Donna Anna the Queen of Spain that Philip II. had disappointed her of the Regency by the Will which he had made at Badajoz this Princess who thought her self excluded for want of Love and Esteem did not cease to make complaints which soon after cost Don Antonio his Life Cabrara in his History Chap. 3. Lib. 12. and c. 2. l. 13. He must never trust a Secret to a Person who is infinitely below him for such is the case of Great Ones that they reckon it a dishonour to stand in awe of their Inferiors and a ridiculous Folly to be afraid of disobliging him to whom they told a thing which may be for his advantage to reveal Antony Pepez says that the Tongue is that part of Man which the Ladies are most set against because of the Secret which they wou'd have kept and which they are afraid shou'd be discover'd Men have more reason to be cautious but especially they who live at Court or who converse with the Court Ladies ought to be more jealous of a Womans Tongue and even of their own Wife's than of their most dangerous Enemies But however it was Tiberius was scarcely enter'd into Illyria when he was speedily recall'd by Letters from his Mother and it is not known for certain whether or no he found Augustus yet living m Paterculus says that Tiberius came to Nola before the Death of Augustus and that they had also some discourse together Chap. 123. when he arriv'd at Nola. For Livia had order'd the Corps du Guard to be all under Arms at every Avenue of the Palace and the Town and caus'd reports to be hourly spread of the Emperor's amendment till having all things in a readiness which the present Conjunction cou'd require She declar'd at once the Death of Augustus n Suetonius says that Tiberius wou'd not publish the Death of Augustus till he had caused the Young Agrippa to be assassinated In Tiberio and the Accession of Tiberius to the Empire o At the Age of Fifty five years The Reign of TIBERIUS Beginning in the Year of Rome 767. I. THE first Action of the New Reign was thâ— Murder of Agrippa Posthumus 1 A Prince who sheds the Royal Blood gives an Example of most dangerous consequence The Queen of Naples Ioan I. says Ammirato when she caus'd Andrew her Husband to be strangled taught Charles III. when he had it in his power to strangle her also And after he had taken from the Queen his Mother her Crown and Life he also lost his own Crown and Life by the hands of the Hungarians who were taught by the example which he had given them Discourse 7. of the 17 Book of his Commentary upon Tacitus There are many Politicians says Cabrera who say on the contrary that 't is difficult to keep in Prison Princes of the Royal Blood and that when they are dead they don't bite which is the reason why Charles of Anjou that is Charles I. King of Naples put to death Conradin the Nephew of Manfrede his Predecessor But Aragon did not want Heirs who happily recover'd the Kingdom and who condemn'd to death the Son of Charles And though this Sentence was not executed for Constance the Eldest Daughter of Manfrede and Wife of Peter III. King of Aragon was more generous than Charles I. yet the innocent Conradin was reveng'd by that mark of Infamy which his blood imprinted upon the House of Anjou Philip II. provided for the safety and preservation of Queen Mary of England his Wife in opposing the execution of the Sentence of Death given against Elizabeth his Sister-in-Law for the Prince who puts those of his own blood into the hands of the Executioner whâ—ts the Sword against himself Chap. 10. of Book 1. and 5 of Book 2. of his History of Philip II. Henry IV. would never consent to the Death of Charles of Valois Count of Aâ—vergne who conspir'd against him saying that he ought to have a respect for the blood of Kings and Mr. Villeroy one of his Ministers said well to the same purpose that when the Question was put concerning the Life of Princes of the Blood the Prince ought for Counsel to hear nature only Burnet has declared that the Death of the Queen of Scotland was the greatest Blot of Queen Elizabeth's reign And I wonder that Pope Sixtus V. who knew so well how to teach others to give respect to Royal Majesty should envy this Queen the Happiness and Honour to have a Crown'd Head fall at her feet And never was a Dream more full of instruction than that Ladies who usually lay in the Chamber of Queen Elizabeth and who the Night before that Execution awak'd in a Fright crying out that she saw the Head of Mary Stuart cut off and that they would also have cut off the Head of Queen Elizabeth with the same Axe Lâ—ti Book 3. of part 2. of the Life of Sixtus V. who unarm'd as he was and wholly Ignorant of the design was not without some difficulty slain by a Centurion hardned in blood Tiberius was silent of this matter in the Senate feigning a Command from his Father Augustus wherein he had order'd the Officer of the Guard to murther the Young Man immediately after his own decease 'T is undoubted that Augustus had often and that with bitterness complain'd in the Senate of his Manners and had also exacted a Decree from them to authorize his Banishment Yet he had never proceeded to so much cruelty as to compass the Death of any of his Relations Nor is it credible that he would command his Grandson to be murder'd to secure the safety of his Son-in-Law The suspicion fell more naturally on Tiberius and Livia for hastning the Death of a Young Man obnoxious to the hatred of the first through fear of a Competitor o Paul Piasecki says in his Chronicle that Constance of Austria the Second Wife of Sigismond III. King of Poland used all her Interest to get her Eldest Son Iohn Casimir to be chosen King and her Son-in-Law and Nephew Uâ—adislaus excluded who being the Eldest Son of the King according to the Law and Custom of the Country was to be preferr'd before all others Another Polonian says Nec unquam committunt quin hic eligatur cui ipso jure debetur successio Krzistanowiâ— in his description of the Government of â—â—land and of the last through the inbred malice of Step-mother When the Centurion according to Military Custom told Tiberius that he had perform'd his orders his answer was that he had given him no such Commission 2 'T is the Custom of Princes in hurtful cases to throw the Odium upon their Ministers Anthony Perez who found it so by sad experience in the Murder of Iohn of Escovedo which Philip II. gave leave to be enquir'd into says that Princes are advis'd to keep a Council of State to clear themselves of all unlucky accidents Queen Elizabeth imprison'd the Secretary
1 Kings saith Salust are more aâ—raid or Men of Virtue and Merit than of ill Men. 〈◊〉 boni quâ—m 〈◊〉 suspectiores sunt sâ—mperque his 〈◊〉 virâ—us sormidâ—losa est In Calilina Tiberius was well perswaded of what Agrippa had said to Augustus That a Man of great Underâ—â—anding and great Courage could â—ot but be a Lover of Liberty and in his Heart an Enemy to an absolute Master Diâ—n lib. 52. Commines saith that Lewis the Eleventh â—eared all Men but especially those who were worthy to be in Authority Memoirs l. 6. c. 12. Besides that Augustus in one of the last Discourses which he held speaking of those who would refuse the Empire though capable of Ruling it or who would be Ambitious of it though uncapable of Governing or who at once would be capable of Governing and desirous of the Government said That Lepidus would be worthy of it without wishing for 2 A Prince can never give better sustructions to his Successor than to â—ark out what great Men he ought 〈◊〉 distrust This Knowledge is the most necessary thing to a Prince when he 〈◊〉 ascends the Throne and 〈◊〉 much the 〈◊〉 because it is in the â—â—ginning that he is most eaâ—â—â—y deceived and the great Men most 〈◊〉 to make their Atâ—â—mpts upon an Authority that is not yet well eâ—tablished In the last Counsels which David on his Death-bed gave to his Son Salomon he advised him not to let 〈◊〉 go to the Grave in peace who had 〈◊〉 two just Men Almer and 〈◊〉 to bring to the Grave with blood the hoar Head of Shimei who had dared to curse him and to causâ— the Sons of Barzillai to eat at his own Table who had â—urnished him with Provisions and other Necessaries for his whole Army when he fled before Absalom 1 Kings chap. 2. Francis the First in the last Hours of his Life advised his Son Henry not to admit the House of Lorrain to any share of the Government foretelling that the Guises would be the Ruine of the Valois Counsel that would have saved France from many Wars and Calamities had Henry the Second been wise enough to have made use of it On the contrary Philip the Second employed all those Ministers which Charles the Fifth recommended to him when he resigned the Crown of Spain and especially the Duke d'Alva the Bishop of Arras who was afterwards Granvelle Diego de Bargâ—â— Francis de Eraso and Gonzalo Peres the Father of Anthony who was so famous for his Misfortunes And this he did with so much the more success because Charles the Fifth by a secret Memoir which he had sent him had fully informed him of the true Character of their Minds and of the difference of their Interests This was a Paper of so excellent Instructions saith the Commander of Vera that if Tiberius had made thâ— like Tacitus would have given him Immortal Praises Epitâ—me of the Life of Charles the Fifth and Cabrera cap. 7. lib. 1. of his History Burnet saith that Edward the Sixth King of England wrote in a Book the Portraitures of the Lord-Lieutenants of his Counties and of the principal Magistrates of his Kingdom with all the Particulars that he was told of them Part. 2. l. 1. of his History Certainly he had in this â—ound the Secrets of knowing every thing and consequently of being well served it that Asinius would be desirous of it without deserving it that Aâ—â—untius neither was unworthy of it nor would fail to lay hold of the first Occasion 3 Ambition Merit Courage and Opportunity are all that are necessary to make a Usurper A Subject who hath been esteemed worthy to Govern by a Prince who hath excelled in the Arts of Government will always be suspected by the Successor of that Prince and which is worse will fall a Sacrifice if the Prince be of a sanguinary Temper It was never doubted but Ferdinand d'Avalos Marquis de Pesquera who commanded the Army of Charles the Fifth in Italy was disposed to accept of the Kingdom of Naples which Francis Sforsa Duke of Milain in the Name of the Pope and the Venetians offered him with the Title of Captain-General of the Italian League for he was a long time in Treaty with Ierom Moron who was this Duke's chief Minister And that he afterwards discovered all to the Emperour was an effect of the difficulty of the Enterprize rather than of his Fidelity which Charles the Fifth ever after suspected to seize it â— Concerning the two first of these 't is agreed on all Hands but some in stead of Arruntius have nam'd Cneius Piso. Certain it is that all of them excepting Lepidus perish'd afterwards by Tiberius under the supposition of several Crimes Quintus Haterius and Mamercus Scaurus incurr'd likewise the Displeasure of that suspicious Soul The first for asking him How long O Caesar wilt thou suffer the Commonwealth to be without a Head 4 Subjects cannot reproach their Prince more than to complain that the State is without a Head and consequently fallen into an Anarchy From the moment that a Prince ascends the Throne he ought to set upon Action and not to give his Subjects space to doubt whether they have a Master Anthony Perez said That the King and Kingdom make a Marriage that the King is the Husband and the Kingdom the Wife and that a Kingdom is a Widow that hath nor a laborious and vigilant King The other for saying It was to be hop'd that the Suit of the Senate would not be unprofitable because when the Consuls propos'd him to them for Emperour he interpos'd not his Tribunitial Power to resist the Motion He reprehended Haterius on the spot but he said not a Word in reply to Scaurus against whom he was more deeply u Because he discovered that all Tiberius's refusals of the Empire were not in earnest whereas Haterius seemed to be perswaded that his Refusal was sincere when he conjured him not to suffer the Commonwealth to be longer without a Head which was also an oblique way of flattering Tiberius intimating thereby that the Senate was not the Head of the Empire offended 5 Silence is the most certain sign of a deep Resentment for whereas the Mouth gives the Heart vent Silence nourishes in it Hatred and the desire of Revenge Tacitus saith that Agricola was a little too sharp in his Repâ—imands but that afterwards there remained no more in his Breast so that none had any jealousie of his Silence At length being tir'd with hearing the general Complaints and Murmurs and the Remonstrances of each Man in particular he unbent somewhat of his Stiffness not to the degree of declaring that he would accept the Empire but only as he said to put an end to their Requests 6 Most Popes use this Policy at first they seem not willing to hear any mention made of a Cardinal Nephew or of the Acquisition of Principalities or Duchies for their Kindred but
his own Words Commines utterly blames the Iourney which Alphonso V. King of Portugal made into France to procure assistance against Isabella Queen of Castille and Ferdinand of Aragon her Husband who had usurp'd this Crown from his Niece For during his long stay in France which was above a Year his affairs in Castille were chang'd where the Lords of the Kingdom who were almost all of his Party before his absence made their terms with Ferdinand and Isabella being weary of expecting succours from France and his return But that which he adds shews to what Princes expose themselves who go into another's Dominions The King of Portugal 's End saith he was that he suspected that the King Lewis XI had a design to seize him and deliver him up to his Enemy the King of Castile For this reason he disguised himself a third time being resolved to go away to Rome and to retire into a Monastery For he was asham'd to return into Castille or Portugal without having done any thing in France whither he went against the Opinion of many of his Council In this Habit he was taken by one Robinet le Beuf And half a Page after This King endeavour'd to marry his Niece to the Dauphine now Charles VIII in which he could not succeed Insomuch that his coming into France was to his great Prejudice and Trouble and was the Cause that he died soon after his return into Portugal His Memoris Lib. 5. Cap. 7. Paul Piasecki speaking of the Death of Cardinal Iohn Albert Brother to Uladisâ—aus King of Poland who travelâ—'d into Italy saith That the wisest Lords of the Kingdom condemn'd this Passion for travell as a thing unbecoming and alway fatal to great Princes and especially to the Sons of Kings Proceres prudentiores talem peregrinationem Princibus majoris nominis praecipue Regum filiis indignam improbabant And in the Margent Peregrinatio filiis Regum indecora periculosa In Chronico ad annum 1634. Add hereto That for the most part Princes return dissatisfy'd with those whose Countreys they have visited because almost always part of the Honours which they pretend to are contested with them For which reason most have had recourse to the Expedient of being Incognito during their stay in Foreign Countreys or their passage through them By opening the Publick Granaries he brought down the Price of Corn did many Popular things went abroad without Guards 2 Persons placed in high stations ought never to appear in publick without the Exterior Marks of their Power for although Authority is not in the Ensigns yet they are the Ensigns which attract the Veneration of the People to the Magistrates And it was partly for this Reason that they call'd the Duties which they render'd to the Emperors at Rome purpuram adorare And Mamertinus saith That the Guards which environ good Princes are not for the Defence of their Bodies but only to give some lustre to Majesty Non custodiae corporis sunt sed quidam imperatoriae majestatis solemnis ornatus Paneg. Iuliaâ—â— It is therefore becoming Princes and Great Magistrates to support Majesty by Exteriour Splendor which makes Admiration and Respect enter by the Eyes Commines speaking of the Interview of our Lewis XI and Henry IV. King of Castile saith That the Castilians made a Iest of Lewis because he was in a mean Habit and wore a Pitiful Hat with a Leaden Image on the top of it saying That it was for Covetousness And some lines after he saith That the Burgundians contemned the little train of the Emperor Frederick III. and the sorry Cloaths of the Germans His Meâ—oirs l. 2. c. 8. An instance that Princes and consequently Magistrates also have need to go with an Equipage suitable to their Grandeur if they will be respected Pagliari saith That that which obliged Pope Gregory XIV to give the red Cap to Cardinal Monks was that during his Cardinalship he had often observed the little respect that was given and even the Indignities which were sometimes offer'd to these venerable Prelates in the throng of great Ceremonies because having black Caps they were not sufficiently distinguish'd Observation 213. And it was for the same Reason that the late King gave the Pectoral Cross to the Bishops of France who it is said are beholding to the rudeness of the Swiss for it in Sandals b The Romans wore Buskins which reach'd up to the Calf of the Leg but the Graecians wore Shoes made almost like Slippers which left the upper part of the Foot uncover'd and in a Graecian Habit in imitation of Scipio who is said to have done the same in Sicily in the heat of the Carthaginian War Tiberius made some gentle Reflections on his Habit but severely reprimanded him for entring Alexandria without the Prince's Permission which was contrary to the Order of Augustus For Augustus amongst other Secrets of State had prohibited any Senators or Roman Knights that were of the Illustrious Rank to go into Aegypt without a Pass from the Emperor 3 Germanicus's intentions were good but his Imprudence brought them under suspicion His going into Aegypt without leave from Tiberius taught the Great Men of Rome to contemn the Prohibition of Augustus The opening of the Publick Granaries the affecting to go abroad without the Rods might very well appear criminal to Tiberius there being no vertues more dangerous than those which may create a Desire in an Unsteady and Changeable People to receive for their Master him who hath them for fear lest any one by making himself Master of that Province which having the Keys both of the Sea and Land c Aegypt is environ'd on the South with steep Mountains which serve for Walls and Bulwarks to it On the West and the East with Mountains and Desarts and on the North with a Sea that hath no Road nor Harbours Which makes it Inaccessible on all sides and consequently easie to defend Augustus who knew all the Conveniencies of this Province which was a Granary to Rome and all Italy would debar all the Great Men from acquaintance with it for fear lest any of them should take a Resolution to make himself Master thereof And this Vespasian did when he rebell'd against Vitellius Sciens Aegyptum plurimam esse partem imperii saith Iosephus eaque si potitus soret Vitellium dejiciendum sperabat Cogitabat etiam propugnacula sibi fore illam regionem adversus incerta fortunae nam terra difficilis accessu marique importuosa est Belli Iudaici l. 5. might be easily defended by a small Force against Numerous Armies should starve Italy 4 The Knowledge of the Situation and the Commodities of his Provinces and of the Manners of their Inhabitants is very necessary for a Prince for without this he will often be deceiv'd in the Choice of his Governors and send into a Province a Person who will raise nothing but Troubles there whereas if he had been sent into another he might
have govern'd with applause For instance If the King of Spain should send into Catalonia and Sâ—ciâ—y which are two fierce Nations and whose Obedience is as it were Arbitrary Viceroys who would take the same Courses that the Viceroys of Naples and the Governors of Milan do he would immediately lose these Provinces where there is nothing but Bones for the Spanish Ministers to gnaw upon LXI But Germanicus who did not yet know that his Iourney had given Offence went up the River Nile having Embark'd at Canopus a Town built by the Spartaâ—â— in Memory of a Captain of a Ship of that Name who was buried there when Mâ—nelaus in his return to Greece was driven back by contrary Winds to the Coasts of Lybia The Mouth of the River that is next to Canopus is consecrated to Hercules who as the Inhabitants affirm was a Native of their Countrey and the first of all who bore that Name with which the rest were honoured after him because they follow'd him in the same Paths of Valour He afterwards viewed the great Ruines of Thebes where there were yet remaining some Inscriptions engraven on Obelisks in Aegyptian Letters which describ'd its ancient Grandeur One of the Eldest Priests who was order'd to interpret it reported That it formerly contain'd seven hundred thousand Men of an age able to bear Arms and that with an Army of that Number King Rhameses conquer'd Libya Aethiopia the Medes and Persians Bactriania and Scythia and all the Countrey which is inhabited by the Syrians Armenians and their Neighbours the Cappadocians extending from the Bithynian Sea on one side to the Lycian on the other There was also read an account of the Tributes imposed on the Nations what weight of Gold and Silver what Numbers of Horses and Arms for War How much Ivory and Perfumes for Oblations to the Temples and what quantities of Corn and other Necessaries of Life each Nation paid which equall'd in Magnificence and Value the Tributes that are now imposed either by the Parthian or the Roman Empire LXII But Germanicus was led on with a Desire of seeing other Miracles whereof the Principal were the Statue of Memnon cut in Stone which gave a Sound like that of a Humane Voice when the Rays of the Sun stâ—uck upon it Pyramids as high as Mountains rais'd in moving and almost unpassable Sands 1 It is common for great Princes to raise Magnificent Edifices in Desart and dry Places and which by their situation seem to be Uninhabitable to make their Power appear the greater and to shew that every thing yields to their Fortune Philip II. had this Prospect when he chose the pitiful Village of the Escurial to build there the Famous Monastery which bears this Name and which the Spaniards call the Eighth Wonder of the World although an old Alcada aged â—ourscore years answer'd an Officer who ask'd him in the King's Name his Opinion of it That the King was going to make a Nest of Caterpillars who would devour the whole Country Cabrera c. 11. l 6. of his History by the Emulation and Wealth of their Kings Lakes cut in the Ground for the reception of the Waters of the Nile when it overflows and in other places Caverns so deep that their bottoms cannot be sounded From hence he went to Elephantine and Syene heretofore the Boundaries of the Roman Empire which now extends to the Red Sea LXIII Whilst Germanicus pass'd the Summer in Progresses Drusus acquired no small Glory amongst the Germans by fomenting their Division 1 It is true sign of the Destruction of a Country when those divide and abandon one another who ought to be united Memoirs l. 2. c. 1. Dum singuli pugnant universi vincuntur saith Tacitus in Agricola The Landtgrave of Hesse who commanded the Army of the League of Smalcald against Charles V. had reason to say to the Conâ—ederate Cities through which he pass'd My Friends let every Fox keep his Tail to let them understand that the League could not subsist but by their common agreement Epitomy of the Life of C. V. There can't be better Counsel than what the Lord Contay gave the C. de Charolois who took it very ill that the Lords of the League of the Publick Good held a Council amongst themselves without calling him to it Bear it patiently said Contay for if you displease them they will make their Peace with King Lewis more advantageously than you as you are the Strongest so you ought to be the Wisest Beware therefore of dividing them and use your ulmost industry to maintain a good Correspondence betwixt them and your self Memoirs of Commines l. 1. c. 12. and persuaded them that now Maroboduus d With what Prudence and Conduct saith Paterculus Tiberius by the Ministry of his son Drusus forced Marcâ—odâ—us to quit the Kingdom which he had Invaded and wherein he hid himself as Serpents do in the Bowels of the Earth Hist. 2. Cap. 129. Lewis XI took almost the same Method against the Duke of Burgundy not only by Separating from him all his Allies Edward King of England Gelasius Duke of Milan who had before left the Alliance of the King for that of the Duke of Burgundy Renatus King of Sicily who design'd to have made him his Heir and to put Provence into his hands the Dutchess of Savoy the King's Sister who saith Commines was so much in the Duke's Interest that the Duke disposed of the House of Savoy as of his own but also by raising him up new Enemies as the Swiss who beat him in two Battels and the Cittes of Basil Strasbourg Nuremburg and Francsort who enter'd into an Alliance with the Swiâ—s and to injure him was thought enough to get their own Pardoâ— His Memoirs Lib. 5. Cap. 1. 2. was already weakned they ought to follow their blow till he was entirely ruin'd 2 This Example sheweth that there is scarce any such thing as good Faith among Princes and that the Leagues and Confederacies which they enter into are rather sâ—ares which they lay for one another than Ties of Friendship Commonly the Weakest joyns himself with the Strongest only to make himself more considerable to his Neighbours and his Enemies and this was the Motive of Maroboduus who by his Alliance with the Romans hoped to become more formidable to the Cheruâ—ci and to his Rival Arminius The Strongest on the contrary allies himself with the Weaker under colour to protect and defend him but in truth to lay the Yoke of Slavery upon him as soon as he can find an Opportunity to do it And this is what Tiberius did with respect to Maroboduus in sending Drusus into Germany to sign a League with him Thus it may be truly said That Lâ—â—gues make more noise than they do service That they have more of Appearance and Ostentation than of Reality and Strength and that in fine they rather hasten the Ruine of the Weaker or the less Politick than they do retard or
He had exercised this Sovereign Power with Augustus before his 〈◊〉 to Rhodes Paterculus Hist. 2. cap. 99. had cast out some Words concerning his Humour and the Oddness of his Manners which seeming to Excuse did in effect Reproach them 12 This manner of Accusing while we Excuse is very much in fashion with Courtiers who according to the Florenâ—iâ—e Proverb have Honey in the Mouth and a Razor under the Girdle V. The Funerals of Augustus being ended there was a Temple and Divine Worship decreed for him and that being done earnest Supplications were address'd to Tiberius who on his side spoke ambiguously concerning the Greatness of the Empire and the Diffidence he had of his own Abilities Saying That nothing but the Soul and Genius of Augustus could support so great a Burden of Affairs 1 The Prince who immediately succeeds a Predecessor who hath performed great Things doth himself an Honour in exalting him for besides that it is believed that the Esteem that he hath for him will spur him on to the â—mitation of him he becomes himself more wonderful and more venerable to his Subjects when he equals him or excels him Tiberius was not inferior to Aâ—gustuâ— in Understanding and Experience The Day that Charles the Fifth had â—bâ—icated the Kingdom of Sâ—ain his Son Philip said in his Speech That the Emperor laid an heavy Weight upon him That he would not accept of a Crown which stood in need of the Prudence and Experience of his Imperial Majesty were it not to contribute to thâ— Preservation of so invaluable a Life Concluding that â—e would endeavour to imitate some of his Virtueâ— since to imitate them all was a Thing impossible for the most perfect Man in the World Cabrera lib 1. cap. 7. oâ— his History and that having sustain'd some part of them during the Life of the Emperour 2 It would be a great Advantage to the Children of Sovereig◠〈◊〉 if their Fathers would themselves take pains to instruct them I mean those who are to succeed them for from whom shall they learn the Art of Government if not from him who Governs And how can they be able to Govern when they ascend the Throne if they have never been admitted to any Knowledge of the Affairs of their State It must pass through the Hands of interessed Ministers who will make their Advantage of their Prince's Ignorance to render themselves more necessary and who to maintain themselves in the Power they have gotten will never let him see Aâ—â—airs but on that side which may give him a disgust of Business On the contrary a Prince who hath had some share in the Government in his Father's Life-time enters trained up and accustomed to act the difficult part of a King I don't pretend to say that a King ought to trouble himself to teach him a thousand Things which belong to the Office and Duty of a Praeceptor Majus aliquid exceâ—sius a Principâ— postulatur But setting Iealouâ—ie aâ—ide he cannot fairly dispense with himself from tâ—aching him 〈◊〉 Maxims which are as the Principles and the Springs of Government and which Tacitus calls Arcana Dominationis And as the Children of Sovereign Princes saith Cabrera have been accustomed to believe themselves above the Laws they have absolute need of the Instructions of their Fathers for besides the Impressions which Blood and the Majesty of Sovereign Power make upon them there are none but their Fathers who have the Authority to command them and the Means to make themselves obeyed cap. 8. lib. 1. of his History he was sensible by his own Experience how difficult and dangerous it was to charge his Shoulders with the Weight of Government That in a City which abounded with the Choice of great and able Persons all Things ought not to be intrusted to the Management of one since Publick Functions were better exercis'd when many join'd their Cares and Labours 3 It is very necessary for a Prince saith Commines to have several Persons of his Council because the wisest sometimes err and they help to set one another right l. 2. c. 2. The chief Point is to know how to chuse them well and to employ every one according to the Nature and Degree of their Abilities But there was more of Ostentation than of upright Meaning in these Discourses And besides if Tiberius whether by Nature or by Custom spoke obscurely even on those Subjects where he had no occasion to dissemble his Words at this time became more intricate and doubtful when he studied altogether to disguise his Thoughts Then the Senators who were all equally afraid of seeming to divine his Meaning broke out into Tears Complaints and Vows holding out their Hands to the Gods and to the Image of Augustus and embracing the Knees of Tiberius till he commanded a Register s Sueton calls this Registry Ratâ—â—narium i. e. an Inventory or a Iourâ—al to be brought written by the Hand of Augustus 4 Although Princes have Secretaries whose Hand might save them the trouble of Writing it is so far from being beneath them to write themselves Memoirs of this kind which Tacitus calls Dominationis Arcana that on the contrary it would be Imprudence in them to commit them to the Ears and Hand of another There is no Secretary nor Confident whosoever he be that ought to be admitted to the Knowledge of these Secrets A Prince who is guilty of this Oversight will become precarioâ—â— to such a Subject Edward the Sixth King of England wrote himself the Iournal of his Life whereof the three last Years are extant So that if this Prince who died at Sixteen had lived longer and continued his Labour he would have proved a very great Man In Portugal they have an Office which they call Escrivaon dâ— puridade as much as to say The Writer or Register of the Confidence or of the Secrets And Mariana often makes use of this Word in this sense when he saith Communicar sus consejos y puridades As this is the most important place of the Kingdom and which hath never been held by any other but by the chief Minister it is probable that it was erected on purpose to write the Secrets of the King's Cabinet and thence to prepare Memoirs of State Iohn the Second King of Portugal and Ferdinand the Fifth King of Arragon and Castille wrote them themselves and containing a Particular of the Publick Revenues with a Roll of the Names of Citizens and Allies which serv'd in the Armies of the Tributary Kingdoms of the Conquer'd Provinces of the Naval Strength of the Imposts and all the Pensions and Expences which were charg'd on the Commonwealth To which Augustus whether out of Fear for the Empire which had receiv'd so great a Blow in Germany or out of Iealousie lest some of his Successors should have the Glory of extending the Roman Conquests farther than himself added the Advice of Restraining the Empire within the present Limits
which is governed by Military Maxims and whose Subjects are Warlike as were the Romans the rewarding of Soldiers is the principal part of Government For the expectation of Rewards supports Emulation Affection Labour and Discipline And besides there is nothing more Unjust nor which doth greater Dishonour to the Prince than to suffer People to die in Poverty who have spent their whole Lives in the Dangerâ— and Fatigues of War Some amongst them also demanded the Legacies of Money which were left them by Augustus not without loud Acclamations to Germanicus and engaging to serve him if he would accept the Empire f In the Year 1577 a Flemish Lord having attempted the Fidelity of Don Iohn of Austriâ— Governour of the Low-Countriâ—â—â— by offering him the Sovereignty thereof if he would accept it Don Iohn transported with Rage gave him a stab with a Ponyard 〈◊〉 l. 5. c. 11. of Philia 〈◊〉 This â—ehaviour in my Opinion was more prudent and also more sincere than that of Gerinanicus who would or â—eign'd that he would have kill'd himself For by immediately punishing so pernicious a 〈◊〉 he stopp'd their Mouthâ— and struck Terror into all those who might be capable to draw him to this Design But he as if he fear'd there had been Infection in their Crime leap'd precipitately down from his Tribunal 3 In such a Matter to hear it is to be Criminal It is not enough to be innocent especially under a jealous and mistrustful Prince as Tiberius was a Person must also act so that the Prince may believe that he hath neither Will nor Power to be culpable With Princes it is a Crime to be thought worthy to Reign at least it is a Rock on which the Fortunes of the bravest Men have been split Vespasian by the Counsel of Mâ—cian his Chief Minister put to Death Calpurnius Galerianus who yet had never meddled with any dangerous Affair because his illustrious Birth his Youth and his graceful Meen made him talk'd of as of a Man that was worthy to possess the Empire Although Vergâ—nius had refused to accept it he was yet always suspected by Galba and kept near him to secure his Fidelity Tacit. Hist. 4. 1. Although Don Iohn of Austria had not only rejected the Offers of the Sovereignty of the Low-Countries but also punished with his own Hand the Person who had made him the Proposals of it Philip the Second repented much that he had given him the Government For there are Suspicions says Strâ—da which the greatest Innocence can never cure and how good an Opinion soever Princes may have of the Fidelity of the great Men whom they employ they have always a jealous Spirit and are inclined to believe that they grow weary of being Obedient and Faithful and that it is Prudence to use such Precautions that a Subject who have once had the Moderation to refuse the Soveraignty may never be capable to accept it L. 10. of his First Decad. It was well the Marquis of Pesquera died a little time after he had revealed to Charles the Fifth that the Pope the Duke of Milan and the Venetians offered him the Kingdom of Naples for certainly the Emperour would not have long left him the Command of his Armies in Italy and was departing from the Camp till they held him by the Arm and turning the Points of their Swords against him threaten'd to kill him if he refus'd to mount his Seat He protesting he would rather die than be wanting to his Duty drew his Sword and raising his Arm was plunging it into his Breast if those who were nearest him had not stop'd his Hand They who stood farmost in the Crowd press'd nearer and some of them what is almost incredible to relate singling themselves from the rest came up to him and exhorted him to strike as he had threaten'd And a certain Soldier called Calusidius offer'd him his naked Sword assuring him that the Point was sharper g These two Circumstances of Calusidius who presented Germanicus with his Sword as the sharper and of the others who cried out Strike seemed to imply that the Soldiers believed that Germanicus's Indignation was but acted and that his Fidelity towards Tiberius had less of Reality in it than of Art and Ostentation For those who encouraged him to kill himself would not have had occasion to cry Strike had they not seen that it was only long of Germanicus that it was not done and Calusidius would never have thought fit to have presented him with his Sword had he not been in a condition to make use of it There is some Reason to believe that the Faith of Germanicus was like that of young Pompey who one Day when he entertained Octavius and Anthony in his Gallery being asked by the Corsair Menas Whether he desired they should make him absolute Master not only of Sicily and of Sardinia but of the whole Roman Empire answered You should do it without giving me notice of it Plutarch in the Life of Anthony than his own But this appear'd of bad Example and even execrable to those who were mad themselves so that there was Time given for his Friends to draw him off into his Tent. XXX There a Council was call'd in order to appease the Mutiny for Notice had been given that the Seditious had propos'd to send Deputies to the Army of Silius and to ingage them in their Revolt 1 The first Remedy which a Prince ought to employ against the Revolt of his Subjects is to prevent the Rebels from gaining the Neighbouring Provinces and Cities which continue in Obedience that they had resolv'd to plunder the City of the Ubians h Afterwards called Collen and that if once they had tasted the Sweets of Rapine they would soon be tempted onwards to make a Prey of Gaul It was also apprehended that the Germans who were not ignorant of what had pass'd should make an Irruption into the Roman Province in case the Legions should withdraw from the Rhine And that on the other side if they should arm the Allies and the Auxiliaries i There was this difference betwixt Allies and Auxiliaries that the former took an Oath of Fidelity to the Roman Commonwealth and received no Pay whereas the others who were Foreigners and not under an Oath took Pay The Allies had Corn given them against the Legions to hinder their departure that was in effect to kindle a Civil War That Severity expos'd Germanicus to Danger and Mildness to k Cabrera saith That the Commander Dom Luâ—s de Requesens in stead of reducing the Rebels of Flanders to Obedience by his Mildness and by his Favours increased their Obstinacy it appearing to them that he treated them so because he feared them Ch. 15. l. 10. of his History Contempt 2 To use Rigour is to exasperate their Minds and to drive them to Despair to dissemble temporise or comply with the Will of the Mutineers is to shew
Inhabitants of the Isle of Candia Lycurgus the Lacedemonians and Solon the Athenians but his were more numerous and more refined 6 The more cunning and discerning People are the more numerous the Laws should be for as a Law-Maker can never foresee all Cases that may happen nor all the Subtilties and Cavils will be thought on for evading his Law or at least the Exceptions will be found that is the Reasons against obeying it hic nunc he is obliged to explain his Law or rather to make as many Laws as new Cases shall arise There is no Country where there are better Laws nor more than in Normandy for the Normans have always been very cunning and are in France like the Athenians in Greece Romulus ruled as he pleased Numa established a Form for Divine Worship and Religious Ceremonies Tullus and Ancus made some Laws but our chiefest Law-Maker was Servius Tullius whose Laws Kings themselves were bound to Obey 7 According to Plato Monarchy is the worst and best sort of Government The worst if absolute the best if limited Those that teach Kings and Sovereign Princes the contrary learn them to Tyrannize not Reign not to keep the People in Duty and Obedience but to make them Rebel No Princes have ever been better Obeyed nor consequently more Princes than those that have not set themselves above the Laws Commines gives a very good instance in Charles VIII of France that at his Accession to the Crown obtained of the States at Tours a Gift of Two Millions and Five Hundred Thousand Livres which was says he rather too much than too little tho' the Kingdom had been under griâ—vous Taxes for Twenty Years On the contrary when a Prince will do every thing according to his Will and inordinate Desire his People will not Obey him nor Succour him in his Necessities but instead of aiding him when he has great Affairs upon his Hands they despise and run into Rebellion against him Chap. dernier du liv 5. de ses Memoires XXVIII After Tarquinius Superbus was expelled 8 See the end of Independent Arbitrary and Unlimited Authority which Flatterers make Princes assume See what happened to Henry III. of France of whom it is said he forbid the French make any Applications to him and taught them there was no other measure of Iustice than his Will Mezeray de sa Vie One thing that most hurâ— this poor Prince says the Chancellor de Chiverny was the Opinion he had entertained of his own Sufficiency despising others Iudgments which is the greatest Misfortune that can befal a Prince or any other Person Dans sâ—s Mâ—moirs the People made many against the Factions of the Senators 9 The Nobility always love a Prince whatever he is better than a popular Government where the People never fail bringing them to an Equality which they cannot bear being used to Distinction For it is the same with Great Men as it was with Agrippa Augustus's Son-in-Law who according to Paterculus willingly obeyed one but in revenge would command all others Parendi sed uni scientissimus aliis sanè imperandi cupidus to defend their Liberties and establish Union The Decemviri l See Decemviri in the Historical Notes of the Preface to Tacitus were chosen to collect the best 10 Nothing is more useful to a Prince that has great Dominions and consequently great Affairs to Transact with other Princes than an exact Knowledge of the Laws and Customs of other Countries Besides that it teaches him to distinguish good and bad in every Government shews him proper Expedients for Reforming Abuses that daily happen in Government whether in his Revenue in his Military Discipline in his Courts of Iustice and in all other Parts thereof Mariana says That Henry III. of Castile sent Ambassadors to Christian Princes and to Mahometans only to inform him their manner of Governing so to collect the Wisdom of all Courts in his own and to know the better how to shew the Majesty of a King in all his Actions What might have been expected from this Prince who died at 27 years old and was the ablest that had Reigned in Spain Chap. 14. de liv 19. de son Histoire Laws of other Countries out of which they composed the Twelve Tables the sum of Law and Iustice. As for the Laws that followed though some were made against Malefactors yet they were most commonly brought in through the Dissensions of the People and Senate for obtaining unlawful Dignities driving out Noblemen or other Disorders Witness the Gracchii and Saturnini the Incendiaries of the People and Drusus who was no less prodigal in the Name of the Senate and corrupted his Companions by Hopes or deluded them Neither the War of Italy nor the Civil War m That this Recital of the History of the ancient Commonwealth may be the better understood in which Tacitus is so short it is in my Opinion proper to give an Extract here of some Chapters of Paterculus which relate very well those Dissentions Scipâ—o Nasica says he was the first advised Force against the Tribune Tiberius Gracchus his Cosin to prevent the Execution of the Legeâ— Agrariae made in favour of the People Ten years after Nasica was followed by the Consul Opimius taking up Arms against Caius Gracchus who either to revenge his Brother Tiberius's Death or to open a way to Sovereignty which he affected exercised the Tribunate with greater Violence than his elder Brother and subverted the Governmeâ—t of the City and State The Gracchi being Dead Opimius caused all their Friends or Servants to be put to Death which was not liked as procâ—â—ding rather from his particular Hatred to the Gracchi than a desire to make publick Examples of them The Gracchi were succeeded by Servilius Glaucia and Saturninus Apuleius who to keep the Tribunate longer than the Laws allowed and to prevent others being chose in their Places which Tacitus expresses by apisci inlicitos Honores dissolved by Fire and Sword the meetings of the People which obliged Marius then Consul the sixth time to Sacrifice them to the publick Hatred The Tribunate of Livius Drusus who would have restored to the Senate the right of judging Causes which Caius Gracchus had transferred to the Knights was neither more quiet nor happier all the Senators opposing him in those things he designed in their Favour chusing rather to bear the Insults of his Colleagues than be beholding to him for the Honour he would procure them So much enviâ—d they his Glory which appeared to them too great The Death of Drâ—sus who was killed as the Gracchi for extending the Priviledges of the City of Rome to all Italy which explains Tacitus Corrupâ—i spâ— aut 〈◊〉 per intercessionem socii kindles a War in Italy or of the Contederates 〈…〉 who presently demanded this Honour complaining with good Reason that they were treated like Strangers by a City maintained by their Arms tho' of the same Nation