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A06718 Nicholas Machiavel's Prince· Also, the life of Castruccio Castracani of Lucca. And the meanes Duke Valentine us'd to put to death Vitellozzo Vitelli, Oliverotto of Fermo, Paul, and the Duke of Gravina. Translated out of Italian into English; by E.D. With some animadversions noting and taxing his errours.; Selections. English Machiavelli, Niccolò, 1469-1527.; Dacres, Edward. 1640 (1640) STC 17168; ESTC S111853 98,313 328

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profitable and advantagious for themselves but for him that calls them in hurtfull because in losing thou art left defeated and conquering thou becomest their prisoner And however that of these examples the ancient stories are full fraught yet will I not part from this of Pope Julius the second which is as yet fresh whose course could not have been more inconsiderate for the desire hee had to get Ferrara putting himselfe wholly into strangers hands but his good fortune causd another third cause to arise that hindred him from receiving the fruit of his evill choice for his Auxiliaries being broken at Ravenna and the Swissers thereupon arriving who put the Conquerours to flight beyond all opinion even their owne and others he chanc'd not to remaine his enemies prisoner they being put to flight nor prisoner to his Auxiliaries having vanquishd by other forces than theirs The Florentines being wholly disarmd brought ten thousand French to Pisa for to take it by which course they ran more hazzard than in any time of their troubles The Emperour of Constantinople to oppresse his neighbours brought into Greece ten thousond Turks who when the warre was ended could not bee got out thence which was the beginning of Greeces servitude under the Infidels He then that will in no case be able to overcome let him serve himselfe of these armes for they are much more dangerous than the mercenaries for by those thy ruine is more suddenly executed for they are all united and all bent to the obedience of another But for the mercenaries to hurt thee when they have vanquishd there is no more need of time and greater occasion they not being all united in a body and being found out and paid by thee wherein a third that thou mak'st their head cannot suddenly gaine so great authority that hee can endammage thee In summe in the mercenaries their sloth and lazinesse to fight is more dangerous in the auxiliaries their valour Wherefore a wise Prince hath alwayes avoyded these kind of armes and betaken himselfe to his owne and desird rather to lose with his owne than conquer with anothers accounting that not a true victorie which was gotten with others armes I will not doubt to alleadge Caesar Borgia and his actions This Duke entred into Romania with auxiliarie armes bringing with him all French souldiers but afterwards not accounting those armes secure bent himselfe to mercenaries judging lesse danger to be in those and tooke in pay the Orsini and the Vetelli which afterwards in the proof of them finding wavering unfaithfull and dangerous hee extinguishd and betook himselfe to his owne and it may easily be perceiv'd what difference there is between the one and the other of these armes considering the difference that was between the Dukes reputation when he had the French men alone and when he had the Orsini and Vetelli but when he remaind with his own and stood of himselfe wee shall find it was much augmented nor ever was it of great esteeme but when every one saw that hee wholly possesd his owne armes I thought not to have parted from the Italian examples of late memory but that I must not let passe that of Hiero the Siracusan being one of those I formerly nam'd This man as I said before being made generall of the Siracusans forces knew presently that that mercenary souldiery was nothing for their profit in that they were hirelings as our Jtalians are and finding no way either to hold or cashier them made them all bee cut to peeces and afterwards wag'd warre with his owne men and none others I will also call to memory a figure of the old Testament serving just to this purpose When David presented himselfe before Saul to goe to fight with Goliah the Philistims Champion Saul to incourage him clad him with his owne armes which David when hee had them upon his back refus'd saying he was not able to make any proofe of himselfe therein and therefore would goe meet the enemy with his own sting and sword In summe others armes either fall from thy shoulders or cumber or streighten thee Charles the seaventh Father of Lewis the eleventh having by his good fortune valour set France at liberty from the English knew well this necessity of being arm'd with his owne armes and settled in his Kingdome the ordinances of men at armes and infantry Afterwards King Lewis his sonne abolishd those of the infantry and began to take the Swissers to pay which errour follow'd by the others is as now in deed it appeares the cause of that Kingdomes dangers For having given reputation to the Swissers they have renderd all their own armes contemptible for this hath wholly ruind their foot and oblig'd their men at armes to forrein armes for being accustomed to serve with the Swissers they think they are not able to overcome without them From whence it comes that the French are not of force against the Swissers and without them also against others they use not to adventure Therefore are the French armies mixt part mercenaries and part natives which armes are farre better than the simple mercenaries or simple auxiliaries and much inferiour to the natives and let the said example suffice for that for the Kingdome of France would have been unconquerable if Charles his order had been augmented and maintaind but men in their small wisdome begin a thing which then because it hath some savour of good discovers not the poyson that lurkes there under as I before said of the hectick feavers Wherefore that Prince which perceives not mischiefes but as they grow up is not truely wise and this is given but to few and if we consider the first ruine of the Romane Empire wee shall find it was from taking the Goths first into their pay for from that beginning the forces of the Romane Empire began to grow weak and all the valour that was taken hence was given to them I conclude then that without having armes of their owne no Principality can be secure or rather is wholly oblig'd to fortune not having valour to shelter it in adversity And it was alwayes the opinion and saying of wise men that nothing is so weak and unsetled as is the reputation of power not founded upon ones owne proper forces which are those that are composd of thy subjects or Citizens or servants all the rest are mercenary or auxiliary and the manner how to order those well is easie to find out if those orders above nam'd by me shall be but run over and if it shall be but consider'd how Philip Alexander the Great his Father and in what manner many Republicks and Princes have armd and appointed themselves to which appointments I referre my selfe wholly CHAP. XIV What belongs to the Prince touching military Discipline A Prince then ought to have no other ayme nor other thought nor take any thing else for his proper arte but warr and the orders and discipline thereof for that is the sole arte
well taken would have proved lucky to him when in the rest of his courses he had not committed any errour The King then having conquerd Lombardy recoverd presently all that reputation that Charles had lost him Genua yeelded to him the Florentines became friends with him the Marquesse of Mantua the Duke of Ferrara the Bentivolii the Lady of Furli the Lord of Faenza Pesaro Rimino Camerino and Piombino the Luccheses Pisans and Sieneses every one came and offered him friendship then might the Venetians consider the rashnesse of the course they had taken who only to get into their hands two Townes in Lombardy made the King Lord of two thirds in Italy Let any man now consider with how small difficulty could the King have maintained his reputation in Italy if he had followed these afornamed rules and secured defended those his friends who because their number was great and they weak and fearefull some of the Church and others of the Venetians were alwayes forced to hold with him and by their meanes he might easily have been able to secure himself against those that were mightiest but hee wa● no sooner got into Milan than hee took a quite wrong course by giving ayd to Pope Alexander to seize upon Romania and perceivd not that by this resolution he weakned himself ruining his own friends and those that had cast themselves into his bosome making the Church puissant by adding to their Spirituall power whereby they gaind their authority and so much temporall estate And having once got out of the way hee was constrained to goe on forward insomuch as to stop Alexanders ambition and that he should not become Lord of all Tuscany of force he was to come into Italy and this sufficed him not to have made the Church mighty and taken away his own friends but for the desire hee had to get the kingdome of Naples he divided it with the King of Spain and where before he was the sole arbitre of Italy he brought in a competitour to the end that all the ambitious persons of that country and all that were ill-affected to him might have otherwhere to make their recourse and whereas he might have left in that Kingdome some Vice-King of his owne hee took him from thence to place another there that might afterward chace him thence It is a thing indeed very naturall and ordinary to desire to be of the getting hand and alwayes when men undertake it if they can effect it they shall bee prais'd for 't or at least not blam'd but when they are not able and yet will undertake it here lies the blame here is the errour committed If France then was able with her own power to assaile the Kingdome of Naples she might well have done it but not being able she should not have divided it and if the division she made of Lombardy with the Venetians deserv'd some excuse thereby to set one foot in Italy yet this merits blame for not being excus'd by that necessity Lewis then committed these five faults extinguish● the feebler ones augmented the State of another that was already powerfull in Italy brought thereinto a very puissant forreinner came not thither himself to dwell there nor planted any colonies there which faults while he liv'd he could not but be the worse for yet all could not have gone so ill had he not committed the sixt ●o take from the Venetians their ●tate for if he had not enlarg'd ●he Churches territories nor ●rought the Spaniard into Italy ●t had been necessary to take them ●ower but having first taken ●hose other courses he should ne●er have given way to their de●truction for while they had been ●trong they would alwayes have ●●ept the others off from venturing ●n the conquest of Lombardy For ●he Venetians would never have ●iven their consents thereto un●esse they should have been made ●ords of it themselves and the ●thers would never have taken it ●rom France to give it them then ●hey would never have dar'd to goe and set upon them both together And if any one should say that King Lewis yeelded Roma●ia to Alexander and the Kingdome of Naples to Spain to avoyd a warre I answer with the ●easons above alleaged that one should never suffer any disorder to follow for avoding of a warre for that warre is not sav'd but put off to thy disadvantage And if any others argue that the King had given his word to the Pope to doe that exploit for him for dissolving of his marriage and for giving the Cardinalls Cap to him of Roan I answer with that which hereafter I shall say touching Princes words how they ought to bee kept King Lewi● then lost Lombardy for not having observ'd some of those termes which others us'd who have possessed themselves of countries and desir'd to keep them Nor is this any strange thing but very ordinary and reasonable and to this purpose I spake at Nantes with that French Cardinall when Valentine for so ordinarily was Caesar Borgia Pope Alexanders sonne call'd made himself master of Romania for when the Cardinall said to mee that the Italians understood not the feates of warre I answered the Frenchmen understood not matter of ●tate for had they bin wel vers'd ●erein they would never have ●ffer'd the Church to have grown 〈◊〉 that greatnesse And by expe●●ence wee have seen it that the ●ower hereof in Italy and that of ●pain also was caused by France ●nd their own ruine proceeded ●●om themselves From whence 〈◊〉 generall rule may bee taken ●hich never or very seldome fails ●hat hee that gives the meanes to ●●other to become powerfull ru●es himselfe for that power is ●●us'd by him either with his in●ustry or with his force and as well the one as the other of these ●wo is suspected by him that is ●rown puissant CHAP. IV. Wherefore Darius his Kingdome taken by Alexander rebell'd not against Alexanders Successours after his death THe difficulties being consider'd which a man hath in the maintaining of a State n● gotten some might marvaile ho● it came to passe that Alexand●● the Great subdued all Asia in 〈◊〉 few yeeres and having hardl● possessed himselfe of it died whereupon it seem'd probable th● all that State should have rebell'd neverthelesse his Successours kep● the possession of it nor found the● other difficulty in holding it tha● what arose among themselve● through their own ambition 〈◊〉 answer that all the Principalities whereof wee have memory left us have been governed in tw● severall manners either by 〈◊〉 Prince and all the rest Vassall● who as ministers by his favou● and allowance doe help to govern that Kingdom or by a Princ● and by Barons who not by thei● Princes favour but by the antiquity of blood hold that degree And these kinds of Barons hav● both states of their own and Vassalls who acknowledge them fo● their Lords and beare them a tru● naturall affection Those States ●t are govern'd by a Prince and 〈◊〉 Vassalls have their