bestoweth upon the Duke of Burgundy the County of Burgundy 29 Pipin 's politique designs to gain the Crown of France 26 Pius quintus entreth into a League with Philip of Spain and the Venetians against the Turk 137 Poictou quitted by the King of England 45 Poland infected with sundry heresies p. 6 The kingdom of Poland after much entreaty accepted by the French king Henry the third p. 151 152 The Polanders chuse another king in his absence 154 The Pope 's power small at the beginning p. 172 By what means advanced to such a height p. 172 173 c. He flies to the king of France for aid against the Lombards p. 173 A perpetual sower of dissention between the princes of Christendom p. 177 A procurer of much bloodshed in France and England p. 178 179 Not able to yeild the Spaniard any great help 137 Portugal how it cometh of right to belong unto the kingdom of Spain p. 59. The several Competitors for that kingdom p. 60 The Author's opinion concerning this claim 60 A Prerogative belonging to Princes to sit Iudge in their own causes 213 Pride of the House of Austria by what means it might be pull'd down 255 The Prince of Conde and the King of Navar joyn with Duke Casimir 155 Princes degenerating from their Ancestors may easily be driven from their Crowns p. 6 Princes ought to submit to the observance of their own laws p. 41 They ought to revenge injuries done to private subjects p. 163 Princes of small jurisdiction as absolute as those of greater 164 The Prodigality of divers Emperours 168 Publique Declarations the usual means of promoting or justifying any designe 241 Q QUarrels with Neighbour Princes to be composed before new enterprises are undertaken 216 R REbels favoured and maintained by Princes of other Nations 13 15 Rebellions upon what small occasions they have broke out 239 Richard the first ransomed by the Clergie and Commonalty of England p. 5. He is taken prisoner by Leopold Archduke of Austria 208 Richard the third's suspicion of Henry Earl of Richmond 68 Robert King of France leaveth his Kingdom to his second Henry 39 Robert Rudolphy his practises against Queen Elizabeth at the suggestion of Spain and Rome 106 107 Rodolph of Hapspurgh bestows the Kingdom of Austria upon his son Albert p. 53 He obtaineth the Empire by cunning p. 249 Divers great Competitors at the same time p. 249 He resigneth the Exarchat of Italy to the Pope 254 Romans in enlarging their Dominions what colourable pretences they had p. 15 Courted or feared by all other Princes or States p. 64 65 Their many and mighty victories 74 75 Romulus his policy to augment the City of Rome 65 S THe Salique Law belonged only to Salem a Town in Germany where it was made p. 29 No lawful pretence to exclude Edward the third and Henry the fifth from the Crown of France 28 29 The Earl of Salisbury 's example a warning to the Guisards 148 149 Sardanapalus the pattern of a lecherous and effeminate Prince 5 The Saxons and Danes conquer England rather by subâ—ilty then force 220 Scipio the pattern of a chaste Captain 5 The Scots and Picts invade Britain in the absence of Maximinian 98 Sejanus his greatness and authority under the Emperour Tiberius 23 Servilius judgeth gentle means the best to appease the peoples rage 233 Sigibert eldest son of Dagobert contented with the small Kingdom of Austrasie 39 Sir-names given to Princes upon several occasions p. 8 The Sir-name and Title of a God given to Demetrius by the Athenians 5 Wicked or foolish Sons succeed wise
to write you an historical discourse I wil touch them lightly for that I speak of them obiter and by digression and I hold it sufficient to refute the Objections that may be made in this Cause not by Law but by the Histories of France For albeit Iohn Bodine a Frenchman and notably well seen and read in Histories discoursing in his Book de Methodo Historie at large what Rules are to be observed in judging a right of an Historographer and what credit may be given to an History setteth it down in an opinion not controlable That in matters touching France or England you ought not to credit a French or English History but rather a stranger writing thereof with more indifferency and less partiality yet as in Causes which cannot be well decided or perfectly known but by Domestical witnesses their Testimony is to be preferred before all others So in matters of State which cannot be so well known unto Forrainers as unto men born and bred within the same State better credit ought to be given unto these then unto them You shall therefore hear this first Objection refuted by their own Writers and especially by Du Haillan who in my opinion is the best Historographer that writeth of France who refuteth this Objection by reckoning up a bed-roll of Kings who did not succeed one another but were chosen one after another Pharamond saith he in his third Book was the first chosen King of France After whom Daniel surnamed Childerick was chosen Pipin likewise was chosen and after him Charles and Charlâ—main his Sons And the Frenchmen despising the Youth of Charles King Lewis his Son who was betwixt nine and ten years of age chose Odâ—n Son to Robert the Saxon for their King And afterwards being discontented with his Government they deprived him of his Kingdom and set up Charles in his place who governing them somewhat looslly was likewise deposed and cast into Prison and in his place Baâ—ul King of Burgundy was instituted and created King of France and there remaineth even at this day a certain form of Election which is made at the consecrating and crowning of the King at Beihins where the Peer of France in the name of the Clergy Nobility and People chuse the King that is present Here you see an Election begun in Pharamond continued in others and observed at this day and yet as many as have been Kings since Capet's time have succeeded to their Kingdoms and claimed the same by Inheritance rather then by custom and you shall see when we come to another of their Objections that neither this Election nor this Custom in succession hath been alwayes duly kept and observed The second Objection against this agreement is That although Contracts do bind Princes as well as Subjects yet such Contracts as are made by men not being sufficient and able to celebrate Contracts as men distracted of their wits Lunatiques and others not being in perfect sense and memory do not bind the Contrahents but are held in Law as matters of no weight force or validity and therefore Charles the Sixth who concluded his Peace with the above-mentioned conditions being both before and after the celebration of the same notoriously reputed and known to be a Lunatique this Contract did neither bind him nor his Successors To this it is easily answered That Contracts made by men disabled by Law to enter into any such compositions are of force by two wayes The one if they with due and requisite solemnities be done by such as by Law are deputed to have the Government of their goods and persons during the time of their weakness and imbecillity The other if they themselves having dilucida intervalla being as Lunatiques many times are in perfect sense and memory to celebrate any manner of Contract the same is of full force and strength and therefore Charles the sixth being as their own Histories report at the time when this Agreement was made in his right wits and memory This contract wanted not the force and vertue which Law requireth especially since the chief Nobility of the Realm were then not only present but consenting thereunto and sworn to the performance thereof The third Objection is That the Kings of France cannot alienate the Demeans Rights Titles and Interests of the Crown without the privity and consent of the three Estates which consent could not possibly be had at this Agreement because a great part of the Peers Nobles and others were then absent and bore Armes with the young Prince Charles or at the leastwâ—se followed him against the King his Father To this I briefly answer That in matters which go by plurality of voices it is not alwayes necessary that all be present but that the greater or better part of them that will and do vouchsafe their presence thereat yield their consents thereunto especially when the others who are absent have been cited and warned to be present and they either willingly or contemptuously will not appear For albeit the thing that concerneth all men must be approved of all men yet when some or all may approve or disallow the things which concerneth them and they will not be present to shew their consent or dislike their absence shall not prejudice the Contract that is celebrated and there is no wrong offered unto them by proceeding in their absence quia volenti non fit injuria In this case therefore those that were away being either voluntarily absent or trayterously minded to their King which appeared in that they followed his Son against him and animated and assisted him in his disobedience and rebellion against his Father could not in any respect prejudice the force and validity of this contract for if they were absent of purpose then there was no injury done unto them and if they were Traytors as undoubtedly they are who either bear Armes against their Prince or assist his Enemies with their counsels then they had lost the right of their consent and voice And so consequently the Contract which was celebrated by the more and better part or by all the Nobility and of the three Estates that were present and true and Loyal Subjects unto their King notwithstanding the others voluntary malicious absence was by Law warrantable especially being confirmed and fortified by the Oath of the King and his Council and Nobility The fourth Objection against this Agreement is That when it was concluded the King of England had almost Conquered all France was there with his power and strength about him and shut up the French King as it were in Prison and utterly disabled him to make any resistance against his invincible Army and conquering Forces And therefore whatsoever he did being done by fear and compulsion was of no better force then a Contract extorted by violence or made in Prison by a private man which when he is set at liberty he is not bound by Law to perform except he list To this
of his life in a house of Religion And that the Peers of France not regarding the young years of Charls the son of Lewis their King deprived him of his right and made Eude Earl of Paris king of France You may think it as lawful for Charls the 6. to deprive his Son Charles of his Inheritance for the horrible murther committed as it hath been said on the person of the Duke of Burgundy a Prince of the blood royall a Peer of France and a Counsellour unto the King his Father and for the great manifest and undutiful disobedience which he shewed unto his Father as it was for the States of the same Realm to deprive Theodorick for his Insufficiency Lewis for his Pusillanimity and Charles for his youth So you see the last Objection refuted by their own Examples And as you see the cause why it is said that the Kings of France cannot dis-inherit their children so I will let you understand the reason why they have invented a new shift or device thereby to deprive those of their due who made claim to such debts as the Kings of France owed them There was a time and so it is still when a King of France dyed greatly indebted to the Switzers which debt they challenging of his immediate Successor and Heir who dyed in their debt It was answered that although true it was that Contracts do bind the Contrahents and their heirs as well private men a Princes yet the Kings of France not succeeding as Heirs but as Successors by custom are not within the meaning and sense of that Law which speaketh of Contracts and their Contrahents and their Heirs only By which cavil the poor Switzers were deceived of their due debt as we English-men have been debarred of our Claims Titles and Rights sometimes by the Law Salique which was as I have said no Law of France and sometimes by such exceptions devices and subtleties as I have lately specified The fourth point whereat they wonder is why the Kings of England having good right unto the Crown of France and better success when they demanded their Right by Fire and Sword do not still prosecute their demand and did quickly lose whatsoever they or their Predecessors got in many years This point consisteth of two several points the one why we forbear to challenge our right the other by what occasion we lost all that some of our Kings had conquered especially Henry the fifth who subdued the greatest part of France and although he dyed very young yet he left his Son Henry the Sixth being an Infant of few years so mighty at home so be-friended abroad so accompanied with good Souldiers so well assisted with good Counsellours so followed by cunning and expert captains and so directed by wise and discreet Generals that when he was but ten years of Age he was crowned at Paris King of France by the Dukes of Bedford and Burgundy and in the presence of the chief Peers and Nobility of France This first point is easily answered because ever since the first time we laid claim to the Crown of France those Princes of ours who were Martial men and inclined to Wars demanded their Right by open Wars as both ours and their Chronicles do testifie But it pleased God sometimes to send us as he doth unto other Kingdomes such Princes as were rather given to pleasure and unto peace rather then unto Wars and Martial exploits in whose time the Frenchmen were wise enough to take advantage of their quiet and peaceable natures and when our Kings and Subjects following as Subjects commonly do the humours and qualities of their Princes gave themselves unto pleasures and pastimes the French followed the Wars and either by open Invasions or by subtile devices recoverd part of their losses Besides it hath sometimes fortuned that when we had valiant Princes and such as hath both good will and sufficient power to recover their Right our Realm hath either been divided within it self and by domestical dissention hindred to prosecute Forraign Wars Or that our Kings coming by their kingdoms by force of Armes have had more mind and occasion to stable and assure the same unto themselves and their Heirs then to make Wars abroad Again during the contentions betwixt the houses of Lancaster and of York sometimes the one part and sometimes the other sought favour and friendship and alliance of the Kings of France and they who prevailed in their attempts and purposes by their aid furtherance and sufferance thought it an especial point of wit and policy to seek and continue their Amity yea and sometimes to buy the same with very hard conditions lest that having them for their Enemies they should either invade their Realms or assist their Competitors who most commonly fled unto them for help relief and succour For as many of our Kings as have been driven out of their Royal Seats and Dignities by their domestical Adversaries have been either entertained or restored to their Crowns by the Kings of France and Scotland the Dukes of Burgundy or the Princes of Henault as were Edward the fourth Henry the second the sixth and the seventh Besides some of the kings of France as namely Lewis the twelfth and Francis the first doubting that our Kings would annoy them at home whilest they were busied in Forraign Wars corrupted our Kings Council with bribes and with yearly rewards and pensions made them so bound and beholding unto them that they did not only bewray their Masters secrets but also diverted their purposes and if at any time they were purposed to molest France or to joyn with the Enemies of France they changed the Kings minds and perswaded them not only not to hinder but also to help and further the French Kings in all their Enterprises and against all their Enemies And they were not only contented to â—ee our cheif Counsellors as Francis the first â—id Cardinal Wolsey who bare such sway with Henry the eighth changed his determination so often made him friend and enemy to whom he would and favoured the Emperour Charles the fifth and sometimes the French king his common Adversary in such manner that it was commonly said that Cardinal Wolsey ruled the French King the King of England and the Emperour but also they purchased our Kings favour and furtherance with yearly Fees and Pensions For it is written that Lewis the eleventh to retain and entertain the King of England for his friend payed him yearly in London 50000 Crowns and bestowed yearly 16000 other Crowns upon his chief Counsellors the Lord Chancellor and the Master of the Rolls and when our King had any occasion to send any Embassadour unto him he received them so honourably entertained them so friendly rewarded them so liberally and dispatched them with so fair words although their Embassage was never so unpleasant and displeasing unto him that they departed alwayes very well contented And albeit that some
King of France but King of Navarra yea the Spaniards as I have said before considering that their King enjoyeth a great part of that Kingdom and layeth claim to the whole vouchsafeth him not the honour to call him king of Navarra but in all their Writings they call him either the Prince of Bearn or more plainly the Bernois The first point whereat they wonder is why the King of Spain whose Predecessors not much more then 320 years agoe were but very poor Earls of Hapsburg in Swizzeland until that in the year 1273. Rodulph Earl of Hapsburg was chosen Emperour is grown to be a King of more might greater wealth and larger Dominions the either the Emperour or any other Christian Prince possesseth at this present and how he and some of his Predecessors have kept and conserved the same whereas the Emperour hath lost most part of his possessions and we as it hath been said and many others besides us have in a very few years departed or rather been driven from all that we or they got and conquered in many years In this point there are these parts to be considered The increase of the house of Austria and how it came The continuance thereof and whence it proceeded The fall and decay of the Emperour and what was the cause thereof Lastly ours and others losses and how they hapned The Spaniards increase is rare but not marvelous because few Princes have been blessed with the like fortune not marvelous because the causes thereof are ordinary and not in any respect strange or wonderous for that very many mean men have enjoyed the like success for of the Kingdomes Dominions and Seigniories which he now possesseth he came by some justly as those which came unto him by succession and inheritance others valiantly as those which his Ancestors conquered by force of Armes some fortunately as those which his Predecessors got by marriages others most wrongfully as those which he or they usurped unjustly So private men which grow unto excessive wealth get some thereof with cunning as that which they attain by deceit and policy other-some happily as that which cometh unto them by marriage some painfully as that which they purchase by great Industry other some wrongfully as that which they extort from their Neighbours by violence injury wrong or oppression It is and hath been alwayes usual amongst Princes to give their Kingdomes and chief Dominions unto their eldest Sons and the Appendancies unto their younger children and those Princes who have commonly come by Election unto higher dignity then ever they expected have likewife always accustomed for the increase of their greatness and the advancement of their house and family to bestow whatsoever falleth void in the time of their Government belonging unto the same upon their children even as Bishops Deans and other Prelates of the Church in these dayes grant all the Leases Coppy-holds Farms and Tenements which belonging unto their Bishoppricks Deaneries and Prebendaries fall void in their time upon their children or their neerest kinsmen But betwixt Princes and Prelates there is this difference That Princes give with this condition that for default of Heirs Males of their bodies unto whom they give their gifts should return from whence they came and Prelates for the most part give for term of life or for certain years and yet those Prelates who besides their prelacy challenge to be absolute Princes of which number I read of none so absolute or liberal in that respect as the Pope of Rome grant many times not Seigniories but Kingdomes and Principalities with the like conditions yea and impose a yearly fee and pension to be paid unto them and their Heirs unto whom they give out of the See of Rome from whence they and their posterity receive the same gifts So there was a time when Benedict the twelfth Pope of Rome gave unto Suchin the Viscount and Government of Millan and of all the towns and of all castles belonging to the jurisdiction thereof So there was a time when the same Pope bestowed upon divers Princes the like gifts as upon Martin of Scala the cities of Verona and Vicenza upon William Gonzega Mantua and Rezzo upon Albertin Corazza Padua and the Territories thereof upon Obizes Estenses Ferrara and the Dukedom thereof So there was a time when as Lewis the Emperour either to be as liberal as the Pope or to have as many friends as the Pope gave unto Geleotto Malatesta the Regiment of Arminio Pescarâ— and Fano unto Anthony Mountefeltro the Dukedom of Urbine and the Country called La Marca unto Geytel de Veronio the Dukedom of Chamerino unto Guido de Polenti the city of Ravenna unto Cinbaldo Ordelafy the cities of Furly and of Cesena unto Iohn Manfred Faenza and unto Lewis Adolisti the city of Imola So there was a time when as Pope Urban gave unto Charles Earl of Argiers and of Provence the kingdom of Sicily and the Dukedomes of Puglia and Calabria to hold them unto the fourth generation who promised to pay him yearly seventy thousand Crowns for the same Kingdom and Dukedomes So briefly there was a time when as Alexander the sixth giving his only Daughter in marriage unto the Duke of Ferrara confirmed unto him and his Heirs the same Dukedom and reduced the yearly pension thereof from fourty thousand Crowns unto a thousand Ducates not in imitation but in the self same manner as those Popes and those Emperours used the forementioned Emperour Rodolph sometimes Earl of Hapsburg having attained the possession of the Empire contrary to all mens expectations and perhaps far beyond his own deserts meaning to increase his own ability and to benefit his heirs and posterity for ever there by bestowed the kingdom of Austria which in his own time for want of Heirs Males reverted unto the Empire upon his son Albert to hold it for ever of the Empire and from this Albert came all the house of Austria until Charles the fiâ—th who was Emperour and Father to the present king of Spain There began his house Now shall you see how it came to further advancement His States some are within his native Country and some without the same They within are the Kingdoms of Castile of Aragon and of Lyons c. twelve in number somtimes belonging unto so many several Princes and in process of time united and appropriated unto one So was France in ancient time divided into three Kingdoms as the Kingdom of Mets with the Country adjacent of Soâ—sson with the Territory thereunto adjoyning and of Paris with the Provinces thereunto belonging And the Kings of these several Kingdoms bore the names of the place where they kept their Courts So was â—hibault king of Mets Childebert king of Paris and Clotarius of Soissons So in the year 514. was added unto these three Kingdoms a fourth namely Orleans and every one of those Kings was commonly called King of France and for
only true and faithful unto him but also so discreet and wise that they both foresee and prevent all occasions of rebellion These Governours have their eyes alwaies open and watching not only over the Subjects committed to their charge in holding them low and in continual fear of severe punishment for every small offence but also over the Princes which confine with the Governments in keeping them from all opportunities of invading their States These Governours are assisted by grave and wise Counsel by whose advice they are directed in matters of great weight These Governours are accompanied by many under-officers who are employed in gathering such intolerable taxes as are layed upon the common people upon which officers the fault is layed if any offence be taken against the extremity of the taxes and somtimes the Governour upon complaint made unto him if no excuse can pacifie the complainants mitigateth the rigour of the exactions or sendeth them unto his and their king for relief and remedy who if he shall see no other way to content them or to continue and contain them within the bounds of their wonted obedience yeildeth somwhat to their petition and so laying the blame either upon the necessity of the time or the extremity of his expences or the severity of their officers dischargeth himself of the fault which was imputed unto him and sendeth the Petitioners away in some measure well pleased and satisfied But I shall have occasion to handle this point more largely in another place when I shall speak of such exactions as were levied in particular estates in this our age And therefore reserving the residue of that which I have to say for that place I will proceed in declaring unto you other means which the Spaniard useth for preservation of his Estates in peace in quietness and in dutiful obedience It is written that his Father Charls the fifth fearing that Ferdinando Duke of Calabria and the only remainder of Ferdinando late King of Aragon might in time find some friends to help him or his issue if he should so marry that he might have any to the Crown and Kingdom of Aragon married him unto Germana widow unto the said Ferdinando but barren and past children reaping of this marriage two benefits and both of great weight and consequence For whereas the said Duke by refusing the Crown when it was offered him by the people and by perswading them to accept and receive the same Charls for their King had made the Emperour somwhat beholden unto him he did not only seem in some measure to recompence that good turn by honouring him with the marriage of a Queen but also he assured that Kingdom unto himself and his heirs by bestowing a barren wife upon him who was rightful heir thereunto and by that marriage was utterly disabled to have any lawful Issue The Spaniard not by mariage but by employment of the late Duke of Parma in such wars as were somwhat pleasing and answerable to his humour kept him alwaies so busied that he could never attend to the conquest of Portugal which of right belonged unto his Son rather then unto the King of Spain And as the Emperour rather deprived the above-named Ferdinando by giving him a barren wife of all possibility to have any lawful issue and so consequently of all earnest desire to recover that Kingdom which should end in himself for want of a childe to whom it might descend So the Spanish King deprived the said Dukes son of all hope to recover his right in Portugal by procuring and counselling him to match in such a Family as never can be able to yeild him any competent aid for the recovery of his said right Again it is written of Richard the third and also of Edward the fourth Kings of England that they both fearing lest that Henry Earl of Richmond who lived in exile with the Duke of Britany by whom he was only sustained and succoured might in process of time find some Friends at home or purchase the favour of some Forraign Prince abroad to help him to recover the Crown of England whereunto he always laid claim did seek all means possible to have the said Earl delivered unto them by the Duke but they could never prevail and therefore never lived secure or assured of their Estate And Richard the third according as he doubted was deprived of his Royal Dignity by the said Earl In like manner the Spaniard hath sought all ways possible to have Don Antonio delivered unto him and hath made him divers great and fair offers of great livings and dignities if he would return into his Country and acknowledging him for King live under his obedience but he could never prevail and God knoweth to what end it hath pleased the Almighty to preserve and reserve the said Don Antonio from many great and almost inevitable dangers and hazards of his life He is not now so low so poor so bare so destitute of all friends so void of all hope but that Henry Earl of Richmond was in all degrees and measure of need and poverty equal unto him It is an infallible rule in policy that no Usurper hath any firm hold or strong assurance of his Estate as long as any pretending right thereunto liveth but the Spaniard hath sufficiently foreseen and provided for any manner of harm or detriment that may arise unto him or unto any of his by Don Antonio or by his children For as the loss of the Battel at Canna deferred the Victories that Hannibal might have had against the Romans and his abode at Capua where his Souldiers learned to be effâ—minate and forgot to be right Souldiers took away all hope to subdue the Romans so the overthrow received by Dâ—n Antonio within his own Kingdom when he was possessed thereof made it very difficult for him to re-gain or recover the same And the late repulse taken at Lisbona when he was before the Town with the small and weak Forces of England hath put him out of all hope to attain his purpose And yet it is held for a sure and most sound opinion by many martial men that not with much great strength then he had then from hence it would be an easie enterprise to recover that Kingdom which opinion I list not to controll for that men of my profession may not conveniently contend with Souldiers especially in matters concerning martial affairs And yet I fear me that if any second enterprise should be attempted against Portugal with an English Army of greater strength of better provision of sounder bodâ—es and of more convenient furniture then the last was the Commanders of such an Army should be subject to no less inconveniencies then the other was and so long as those incommodities are found in an Army so long the like success as hapned unto the first will follow the latter You seldom hear or have read of any Army that went far from home that hath not been subject unto
they commanded all Italy they might justly stand in fear of such an Enemy in Italy as the King of France may be thereunto And so consequently that the present King of Spain whose power is by very many degrees inferiour and not equal to the Romans hath very great and just occasion to doubt and fear the French King for it is written that Hannibal who was the greatest enemy that ever the Romans had who in my simple conceit was the most wise politique and valiant Captain that ever lived who knew the strength of the Romans and how they might well and conveniently be annoyed by any Prince that would undertake Wars against them better then any General of former Age or of our time doth or can know being driven after the ruin and destruction of Carthage to fly for succour and for his last refuge unto King Antiochus delivered unto him for his sound and setled opinion that Italy was a Country that was able to yeild unto any forrain Enemy both Souldiers and Victuals against it self and yet whosoever would attempt any enterprise either secretly or openly against Italy must take the advantage of some Conspiracy Tumult or Commotion to be moved within the very bowels and entralls of Italy for that if the Romans might wholly enjoy and imploy the only forces and strength thereof there was never any King or any Nation that might justly and truly compare with the Romans Then if Italy be such a Country as undoubtedly it appeareth to be by Hannibals Testimony If it be able to yeild releif to Forrainers if the next way to win it be to have a partie and partakers in it who can be thought wise that shall be of opinion the Spaniard is of so great power and Authority in Italy that he should not need to fear the French Kings might or puissance Shall he not be feared because some men perhaps think him not able to set forth an Army sufficient to encounter with the Spanish Forces Why it is written that Alexander the Great who conquered mightier Princes then the present King of Spain is never had in amy Army above 30000. Foot-men and 4000. Horse-men It is writen that the very Romans whose power was such as you have heard it to be never used greater Forces against any forrain enemy then an Army of 40. or 50m. at the most Lastly it is Recorded that the Spanish Kings Father held an opinion for many reasons him thereunto moving that an Army of the same number and quality which Alexander used was without all doubt and controversie sufficient for any Prince whatsoever against any enemy was he never so mighty Again shall he not be feared because his Treasure is not equal unto the Spaniards Golden Mines Why it is true that money and Gold are the very sinews of War it is an infallible Maxime we hold it for a most ancient and over-ruled Rule but if riches had been the best and only means to subdue Nations never had the poor Romans at their first beginning nor the needy Swizzers in their Wars against the rich Duke of Burgundy nor the beggarly Normans in the Infantry of their Chivalry obtained such Victories and Conquests as they did But grant that the Spaniard needeth not fear any Enemy in Italy unless he be as mighty as the Romans both in money and in men If the French King shall be found to be such an enemy will the Spaniards favourers confess that he is worthy to be feared If they should not you would hold them to be senceless And if in this Point concerning the annoying of the Spaniard in Italy I prove him not in some manner equal to the Romans I can be content that my slender Reputation shall suffer any manner of indignity Titus Livius and many other Authors of the like Authority and Credit make true and large mention of the harms of the indignities and of the damages which the Romans sustained by Hannibal They report how he passed the Alpes with great difficulty brought in forces into Italy with great danger ruled his Souldiers with great dexterity provided things necessary for them with singular wisdom and providence won divers Princes of Italy to join with him and them with great Wit and Policy Lastly proceeded on his journey with so great courage and magnanimity prevailed in his enterprises with so good success and fortune terrified and daunted the invincible hearts and stomachs of the Romans with so many unexpected and notable Victories that they had no other way to be rid of him but to send Scipio to War in Affrica and by besieging Carthage to call him home to the releif of Carthage Now for the better proof of my purpose give me leave I pray you to compare the Spaniard and the Romans the French King and Hannibal together a Molehil indeed with a Mountain an Eagle in truth with a fly but such a Molehil and such a fly as will declare the greatness of the Mountain as will illustrate the might and vertues of the Eagle The Romans commanded all Italy The Spaniard ruleth most part of Italy they had no man in Hannibals time that durst oppose himself openly against him he hath few or none in our Age that dareth shew himself an open enemy against him they were generally feared he is undoubtedly redoubted they were assisted by their friends against Hannibal he would likewise find friends against the French King Briefly they stood upon their guard and he is not without his Garrisons But an Hannibal annoyed them when they were almost in the highest period of their pride and prosperity And why may not a French King work him annoyance when he standeth most assuredly upon his defence Shall he not be able to hurt him because the Alpes divide France and Italy and maketh the passage hard and difficult But Hannibal passed them when they were not so passable as they are now And how many times have the Frenchmen passed them since Hannibals time Shall he not find means to work him dispight and hindrance because he is not so well experienced in Wars as Hannibal was But may he not find many Captains who in these days have little less experience then Hannibal had Shall he not be sufficient to war against him in Italy because the Country is far better fortified then in Hannibals time but late experience hath taught us that those Fortifications Holds and Citadels could not stay the course of Charls the eighth King of France who passed through all Italy as a Conquerour until he came to the Kingdom of Naples which he also subdued Briefly shall he not prevail against him in Italy because the Spaniard is in League with most of the Princes hereof But Histories afford us many examples that the Italian Princes have oftentimes broken their League with the Emperour and other his Predecessors whose greatness they either feared or enveighed as they do the overgrowing power of the Spaniard at this present And why may not
afflicted is a point of great Inhumanity so to comfort the comfortless is a work of singular Justice and Lenity The commendation due to this kind of courtesie hath wrought so strange effects in the hearts of many Princes that some have received their professed Enemies others have fallen out with their dearest friends rather then they would restore a poor Prince being fled unto them for succour when he was demanded at their hands some have refused great rewards which have been offered them for the restitution of such as lived in exile and banishment within their Territories others have entertained them with large yearly Pensions and presently aided them for the recovery of their Kingdomes some have given them whole Cities to dwell in others have been so forward in releiving such as implored their help that they have lost their own Kingdoms for defending them It is written in the Histories of France that Charles the seventh having upon just occasion of offence and displeasure conceived against the Dolphin of France who was his eldest son banished him out of his Realm and commanded that none of his Subjects or Friends should receive him The Duke of Burgundy who was then Vassal unto the French King and mortal Enemy unto the Dolphin did not only receive him but also gave him leave to chuse what Castle Hold or City of his soever he would to dwell in and sent presently Embassadours to his Father to make his excuse for receiving him Piero Mexias in his Book of the lives of the Roman Emperours reporteth That the Emperour Henry the third when as Peter King of Hungary was driven out of his Kingdom by his own Subjects who for his evil Government had rebelled against him did not only harbour and entertain him but also restored him unto his Kingdom although the same Peter not long before had favoured the Duke of Bohemia who rebelled against the said Emperour The King of Cochin being required by the King of Calicut not to harbour his enemies which were fled unto him for succour Answered that he could not expel them out of his Cities having received them upon his word with which Answer the King of Calicut being highly displeased wrot him a Letter full of great threats whereat the King of Cochin laughed and willed the Messenger to tell him that he would not do that for fear of all his threats which he vouchsafed not to do at his request whereupon the King of Calicut suddenly prepared a great Army invaded the King of Cochins Realm drave him out of his Kingdom and enforced him to fly unto a certain Island of his own which was then in the hands of certain Portugals by whom he not long after was again restored unto his Kingdom Our Chronicles report That both Edward the fourth and Richard the third offered great Rewards unto the Duke of Brittan to restore unto them Henry Earl of Richmond who lived as a poor banished man within the Dukedom but no money could win him to yeild unto their desire The same Chronicles testifie that the poor King of Scots received Henry the sixth flying from the persecution of Edward the fourth and entertained him with a yearly Pension and aided him for the recovery of his Kingdom David distrusting the protection of God slyeth unto Achich King of Goth who giveth him Siglag to dwell in And Ierobâ—am flying unto Shishack King of AEgypt was honourably received of him and maintained there like a Prince until Rehoboam was deprived for his cruelty and he sent for out of Egypt and made King of Israel Frederick King of Naples being oppressed by his Uncle the King of Spain used unto the French King unto whom he made grievous complaints of the Catholique King because without any regard of the kindred and consanguinity that was betwixt them he had endeavoured by all means possible to deprive him of the Moity of his Kingdom Lewis the French King received him with great honour and courtesie made him Duke of Anjou and gave him 30000. Ducates of yearly Revenue Our Chronicles and other Histories are full of a number of the like Examples confirming the equity and commending the clemency and gentleness of such Princes as have yeilded competent relief to their neighbours to their enemies to their Allies and to meer strangers being enforced to crave their aid and assistance But hoping that these will suffice to satisfie and resolve you I will forbear to enlarge this discourse with the supersluous and needless recital of others It is commonly said that troubles come in post and depart by leisure And who so seeketh unquietness shall easily find it and therefore considering the displeasure that is done to the adversary of him that is received into another Kings Realm and protection the danger which the Receiver may incure and the manifest wrongs which are sometimes done unto the Receiver by the received together with their most unkind and unnaturall Ingratitude this kinde of charitie is sometimes termed crueltie this pity peril this favour extream folly and this compassion a passion not agreeable to reason and Princely policy Some Princes therefore weighting the perils that may follow the receiving of such Guests or the aiding of Princes who were expelled or banished from their own Dominions would neither receive them nor succour them unless they were well rewarded for their labour to the end that such a reward might recompence the costs and charges which do necessarily depend upon the harbour and relief which is given unto them Alexis sometimes Emperour of Greece being deprived of his Empire could not obtain any manner of aid from the Venetians the Marquess of Montferrat and the King of France until he had faithfully promised to pay the Venetians debts to recompence with so much ready money the harms which the Frenchmen had sustained by the Emperour Emanuel and to bestow the Earldom of Candia upon the forenamed Marquess Macrinus having slain the Emperour Bassianus enjoyed the Empire and his Son Antoninus Heliogabalus lived a long time in exile until his Mother Messa by great gifts and extraordinary liberality won the Soulders of Macrinus and his best Captains and Colonels to acknowledg him for the true and indubitate Heir of the Empire and in regard thereof and of the duty of the young child whom for his Fathers sake they quickly affected to deprive Macrinus of his usurped Diadem and Imperial Authority Other Princes perhaps terrified with the perils that accompany and attend upon the harbouring of such distressed Princes when they have once received them either restore them to their enemies or detain them as lawful Prisoners or cause them to be secretly murthered So did Alarick King of the Goths send King Siagrius who fled unto him for succour back again unto Clovis King of France his mortal enemy So did Toleny cause Pompey to be murthered who fled unto him as unto his ancient and faithful friend from the wrath and indignation of
his friends Bodin in his Book De Republica reporteth that Charls the Ninth King of France his Brother gave away in the year 1572. Two millons and seven hundred thousand Francks and the next year two millions and forty four thousand Francks and in the last year of his reign One million five hundred and two thousand Francks besides certain years Pentions which amounted unto One hundred thousaud Francks But grant that he gave much more then he did Is it not lawful for a Prince to reward his Servants Is it not in his liberty to cast his especial favour upon whom it pleaseth him And is there any thing that sheweth a Kings greatness procureth him faithful Friends and eternizeth his Name more then his bounty and liberality I know that Nero was reprehended because that in Fifteen years he gave away above Fifty five millions I confess that Caligula is blamed for that he spent in one year Sixty seven millions And I acknowledge that Dion reporteth it for no praise and commendation unto Claudius that he wasted in three years five Miriades of Miriades and Seventh usand seven hundred and eight drams or as some report One thousand seven hundred and eight miriades I allow no such prodigality and yet I think it not lawful for Subjects to rebel against their Princes if they be over-prodigal I know that there be other ways to be used to restrain their excessive liberality I read that the Parliament House in the tenth year of Richard the Second of England considering that through the covetousness of the Officers by them displaced the Kings Treasure had been imbezelled and lewdly spent chose Thirteen Lords to have the oversight under the King of the whole Government of the Realm And I finde that divers Subjects have revolted from their obedience to their Princes because they having wasted their Revenues they over-charged them with Subsidies and Impositions But I see that their rebellion wrought their own confusion Now from the late Kings Prodigality briefly in a few words to his other vices he is noted to have been somewhat more given to Venery then it became a married Prince but I find not that his wantonness was outragious and sure I am that he never had so many Concubines as Solomon nor caused any man to be killed that he might enjoy his Wife as David did to Urias nor made away with his own Wife to have another as it is said the Spanish King did And yet Solomon was the wisest Prince that ever lived and no King ever pleased God more then David did And the Leaguers held King Philip to be the mirror of the Kings in our age Neither did the late King of France delight so greatly in the company of wanton women but that he could and would have used the same with much more moderation then he did had not the Queen-Mother the Duke of Guise and others who ruled all things under him nourished that humour in him to the end that he following of his delights they might the more freely govern the whole Kingdom at their own will and pleasure a policy borrowed of Cardinal Wolsey This Wolsey being Henry the Eighth his Chaplain and brought into credit and favour by the Bishop of Winchester made his House a Paradise of all kind of pleasure and oftentimes invited the King thither and so fed him with vain delights that his Majesty during the greatest time of his younger years committed the Government of the whole Kingdom into his hands It is written of Lewis King of Bohemia that if he had had a good Governor in his youth who would not onely have had a care of his health but also have given him good instructions he would undoubtedly have made a notable Prince for he had a very good Wit and a natural disposition to Vertue and Goodness But the Marquess of Brandenburg who by his Father was left to be the Teacher and Informer of his Youth and Manners being a very good Prince but more delighting in Banquets Dancings and other such Sports and Pastimes then in serious and grave studies befitting a Prince brought the King up in those Vanities wherein he took such pleasure and delight that he cared not how little he medled with matters of State Good Education is a great Jewel for all men but especially for Princes because that such doctrine and disposition as Children and Young-men receive in their youth such they retain in their elder years And the Prince is not so much to blame who is given unto vanities in his riper years as they are to be reprehended who trained him up in vain Delights in the days of his indiscretion The blame therefore of Henry the Third his wantonness must light upon them who were the Authors of his folly and abused those good Gifts and Graces which the Almighty had bestowed upon him which were Valour Wisdom Eloquence and the use of divers Languages Qualities not so common as commendable in a Prince His Valour is proved by the siege of Rechel where as it is written by Historiographers of good credit it was impossible for a Prince for such was he at that time to shew himself more truly valiant then he did and the commendation which Sir Henry Cobham a discreet and wise Gentleman and of great Judgement and Experience when he was Ambassador for her Majesty in France gave him upon occasion of talk at his Table coming from such and so able a man as was may serve for a sufficient proof of the rest of his good qualities For I well remember that the said Sir Henry talking with his Nephew Mr. Maximilian Cobham who was then lately come out of England into France of the late King said that he had been imploied as Ambassador for her Majesty unto the Emperor the King of Spain and divers other Princes but among them all he never heard any forein Prince that delivered his mind more eloquently readily and wisely then the said King and that as often as he had Audience of him he would sometimes speak in French and sometimes in Italian and although he Answered him fully to every point whereof they conferred before he departed from him yet like a wise and discreet Prince he would always require him not to take it for his full and resolute Answer untill he had talked with his Council and at their next meeting his later Answer seldom or never varied from the former a manifest Argument of his great Wisdom who was able to answer an Ambassador upon the sudden and that not at one Conference onely bnt upon as many and as great occasions as he the said Sir Henry had to confer with his Majesty in the space of three or four years so well and so wisely that his greatest and gravest Councellors could not upon deliberation amend his sudden and extemporal Answers This commendation given him by Sir Henry Cobham is confirmed by the Siegneur Darrennes one of the Ambassadors sent from the Prince of Condey
him Flanders Holland and all the rest of his seventeen Provinces would likewise fall from him But it pleased him having two notable Examples before his eyes the one of Antienâ—time the other of latter years the first bad and the other good to reject the one and to follow the other The Examples were these Rehâ—boam the sonne of wise Solomon would impose greater Taxes and Subsidies upon his Subjects then his Father had done before him The People hereupon complained unto him as the Low-country Subjects did unto the Spanish King desired him rather to mitigate then to increase his Impositions shewed that they were not able to bear and support so great charges He called his Councellors together as undoubtedly the Spaniard did and craved their advice The elder Counsellors were of opinion that it was good and expedient to yield unto his Subjects demands as perhaps the better sort of the Councell were and by easing their charges to assure unto himself their hearts and their affections But the younger sort and such undoubtedly were the Spanish Senators either in Wit or years advised him to reject their Petition and not to suffer them to prescribe Laws unto him who were to receive laws from him but to let them know that he was their King and they his Subjects and that it belonged unto them to obey This Counsel what followed But what followed in following this Counsel The greatest part of his People Rebelled against him Ieroboam was chosen King and Rehoboam raised an Army of 80 Thousand men to constraine his Subjects to return to their former obedience but he lost him time and Ten parts of his Kingdom Lewis the Eleventh King of France a wise and subtile Prince if ever there were any in France at his first coming to the Crown played his part as Rehoboam did until that the chief of his Nobility rebelled against him This wise King acknowledged his fault sought all means possible to pacify and reconcile those Rebells He yielded to their demands and was so far from punishing their disobedience as that he received them for his chief Councellors and was always more directed by them then by any other of his Counsell And when he had escaped the danger whereinto he was fallen by his Folly he gave great thanks to Almighty God that it had pleased him to give him the Grace not to hazard the losse of so great and mighty a Kingdome as France was and is upon the uncertainty of a Battaile and especially of a Bâ—ttaile to be fought against his own Subjects Subjâ—cts that love their Prince as the head of the Politique body their children as the stay and hope of their everlasting Families and their Liberty as the most precious Jewell of their worldly wealth And therefore when they see their Liberty restrained or impeached they forget their duty to their Prince remember not their love to their children and cut off their love and affection to their goods Nay they are no longer Masters of themselves being void of 〈◊〉 of reason of Judgment apprehending no thing else but that which is before their eyes and following those only who delude their senses abuse their reason and deceive their Judgment so that to strive with them in these Passions is to contend with mad men in their fury and it is almost as impossible for a Prince to rule them in this rage as it is impossible for one man to take and tame a number of wild Beasts in a wide and great Forrest It is doubtless that the Spanish King knew thus much but it pleased him to beleeve Appius Claudius better then Servilius to persecute and not to pacifie Volera to reject and not to receive Menenius his Counsell and to imitate Rehoboam of Israel rather then Lewis of France no marvel then if Rehoboams hard and ill Fortuâ—e and not Lewis his rare and strange Felicity beâ—ideth him You have seen his bad course heard his impossibility to subjugate and subdue England It remaineth to shew you that although he should conquer England yet he could not continue long in quiet and peaceable possession thereof It is hard to say what course he would take and how he would governe if he should chance to prevaile against England but I think he would imitate the example of others who have made conquest of strange and forreigne Countries before him and he will therefore make all things new as he himself shall be new He will appoint a new government and new Governors He will establish new Laws new Orders new Customes build up new Citadels and pluck down old Castels kill our Nobility and place Spaniards in their roomes Change all our Officers and make Castles and Forâ—s to keep his Subjâ—cts in awe and in fear destroy the Counâ—y and take away all ancient Priviledges impoverish the rich and inrich the poor unarme the vanquished and arms the vanquishers plant his religion and banishours impose new tributeâ— and charge the Subjects with strange impositions Briefly set spies in every City in every village in every town in every Hamlett and in every House to mark what is done or said what what is Counselled or practised Behold this is all that he can do This is as much as the Danes did This is the course that William the Conqueror took Briefly this is the manner of Government which the Romans practised and it is likely that he will doe all this in his own Kingdome But our Country men knowing by certaine report that he will doe all this will rather die then endure all this or if they endure it for a time will undoubtedly both seek and finde means to free themselves from such servitude in shorttime The examples of other Nations and other People which have killed themselves with their own hands because they would not fall into their Enemies hands will both move and encourage them to imitate and follow their Magnanimity The rebellions of many Princes will animate them to Revolt from their obedience Necessity will put some way or other into their heads how to find weapons how to choose Captains how to perswade a general Revolt and how to procure an alteration and change of his Tyrannical Government For albeit that the Spaniards will perhaps for a time Governe with all mildness â—â—â—anity and Justice yet as soon as they think themselves well setled and assured to hold and continue their conquests as soone as they taste those sweet Commodities and pleasant fruit which follow after the great increase of wealth and riches then will they begin to change their customes and their conditions then should you see which God forbid you ever see the Magistrates rob the commonwealth base and unworthy persons advanced to places of Dignity Superiors wrong their Inferiors â—â—supportable tributes imposed upon the People abominable Vices left unpunished Offices of Justice sold for money Laws little or nothing regarded Strangers more honored and respected then our own countrymen and good manners changed into evil conditions
and penetrate even to the hearts of his best friends and his most assured Allyes But he is a faint friend that will be won with a word and he not worthy the name of an Ally whom the dash of a pen may make forsake and abandon his Confederate How then what other general way is to be practised Where a pen cannot prevail let a purse be walking Quis nisi mentis snops oblatum respuit aurum Let greater advancement be proffered to the Spanish Governors greater preferment to his best friends notable rewards unto those that will leave him Iulius coesar to win the hearts and affections of Scipios Souldiers promised them peaceable and quiet possession of their own goods and to reward them with the self same Honor Offices and Dignities which he vouchsafed upon his own own followers and by this means he won from Scipio many of his dearst friends Francis Forza a Captain of great worth and of better credit served the Venetians and the Florentines together many years against Philip Maria Duke of Millan and they to retain him to their onely service made him great offers promised him great preferment but the Duke hearing hearing thereof with a faithful promise to give him his onely Daughter in marriage and to make him his sole and onely Heir made him forsake his old friends and to become his vowed friend and servant But Francis Forza was a mean Captain and a man of no great Linage and therefore easie to be changed with an assured hope of better advancement whereas men of good account of honorable Parentage and of fufficient Lands and possessions such as the Spaniards cheifest Governors commonly are will not falsifie their faith or forsake their King for any reward whatsoever Truly men of great honour prefer their credit before their gain and yet honorable men are men as others be and suffer themselves to be won as others are There was a time when the Marquess of Mantoua whose Successors are now Dukes and equal to great Princes and he not inferior unto any of his Predecessors having vouchsafed to serve the Venetians as their General against Lewis Duke of Millan stood not so much upon his honor but that the said Lewis with greater offers and a larger Pention then he had of the Venetians was able to withdraw him from their service and devotion There was a time when the mighty Emperor Charls the Fift being desirous to alienate the affection of Pope Leo the Tenth from Francis the First King of France obtained his request and purpose by promising the Cardinal Iulio de Medicis a yearly Pension of ten thousand Ducats to be paid him out of the Arch-Bishoprick of Toledo and by giving to Alexander de Medicis a Pension of the like value in the Kingdom of Naples There was a time when the said Emperor Charls being jealous of the great friendship that was betwixt Pope Clement the Seventh and the Duke of Urbin and likewise desirous to distract Andrew Dorea from the service of the said Pope who then was in League with the French King prevailed with the one by giving him the City of Lova in the Kingdom of Naples and gained the assured friendship of the other by making him Duke of Malfie and by encreasing the pay and Pension which the Pope gave him To be short there was time when as Philip sirnamed the Fair King of France did not onely entreat Adolph the Emperorâ— by the onely means of great Rewards to forsake the Amity and Alliance of Edward King of England and of Guido Earle of Flanders but also procured Albert Duke of Austria by warring upon the Emperor at home to detain him in Germany so that he could not as he had promised trouble and molest France But some men will say These men had no regard of their honour whereunto a man carrying any reasonable respect will hardly be intreated to commit any thing that may never so little blemish or prejudice his reputation It cannot be denied that vertuous men had rather have their names eternized by their vertuous action then their Families enriched by unlawful corruption Yet it is written and written by an Author worthy to be remembred amongst the best Authors of our time That the Marquess of Pescara a Prince whose Vertues Fame Reputation Credit and Honor were nothing inferior unto the most honorable and vertuous Princes that ever lived on earth had been won by his friend Ieremy Morony to forsake the Emperor Charls the Fift if the Cardinal Acoltera and the Marquess of Angelâ— together with those learned Civilians which were sent by the Pope and the Venetians to perswade him that the Emperor was not lawful King of Naples and that the Pope had power to dispose thereof unto whom it pleased him had used pregnant and sufficient Reasons to enforce their perswasions and to assure him of the Kingdomâ— And undoubtedly the brotherly love of Don Iohn de Austria and the loyal affection of the late Duke of Parma might easily have been shaken by a more sweet then tempestuous wind of the like nature For since Marquesses Dukes Emperors and Popes have been content to be caught with a golden hook let no man be afraid to try and sound or despair to win and change the affections of meaner personages especially such as are either greedy or needy of rewards and against such Princes as have given many occasions of discontentment unto such Personages But now to descend from the general means unto those particular ways which I promised to declare unto you let me I pray you with good leave and patience run over the short Catalogue of his best friends and shew you how even they may be entreated or councelled either to forsake him utterly or to stand as Neutrals and idle lookers on whilst others shall annoy him And because of late years and since his late dishonour received in England he hath used all means possible to induce the Princes of Italy to aid him in a second Enterpâ—ise which he intendeth against England I will as briefly as I can set down divers Reasons which may be used to disswade them from yeelding him any manner of assistance It may therefore be said unto the Italians in general thâ—t they live now in peace and quietness under the wings and protection of divers Princes but who knoweth whether the Spaniard desireth this aid of them to disturb their quiet and to disquiet their general peace who knoweth whether he that now favoureth them will hereafter take occasion to hate them who knoweth since it is the custom of Princes to seek help of others not for any great need they have thereof but either to weaken them or to bring them into the haâ—red of others whether the King of Spain desireth their succour and furtherance to diminish their strength or the number of their friends Briefly who knoweth when their friends are diminished and their forces impared whether he will not suddenly denounce open Wars against them Great
the one because it is as you think very troublesome and vitious and you commend the other because it was as you suppose very peaceable and vertuous But if it may like you to confer the one with the other you shall find them both in like manner reprehensible and with equal measure laudable For first you are to remember that all Kingdoms and Common-wealths represent in outward shew and appearance the figure of a humane body and have as our bodies have their times of health and their times of sickness their seasons of prosperity and their seasons of adversity sometimes they flourish with wealth and plenty other times they languish in want and penury And as in all Ages as well as in ours mens bodies have been disquieted altered distempered yea and destroyed with burning Agues Pestilent Fevers contagious Plagues and other mortal Diseases so in other times as well as at this present Common-wealths and Kingdoms resembling therein as I have said our natural bodies have suffered distemperatures alterations changes and subversions by intolerable exactions domestical dissentions forrain wars and other such like inconveniencies as trouble the present Estate of Christendome Cast your Eye upon all the same Regions which are now under the general name Christendom and see whether in the very Age or immediately after the Age of those vertuous and good Princes of whose glorious Titles Histories make mention they felt not in like manner as we do the heavy hand of Gods Indignation Who either to plague and punish the sins of the Fathers in their Children or to make us know and remember that our Princes although they are constituted and appointed in higher degree then we yet they are subject both to his Will and Pleasure and to our imperfections and vices as well as we sendeth us most commonly a wicked or foolish Son to rule over us after a good and wise Father So he sent as we may read in holy Scripture Roboam after Solomon Manasses after Hezekias Iehohaz after Iosias Iehoram after Iehosaphat Ahaz after Iotham So sent he as we read in prosane Histories Nero after Augustus Dionisian after Vespasian and Commodus after Marcus Aurelius All bad and wicked children to Rule and Govern after their good and vertuous Fathers So sent he as we find in our English Chronicles King Iohn Edward the Second Richard the Second and Third and Henry the Sixth That their Jurisdiction Wickedness Folly and Cruelty might not only succeed but also illustrate the Wisdom Goodness Prudence and Lenity of their Predecessors for as white appeareth more clear and bright being placed nigh unto black so vertue is more commendable when it is conferred with vice and the profits arising thereby are more esteemed when the incommodities which always accompany vice and wickedness do immediately or not long after succeed them And surely as God herein sheweth his Might and Omnipotency so he maketh us also see hereby his Divine Wisdom and heavenly Providence For since he hath distinguished Region from Region some by Rivers others by Seas some by Mountains and others by Desarts And in these Regions he hath made the people of divers natures and of sundry humors some inclined to Peace others given to War some to be ruled by gentleness and others not to be governed but by rigor and cruelty For the conservation of this distinction and for the preservation of these people he hath found it good and expedient to set over them Princes of divers Qualities and sundry Natures that agreeing with the Subjects in exterior dispositions the inward affection may not always be perverted by outward inequalities And because in his unspeakable Wisdom he knoweth that if he should give unto every Kingdom a continual Race of conquering and vertuous Princes neither the Rivers nor the Seas the Mountains nor the Desarts should contain or restrain their unbridled Ambition from molesting and invading the Regions which are nigh or far from them whereby the distinction which he hath set amongst them might be utterly subverted It hath seldom pleased him to bless any one Kingdom with two Princes of like minds or of like vertues Hence it cometh that as in Rome they had their Pompey in Macedon their Alexander in Persia their Cyrus in Egypt their Antiochus and in France their Charles which for their continual and happy Conquests were surnamed the GREAT So in the same Kingdomes aswell as in others they have had their Princes who for their Pusillanimity Losses and ill Fortune might worthily be baptized by the Surnames of Weaklings and Unfortunate Hence it cometh that the Empire of the whole world passed from the Chaldeans to the Medes from the Medes to the Persians from them to the Graecians from the Graecians to the Romans from the Romans to the French-men and from the Frenchmen to the Germans Hence it cometh that Italy hath triumphed over France France over Italy England over Scotland and Scotland sometimes although very seldom over England Hence it cometh to be short that what the Fathers have got the children have lost what the Conquerors added to their ancient Kingdoms their Successors either cowardly or negligently voluntarily or forcibly suffered to be distracted and dissevered from their Kingdomes And as the Empire passed from Nation to Nation so their calamities and the happiness accompanying the Empire and the Emperours also went from people to people for there was never Conquerour that commanded not the conquered to be obedient unto his will and pleasure nor Nation subdued which did not accomodate himself and his nature unto the disposition and commandment of the Subduer Then if the Conqueror was weak and gentle the conquered lived in ease and pleasure if severe and cruel they wanted no manner of rigor or cruelty if poor and needy they supplyed his wants and penury if wanton and leacherous they satisfied his lusts and appetite If covetous and an Extortioner they were subject to Taxes and Subsidies if unjust and unrighteous they suffer wrongs and injuries briefly if any way ill given or ill disposed they seldom gave themselves to vertue and goodness Such therefore as was the Conqueror such were the conquered and whatsoever it pleased him to prescribe that they were inforced to perform His manner of attire was their fashion in apparel his Will served them for Lawes his new Ordinances altered their old Consututions his meanest Subjects commanded the best of their Nobility and his strange and forraign Language became their natural and Mother tongue It they had Lands his Courtiers enjoyed them if Daughters his Favorites married them if Wives his followers deflowred them if riches his Souldiers shared them if Servants his Slaves commanded them Since then many Nations have been subdued and men of divers natures have subdued them Since conquests have been from the beginning of the world and conquerors have always commanded in the world Since Force hath ever been an enemy unto Justice and Equity never bore sway where Arms swayed all
to pass The first of the three was the late Kings especial Favour The second an Office of great Account and Dignity The third that the rest of the Court should be at his Will and Commandment either for love towards him or for fear of his Greatness and Authority For the purchasing and assurance of the Kings favour he useth two principal means The one to let the King understand that he was now grown to so great power and strength that it was impossible for his Majesty to supplant or suppress the same The other to perswade the King not only by words but also by good carriage of himself that he would never abuse that his power but always use it to his Highness benefit and his Majesties service keeping the King by this means always betwixt love and fear and increasing the number of his friends and followers by gratifying some with Offices others with money and still imploying his Purse his Credit and his Countenance for the strengthning of his Party and that in such manner as the King could not but perceive it yet he dissembleth so cunningly protesteth so devoutly and sheweth sometimes so apparent effects of his good will and dutiful obedience to the King that his Majesty distrusteth not his proceedings And for the better continuance of the King in that opinion he marketh what is done in every Province willeth many things to be done that were acceptable and pleasing to the Kings humours and still writeth unto his Friends and Kinsmen that they should shew their obedience in small things and in matters of no great moment that they might the better be trusted in matters of more great weight and profit to the furtherance of his and their designs Now for the obtaining of such an Office as might both countenance him and prefer his Friends he very subtily insinuateth himself into the Queen Mothers favour unto whom the King had committed the Administration and charge of the weightiest affairs of his Kingdom he maketh the Kings principal Secretary sure unto him causeth him to procure his return to the Court when he was once commanded by the King to depart thence in disgrace bringeth it to pass by him that the Duke of Espernon his greatest enemy should be banished the Court and that after his departure the same Secretary should continually seek and procure his discredit and contrariwise further him in all his Attempts and Endeavours lest that the King recalling in time the Duke Despernon might be induced by him to displace and discountenance them both And whilst he is in this favour he sueth to be High Constable of France meaning in time to use the same Office as Charls Martel did for a step and Ladder to climb up to the Kingdom which Office he saith was of such antiquity and necessity as that as soon as there was a King in France there was also a High Constable and that their Estate never flourished better then when the Crown was provided of such Officers as should and did execute their Offices and Charges in as ample manner as their Commissions gave them power and Authority to do Besides seeing that the Queen Mother either at the first or at the last obtained whatsoever it pleased her of the King and that whosoever he was were he never so highly in the Kings favour that displeased her in time lost the Kings good will and good opinion He so carried himself towards her that he seemed to affect nothing more then her good liking and yet not to be so desirous thereof as that he would wholly depend thereupon knowing that the King although he did always attribute much unto his Mother and was contented that she should be reverenced and respected next unto himself yet he could not well brook them that sought for her good will more then for his Favour and thus with cunning continuing a firm League of love and amity betwixt the Mother and the Son he hoped in time to possess them both in such manner as before they should be aware thereof he would assume unto himself the power and authority of them both And further perceiving that the Kings old Secretaries were not in all respects so pliant and ready to follow and fulfil his designs as he wished he laboured by all means possible to prefer them unto Offices of higher dignity and to place others in their rooms who would not fail to further his intents and purposes nor disdain to depend wholly upon his favour and also to make him privy to whatsoever business or affairs of Estate they were commanded to dispatch by the King whereby he came to perfect knowledg of all that was purposed or determined by the Kings privy Councel And grew into such favour and credit that even the principal Officers of the Crown either for fear or for love or by other mens examples submitted themselves wholly unto his devotion And he had such interest in the Kings Court and Courtiers that all or the most part of them seemed to be at his only disposition and to affect him more then their King and Soveraign Having installed himself in this manner in the Court and distracted the hearts of the principal Officers thereof from their duty and love to their King he thinketh it not sufficient to be invested in their favours unless he might also captivate the affections and good wills of the common people whom by promise to relieve their necessities to ease their charges to supply their wants and to redress all that was thought or suggested to be amiss the common means used in all times and all ages by men of his mind to seduce and mis-lead a multitude he easily and quickly perswadeth to favour his party And finding the common sort so ready willing and desirous to perform and accomplish his pleasure as that in respect of their obedience towards him he seemeth to lack nothing but the only name of King to be a King Notwithstanding the great Honor and Reverence that Courtiers shewed unto him the love and affection that the Commonalty bear to him the Offices and Dignities which he partly affected and partly attained the high Attempts and Imaginations which he lodged in his heart and conceit and the unaccustomed Authority which he cunningly had usurped yet he was so far from being puffed up with pride or disdain towards his inferiours faults commonly incident unto men advanced unto extraordinary favour and preferment that for the better continuance of his credit and the peoples good will towards him he would debase and so much deject himself as that he thought not scorn to go bare headed from one end of the Street unto another even unto base Chrochelers and Porters with which his demeanor the Duke De Mayne his Brother was many times highly displeased and could not at any time frame himself to follow and imitate him therein which hath appeared more manifestly since his death the common people in regard of that want not favouring him so highly as
therefore follow That there is no Superior out of France who either hath or could bestow his priviledge upon France And it appeareth by their own Histories That there hath been nothing done within the Realm whereby their Kings have been forbidden to dispose their Kingdoms by their last Wills and Testaments For Dagobert King of France in the presence of the principal Lords and Prelates of his Realm made his last Will and Testament and therein gave the Kingdom of Austrasia unto his Son Sigisbert and the Kingdom of France unto his Son Cloius Likewise Charlemain by Will and Testament divided his Kingdom betwixt his three Sons He gave unto Charles the best and greatest part of France and Germany unto Pipin Italy and Baivera and unto Lewis that part of France which confineth and bordereth upon Spain and Provence And caused this his Will to be ratified confirmed and approved by the Pope and intituled his Sons with the names of Kings It is also written by French Historiographers That Philip de Valois who contended with Edward the Third for the Crown of France ordained by his last Will and Testament that Iohn his eldest Son should succeed him in the Crown and that his second Son Philip should enjoy for his part and portion the Dukedom of Orleans and the Earldom of Valois Now these three Kings being of three Races of the French Kings Dagobert of the Merovingians Charlemain of the Charlemains and Philip de Valois although not directly yet collaterally of the Capets which are the three only Races that ever were in France and they having disposed of their Kingdoms in manner as is a foresaid it may well be presumed that others before them have or might have done the like especially since there is no Law to be shewed which forbiddeth Kings to bequeath their Kingdoms by Will and Testament The sixth and last Objection which is made against this Contract is That Charles the sixth could not lawfully dis-inherit his son who by the custome of France was lawful and apparent Heir and could not for any cause whatsoever be deprived by his Father or by any other of that right which belonged unto him by the ancient Priviledge of France In this Objection there are two things intended The one That the Kings of France cannot deprive their Sons or next Heirs for any occasion whatsoever of their Right Title and Interest to the Royal Crown and Dignity The other That the next of the blood Royal according to the Custom before mentioned must of necessity succeed and enjoy the Kingdom This Obâ—ection is in my simple opinion of greatest force because I read not in all the Histories of France that ever any King thereof but Charls the sixth did dis-inherit his Son True it is that Charles the seventh was thus dis-inherited being plagued by God for his disobedience towards his Father with a Son as undutiful and disobedient in all respects as himself was sent unto the Pope to advise him how he might dis-inherit his eldest Son who had divers times rebelled against him and bestow the Kingdom upon his second son in whom he never found any manner of disobedience but the difficulty is resolved by this reason following For if a Kingdom may be given by Will and Testament as is to be presumed that it may also be taken away from one and bestowed upon another when there is just cause given by him who layeth claim thereunto why he should be dis-inherited especially when as there is no such necessity of successive inheritance as hath hitherto been mentioned And in case it be doubtful whether a Kingdom may be taken from the right Heir and be bequeathed unto another the custom of the Country in private mens Inheritance is to be considered because most commonly such as the Law is in part such it is in the whole and for that generally the Nobility of every Realm who regard the conservation of their Honour and Dignity in their Families no less then Princes do the preservation of the Royal Authority in their Posterity do follow and imitate the manner Law and Order of their Kings touching the disposition of their Kingdoms And even as they usually dispose of their Principalities so do the other of their Baronies and inferior Estates by what Name or Title soever they be called If therefore it can be shewed that any of the chief Nobility of France have at any time dis-inherited their lawful Heirs it may justly be presumed that the Kings of France may do the like when the like occasion is offered unto them The Lords of Bearne have time out of mind been of such power and might in France that the Kings thereof have in all Ages made great account and reckoning of them And the present King of France is Lord thereof and by his Adversaries the Spaniards who will hardly vouchsafe him the name of a King of France or of Navar because they take him to be lawful King of neither of these Kingdoms is commonly called in their Writings Lord of Bearne The Earls also of Foix have beyond the memory of man been of such worth and estimation that it is written of them when they were also Lords of Bearne they cared neither for the King of Aragon nor for the Kings of Navarra for they were able upon any urgent occasion to keep more men at Arms at one time then both those Kings could make at two several Levies Both these Lordships or Seigneuries are now under the Kingdom of Navar and the principal members thereof and the Lords and lawful Owners of each of them dis-inherited their next and lawful Heirs only for ingratitude and unkindness towards them for the French Histories report that Gaston Lord of Beaâ—ne had but two Daughters the eldest of which he married unto the Earl of Armignack and the younger unto the Earl of Foix who was Nephew unto the King of Aragon It fortuned that the said Gaston had Wars with the King of Spain wherein he desired help of the Earl of Armignack who refused to succour him and the Earl of Foix holp him with such power and force that he enforced the King to very reasonable conditions of Peace in recompence of which service Gaston made the Earl of Foix his sole Heir and caused the Nobles and Gentlemen together with all other his Subjects to confirm and ratifie his Grant whereupon followed great strife and contention between the two Earls It is also written in the Chronicles of France that in the year 1391. The Earl of Foix because his Son by the consent and counsel of the King of Navar went about to have poisoned him gave his Earldom from him to the King of France who presently bestowed the same upon the Earl of Candalles Here you see two Heirs dis-inherited by their Father whose Act was generally reputed and held lawful Now you shall see the like cause in Charles the seventh and why should it
Kingdom to him that is neither worthy nor well able to rule the thousand part thereof And if at any time it be lamentatable yea scant tolerable to prefer wicked children before them that are vertuous and to lay a heavy charge and burthen upon their shoulders who are not able to take up much less to bear the same not for a day but for the whole term of their natural life truly it is much more to be lamented yea in no respect to be suffered that such a Son should be set over others to rule and govern them who could nor would never govern himself well to exact and require obedience of his Inferiors who was always disobedient in the highest degree of disobedience unto his Superiors to manage husband and increase the Treasure of a whole Kingdom who hath prodigally wasted and consumed his own private Patrimony Lastly to induce others by his example to live honestly justly orderly and virtuously as Princes either do or should do who never esteemed honesty cared for justice respected order or embraced vertue Iohn Bodin in his Book de Republica writeth that a disobedient child of France being sued by his Mother for using himself unreverently towards her and especially for easing his body in a mess of Broth which she had provided for her self was condemned by a competent and wise judge to make her honourable amends from which sentence the wicked Son disdaining to ask his Mother pardon and forgiveness appealed unto Paris where it was found bene appellatum and male judicatum not that the Judges there thought that the Appellant had just cause to appeal because he was enjoined to submit himself unto his Mother but for that they were of opinion that the Judges from whom he had appealed had not inflicted such punishment upon him as he deserved And therefore considering his former disobedience and also his unkind and unnatural perseverance therein indiscreetly shewed in refusing to make so slender a submission they altered the former sentence and gave judgment that he should be presently hanged which was accordingly executed This sentence was highly commended by Bodin and worthily allowed and praised by as many Frenchmen as did ever read the same in his Book And how can they dislike the Judgment given against Charles the seventh not by any inferior Judge but by a King not by a Parliament of Paris the Judges whereof may so hate an offence that for the very and sole indignity thereof they do likewise hate the offender but by a Father who had rather conceal then reveal and pardon then punish his childrens offences neither by a Father alone but by the whole Peers and Nobles of a well ruled Kingdom not lightly and without advice but deliberately and with great discretion and wisdom Briefly not in hatred of the offender but in regard of the whole Common-wealth which might perish under the hands and government of an unwise unruly and unnatural Prince in whom there could be no hope of love towards them or their Country because he had given manifest signs of want of love towards his Father whom nature and other respects bound him to love honour and reverence for Princes as well as private men and the children of the one as well as the off-spring of the other are equally and undoubtedly bound to obey Gods Laws and Commandments And if both in one manner presume to break the same both without all doubt and controversie are subject to one and the same measure of punishment But it may be said Laws are made by Princes and not for Princes and to bind their inferiour subjects and not themselves or their children who for their Fathers sake for the priviledge of their birth for the worthiness of their place and in regard of the authority and preheminence whereunto they are born may and ought to challenge and enjoy far greater immunity yea and somtimes more impunity then other Peers or private men certainly reason permitteth and humanity perswadeth to favour a Prince much more then a subject But it was both the Will and the Law of a worthy Prince That nothing commendeth the Majesty of a Prince more then to submit himself to the observance of his own Laws and there can be no better means to induce subjects to shew their obedience unto their Princes Laws then the example of their own Princes not vouchsafing to violate the least branch that is of their own Statutes and Constitutions Was not that King highly commended by his own subjects praised by his posterity and worthily extolled even in our age not meaning that the son who had by breach of the Law deserved to lose both his eyes should escape unpunished which might be offensive unto his subjects but intending to moderate and qualifie the rigour of the Law because he was his Heir which for some considerations is tolerable in Princes plucked out one of his own eyes and another of his Sons thereby satisfying if not the rigour yet the equity of the Law and thereby moving his subjects to compassion in regard of himself and to obedience to the same Law in consideration of his justice I have stood too long upon the confutation of this last objection and yet have touched but one part thereof and therefore I will run over the other part lightly because in refelling the same I shall need but to make a brief repetition of that which hath been said already for if you remember that not Bernard the Nephew but Lewis the Meek succeeded his brother Pipin eldest son to Charlemaigne and father to Bernard That Pipin and not the right Heir was king after Childerick that Hugh Capet and not Charls Duke of Lorrain enjoyed the Crown immediately after Lotharius That Dagoberts second son and not the eldest possessed the Royal Scepter after him That Henry the younger and not the elder brother ruled after king Robert their Father and that Lewis the second and not Robert the eldest child of king Lewis the Gross was called to the royal Scepter and Crown of France and also if it may please you to call to remembrance that Pharamond with divers others before-mentioned were chosen kings you shall easily see and perceive that there hath been no such custome or at the least-wise the same not so inviolable as it is suggested for the next of the Blood to succeed always in his own right and not as Heir to hid Predecessor In like manner if you please to understand that Theodorick the first king of France of that name because he was a man wholly given over to pleasure of small worth of less value and of no sufficiency capable of so great a Kingdom as France was and is was by the States of his Realm deprived of his Royal Crown and Dignity and put up in a Monastery That Lewis surnamed Do nothing because he had make France Tributary unto Normandy was also driven by the States to give over his Kingdom and to lead the residue
Recaredus King of the Goths and of Spain was the first King that expelled the Arrian Heresie out of his kingdom and expresly commanded all his Subjects to receive and profess Christian Religion Whereby it appeareth that Spain lived from the time of St. Iames and St. Pauls being there until Recaredus his Raign which is better then four hundred years in manifest and manifold Heresies a crime which cannot be proved to have been in England or in many other Nations after they had once submitted themselves to the Doctrine of Christ and his Disciples Lastly if Spain will still continue to brag and say that their King Ferdinand was entituled by Alexander the sixth by the name of the Catholique King they may leave to boast thereof when they shall hear that Henry the eighth our King not much after the same time was surnamed by Leo the tenth Pope of Rome Defender of the Catholique faith and that the Switzers for their service done unto the same Pope Leo the tenth received of him the Title of Helpers and Protectors of the Ecclesiastical Liberty a Title in no respect inferiour unto that of Spain And lastly that Clouis King of France above nine hundred years before their Ferdinando the fifth was honoured with the Title of The most Christian King A Title as for Antiquity so for worthiness better then the other because the French Kings for the worthiness and multitude of their deserts towards the See of Rome are called Primâ—geniti Ecclesiae the eldest Sons of the Church of Rome Now from their faith towards God to their fidelity towards their Princes a matter sufficiently handled and therefore needless and not requiring any other confutation then the advantage that may be taken of Vasoeus his own words for if they have been faithful unto forrainers and strange Princes and have submited their necks unto many several Nations it argueth inconstancy fellow-mate to levity which is either a Mother or a guid unto disloyalty because light heads are quickly displeased and discontented minds give easie entertainment unto rebellious and treasonable cogitations To conclude then this Point with their learning let me oppose a Spaniard unto a Flemming a man better acquainted with the vertues and vices of his own Country then a stranger a man who giveth his Testimony of Vasoeus and of the cause of his writing of the Spanish History Iohn Vasoeus a Elemming seeing the negligence of the Spaniards and how careless they were to commit to perpetual memory the worthy exploits and actions of their own Nation began of late years to set forth a small Chronicle Why then the Spaniards are negligent they are careless of their own commendation so thought Vasoeus or else he had not written their History so saith Sebastianus Foxius the man whom I bring to confute Vasoeus the man who by attributing as you have heard more unto himself then any modest man unless it were a bragging Spaniard would do giveth me occasion to think that he will not derogate or detract any thing from the praises due unto his own Country This man therefore in his before mentioned Book speaketh thus of the learning of Spain Our Country men saith he both in old time and in this Age having continually lived in forrain or domestical Wars never gave their minds greatly unto study for the rewards of learning in our Country are very few and they proper unto a few paltry Pettyfoggers and our wits being high and lofty could never brook the pains that learning requireth but either we disdaining all kind of study give our selves presently to the purchase of Honours and Riches or else following our studies for a small while quickly give them over as though we had attained to the full and absolute perfeâ—tion of learning so that very few or none are found amongst us who may compare for learning with the Italians or have shewed the ripeness and sharp maturity of their wits in any kind of any kind of study You have heard two contrary opinions touching the Spaniards learning I leave it to your discretion to follow and beleeve which of them you please and withal to consider by the way what manner of Ecclesiastical Discipline and Government we should have if the Spanish ignorant and unlearned Clergy might as they have a long time both desired and endeavoured prescribe Laws and Orders unto all the Churches of Christendom The favourable Assertions in the behalf of Spain being thus briefly refelled it remaineth now to make a conjectural estimate of the Spanish present Forces by an Historical Declaration of the power thereof in times past and because it were over tedious to trouble you with the recital of such forces as Spain hath imployed many hundred years ago in her own defence or in disturbance of her forrain enemies abroad I will restrain my self unto such a time as is within the memory of man and especially unto the Raigne of Charls the fifth For as I take it Spain was never for this many hundred years so strong as when the said Charles was both King thereof and Emperor And albeit Piero Mexias in the life of Gratianus the Emperor attributeth so much unto Spaniards as that he more boldly then truly affirmeth that the Emperor flourished more under Spaniards then under any other Nation whatsoever and alledgeth for proof of his Assertion the flourishing Estate thereof under the before named Charles the fifth Yet I think that the Empire being added unto Spain rather beautified Spain then that Spain being conjoyned with the Empire did any thing at all illustrate the majesty of the Empire because as little Stars give no light or beauty unto the Moon but receive both from the Moon so a lesser dignity being joyned to a greater addeth no reputation thereunto but is greatly honoured and beautified by the conjunction thereof neither redoundeth it much in my simple opinion unto the honour of Spain or of the Empire that Charles the fifth was Emperor Spain is not greatly honoured thereby because Charles the fifth was a Flemming and no Spaniard and Spain came unto him as I have said by marriage with the heire of the Kingdoms of Arragon and Castile and the Empire was rather disgraced then honoured by the said Charles because he being born in Gaunt was not onely a vassal and natural-born subject unto the King of France but also unto the See of Rome for all the Dominions Lands and Seigniories which he had in possession saving those which he held of France and the Empire But Charles the fifth such an Emperor as he was and undoubtedly he was a very mighty wise and politick Prince never brought into the Field against any of his Enemies whatsoever so great forces and so mighty an Army as might worthily be called invincible by which name the proud and bragging Spaniards baptized their late Army against England This Emperor being as you may conjecture and perceive by that which hath been already said both Ambitious and Warlick
are Christians and Catholicks he may have far better assurance and confidence then of Turks and Infidells Truly I have heard the befoâ—e mentioned French king greatly blamed for entring into League with the Tuâ—k and his honour and reputation hath been and still is so much blemished thereby that a very wise and grave Author of our time to cover his fault with some honest pretence hath been enforced to distinguish how and in what manner a Christian Prince may be at league with the Turk The causes for which a Christian Prince may as he saith enter into League and Amity with this common Enemy of Christians are either to obtain Peace or Truce or to end a contenâ—ioâ— and quâ—rrel for any Dominion or Seigniory to have reparation and amends for wrong done unto him or to entreat leave for his Subjects to trade traffick iâ—to his Countries and not to yeeld him any aid against his Enemies And the same Author addeth that the said Francis being continually assaulted by the Emperor Charles the 5th and by the king of England within his own Realm and not being able to make his party good against them and other enemâ—es who at their instigation and request did put him ofttimes in great manifest danger to lose his whole estate was counselled by his wisest Friends for his better defence to joyn in amity with Sultan Solimon who was better able then he to interrupt and cross the violent course which Charles thâ— 5th took to make himself Lord and Monarch of all the world Necessity therefore enforced Francis the first to enter into this League without the which he had been in great pâ—rill and hazard of losing his whole Kingdom For conservation whereof I read in Histories that a Predecessor of the Spanish King called Peter confederâ—ted himself with the King of Bellemarine a Sariziâ— married his Daughter and renounced his Faith and profession of a Christian. Considering therefore that necessity hath no law that Commoditie and sweetness of Rule and Governmenâ— maketh many good Christians to forget themselves and their Duties that extreame malice conceived and borne against an Enemy hath constrained many Princes to seek to be in League with their very Adversaries and that a noble and valiant heart detesteâ—h nothing more then to yeild unto his Enemies and laboureth by all meanes possible to avoid that dishonor No man can can justly condemne Francis the first or the Duke of Milan Now touching the Queen of England her Majesty having alwais the feare of God before her eyes and walking in his waies as much as any Prince of Christendome hath alwaies thought no better of the Turk then he deserveth as well because she hath nothing to do with him as for that by reason of the great distance that is betwixâ— her and him she hath less occasion to stand in fear of his forces then any oâ—her Prince of Europe True it is that in regard of the late Traffick which some few of her Merchants have into Turky to their great benefit and advantage her Majestiâ— hath suffered them to have their Agent there who carrieth not the nâ—me of Ambassador as the Emperors the French Kings the Spanish Kings the Venetians and other Christian Princes Ambassadors do and yet his Credit is such that either with favours or with presents wâ—ereof the Turke is very desirous and coveteous he might have broken the League of peace and Truce which is betwixt Spain and hâ—m to the Spanish Kings great hurt detriment But heâ— Majestie had â—ather that the Hâ—stories of our timâ— should mention her vertues then declare her policies and thinketh it far better that as all men of our Age commend her Beautiâ— her bountiâ— and her goodness so her after-Commers should have occasion to pâ—aise and exâ—oll her constancy and Religious affection towards God and the Common wealth of Christendome But to returne to the Spanish league with the Peeres of France I think no good Christian can think bâ—tter of them then of a Turk and I am of opinion that the League and Amâ—ty of Turkish Infidels is more to be esteâ—med then the friendship of these Leaguers more profitable and advantageous unto him that shall stand in need thereof and more assured and firmâ— unto any one that have occasion to rely thereupon For since that these Rebels have deserved to lose their Lands and possessions have incurred the odious and detestable Crime of Treâ—son and have worthily merited the name of Traytors and Conspirators there can be no other League or Amitie with them then is with Theeves and Felons the societie and conversation with whome hath been in all Ages and in all places accounted as most odious and execrable yea by how much a Traitor is more odious and wicked then a Thief by so much his Infamy shame and dishonour is greater who asâ—ociateth himself with a Conspirator be iâ— that he conspireth against his Prince or against his Country or against both Such as a mans Companions are such shall he be held to be in all mens opinions and he that converseth daily with wicked men shall hardly be reputed an honest man The great and large Priviledges which belong unto Princes appointed by God to rule and governe his people make me forbeare to say so much as I might say in this place and yet I may not spare to reprehend and condemne the bad Consciences of those Consciousles Councellors who have perswaded the King of Spain to forget and forgo his honour his Reputation his blood and his Parentage to joyne himself with those who may increase the number but not the Forces of his Allies I have oftentimes heard say that the end honoureth all the rest of a mans life that the elder a man is the wiser he should be that the Actions of al men that are placed in high degree and dignity are subject to the view the sight the censure and judgement of all men that a man may easily fall from the top of honor and glorie unto the bottom of shame and infamiâ— and briefly that all men with open mouth speake boldly and freely that of Princes when they are dead which they durst not muter whilest they lived I could with therefore that either the vertues of the late French King or the affinitie conjunction and parentage that was betwixt these two Crownes or the conformitie of their religion or the remembrance of the greatness and power of France might have been able to have diverted and withdrawn the mightie Monarch of Spain from the Amitie of those Traitors and Felons of France to live in peace League and Amitie with his deare and beloved Brother of France But the detestable vice of Ambition which misleadeth the greatest and wisest Princes of the world with a vaine hope of good success and prosperous fortune in all their enterprises hath turned his love into hatred and covered the spots and blemishes of true dishonor with a Cloak of false honor and repuâ—ation And
the King of Spain not just occasion to invade her Highness Realms The causes then of this invasion are unjust now followeth the course a course not beseeming a Prince of his might of his years of his long continuance and experience in the exercise and administration of a kingdom For first his years are fitter for peace then for war for rest and quietness then for troubles and unquietness and many wise and mighty Princes either before or as soon as they came to his years have given over the World resigned their kingdom and spent the residue of their time in Monastical idleness I read that Sigisbert Etheldred Elured Constantine and Inas King of England that Charls the Fifth and Uladislaus kings of Bohemia Constantine king of Scotland and Amadeus Duke of Savoy before they came to the Spanish kings age renounced the world to live unto God in houses of Religion I record oftentimes the notable exploits the marvellous victories and the rare and admirable vertues of Pompey of Alexander of Antiochus of Theodosius and of Charls king of France who were all as you have heard sirnamed the Great and I find that they were all so far off at his age from seeking new occasions of Wars of new Conquests that either all or the most part of them commended their souls unto God and committed their bodies unto the earth before they attained his years I remember all this and in remembring it I think that it pleased the Almighty to take them out of this world so soon as they were no more fit and able to conquer in the World thereby giving to understand unto their after-commers that in their youth they may lawfully attend upon Conquests upon Arms upon Wars as occasion shall be presented unto them but that in their elder age they ought to have their thoughts their cogitations and their eyes fixed upon no other things then upon the conservation of their kingdoms the wealth of their Subjects and the health of their own souls For when private men much more Princes attain unto threescore and odd years it is high time for them to amend their lives and to reconcile themselves unto God because their strength faileth them their vital spirits decay and the hour of death approacheth Here you see one great over-sight in his course now followeth another Wise and discreet Princes most commonly before they enter into dangerous and long Wars appoint and compose the Quarrels and contentions which they have with their Neighbors or with any other Princes that are able to cross their Enterprises It is written of Iulius Caesar of whose commendations all Histories are plentiful that when he was fully resolved to war with the Veyans he sent a Gentleman accustomed and acquainted with the natural disposition of those people to contain the Inhabitants of the River of Rhine in their duty and obedienâ—e and to take order that the Gascoines should not in any wise help or assist his enemies The Romans being entreated by the Spaniardw with whom they were in league to succor them against the Carthaginians denied them such aid as they demanded because that the Frenchmen at the sametime warred in Italy Richard the first king of England being determined to make a voyage into the Holy Land for relief thereof and fearing that either the King of Scots or his Brother Iohn might at the instigation of the French king trouble and disquiet his Realm in his absence would not undertake that journey before he assured unto himself the king of Scots and his Brother by many gifts and rewards and also bound the French king by vow and oath to attempt nothing against his kingdom before that fifty days should be expired after his return out of Syria And that victorious king of Franceâ—who â—who passed triumphantly from the beginning of Italy unto the end thereof without striking a stroak would not adventure to enter into Italy before he had made a very fast ane strong League of Amity and Friendship with Fardinando and Isabella King and Queen of Spain and before he had purchased through Bribes and Corruption the assured friendship of the king of England and had also accommodated and appeased all causes and occasions of contentions and variance betwixt France and the Emperor Maximilian It seemeth the Spanish king either regarded not or remembred not these examples because that intending and fully resolving to invade England he made the French king his enemy rather than his friend from whom he might receive far greater annoyance and disturbance in his intended purpose and enterprise then from any other Prince in Christendom But the Catholick kings Councellors perswade him that he and his Confederates are well enough able of themselves not onely to withstand but also to subdue and subjugate all those Princes which are not in league with him and that the next way to recover his own patrimony in the Low Countries was to distress and destroy England first which being once happily effected he should finde it very easie and nothing at all difficult to master his Subjects and inforce them by open violence to receive both him and his Religion he must therefore bend his whole â—orces against Englaâ—d against England that hath highly offended him and that may easily be subdued because he shall finde many there who being weary and discontented with the present Government will be ready to entertain his Armies and immediately will joyn their strength with his Forces But not to stand long upon the confutation hereof let these grave Councellors or these discontented Fugitives unto whose perswasions both the Spanish King and his wisest Councellors give too much credit tell me whether ever any Prince had or may desire to have a better opportunity or an easier means to invade and conquâ—r England then Lewis Son unto the King of France had who was not onely called into the Realm by the Barons with a faithful assurance of all the best help and furtherance that they could yeeld him against King Iohn but also was comforted and accompanied with all the good wishes and blessings that the holy Father of Rome could bestow upon him and wanted not the many Forces and continual Supplies which the mighty Kingdom of France was able to afford him And yet how speeded this valiant Lewis What success had his ambitious Enterprise Forsooth he prevailed for a time won to day and lost to morrow and in the end was glad to return from whence he câ—me with far greater shame then honour But what need I speak of matters beyond mans memory worn out of remembrance and reported by antient Historiographers when as the success of the late Spanish Fleet may serve to admoâ—ish a wise Prince how to trust the vain reports of lying Fugitives and how to make great preparations against a mighty Kingdom in hope of assistance within the Realm Was there any man that gave them succour either of Men or Victuals Was there ever an Haven that was either able or willing
And when you see this then you may boldly say that things are at the worst that violent courses cannot long endure that a time of a change and alteration is not far off and lastly since those things which Philosophers and wise men have noted to be the Forerunners of the Subversion of States are hapned and fallen upon our State that it will quickly change and perish All things therefore being well considered and that especially remembred which was said when I handled the first oversight of the Spanish King I may boldly inferr that Conquests are chargeable before they bee gotten easie to be lost after they be attained and wholly depending upon the Government of such Officers as are placed over them who if they be good Servants many times make themselves Masters and if they be bad put in great hazard all that is committed to their charge And since there are not many that endeavor to be such as they should bee there can be no great good looked for at their hands so long as they continue such as they appeare to be Besides the great ingratitude of Iustinian the Emperor to Marcelles of Ferdinando of Spain to Gonsalvo breedeth a Jealousy and feare in the hearts and heads of as many as are imployed in the like services that their Kings and Princes will reward them with the like recompences And this Jealousie maketh them to seek meanes how to be able to match or rather overcharge their Soveraigne in Power and Authority Was not this Jealousie the sole and onely cause that Tiberius had like to have been deprived of his State by Sejanus Commodus by Pervicius Theodosius the second by Eutropius Iustinian by Bellizarie Xerxes by Artaban and the Merovingians and Carolovingians by the great Masters of their Pallaces Is not the feare of the like danger the cause that Princes change their Liuetenants and Deputies often least that growing in too great Credit and love with the people their Credit may breed in them Ambition their Ambition a disloyalty and their disloyalty a plain Rebellion and their Rebellion a lamentable overthrow of their Kingdomes Is not this yearly or continuall changing of Officers the cause that they knowing that their Authority is of no long continuance study more to enrich themselves then to benefit the people to oppress and overcharge the Subjects then to comfort and relieve them And is not their study the cause that the people are discontented and ofâ—entimes enforced to Rebell Moreover how can it be but all or most part of those Inconveniencies of which I have spoken must needs fall upon the King of Spain whether he live long or die shortly since many motives and causes of Rebellion in Subjects and discontentment in Noblemen concur together in him For hee is old and will leave a very young Infant or no old Prince to succeed him in all his States who perhaps will Governe by Deputies and Liuetenants as his Father did before him in those Dominions which are far distant from Spain and will participate some small portion of Government with his Sister that hath been a long time nourished and nousled up in the sweetness of commanding Of his Governors some will be ambitious and desire to rule Others of baser minds but yet greedy of Recompencâ—es and Rewards for services done to him and his Father He will be jealous of some and give too much credit unto otheâ—s His Courtiers will engage and indebt themselves in setting themselves foâ—th in Triumphs and pâ—stiumes that they will devise to shew him His Captains will â—rave to be always imployed in wars and to levy those Soldiers in those Countries which will not be well conâ—ented with those Leâ—ies Bâ—iefly then will some Potentates and Frinces considering the years and weakness of this young Prince lay claim unto some of his States and every man will snatch what so ever shall be fittâ—â—t for his purpose nighest to his State and most open to his Invasion The Soldiers of Rome rebelled against Othâ— because hâ— was old Certain Cities of France against the Romans because they were greatly in debt The People of Thraciâ— against Rome because there were Soldiers lâ—vied in their Country against their wills Orgatorix Prince of the Switzers because he was desirous to be a King Morgovias and Cavedagins against Cordiâ—a their Aunt because she was a woman The Englisâ—man against Edward the Fourth because he dishonored the Earle of Warwick against Henry the Third because he would have made new Laws The Duke of Buckingham against Richard the Thâ—rd because he brake promise with him for the Earldom of Hertford the Scots against Iames the Third because he gave greater credit unto some of the Courtieers then they deserved and the Spaniards against Charls the Fifth because he lived more in Flanders then in Spain and governed Spain by Flemings Lastly when as Alexander the Great died Seleucus seised upon the Kingdome of Syria Ptolomy usuâ—ped upon Egypt Antigonus made himself King of Asia and Cassander reigned in Greece and Macedonia So whensoever the King of Spaine shall die his Son will enjoy most of his Dominions the Duke of Savoy will look for part of them His other Daughters Husband will look for a proportionable share and the Princes of Italy will perhaps lay in for their part and for their portion For every Kingdom hath a certain Period an end and declination And it is seldome seen that any State flourisheth many hundred years And as those bodies die soonest that are subject to most diseases so those Kingdomes perish soonest whose Princes are most inclined to many vices Saul reigned but Forty years and he and his posterity perished for his Infidelity David ruled other Forty and his Kingdom was divided for his Adultery Achan was King no longer time and his Kingdome was destroyed for his Idolatry And Cyrus enjoyed his Crown and Scepter not many years and his race failed in his Son Cambyses for his Cruelty And how can the Spanish Kings declining glory last long since many probable and very learned Authors do greatly belye him if he be not infected with all or most part of those vices which possessed incredulous and unbelieving Saul adulterous and leacherous David Idolatrous and Superstitious Achan Cruel and incestuous Cambyses I favor and reverence his Person because he is a King hate and detest his vices because they become not a Prince have declared and discovered his indiscretion because he may be no more thought so wise as common Fame reportâ—th him to be And now because of a dissembling friend he is become our professed Enemy I may not conceale the means how his courage may be cooled his Pride abated his purposes prevented his courses crossed his Ambition restrained his hopes frustrated his strength weakned his Alliances dissolved and Briefly all or part of his Kingdom rent and dismembred To know how all this may be done you shall need but to look back upon the means that he useth to conserve his