by his very first Treaty which was not to have been hop'd for by any long hostility which success though the execution seem'd not considerable amounted to a kind of Victory So that 't was no wonder he rested not contented with such a Proportion as he was before asham'd to wish for Ambition respecting not so much whence it comes as whither it is addressed pressing still forwards without any consideration but that of the felicity it aims at on which it fixes with so intense a look that it regards no dangers much less any faith being deny'd the Government of the Isle of Thanet he insisted upon that of the whole Province of Kent meeting with opposition there he supply'd force with fraud and both with Fortune and by the possession of that one only got the command of three Provinces more all lying so convenient for landing Supplies that this seem'd to be but an Earnest for an entire Conquest Neither thought he it sufficient to have the Power without he had the Title of a King Hitherto he had only studied his Security that being obtain'd he begins to affect Glory and in respect Kent was his Principal Seat he gives that the preheminence of giving the Name to his Kingdom being the first not to say the last too of the whole Heptarchy continuing near four hundred years supported by its own proper Forces before it fell under the common Fate of being incorporated into the Universal Monarchy of the English And as it was the first Kingdom so was it the first Christian Kingdom of the Seven from whom the East-Saxons borrow'd their light and from them the rest till an universal brightness oversp ead the whole Hemisphere which however it seems to have been a work of time as appears by that oâ—d Adage yet in use amongst us In Kent and Christendom was an occasion of so high regard to the People of that Province that all the Counties of England have ever since consented to allow them the honour of precedency in the Field by giving them the right of leading the Van as often as the Nation appears to give any Batgel Royal which Priviledge hath been by special Charter confirm'd to them from the time of King Knute the Zealous The long Reign of Engist not less as some say then fifty years contributed much to the Corroboration of his Conquest which being the Gift of Fortune rather then Nature he bestow'd it on his youngest Son Oeske from whom as I said before 't was call'd the Kingdom of Eskins which beginning at the time of Ambrosius the British King continued Three hundred seventy two years an intire Kingdom and after the West-Saxons reduc'd it under their Obedience had yet the repute of being a distinct Principality and by that Title was bestow'd upon the younger Sons of those Kings who defended it against the Danes till Ethelbert the second Son of Athelstan second Son of Egbert after the death of his Elder Brother Ethelwald entring upon the whole Monarchy of England Anno 860. united it inseparably to his Empire THE ORDER OF THE KINGS OF SOUTH-SEXE II. I. date of accession 488 ELLA was the first King of this and second absolute Monarch of the whole Kingdom for which Honour he was more indebted to the length of his Reign then the greatness of his Dominions being indeed the very least of the Seven II. date of accession 514 CISSA his youngest Son the two elder being slain succeeded his Father he reigned peaceably seventy six years founded Chichester and Chisbury the one for the resort of his People t'other for the repose of himself where dying he left his Son III. EDELWOLPH to succeed the first Christian of this House who refusing to contribute to the War against the Britains in respect the West-Saxon lay betwixt him and danger Ceadwald the Tenth of those Kings sell upon him and slew him upon whose death IV. BERTHUN and AUTHUN Two Dukes collaterally sprung out of the Royal Stock of this Kingdome interpos'd themselves with equal merit in the common Calamity and Defence of their Country and forcing Ceadwald to retire rul'd jointly for six years till the same King returning upon them took from the one his Life from the other his Liberty whereby this became a Province to the West-Sexe BY the setting up of this Kingdom conteining no more but two Counties Sussex and Surrey and those none of the greatest we may take some measure of the Ambition of our Ancestors who had as great respect to their Glory as their Security being not content to have the Power without they had the Title of Kings This Ella was in the first place but a Colonel under Engist who made him Governour of Sussex to which having added Surrey with the loss of the lives of his two eldest Sons Kymen and Plenchin after the death of his General he set up for himself and being resolv'd to shew the greatness of his mind by the narrowness of his Dominions not onely declar'd himself the first King of the South-Sexe but made himself so considerable in the esteem of all his Country-men that they submitted to him as the second Monarch of the English which Glory he held up to the height near thirty years But that Sun which began in Kent the East part of the Isle and came towards him who was planted in the South hasted to set amongst the West-Sexe to whom his Successors were forc'd to become Tributary or if it may lessen the dishonour for these were all of them most deserving Princes we may say Contributioners towards the War against the Britains The West-Saxon Kingdom lying betwixt them and danger the non-payment of this Tax whether it were that the Kings hereof refus'd it as being too heavy a Burthen upon them or disdain'd the manner of Exaction or thought themselves not oblig'd to be longer charg'd having clear'd their own Territories is not certain was the first and only occasion of the downfall of this Kingdom being thereby ingag'd in a War with too potent a Neighbour against whom though they had no hopes to prevail yet they scorn'd to yield till their tottering State fell down about their Ears and buried them in the common Ruins of their Country which was so far wasted before it submitted to become a Province that when it was added to th' other it became rather a Burthen then a Strengthning for a great while so far had Famine and Plague the Peace-makers in all Civil Wars disabled them to all intents and purposes before this Curse fell upon them to be devour'd by their Friends which was so much more dishonourable then to be conquer'd by their Enemies by how much it was the first unhappiness of this kind THE ORDER OF THE KINGS OF WEST-SEXE III. I. date of accession 522 CERDIC having conquer'd Natan-leod the Dragon of the Western Britains set up the third Kingdom which reaching from Hampshire to Cornwal was call'd the Kingdome of West-Sexe and gave him the repute of being the
of Baptism and new promises given at the taking their new Names to be true to the old League of their Predecessors they obtain'd a Truce so like a Peace that it wanted only age to make it so and therewithal an opportunity of recovering fresh strength as well as malice after which like Snakes that had felt the heat of the Sun they began to hiss and shew that the Water pour'd out upon their heads had not power to quench the Fire in their hearts which breach of Faith urg'd the young King to take a voyage into the North where finding that they had fortifi'd themselves with the Alliance of the Prince of Cumberland he prepar'd to give them Pattle upon the Forder of Northumberland in which dispute having got the better of them he pursu'd his Victory till he overtook the two treacherous Sons of Dunmale their Confederate to whom he cruelly gave their lives but on such a condition as was worse than death it self for at the same time he took from them both their Eyes and their Inheritance the first never to be recover'd the last almost as desperate for he bestow'd it on Milcolmb King of Scots to be held of him in grand Serjeanty by the service of bearing the Sword before him as oft as he came into those parts the two Renegado's Anlaff and Reignold made their escape into the Isles and thence into Ireland thinking themselves scarce secure at that distance Thus satiated with Victory and Triumph the fruits of vigilance and fortitude he return'd back to fortifie himself by the most noble actions of Peace binding his Subjects to him by the Ponds of so good Laws that the memory of some of them are continued to this day savouring of a wisdom rarely to be found in so green years which as it made him revear'd in his life-time so much more pity'd in his death when he fell by the hands of an Out-Law who thrust him through the Body as he was endeavouring to part two of his domestick Servants that were so insolent to begin a Fray in his own house and presence which fatal Accident was not more unlucky to himself than to his Children the eldest whereof being but four the youngest scarcely two years old at his death were without any great difficulty put besides the Succession by their Uncle Eadred EADRED date of accession 946 THE Activity of the Danes after they came to get Footing enforc'd the English to make many Ruptures out of course in the Succession of their Kings breaking off their Lines where at any time it seem'd weak and uniting it together again in the strongest place doubting lest the Imbecility of one that had been either a Fool or a Child might be an occasion of letting the common Enemy in upon them Upon which account this King was preferr'd before his Nephews the right Heirs he being of age and they not his Title of Election out-weighing theirs of Succession as being more agreeable to the necessity of those rough and boysterous Times however there were always some found that durst oppose the common Choice mov'd by particular Interests giving their Kings so continued Alarums that they were not seldom forc'd to lay aside their Royal Robes and cloath themselves in Steel And this I take to be the Case of this particular King who was put to a greater expence of Treasure than Blood by the frequent Revolts for they were not worthy the name of Rebellions of such who upon the account of discontent and faction gave him more trouble than danger baffling his Courage by long Marches to reduce them when indeed they were subdued by their own fears before he could reach them Now as that which yields deads the force of violent motions and causes them to lose their execution so he by not being resisted return'd still a Conquerour without a Conquest till involv'd in the common Fate of all Victors who weakned by often overcoming are at last overcome by themselves his Fury spent it self like Thunder after much Lightning without any great harm done all his Glory being by this means turn'd into a kind of Mockery the Danes as well as the Rebels playing fast and loose with him at that rate that betwixt War and Peace he was neither safe nor quiet finding continual matter of Indignation or Scorn till Fortune by bringing him so often on to fight with Air made him secure and by that means left the Enemy an opportunity to steal a Victory that they durst not try to force from him After which death stole behind him and broke the Glass of his Soveraignty before it had run out full ten years too short a space to secure the Liberties of his People much less to allay their Fears who terrifi'd with the various Ensigns of an Implacable Enemy basely declin'd all noble Occasions of Revenge and shamefully lost all that they possess'd by the same way they first got it EDWIN date of accession 955 IT hath been observ'd that the self-same Weapons Time uses to overcome the Body are by the Understanding us'd to subdue Time And by this means it prevails with Fame to allow that Glory to Patience which Fortune not seldome denies to Fortitude but this seems to be a secret which this young King either did not know or not regard by which Animadversion his Memory became obnoxious to much Obloquy and Scandal which his Youth might otherwise have excus'd or the Age he liv'd in pardon'd For not caring to humour those that then would be esteem'd the best of men I mean the Clergy for that Cause only he fell under the Reproach of being himself one of the worst of Kings The truth is he was very severe toward the Priesthood upon account of their Laziness which provok'd them by way of Recrimination to declaim as much against him for his Lasciviousness their Revenge appearing to be like themselves truly Spiritual in that it surviv'd the Occasion and proved so immortal a Defamation as is like to continue as long as there is any mention made of him in any Story his Vices being represented in such a Magnifying Glass as dilated them to a degree of Deformity more suitable to a Monster then a Man For they accus'd him to have ravish'd a Young Lady the same hour that he was anointed King and to make it yet more horrid avow'd that he did it in the sight of all the People and particularly of her own Husband whom after he had tortur'd with the shame of so unparallel'd an indignity he afterward murther'd But how improbable this is each Reader may judge And those that consider how Venial a sin Venery was in those times will conclude his greatest Crime to be the taking of Abbot Dunstan by the Nose in like manner as it is said he did the Devil who having cheated his Predecessor of a vast Treasure deliver'd to him under secret Trust to which he had most meritoâ—iously entituled the Church he not only compell'd him to vomit
himself of Northumberland Godfrid his younger Brother held Mercia but King Athelstan fell upon both and took from the last his Life from the first his Kingdom which was recovered again not long after by his Son VI. date of accession 946 ANLAFF the Second thereupon esteem'd the third King of the Northumbers His reign was not long for his Subjects weary of continual wars set him besides the Saddle to make way for VII date of accession 950 ERIC the Third or as some call him IRING Son of Harold the Grandson of Gurmo King of Denmark recommended to them by Milcolmb King of Scots but he being elected King of Sweden the Northumbers submitted to Edgar the younger Brother or next in succession to Edwyn and from that time it continued a Member of the English Crown till about the year 980 when VIII date of accession 980 ANLAFF the Third understanding they were affected to his Nation arriv'd with a fresh Supply and making his Claim was admitted King but being over prest the Title came to IX date of accession 1013 SWAIN King of Denmark who made this his first step to the Engâ—ish Throne into which as he was mounting death seiz'd on him and kept the Room empty for his Son Knute DANES Absolute Kings OF ENGLAND I. date of accession 1017 KNUTE was deservedly surnam'd the Great as being the very greatest and most absolute King that ever England or Denmark knew those of the Roman Line only excepted for he was King of England Scotland Ireland Denmark Norway Sweden and Lord of a great part of Poland all Saxony some part and not a little of Brandenburgh Bremen Pomerania and the adjacent Countries most of them not to say all besides Denmark and Norway reduc'd under his Obedience by the valour of the English only upon his death Denmark and Norway fell to his Son Hardycanute the rest as Sweden c. devolv'd upon the right Heirs whilst England was usurp'd by his Natural Son II. date of accession 1036 HAROLD surnam'd Harfager or Golden Locks who being the Elder and having the advantage to be upon the place entred as the first Occupant thereby disappointing his legitimate Brother III. date of accession 1041 KNUTE surnam'd the Hardy design'd by his Father to be the next Successor to him as bearing his Name though upon tryal it appear'd he had the least part of his Nature for he had not the Courage to come over and make any claim as long as Harold liv'd and after his death he drown'd himself in a Land-flood of Wine losing all the Glory his Predecessors had gotten by wading through a sea of blood which made the way to his Throne so slippery that those English that came after him could never find firm footing But upon the very first Encounter with the Norman caught such a Fall that could never recover themselves again This Gurmo came out of Ireland I take it in the second year of King Elfrid not without a confident hope of making good his Predecessors Conquest which had cost already so much blood as made his desire of Rule look like a necessity of Revenge the Monarchy of Denmark it self being put if I may so say into a Palsie or trembling Fit by the loss of the Spirits it had wasted here So that he came with this advantage which those before him had not That the Cause seem'd now to be his Countries more then his own who therefore bore him up with two notable props Esketel and Amon men of great Conduct and known Courage the one of which he plac'd as Vice-Roy in Northumberland t'other in Mercia And having before expelled Burthred the Saxon he fixed himself in East-Anglia as being nearer to correspond with Denmark and most commodious to receive Reâ—ruits Upon his first advance against King Elfrid Fortune appear'd so much a Neuter that either seem'd afraid of other and striking under line preferr'd a dissembled Friendship before down-right Hostility And to shew how much the edge of their Courage was rebated they mutually accorded to divide the Land betwixt them Gurmo was to be Lord of the North and East Elfrid to hold the South and West part of the Isle The politick Dane after this suffered himself to become what the English would have him to be a Christian to the intent that he might be what he would have himself to be absolute changing his Pagan name of Gurmo into that of Athelstan which being of all others the most grateful to the Saxons he render'd himself by that Condescension so acceptable to the whole Nation that they consented to his Marriage with the fam'd Princess Thyra King Elfrids vertuous Sister by whom he had Issue Harold Blaatand that liv'd to be King of Denmark after himself and another Knute whom he left in Ireland to make good the Acquests of the first Gurmo there a Prince of so great hopes and so belov'd by him that the knowledge of his death being slain at the Siege of Dublin gave him his own for he no sooner apprehended the tidings thereof by the sight of his Queens being in mourning but he fell into such a violent fit of Grief as left him not till he left the World whereby the Crown of Denmark fell to his Son Harold the Title and Possession of East-Anglia with its Appurtenances he bequeath'd to his Brother Eric who having perform'd the first Act of Security to himself in having taken an Oath of Allegiance of all his Subjects suffer'd them to perform the last Act of Piety towards him in giving him all the Rites of an honourable Interment at Haddon in Suffolk which place it seems he purposed to make the Burial place of all the East-Anglian Kings But this Ambition of his beginning where it should have ended with a design of assuring to himself more honour after he was dead then he was able to make good whiles he was living ended as soon as it began as will appear by his Story following Tantum Religio potuit suadere malorum Upon which his Queen frighted with the horrour of their Inhumanity fled back to her Brother Athelstan to seek from his Power Justice Protection and Revenge whiles Anlaff took upon him to be King The Equality of Power as well as of Ambition ripen'd the Factions on both sides very fast by the heat of their Contest But before they came to Maturity there was a Parliament conven'd at Oxford that took the matter into consideration where the Lords fearing that the Question if delay'd might be decided by Swords and not by Words out of a deep sence of the lingring Calamities of a new War all the wounds of the old being not yet cured or at least not so well but that the Scars were yet fresh in many of their Faces they declar'd for the King in possession but with such a wary form of Submission as shew'd they did it rather out of regard to themselves then him whereupon Goodwin produced the deceased Kings Will in opposition to theirs but the
Election of the People to whom that he might appear restor'd as by Divine Providence he appointed the day of his Coronation to be upon the very same day wherein the year before he had been Banished and to hold up the Cheat he was anointed with an Oyl which as 't was pretended was deliver'd to his Father together with this Prophesie That all the Kings that receiv'd their Chrisme from it should be Champions of the Church which as the Legend holds forth coming by chance to the hands of King Richard as he was going for Ireland he would have been anointed therewith had not the Arch-bishop of Canterbury disswaded him from it as not being lawful to be anointed twice however he was resolv'd to intitle himself self so far to the vertue of it as to stile himself Defensor Fidei The only man that withstood this Kings Usurpation and would not be perswaded to swim down the Stream with the rest of the Time-serving Nobility was the bold Bishop of Carlisle who having so frankly discharged himself upon the occasion of Debating in Parliament what should be done with King Richard for as yet they had not taken away his Life though they had taken his Crown and by a Speech as eloquent as pious shew'd what was the Complexion and Face of those Jugling Times and what was expected from what was done and what was done upon the found of the present Expectations I have thought it a respect due to the honour of his singular Merit to set it down expresly as he spoke it to the end the Reader may judge whether he had not Reason enough to justifie his Passion and pity 't was he had not power enough to justifie that Reason when combining with others of the same Judgment to Restore his true Soveraign he gloriously lost himself in the Attempt and with himself the unfortunate King he would have saved The words of his Speech were as followeth My Lords THE matter now propounded is of marvellous weight and consequence wherein there are two Points chiefly to be considered the first Whether King Richard be sufficiently put out of his Throne the second Whether the Duke of Lancaster be lawfully taken in For the first How can that be sufficiently done when there is no Power sufficient to do it The Parliament cannot do it for the King is Head of the Parliament and can the Body pull down the Head You will say but the Head may bow it self down and so may the King resign It is true but of what Force is that that is done by Force and who knows not that King Richard's Resignation was no other But suppose he be lawfully out yet how comes the Duke of Lancaster to be lawfully in If you say by Conquest you speak Treason for what Conquest without Arms and can a Subject take Arms against his lawful Soveraign and not be Treason if so then whoever Arms against him successfully does it rightfully and what hope of Peace at this rate If you say by Election of State you speak not Reason For what power hath the State to Elect while any is living that hath Right to succeed but such a Successor is not the Earl of Lancaster as descended from Edmund Crouchback the elder Son of Henry the Third put by the Crown for deformity of Body for who knows not the falseness of this Allegation seeing it is a thing notorious that this Edmund was neither the elder Son nor yet Crook-backt though call'd so for some other Reason but a goodly Personage and without any Deformity and your selves cannot forget a thing so lately done * * The Earl of March who it was that in the fourth year of King Richard was declar'd by Parliament to be Heir of the Crown in case King Richard should die without Issue but why then is not that Claim made good because that Inter Arma silent Leges what disputing of Titles against the stream of Power But howsoever 't is extream Injustice that King Richard should be condemned without being heard or once allowed to make his Defence and what can we Subjects expect when our King is thus abus'd My Lords I have spoken this at this time that you may consider of it before it is too late for as yet 't is in your power to undo that justly which you have unjustly done Those last words express'd a Zeal that seem'd to have something of the same effect as that of Lightning which is said to melt the Sword without so much as singeing the Scabard For however no body that heard him appeard to be warm by what he said yet a secret Fire was shot into many of their Breasts that after it came to be thorowly kindled in their Consciences could not be extinguish'd no not with Blood so that they continued their Resentments not for their own Lives only but intail'd the Quarrel upon their Posterity even untill the House of Clarence recover'd their Right in the third Generation after Now as a Clergy-man first declar'd against this King so a Clergy-man first Ingaged against him without considering his holy Unction which made him the great Champion of the Church for however the Church-men are willing that others should belive their Miracles themselves do not this was the politick Abbot of Westminster a great Book-states-man who invited several of the Chief Nobility into a Combination to take away his Life so that Killing no Murther is no Modern Tenet and admitting what he suspected only there might be some reason for it for who would not dispatch an Enemy to God the King and the Church one that therefore had unduly made himself King that he might rob the great King of Kings of his due the ground of this Jealousie was upon certain words utter'd in the Abbots hearing whilst he was Duke of Hereford viz. That Princes had too little and Clergy-men too much upon which he concluded he would be a Persecutor of the Church rather then a Patron Neither it seems was the Abbot only of that Opinion but the Nation in general otherwise the House of Commons would not as they did afterward frame a Bill for setling the Church Lands in the Crown as believing it would be an acceptable Oblation to him Upon which this Abbot and the Bishop before nam'd and five Temporal Lords to wit the Dukes of Exeter Surry and Albemarle and the two Earls of Salisbury and Gloucester with many Knights and Gentlemen their Friends complotted to dispatch him at a publick Just or Tournament to be held at Oxford where they hop'd coming arm'd as the fashion was upon such Occasions they might as easily take him off as the Roman Senate did Caesar neither indeed was the Plot ill laid had not the same Power that set him up protected him against all their Machinations diverting the Destiny upon themselves by such a strange and unexpected discovery as shews that Secresie in Treason signifies nothing unless it could be hid from the All-seeing Eye of
death Jus Vitae Necis The Kings of this Isle the First Anointed Christian Kings 9. And as the Quatuor Vncti were before all other Kings so I take it that the Kings of this Isle ought to have the preference amongst them for that they were the first (g) Rhivallus ap Tooke in charism Sanct. Cap. 6. anointed Christian Kings as appears by the undeniable Testimony of the learned Gildas in his Book De excidio Britanniae written above a thousand years since which I take to be beyond any Remain of the like Extant in any Records of the Eastern or Western Empire (h) De Comitiis Imperat Cap. 2. Onuphrius would have that Ceremony to begin in the East with the Emperour Justin circ Ann. 525 but most of the learned Writers upon this Subject differ in opinion from him supposing he was more beholding for that honour to the gratitude of the Orthodox Clergy whom he always favour'd then to any real truth or Certainty in the thing The vulgar Historians will have it to begin in the West with the Merovignian line amongst the French but neither does Du Hailan Tilly nor those of the best Authority agree to it Regino and Sifridus go no higher then King Pepin who they say was the first anointed by Boniface Arch Bishop of Ments Ann. 750 which mistake may possibly be better understood by distinguishing betwixt the Ceremonies of the Regal and those of the Ecclesiastical Unction the last being no more but a sacred complement us'd in those times as a preparatory designation to an expected Regality whereof our own History is not without some Instances in which we find that Egbert Son to the great Mercian Offa was anointed in the life time of his Father Ann. 780 which was twenty years before Charlemaine who is suppos'd by most Writers to have been the very first King of the Francks anointed by Leo the Fourth Ann. 800. The like we read of Elfred the Son of Egbert anointed by the same Pope near about the same time in the presence of his Father but taking it to be as early in use with them as they themselves would have it thought to be yet falls it short of the times of our King Arthur affirm'd by J. of Monmouth to be a King anointed Cirea Ann. 505. and perhaps with sufficient Reputation if his be consider'd with the concurrent Testimonies of Bede and Malmesbury who prove the frequent use of it here not long after as likewise that of St. Oswald the most Christian King Ann. 635 that was two hundred years before Pepin As for the Kings of Jerusalem and Scicily however reckon'd in the Rank of the four yet were they not in being for near five hundred years after the honour they had therein being by composition with the Pope to whom they humbled themselves for this advancement so far as to declare themselves content to hold their Kingdoms of the Church whereas both Ours and those of France claim'd only by divine Right confirm'd if the Traditions of that age might be credited by manifestations from Heaven the Oil that consecrated those of France being brought down by a Dove in a Golden Viol and continu'd many hundred years after unwasted at Rheims that of ours being said to have been confirm'd to be coelestial by three distinct manifestations in three different Ages which certainly were as much abus'd themselves as they abus'd us if they conspired to transmit an untruth to us no more to their own advantage The first in the time of St. Oswald before mention'd when 't is said that there descended a great Quantity of holy Oil like Dew from Heaven and fell upon him by the sight and scent whereof for it perfum'd the place divers People were converted to the faith as (i) Bede Hist Aug. lib. 3. c. 3. Bede affirms The Second was at the time when the English Line were cut off by the Danes beyond any hope of Recovery the Danes being in quiet Possession of the Throne when St. Peter appearing to the holy Monk Brightwold assur'd him that England was God's Kingdom for whose Successors he would take due care and at the same time gave him a little Cruise of Oil telling him further that whomsoever he anointed therewith that man should be King and have power to heal the People by his Touch which was accordingly perform'd in the Person of Edward the Confessor on whom the Monk privately bestow'd the holy Unction with which he received likewise the gift of healing that disease call'd by Physitians (k) Now called the Kings Evil See Polidor Virgil. Hist 8. Scrofula continu'd to our Kings in a wonderful manner to this very day insomuch that 't is notoriously known how a Maid at Deptford born blind by reason of that distemper was cur'd by no other visible means but the Touch of a Cloath dipt in the blood of the late King Charles the Martyr The Third Manifestation was in the time of Henry the Second who having banisht St. Thomas Beckett the Virgin Mary appear'd to the holy Exile as the Clergy of that age stiled him and delivering into his hands another Golden Viol in form of an Eagle assur'd him that all the Kings who were anointed with the oil therein should be Patronizers of the Church and as long as they kept that Sacred Viol this Blessing should rest upon them that if any of their posterity should happen to be beaten out of their Kingdom they should be peaceably restor'd again Which Oil Walsingham an Author of unquestionable Credit affirms to have remain'd unwasted to the time of Henry the Fourth who saith he was anointed therewith but amongst other the dismal mischiefs attending the fatal War of the two houses of York and Lancaster this was not the least that it gave opportunity to some Sacrilegious hand unknown to convey this Viol away who stealing the Gold could not yet rob us of the Blessing which hath been miraculously made good to us in the happy Restauration of our present Soveraign Charles the Second of whom we may say with respect to this providence as the Poet in another case (l) Horace Hic posuisse gaudet In him likewise we find that other blessing confirm'd in the gift of healing that noisome disease afore mention'd which by long continuance of time having become Hereditary hath now got the known name of the Kings-Evil so call'd because it is hardly to be cur'd by any other human means but by the Kings touch only whereof we have every day so many and great Examples that I shall forbear to say what might perhaps be pertinent enough to this Subject The Kings of this Isle the First Christian Kings in the World 10. But besides that of their Chrism there hath been a further Circumstance of personal Excellence peculiar to the Kings of our Nation above most not to say all other Princes in respect to the Sanctity of their blood as deriving their (m) Bale
lib. 2. Gildas lib. de victor Au. Ambrosii descent from the first Christian (n) Marc. Sabel in Anead 7. lib. 5. Bale lib. 2. King and the first Christian Emperour of the World and so allow'd by the two great Councels of (o) The first Anno 1335. the last Anno 1414. Bazil and Constance for however the King of France would be thought Fils aisne de l'Eglise and accordingly stiles himself Christianissimus i. e. as they themselves interpret it Primus Christianus yet it is notorious that our first Christian King Lucius was three hundred and five years before their first Christian King Clouis and Constantine our first Christian Emperour no less than 466 years before Charles their first Christian Emperour And it is as evident that the very Title it self of (p) Bede vit Oswaldi Christianissimus take it in what sense they please was in use with us above two hundred years before any of their Kings took upon them to usurp it add to this that the Kings of England deduce a (q) Bed Hist Eccles Angl. Lineal descent from the Loins of Christian Princes for the space of near one thousand and three hundred years together without any Interruption or breaking of the Line which no other Princes of the World besides can pretend to or scarcely have been Christians half that time those of France only excepted but then 't is further noted that there have been more Princes out of our Royal Stock Priests Confessours Martyrs and Saints than of any (r) Vincentius other Royal Stock in the World those of France not excepted 11. The Excellence of the British Empire upon a Threefold Accompt The next thing considerable after the natural Dignity inherent in the Person of our Kings is that honour which may be said to be peculiar to them resulting from the Topical Excellence of their Dominion which as it is now branch'd into three Kingdoms so it may be said to have ever been thrice famous 1. For being disjoyn'd from all the World 2. For having no need of the rest of the World 3. For being it self esteem'd another World Though there seems to be no great matter in that remark of the Poet when speaking of us 1. In being disjoyn'd from all the World he saith that we were Toto divisos Orbe Britannos but what may be as applicable to any other Islanders in the World as to Us yet there is an Emphasis in the Conceit that shows he intended it for an Elogy as did our Countryman Mr. Waller by that queint Paraphrase of his 'T is not so hard for greedy Foes to spoil Another Nation as to touch our Soil Which agrees with that we find in old (s) De excidio Jerus l. 2. c. 9. Hegesippus who personating King Agrippa speaking to Claudius of the Britains concludes much like Florus speaking of the Ligurians Major erat Labor invenire quà m vincere as if the difficulty of conquering lay in the difficulty of finding them out hereupon the Isle was call'd by the Antients (t) In Catalect Virgil. de Sabino Insula Ceruli the Isle of the Sea So Lucan speaking of Cesar's conquest here saith (u) Lucan Pharsal 3. Vincula dedit Oceano Now the reason why they call'd this the Isle of the Sea more than any other Island was because that Britain saith the (w) Paniger Maximian Dict. Si mihi Panegyrist did not seem as the rest to be comprehended by the Sea but to comprehend the Sea it self the Ancients taking this Isle to be the very utmost bounds of Nature beyond which there was no day or light which when Agricola had detected by compassing it with his Fleet Tacitus saith of him that he did Aperire maris secretum enter into the very Closet of the Sea and hence it was that (x) Emeritae apud Gionhernon p. 49. Augustus claiming the Dominion of this Isle in right of his Uncle Julius whose Heir he was as Claudius after him in his own right look'd upon themselves to be by a Parasiopesis Lords of the Sea the first giving thereupon for his Symbol a Dolphin the last a Ship and from them our Kings have ever since with no less reason but more right prescrib'd to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being in this more properly like Gods as Holy Writ stiles Kings in General than any other Princes whatever For that they do Incubare Aquis as a (y) T◠Dun. Serm. 43. on the Anniverse of the 5th of Novemb alluding to the 1. Gen. 2. Divine of great Eloquence has express'd it Move upon the Waters with such mighty Fleets as seem to give Laws to that Indomitable Element it self 2. In having no need of the rest of the World 12. The next Excellency ascrib'd to this Isle was that it had no need of any other part of the World Quae toto vix eget Orbe The reason whereof is plain from what has been said before Nam qui mare teneat cum necesse est rerum potiri saith Cicero He that possesses the Sea must necessarily command all things but to recite the benefits of the Sea were to enter upon a Subject as profound as that is and give occasion to our next Neighbour the Dutch who can give a better Account thereof than our selves to upbraid our glory with the shame of having so long suffer'd their depredations who with indefatigable Patience penetrate the Womb of that dark Element to seek for Treasure which we either know not how to find or how to value Pass we then to the consideration of the Land only on which Charles the Great who was wont to call it the Store-house of the Western World made this observation that it not only stands in no need of any other part of the World but every Nation else stood in need of it Cujus totus indiget Orbis ope Nature and Providence having placed us so advantageously as to supply the whole World out of our Superfluities being stor'd with all sorts of Grain saith Zosimus with all sorts of Cattel saith Tacitus with all kind of Timber saith Cesar with all kind of Minerals as Strabo with all kind of Jems but especially Pearl as Suetonius testifies indeed with so much variety of all things necessary profitable and delightful that without vanity we may conclude as (z) Ad An. 1246. Mathew Paris doth that England is the Lady Queen and Mistress of the Sea 13. All Nations have been ambitious to make themselves Masters of this Isle A Mistress that has had many Suitors of almost all Nations to whom the ROMANS that exacted Homage from all others willingly pay'd Homage themselves there having been no less than twenty of their Emperours to Court her here in Person the Canine appetite of whose insatiable Ambition having before devour'd all other honours was not to be Satisfied with any other Title but that of Britannicus Divus habebitur Augustus Horace Od. v. lib. 3. Adjectis
extraordinary Levies yet perhaps not exceeding those ordinary Forces kept in standing pay to supply every Quarter of the Empire there being scarce any Governour of a Province that had not a Guard of Britains to attend about his Person such was the Reputation of their faith and courage At Constantinople the Greek Emperours had a Guard of 2000 as Bodinus computes them which they call'd the Barangi The Praefect of Rome had for his standing Guard two Bands of them more call'd Invicti Juniores Britannitiani The Western Emperours had their Praesentales or life-Guard besides stil'd Exculcatores Jun. Britan. 500. The Praefect of Gaule had a Horse Guard call'd Britones Magistri Equitum Galliarum The Pro-Consul of Spain had a Foot-Guard of about 500 call'd Invicti Juniores Britones besides these we find in Germany the Cohort call'd Ala Britannica Milliaria containing about 1105 footmen and 132 Horsemen In Illyricum another call'd Britones Seniores in Egypt Ala IIII. Britonum nay they were disperst to the furthest parts of the East for we find in Armenia Cohors XXVI Britonum besides Cohors III. and Cohors VII Britannitiani sub Magistro Peditum in Panonia Cohors Prima Aelia Britonum and several others mention'd in the Notitia Provinciarum to the number of not so little as fifty or sixty thousand all these were abroad whilst at home there were no less than 190000 Foot and 17000 Horse as appears by Constantine's Establishment set forth by Panciroll 17. Less known was the Militia of the Saxons than that of the Romans in respect they had no Invitations to any Action abroad excepting only that single Undertaking in Barbary Ann. 905 when they unpeopled the City and Country round about Arzilla contenting themselves with that Insulary glory they had gotten here by conquering a Nation who had so long disputed with the most powerful People in the World So that the best measures of their strength is to be taken from that of their Weakness having lost if their own Historians tell Truth no less than 200000 men before they had half finish'd that great work yet some thought it strange they lost no more considering how those Blood-thirsty Heptarchs their Masters accounted the Lives of their Subjects the least part of the Price of their Victories being so prodigal of blood that they fought no less than (g) Malmesbury Vit. Elfredi nine set Battels in one year wasting their strength to that degree that by subduing they became subdu'd The Danes falling in upon them before they could recover their spirits oppress'd them with greater Numbers than they the Britains before vying with them both in fame and force till there were as many engag'd on either side as would have reduc'd far greater Territories than those they came from had not divine Justice made use of them as a Scourge to each other 18. What the number and strength of the Norman was may be nearly computed by what he did abroad in that holy and what he suffered at home in that unholy War commonly call'd the Barons War The first for Religion the last for Liberty The one having consum'd as many lives as there were stones in the Walls of the holy City they fought for The other not so fatal because pois'd with a more equal force but altogether as formidable there being at least 50000 always ready to do Execution on either side So stood the Case for the first two hundred and fifty years after the Entrance of Wâ—lliam the First The Computation of the middle times must be taken from the Preparations of Edward the Third when he took two (h) Jo. King of France Davâ—â— King â—f Scots Kings and mist but little of taking two Kingdoms at once ingaging himself in a double edg'd War that ended not with his own life nor theirs wherein though it is suppos'd he exhausted as much of the Force as the Treasure of the Kingdom yet he did not so weaken his Successour Richard the Second but that he was able to take the Field with 300000 Foot and 100000 Horse attending him as * Wals ngham Vit. R. 2. Walsingham tells us whose Testimony has the more Credit by how much it is Seconded by (i) Emil. vit Car. 6. Emilius the French Historian who had no cause to magnifie the number of the English at that time Later Computations may be taken from the Preparations of Henry the Eight at Bullen and of Q. Elizabeth at Tilbury at either not so little as 185000 foot and 40000 Porse in readiness for present Service for I am willing to pass by the consideration of those vast numbers which supported that unnatural Quarrel betwixt the two fatal Houses of York and Lancaster much rather to forget the late War betwixt K. Charles the First and the Republican faction wherein 't is believed there were no less than 300000 Foot and neer 100000 Horse actually engaged in Arms it is almost incredible to tell what numbers appear'd in Arms at the Reception of King James when he made his first Entry into England but what we saw with our own eyes at the happy Restauration of our Soveraign that now is must not be conceal'd whose Life-Guard at his Landing were no less than 50000 of the best Horse in the World not reckoning those appointed for the defence of the Realm However all the Computations of our Land Forces fall so short of our Maritime that as there is no Comparison to be made betwixt them so we may say that we have rendred our selves more formidable at Sea by our Canon Law than any other People by any Law of Arms whatsoever The Kings of this Isle are absolute Princes 19. The last instance of the super-excellent Majesty of the Kings of this Isle is that they hold of (k) Bracton lib. 5. Tr. 3. God to themselves and by their Sword not Ex foedore contracto as antiently the Kings of France nor Ex formulâ fiduciae as yet the Kings of Spain neither yet Jure restricto as the Kings of Hungary and the Kings of the Romans much less Ad placitum populi as those of Poland Nec Jure plebiscitâ— as antiently those of Sweden Denmark and Norway who till of late were as precarious as those of Poland But as those who succeeding the Cesars to whom this of (l) All other Provinces were Praesidial and subjected to the Senate Britain whilst it was under the Romans was particularly appropriated became by their voluntary resignation of the Government repossest of the primier right of their Ancestors Vt pro derelicto as the (m) Amifaeus de jure Majest lib. 1. c. 2. Civilians express it or by way of Remitter as our own Lawyers term it being absolutely independent and supream as any of the Roman Emperours their Predecessours were Qui tot tantas obtinuere Libertates quot Imperatores Imperia saith M. Paris and therefore when the Emperour Sigismund came over hither to mediate a peace betwixt our Henry
absolute and that no less perhaps for the Subjects sake than their own (t) Plin. vit Trajan Nil majus à te Subjecti animo factum est quam quod Imperari Coepisti and the learned Grotius gives the genuine reason for it in his Treatise of Soveraignty because saith he as no man can be limited but by something superiour to him Seven Imperial Rights Inherent in the Kings of this Isle so no man can be superiour to himself But in respect that I find Seven general Topicks of absolute Soveraignty agreed by all the Feudists We will examine the Prerogative of the Kings of this Isle with relation to each of those Particulars apart 1. Census nummorum 22. The first I take to be that unlimited power of giving the form weight allay and value to all Moneys which as it hath been always and in all Nations esteem'd a Prerogative purely Imperial so it hath been as antient in use here as the knowledg of Money it self and so uncontrolled that we find some of our Kings I speak it not to their honour since the abasement of Coin is certainly an abasing of Majesty as betraying a necessity that shews a defect in Government have impos'd upon us Copper others Tinn and (u) Hen. 8. at Bulloigne One once Leather Money making it as currant as Silver or Gold neither have any of our Kings at any time Communicated this Priviledg to any of their Subjects though some of them have had the Title of King conferr'd on them but have kept that power in their own hands as one of the great Inseparabilia not to be parted with Whereas the Kings of France who have been more prest and less provident in that point have thereby given occasion to those Allodiarii that enjoy'd that priviledg to esteem themselves as indeed they were absolute and free Princes stiling themselves accordingly Dei gratia to publish they own'd no Subjection 2. Jus Vectigalium 23. The Second Prerogative stil'd Jus Vectigalium which I take to be that (w) Seld. Dissertat ad Flet. 478. 479. Jus Caesarium first brought in by the great Lawyer Papinian Temp. Imp. Severi is diversly understood sometimes comprehending all those Duties which the antient Feudists place under the heads of Angariae and Parangariae by some extended to Plaustrorum Navium praestationes by others to those Jurafisci under which our Civilians comprehend almost all kind of Impositions and Services Pecuniary and Personal Under all or either of these considerations we find the Kings of this Isle as well entituled as any other Princes of the World both De facto and de Jure whereof there needs no other proof in the time of our primitive Kings the Britains than the Impresses on their Coins stamping sometimes an Oxe or Sheep sometimes a Blade of Corn other while Instruments of Husbandry or perhaps an Armed man or Chariot and Horses denoting as the skilful in that Science tell us the several Tributes and services to which those Moneys had respect or for which they were paid Then passing by the Romans we find amongst the Saxons the next to them this Prerogative exercis'd by several Names as first by that of (x) Fitzherbert Nat. Brev. 226. Thol or Tol a Tax pro libertate vendendi emendi Secondly by the names of Bordland Drofland Burland and Drinkland Names given according to the several Natures of the Duty they related to being generally call'd in Cromton's Translation of Canutus's Laws Firmae adjutorium that held all the Danes time and was by the Normans comprehended under the common name of (y) Mat. Paris Edw. 1. Cap 35. Ed. 3. H. 4. H. 5. Curialitas The Common Lawyers have taken it in several Senses when it respects Releif for War they term it (z) 25 Ed. 1. Aides when it is related to a civil supply they stile it Loane-money which however latter times have familiarly call'd Benevolence yet we find by the Stat. of the twentieth of Hen. the Sixth The King demanded it in right of his Soveraignty and by Law and accordingly appointed Commissioners for gathering it who extorted it with Penalties so in the seventeenth of the said King the same was demanded upon pain of Imprisonment and Confiscation of Goods 'T is true that Statute of H. 6. seems to be branded by a Repeal in the third of Queen Mary But that Law that Repeal'd it being afterwards it self Repealed the King seems now in Remitter to his antient Right a Right so antient that it suffers more perhaps by its Antiquity than any unreasonableness in the thing 24. Touching that call'd Jus Comitiorum I need say nothing 3. Jus Comitiorum it being so well known that no man can be an officer of this Realm that holds not of the King whether it be Jure Magistratus or per Deputationem either as being Commission'd by a Writ or by Patent from him Et sine Warranto Jurisdictionem non habent saith Bracton neither can any of them so much as appoint a Substitute under him but is bound to Officiate propria Persona the Justice in Eyre only excepted and that by a particular Statute for Reasons therein express'd So that by consequence the King must have also in him that 4. Jus Armorum 25. Jus Armorum which our Lawyers call the defence of the Force of Arms and all other force against the peace of the Kingdom which the Civil Law brings under those two heads Bellum decernere Foedera inire This is so inherent a right in our Kings that it seems to have been always lodg'd in Scrinio Pectoris in the Shrine of his own breast as appears by the practice of all Times but it may suffice to look no further back than that Address of the Parliament to King (a) In the fifty fourth year of that King Edward the Third where they humbly beseech him to enter into League with the Duke of Brabant and those Addresses in the eighteenth and fourty fifth year of the said King which I should have first mention'd in the first whereof they desire him to break the peace with Flanders in the other to declare against the Easterlings So in the fiftieth year of the said King praying some alteration of the Articles of peace made with the Hollanders The Kings answer was he would do what seem'd meet to himself The same Answer was given in Terminis by Richard the Second his Grand-Son on the like occasion So by Henry the Fourth in the second year of his reign Henry the sixth in the II. of his upon Petitions against Merchants Strangers that related to Violations of a Peace concluded And as by the Julian Law Lib. 3. it was deem'd Capital for any man without leave of the Emperour to take upon him to denounce War so it is declared Trayterous by our Law and void in it self if any Subject shall presume to do the like without the Kings Commission
whit as sound as the exterior parts Witness the free Cities and those large Countries the Patrimonies of the Psaltzgrave the Dukes of Saxony Brandenburg Wittenburg Lunenburg Brunswick Mecklen Pomerania Sweburgh Newburgh and Holst with those other under the Prince of Anhalt the Marquess of Baden the Landgrave of Hesse and in fine almost all the Princes of Germany I think we may except only the Dukes of Austria and Bavaria in whose Countries yet are many Protestant Families of note to all which joyning those out-lying Plantations in the furthest part of the less known World containing many a Sun-burnt Saint those of the Reformed Religion there being infinitely more extensive and Populous than those of the Popish Perswasion and all these with Universal consent acknowledging our King as Head of the League within the Protestant Pale as it will extend the Borders of our Church beyond what is commonly apprehended so it so far magnifies the Majesty of the King of England whether consider'd as Propagator fidei in the Protestant Phrase or Defensor Fidei in the Pope's stile that it may as truly be said of him as of Claudius when he was Lord of Britaine (f) Anâ—nimi Epigra vet Lib. 2. Oceanus medium venit in Imperium Now because the Supremacy in Ecclesiasticis is so nice a Point as the Popish Faction render it many of whom not comprehending the Legality much less the necessity of its being Intrusted with the King only have been more obstinate in the defence of their Allegations than their Allegiance it may be reasonable to examine the matter of Right by the matter of Fact as that by Common Usuage which our Common Lawyers Date (g) Bracton fol. 314. Cook sur Lit. l. 2. Sect. 170. Du temps il ny ad memoire de Contraire from the Authority of which Age we may conclude the practice whatever it has been to have gain'd the form and effect as well as the honour and repute of a Law according to that known Maxime (h) Cook sur Litt. lib. 3. Sect. 659. Quod Prius est Tempore potius est Jure Pass we then through those four noted Periods 1. From the time of Lucius the first Christian King of the Britains to that of Constantine the first Christian King or Emperour of the Romans reckon'd about a hundred and fifty years 2. From that Time till the Conversion of Ethelbert the first Christian King of the Saxons or English suppos'd to be three hundred and sixty years more 3. From thence to the time of the first King of the Norman here which was not so little as five hundred years more at what time the Pope first put in his Claim 4. From thence to the time he let go his hold again which being about the beginning of Queen Elizabeths Reign whose Ambassadour he refused to treat with makes up near five hundred years more and if in all that long series of Christianity it shall appear by consent of all Ecclesiastical Writers in all times that the King has ever been deem'd to be Papa Patriae Jure Proprietatis Vicarius Dei in Regno Jure Possessionis I hope then the Imputation of Heresie and Schism laid upon Henry the Eight by Paul the Third for taking upon him to be the Supream head of the Church within his own dominions will vanish as a Result of Passion and Our present Kings be Judged in Remitter to their antient Right or as the Law-books Express it Enson (i) 25. Assis pl. 4.35 Ass s pl. 11.23 Edw. 3.69.11 Hâ—n 4.50 Tit. Remitt 11. melior Droit Lucius and those claiming immediately from by and after him I take to be stated in a double right Ratione Fundationis ratione Donationis For as the Lawyers have it cujus est dare ejus est disponere Now that all the Bishopricks of this Isle were of his Foundation and Donative appears by all our books saith the (k) Sur Lit. Cap. Discontinuance Sec. 648. Lord Cooke The first Canons receiving Sanction Ex Divinitate Principis as the Canonists express it till such time as that Foundation laid by him was buried in the Rubbish of Dioclesian's Persecution After which we have no Constat of any Ecclesiastical Polity till the time of Constantine who having recover'd the Church out of its Ruines and laid a new Superstructure of his own upon the Old Found is upon that Account both by Eusebius and Socrates stil'd the Great and it is well they call'd him not the Vniversal Bishop His Power being no less extensive than his Dominions the (l) Euseb vit Constant Cap. 24. L. 4. first of them pointing at his power in General calls him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The (m) Socrat. Hist Eccles last referring to his more immediate power over the Clergy for to say truth he precided even in Rome it self stiles him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Pontifex Maximus From the time of this Constantine the Great till that of Pope Gregory the Great neither heard those here any thing of the Church of Rome nor they of Rome any thing of the Church here That Pope being so little known to or knowing any thing of the concerns of this Isle that when accidentally he saw some little (n) Some it seems of the Pagan Saxons then newly planted here Children who had been brought from hence he ask'd whether they were Christians or no and it being as Ignorantly answer'd him That all the Natives here were Pagans he out of his singular Zeal to Christian Piety sent over Austin the Monk to bring them under his Apostolical Obedience By which we may rather Understand a subjection to the Roman Faith than to the Roman Church for that Rome being at that time but a private Diocess had not Credit enough to give Laws to all the Churches of Italy much less to Impose upon those further off for every body knows how they of (o) Sygonius lib. 9. de â—eg Italiae dicit non debere Ambrosianam Ecclesiam Rom. â—egibus subjicere Millan not to mention any other contested with them for the Precedence many years after And for the Independency of the Churches in (p) Baronius An. 1059. Spain and France there needs no other Proof than what we have from that Magisterial Monk's own Relation before mention'd who as he pass'd through France in his way hither observing how different their Forms of Divine Service were from those at Rome and how repugnant their Discipline to any thing he had been before acquainted with was so surpriz'd with the Novelty that he could not forbear (q) Cum una sit fides cur sunt Ecclesiarum consuetudines alterum missarum consuetudo in Sanct. Rom. Eccles atque altera in Galliarum c. Expostulating the Reason with his Ghostly Master whose pious Answer yet to be seen at the end of his Printed Works is worthy Notice who after an excellent discourse upon that Subject concludes that as their Liberty
unquestionable Authority that there is no less to be imputed to the vertue of the Faith of that Age then to the Patriarch's care that they perisht not in the universal Deluge The Britains having perhaps a better Constat of (l) Girald Camd. Matt. Westm Whites Hist Brit. Lib. 3. N. 14. these then the Jews had of those yet either deriv'd from the Authority of Tradition by how much they were left as a Legacy to succeeding Ages and lost nothing of their value in many hundred years afâ—er they were first deliver'd being the Original after which the great Legislator of the Saxons King Elfred copied his Breviary of Statues as the learned (n) Lamb. de Leg. Anglic. Lambert acknowâ—edges or which is of more Authority as himself confesses in his Title Page which very Breviary is said to be the Foundation of that we call our Common Law at this day however by reason of frequent Transcriptions Additions and Amendments like that of the Ship at Argos it seems to be new and another thing Now for the rest of the Acts of this King though perhaps they are not to be justifi'd as those written by Thucidides Zenophon Polibius or Caesar who were themselves Actors of the things as well as in the times they wrote Yet they have the Testimony of some Reliques which like those two (o) Procop. de b ll Vandelic Lib. 8. Pillars erected at Tingis that shew'd there had been some Colonies of the Jews there although no mention be made thereof in any of their own Writings support the honour of his memory beyond contradiction Such were those stupendious Works of his commonly call'd the four great Causeys that crossed the whole Isle erroneously suppos'd to be first undertaken by the Romans whereas they were begun by (p) Caxton Polichronicon Hollinshed him and only finish'd by them The first by him nam'd Fordd-y-Brenin or The Kings High-way leading from the Corner at Totnes in his own Country pass'd through the whole County of Devon the Counties of Somerset Gloucester Warwick and Leicester and ending at Lincoln this the Romans call'd the Fosse The second anciently called Guthelin-street because it was reported to have been finisht by that King beginning at Dover running out as far as Worcester and from thence was carried to Cardigan in Wales this the ancient Britains called Peunguys the Romans Via Consularis those of later times Watlin-street or Werhem-street The third call'd (q) See Hollinsheds Description fol. 113. cap. 19. Erming-street by the Saxons or rather (r) i. e. Mercurii Columna Irmanhull-street began at St. Davids in Wales and cross'd over all the Countries betwixt that and Southampton where it ended this the Britains call'd Croesfordd and the Romans Via Praetoria The fourth began a little of one side of Worcester and pass'd on by York to Tinmouth call'd Kikeneldis or Icknild-street which I take to be its primitive denomination And to these that Reverend (s) Seld. Poliolb Cant. 8. Monument aged now above 2080 years the shame and glory of the present Age dedicated by him to the (t) Attae Rhwyscoll i. e. All power M. S. in archive Oxon. Destinies or Holy Powers that rul'd the World and by the Romans at the arrival of Claudius consecrated to the honour of the great Goddess Diana and by King Lucius upon the first entertainment of Christianity to that great Apostle of the Gentiles St. Paul To this King likewise is ascrib'd the honour of Founding those rather ancient then great Foundations of * Fabian Blackwell and Guild-hall heretofore parcels of his Court the first continued perhaps ever since as the great Mercatorium or Staple for Trade the last as the great Orseddfaine or Tribunal of Justice both for City and Country He has the repute likewise of being Founder of those two ancient Buildings in the West Malmesbury and the Vyes the first having the stamp of his Name yet upon it But if the Reader be not dispos'd to believe any part of this or the other Kings Legend I shall conclude as I find a very reverend Author doth in the like case (u) Malmesbury de Oest Reg. Aug. Lib. 5. Mihi debetur Collectionis gratia Sibi habeat electionis materiam BELIN date of accession 3562 THE next Dynast in order of Fame as well as in repute of Order was this King whom the Britains make the common Root of that great Stock that hath adorned their Pedigrees with so many flourishing Branches being the most Splendid of all their Princes in that he was in like manner esteem'd by them to be a Representative of Apollo as Apollo was by the Ancients thought to be a Type of Christ This appears by the stile they gave him which I take to be one of the Attributes of that God calling him Belin Tucadre i. e. The Healing King or Healing God For it was a Policy much in fashion in elder times and as it seems as well understood by the British as any other Gentile Princes to take the advantage of assimulating themselves to that Deity which was most ador'd by their People to beget the greater reverence to their Majesty and accordingly in honour of the memory of this man who by some Writers is called (f) The Golden Belin. Belin or Pelinor and by others (g) Belin the Great Belinvaure all the successive Kings were styl'd * As appears by the Names of the following Kings Belin as the Egyptian Kings were styl'd I harach and the Roman Emperours Caesar The Vulgar turned Belin into Bren and the Latin Writers following that mistake changed Belinus into Brennus whereby it hath so hapned that he is by many Historians supposed and as they think with sufficient probability to be the same Brennus that was so terrible to the Romans Amongst those that deny it some doubt whether there were ever any such Persons as the one or the other Others take the word Bren or Belin to be only terms of Majesty and not Names which is an Opinion that calls in question all the best Pedigrees of Wales And some there are who from the difference of the Names infer a difference of Persons taking advantage thereby to discredit the Authority of Jeffery of Monmouth by seeming to uphold it who makes Brennus and Belinus to be two Brothers and Sons of Malmud but those that support the Credit of the Personality of Belinus and are willing he should be the same with the famous Brennus that Sackt Rome suppose there needs no better 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to illustrate the matter then that accompt we have from the Oracle of Delphos which saith that the same Brennus came 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the very farthest parts of the West which Catullus explains Britain and whether he meant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the greater or the lesser Britain according to that Division made by Ptolomy either makes good the conjecture as being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 even Westward of the West especially the latter which from thence saith Bochart got the Name of Ebernia now corruptly Hibernia which in the proper signification as Melancthon tells us is Ultima habitatio Now for the different sound of the Names of Belinus and Brennus it is no more then what we usually find in almost all Histories whereof divers (h) Seld. Poliolb â—â—lid Virg. Giâ—nan Villani Learned Authors and amongst the rest the Famous Selden himself gives us several Instances But there is nothing of fuller proof then that Verse in Eusebius Sol Osyris idem Dionysius Orus Apollo Nor is it less a Question Whether he that fir'd Rome be the same that troubled Greece then whether either of them were Britains But since it is admitted by (i) T. Livy diverse Historians abroad that they if so be they were two were both of Celtick Extraction and so positively asserted by so many Historians of our own that this Belinus was the man I shall not make it more doubtful by shewing my self over-industrious in the proof of it but conclude with like modesty as the Poet in this as in all things of like uncertainty Si quid novisti rectius istis Candidus Imperti si non his utere mecum LUDBELIN date of accession 3880 BEtwixt the last and this Kings Reign I reckon near about 330 years by the Vulgar account in which Jeffery of Monmouth places a Succession of about 44 Kings But Hollinshed making a digression of 180 years which cuts of 33 from the number leaves him and Fabian and the rest that follow them to make out their Catalogue through this dark Period as well as they can wherein they could not it seems discern Men from Trees otherwise they would not as they have denominated the Isle of Ely from Holy the suppos'd Father of this King which rather was Bely the corruption of Belin whereas the true derivation was from Helig a Willow with which sort of Trees that Isle abounds That which illustrates the name of this Eliod or as he is commonly call'd by contraction Lud or rather Lluid i. e. the brown Belin is that Urbicarii honour given him by consent of a most all Writers of being the Founder of the West wall as the first Belin was of the East wall of the City of London to which the Gates yet bearing their Names give probable Testimony of their memory However there are those that object against both and will have that of Belinsgate to be no more but as if one should say the Kings Gate so call'd because the Kings Toll and Customs was ever paid and brought in there and Ludgate to be no more but Portus Populi changing Lud into Leod which in the old Saxon Tongue signifi'd as Verslegan tells us the Peoples Gate a conceipt as applicable to the Gate of any other great City as to this wherein if private Criticismes might be admitted to derogate from the authority of Antiquity yet the Etymology Hermoldus Nigellus gives of this Name deriving it from Hludo i. e. Preclarus with whom the learned Camden concurs sufficiently repairs that Indignity and excuses the good Will of the good old (k) Robert of Glocester Monk that for the same reason would have London to be quasi Ludstowne a conceipt as allowable as that of Rome from Roma Romus Romanus or Romulus all averr'd by several Historians to be Founders of that City out of respect to the consonancy of the Names only and would doubtless have pass'd for currant had it not lately been exploded by a better Authority which hath inform'd us that it was rather London quasi Lhondine i. e. the City of Shipping with which agrees that of Huntingdon one of as good credit as any of his Time who turns this Lud or Lhuid into Lond to render him the Prince of Shipping All that we hear of him in the British Story is That he left two Sons under Age at the time of his death the elder call'd by the Romans Androgius the younger Theomantius either of whom being unfit to succeed in the Government by reason of their Minority the Britains after the manner of most Nations at that time chose the nearest in Merit as well as in Kin to succeed which was their Uncle Cassibelin or Belin the Yellow CASSIBELIN date of accession 3995 THIS King as he was the first of all the British Princes that shew'd himself upon the Stage of Action so being not content to be Chief unless he were absolute he made so good use of the Accidental part of his Fortune the minority of his two Nephews that he took the confidence having first justled them out of all hopes of succeeding their Father to quarrel with all that stood near him in the Government Two there were more eminent then the rest of whom it was doubted whether their Malice or their Power were the greater Comoc Prince of the Attrebatii and Imanuence Prince of the Trinobantes the first a sullen subtil man the last more open very rash but Popular neither of them so confident in his Power as affected with his merit yet being united by the concord of their Discontents they began to swell and be tumultuous but as Wisdom when it wants Integrity like Salt when it hath lost its savour is not only as insignificant but oftentimes more hurtful then Folly it self so their publique Pretensions being tainted with private Malice and Ambition lost so much of the efficacy that was expected from so smart a beginning that their Forces not answering their forwardness the one was compell'd to submit to be a Prisoner the other an Exile Comoc apply'd himself to Caesar then in the higher part of Gallia and to make himself the more acceptable presented to him the young Prince Androgeus as a Pledge for the homage of the whole Isle This gave that great Son of Fortune the first prospect of the greatest design Humanity was capable of at that time and so much the more worthy the thoughts of him who would be esteem'd nothing less then a God by how much the Transports of his invincible Spirit carried his Resolutions to the conquest of another World altogether unknown to his Country-men and scarce probable to have been discover'd by him had not their fatal Ambition destin'd to be so officious to his rais'd his Fame upon the Ruins of their own Easier it was for Coâ—â—oc to prevail with Caesar to take the Sea then for Caesar to prevail with his Legions to quit it who finding the Britains all in Arms ready to oppose their landing refus'd to set foot on shore till Mandubrace Son of Imanuence whose head Cassibelin took off upon his departure with Conioc having chang'd his Nature with his (l) For the Romans call'd him Scaeva in respect of the cruelty he shew'd to his Country-men Name leapt first into the Water and by the fierceness of his Example urg'd them to quit their Ships who could not yet
Yellow King so call'd from the Emication of that Golden Age he liv'd in to wit at the time of the birth of that beautiful (a) Christ Jesus Child which Tully dream'd he saw let down from Heaven in a golden Chain which was verifi'd in the 18th Year or as some think in the 23 Year of this Kings Reign at which time the Temple of Janus being shut up in Rome in token of an universal Peace throughout the World Some have supposed and not improbably that be took thence occasion to make use of this Device which we find on his Money and elsewhere But some others that have lately div'd deeper into the Mysteries of Antiquity conjecture that he did hereby rather denote a farewel to Barbarity Janus being the Person that is said to have first civiliz'd the World as this King did the Britains and therefore painted with two Faces as bringing one shape out of another a conceipt tolerable enough and to me so much the more acceptable by how much the same (b) Canden Author whose Authority may bear it ot admits Cunobelin to be as Critical as himself most certain it is that mov'd by an Emulation of the Roman Majesty whereof he had been an eye witness when his Father under pretence of sending him to congratulate Augustus his success against M. Anthony left him an Hostage at Rome he did indeavour by his own Example to bring his Country-men into the Roman fashion of living imitating them in the manner of their Houses eating drinking and cloaths Coyning money in (c) In Aâ—chiv Londin Gold and Silver instead of their rusty Iron and Copper Ringâ— valued by weight making their Money More Romano in Medals or Plates in the one side whereof was some device queint enough for the invention of those Times on the other the face of the King some whereof have been preserv'd to the glory of this Kings memory to this day which being under a form so rarely found amongst those of any other Nation to wit the device of the (d) Jun. Nomensi Toruma ingrav'd in the Concavity of the Reverse intitles the Nation to a distinct Epoche more renown'd then most other States in the World can pretend to We find many different devices of this King but this of Janus I take to be the principal and without doubt had some signal meaning which the Criticks have not yet light upon possibly to denote the Isle under two Heads at that time Caesar and himself who rul'd as we may say with a kind of double fac'd Supremacy Cunobeline whilst thou desir'st to be Fam'd for a double fac'd Supremacy Bringing the Britains into th' Roman fashion By eivilizing thou undo'st thy Nation They 're Caesars Subjects now who erst were thine Ere long their Virtue will become their Crime For being true to both th' are true to none Two Heads may thus prove not so good as one GUITHBELIN 'T IS a question Whether the last King were more happy in Himself An. Ch. 17. or in his Children whereof he left no less then five Sons to succeed him of which only (e) Adminius the Eldest Guiderius the Second Tâ—godomous the Third Carastâ—â—us the Fourth Arviragus the Fifth One miscarried who indeavouring to betray his Country in the life time of his Father was after his death put besides the Succession and this King his second Brother set up in his room to whom there are so many different Names given in different Transcripts both British and Latin as hath occasion'd many doubts of his Person His right Name was Caradec which being too rough for the Roman pronunciation their Historians call him Caradocus The Britains in respect of his being Prince of the Isle of Wight which they call'd in their Language Guith styl'd him after he came to be King Guithbelin as much as to say the King that came out of that Island and the Romans thereupon Guiderius So that â—t is no marvel if those that had no other Guides but Names only have found themselves misled in the dark places of the British Annals He began his Reign in the time of Tiberius Nero for his sottishness nicknam'd by his Country-men Biberius Mero who leaving every Province to the protection of its proper Strength occasion'd so many disorders as begot at last a Civil war in his own Breast as well as his Empire his Covetousness striving in vain with his Cowardise to recover the benefit at least if not the honour he had lost Britain was the place he alwayes threatned but with so palpable Irresolution that taking occasion from every little accident to alter his purpose of Invasion the Souldiers in scorn call'd him (b) As much as to say in English Short Leggs meaning he had alwayes one Legg in the Stirrup but never got up Callipedes this added to the Fortune more then the same of this King who all the time of his Government had no occasion given him of Glory but found the opportunity to learn by observing that of his Neighbours how to encounter the dangers which afterwards approach'd towards him when his Brother Adminius brought on Caligula to give him that false Allarum from the Holland Coast Nine years he rul'd in peace till the Ambition of Claudius which transported him as much beyond the bounds of his Reason as those of his Empire broke in like the Ocean with a resistless Torrent and bore away all before it The Britains who could not withstand their own Fears being less able to resist his Forces flying at the first sight of his Elephants as if they had believ'd there could have been no greater a Beast in the World then himself upon which advantage he made himself Master of the Pass over the Thames which yet he dreaded more then that over the Sea and so march'd up to London where the two brave Brothers Caradocus and Togodomnus gave him Battel in which the last scorning to outlive the Liberty of his Country fell a Sacrifice to the Incensed Gods of the Isle His Royal Brother retiring as a wounded Deer forsaken by the Heard to seek some shelter in the Neighbouring Woods resolv'd to make head against those pursu'd him as often as he reflected on his lost greatness but the danger approaching nearer his Wisdom prevail'd with him to retreat till he might fight with more advantage So the stall Stagg upon the brink Of some smooth Stream about to drink Waller Surveying there his armed head With shame remembers that be fled The scorned Doggs resolves to try The Combat next But if their cry Invade again his trembling Ear He straight resumes his wonted fear Leaves the untasted Spring behind And wing'd with fear out-flies the wind BELIN ARVIRAG date of accession 0050 FROM the beginning of this Kings Reign if so be we may not rather call it Rebellion we date the Dominion of the Romans in this Isle Julius Caesar had the honour of being the first Aggressor Claudius laid the
Majesty which might preserve the Reverence due to it and accordingly he not only purged and prepar'd the great Pagan Temples for the Service and Honour of Religion but erected many particular Seminaries quae Christianae pietatis extitere primordia saith Polidor endowing them at his own proper costs and charges amongst the rest I take that of Bangor to be as the first so perhaps the (q) Containing no less then 300 Monks greatest Monastery that ever was I say not in this Isle only but in any part of the World whose Foundation was layd so deep that none of the Emperors in the Century following who for the most part prov'd bloody Persecutors could undermine it The Religious continuing safe in the peaceful Exercise of their Devotions till the Entrance of those cursed Pagans the Saxons who sacrificed them all in one day But as he was the first Christian so he was unhappily the last King of this Class who dying without Heir or Successor left his Orphan Country not only dispairing of future Liberty but subjected to all the present miseries a dejected people could suffer under the Oppression of a greedy proud and cruel Nation who kept faith with them no longer then till they could find an Opportunity to do otherwise being not content to command their Purses without they dispos'd of their Persons also forcing them to serve in their ambitious Quarrels abroad and to follow the Fortune of their several Factions through all the disadvantages that attended the injustice of their Arms till wasted wearied to that degree as rendred them unable to defend themselves they were necessitated to implore aid from those who under colour of coming as Auxiliaries prov'd of all others the most fatal Enemies taking their Country from them and from their Country its name THE SECOND DYNASTY OF ROMANS OF ROMANS THE Romans as most other Nations were a People mixt Party per Pale half Latins and half Sabins and so equally Incorporated that the one gave name to the place they liv'd in t'other to the People they liv'd with Rome was the name of the City Quirites the appellation of the Citizens Some say the City was in the first place call'd (a) Aug. de Civit Dei Febris after the name of Febra the mother of Mars Others suppose the Antient name to be (b) Solinus Valentia but (c) Pier. Hieroglyph lib. 36. Pierrius affirms from the testimony of Gergithias that the primitive name was Cephalon a Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Caput a name saith he occasionally given to it out of respect to a mans head of incredible magnitude that was found at the digging up the foundation of the Capitol or rather Prophetically given as believing it would be the head City of the World There are who affirm it had (d) Erithraeus ind Virg. l. 11. three names the first Soveraign which was that of Romethe the Second Sacred which was (e) Plut. Vit. Romuli calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Floreâ— Anthusa as much as to say Flourishing the third was Secret as having never been publish'd by any man saith (f) Pliny lib. 3. Cap. 5. Pliny but once by Valerius Soranus who for his bold Impiety for so it was then Esteem'd was presently put to death the Romans superstitiously believing as all other Gentiles did at that time that the good fortune of their City was involv'd in the name the discovery whereof by the help of some Charms might be a means to Rob them of their Tutelar Gods and therefore to shew that this name was not so much as to be enquir'd after they made the Image of the Goddess Angerona the presentative of the Genius of their City with a (g) As Mussurius Sabinus Varro and others testifie Muffler on her mouth to shew that she might not speak Something of the same conceit was questionless the cause that Posterity is left at such a loss in seeking after the right name of this Isle of Ours which seems to be rather conceal'd by the Druides than unknown to them when Caesar could neither by flattery or force extort the truth from them Fabius Pictor tells us yet of another name that Rome had to wit Amarillis so call'd from Amaris a Trench to convey water for that after they had Sacrific'd to Vectumnius upon the overflow of the Argean Sea by Tyber the water return'd to his own Chanel and thence by Aquaducts was conveyed to the City Thus it remains uncertain what the Original not to say principal name of this great City was and more uncertain when it took that name Some fetch the Aera thereof Ab A. M. 2389. others looking back to the year 2336. But most of the Vulgar Chronologers go no further than the year 3211. Some will have it call'd Rome from Roma Daughter of Italus King of the Aborigines Others from Romanessa better known by the name of Saturn Some again impute the honour to Romanus Son of Ulisses and Circe and there are who contend for Romus the Son of Ematheon sent by Dyomede from Troy but the Vulgar Tradition favours Romulus which yet Plutarch that wrote his life acknowledges not making him their Patronimick who was by Birth a Bastard and no otherwise a King than by Treachery having laid the foundation of his greatness in the Blood of his Brother and slain his Uncle to make way for his Grand-father Thus these Romans that would be esteem'd the most glorious People in the World had this in Common with the most Barbarous and obscure Nations that they came from such Springs as running under ground were not discoverable in many Ages after their first Rice insomuch that they who would trace their Originals as far as they themselves could wish or their Poets Feign must stop at last at the Non ultra of the utmost bounds of Nature where the rest of the Universe stands equal with them in all points Now as Rome had its Sacred Name so had it also its Sacred Number compâ—ehended in that name which answering to the Influences of those Constellations with which the Genius of their Nation kept Intelligence actuated all their great designs and undertakings For as the Britains were principally if not wholly swaid by the Number Six as all Nations in the World by some one number or another so were they by that of Seven which being of all other most like the Geometrical Square may be said to be the most proper figure of Regulation Seven Letters in the (h) Anthusa Mystical or Sacred name of their City before mention'd as many in that of Romulus their supposed Founder who as Livy tells us alter'd his mind seven times touching the place where he would have it Founded and at last plac'd it upon seven Hills afterwards he divided his Principality into seven Tribes four Local and three National and when he came to distinguish betwixt the Nobility and the Populacy he differenc'd them by seven
distinct Priviledges 1. Jure (i) Senâ—c de benefic lib. 3. Cap. 28. Eut. lib. 10. formali by the distinction of Habit of which they had seven Sorts 1 Saga 2 Pretextae 3 Angusticlavia 4 Laticlavia 5 Paludamenta 6 Trabea and 7 Chlamys of these the Common People wore only the first Sort which were Coats without Sleeves the rest were worn only by Gentlemen and Noblemen differenc'd according to their respective Dignities 2. Jure (k) Aâ—l. Gâ—ll. lib. 3. Cap. 16. Petitionis by the right of their Offices for those that were Senators as afterwards all Noblemen had their Curules or blew Chariots with a Chair plac'd in it to ride through the Streets the Consuls being differenc'd by sitting in an Ivory Chair whereas the rest were wood only 3. Jure (l) Senec. de benef lib. 3. Cap. 18. Imaginum by the use of Images which were the same things to them in point of honour and Ornament as Eschocheons and Arms of Families are to us 4. Jure Gentilitiarum by having names that were hereditary for from the very time of the first League with the Sabins it was agreed that the Romans should praefix Sabin Names and the Sabins Roman before that of their families names which Prenomina being hereditary were therefore call'd Gentilitia whence came our word Gentlemen for at that time no part of the World had taken up that Custome now Tully tells us that these Gentiles were those Qui eodem inter se sunt nomine i. e. Men of the same name for the Common People were not permitted to call their Posterity by their own names but were obliged to give their Children always new uncouth and unheard of names which brought them under such contempt as if they had no names but were as Livy calls them Sine nomine turba a nameless Rabble The original Gentiles or Leaguers of the Latin Stock were the Fabii descended from the Kings of the Aborigines the Romuli Julii Junii Surgii Aurelii Curatii Horatii Servitii Priscorum who were of the Trojan Race that came in with Aeneas at the Conquest of Italy those of the Sabin Race were the Tatii the Issue of King Tatius the Pompilii whereof the Pinarii the Aemuli Mamurcenorum were younger branches the Ancimartii Claudii Regilenses the Tarquinii Publicolae Emilii Aenobarbi the Quintii Capitolinorum and Cincinatorum the Cornelii Scipiorum and Lentulorum these were all the antient Leaguers The Families of most note that sprung from them after they united and mixt together were the Posthumii Cossii Survii Sulpicii Sempronii of which the Gracchi were but a younger branch the Fulvii Flacci Octavii Mutii Pompeii c. These I instance amongst many because it was (m) Vt pat per rescript Dioclesian forbid the Common People under a great penalty to name their Children by any of these names or indeed by any other name that had but a Sound like them or like any name of a Gentleman 5. Jure Suffragii by the difference of Places in all Publick Conventions and Assemblies where they had by the Law of Fulvia a very formal precedence given them as we may see at large in (n) Lip de Amphith c. 14. Lipsius and (o) Senec. de benef lib. 3. cap. 28. Seneca 6. Jure Connubii for by the Law of the Twelve Tables it was forbid under the pain of Degradation for any of the Gentiles to match with a Plebeian 7. Lastly they were distinguish'd Jure Ordinis according to their Titles of Honour wherein they had also Seven gradations of different Stiles the lowest whereof was that of Egregii which were such as we properly call Gentlemen or Esquires next them were the 2 Perfectissimi which were those of the Equestrian Order as our Knights then came the 3 Clarissimi these were the Correctores or Praestas of Provinces much like to our Lord Lieutenants of Counties the next above these were the 4 Spectabiles a title proper only to Dukes and Counts Provincial the 5 Illustres such were all that had any voice in Senate all Praefects Magistri Equitum Peditum the Questores Palatii the Comites Maritimi which were as our Lord Admirals and all Generals and Lieutenant Generals of Armies had the same Stile (p) C. Tit. de Feriis Epigr. L. quoniam 6 Nobilissimi which some barbarous Lawyers of late saith (q) Alciate dispunct lib. 3. Com. 4. Alciate have chang'd and as they think Elegantly into Super-Illustres which the modern more refinedly have render'd Serenissimi this was appropriated only to Princes by birth as were the (r) Seld. Tit. Hon. p. 285. Caesars or heirs apparent of the Empire who were written Principes Juventutis the Emperours took to themselves that of Divi or 7 Augusti which we at this day term Sacred It is further observable that as Romulus was the first of seven Kings so Kingship was the first of seven Orders of Government in that Commonwealth for there were 1 Reges 2 Patricii 3 Tribuni 4 Decemviri 5 Dictatores 6 Triumviri 7 Imperatores the Last of which Titles cost no less than the Lives of seven times seven thousand Citizens a Purchase so dear that it had been impossible for any person to have perswaded them to submit to it but such an one as had first slaughtered seven times seventy thousand Enemies and subdued seven times seven Nations as Caesar did if they that writ his life say truth before he offer'd this Violence to his Country and Friends Again 't is noted that there was just seven hundred years spent betwixt Romulus the first King and Founder and this Caesar the first Emperour and Confounder of the Commonwealth and they that have taken the pairs to compute the years altogether from the time of the Birth to that of the Obsequies of this great State have pointed out just seven Periods which as the seven Ages of man they have measur'd by the 1 Beginning 2 Increase 3 Confirmation 4 Continuation 5 Declination 6 Degeneration 7 Dissolution From the Foundation to the Consulship of Brutus and Tarquinius Colatinus is reckoned the first Age consisting of two hundred and twenty years or thereabouts which we may call its 1 Infancy the time from thence to the beginning of the second Carthaginian War which took up two hundred and fifty years more may be call d its 2 Adolescence the time from that War which happen'd in the Consulship of Ap. Claudius the Bold to the Dictatorship of Caesar being two hundred and twenty years more we may call its 3 Youth Augustus's his Reign passes for its Prime or 4 Full Age continuing so near three hundred years from the time of Gallenus the thirty third Emperour was a sensible 5 Declination unto the time of Arcadius and Honorius which was about two hundred and thirteen years more the time from theirs to the Death of Maximus who slew Valentinian the Third look'd like its 6 Dote Age in which it labour'd with many infirmities
an intestine War one with another undermin'd them by Land before they could perfect any great matter by Sea they had not contented themselves as they did with an Insulary glory having laid so good a foundation to an universal Empire and so much more lasting than any that were ever before it by how much they would have had it in their power to have secur'd the obedience of the rest of the World by their ignorance rendring themselves their Masters by a mystery of State not to be resisted because not understood whereof our Kings their Successors now absolute Lords of the Sea have happily made good proof For as a modern Poet hath well observ'd Where ere our Navy spreads her Canvass Wings Homage to th' State and Peace to all she brings French Dutch and Spaniards when our Flags appear Forget their hatred and consent to fear So Jove from Ida did the Hosts survey And when he pleas'd to thunder part the Fray Waller Ships heretofore in Seas like Fishes sped The greatest still upon the smallest fed We on the Deep impose more equal Laws And by that justice do remove the cause Of those rude Tempests which for rapine sent Did too too oft involve the innocent Rendring the Ocean as our Thames is free From both those Fates of Storms and Pitacy Thrice happy People who can fear no force But winged Troops or Pegasean Horse But considering as I said the difficulties they met with before without mentioning the dangers they encountred after they were setled the checks of Fortune whilst they were rising and the counterbuffs of Envy after they were up and mounted to their height whereof as Gildas relates they were forewarned by their Gods who being consulted about the Invasion gave answer that the Land whereto they went should be held by them 300 years half the time to be spent in conquering t'other half in possessing their Conquest which agreed with the measure of their Heptarchy Lastly Considering the fierceness of the Britains of the one side and the fraud of the Danes of the other those perhaps doing them more mischief by Treaties than t'other by admitting no cessation We may conclude with the Poet Nec minor est Virtus quam quarere parta tueri THE ORDER OF THE KINGS OF KENT I. I. date of accession 445 ENGIST having broken in like a Horse for so his Name imports and trampled down all that withstood him made himself King of Kent and by being the first King was worthily esteem'd the first Monarch of the English a Title that during the Heptarchy was appropriated to some one above all the rest of the Kings He reigned 34 years and left his Glory to descend on his second Son II. date of accession 448 OESKE under whose Government the Kentish men thriv'd so well that they were contentedly named from him Eskins III. date of accession 512 OCTA had a longer but less happy Reign wasting 22 years without any memorable act that might render him more renown'd then his Successor IV. date of accession 537 IRMERICK who after 25 years Reign by Stow 's Accompt 29 by Savil's had nothing to boast but that he was the Son of such a Father as Oeske and the Father of such a Son as V. date of accession 562 ETHELBERT the first Christian King of all this Nation and the sixth Monarch of the English men A Prince who was therefore esteem'd great because good but his happiness ended with himself for his impious Son VI. date of accession 617 EDBALD was laid in his Bed as soon as he was laid in his Grave apostatizing from his natural Religion to gratifie his unnatural Lust he had many Sons but the Succession fell to the youngest VII date of accession 641 ERCOMBERT more like his Grandfather then his Father a pious publick spirited Prince he was the first divided Kent into Parishes and commanded the observation of Lent He was not so good but his Sons were as bad VIII date of accession 665 EGBERT the eldest made his way to the Crown by the murther of his two Cosins the right Heirs of Ethelbert and Sons to his Fathers Elder Brother Ermenred who being not able to do themselves right were reveng'd by his younger Brother IX date of accession 677 LOTHAIRE who gave the like measure to his two Sons putting them besides the Succession to admit X. date of accession 686 EDRICK who entred with more Triumph than Joy being within two years after depriv'd both of honour and life by his own Subjects upon which his Brother XI date of accession 693 WIGHFRED assumed the Government being rather admitted then chosen or rather gave himself up to be govern'd by one Swebard who they put over him by whose advice he rul'd not ingloriously 33 years and left his Kingdom to his Sons who alternately succeeded XII date of accession 726 EGBERT the Eldest most like his Father both in Person and Fortune reigned 23 years XIII date of accession 749 ETHELBERT the second reign'd but one year XIV date of accession 760 ALRICK the last of the three and indeed the last of the Royal Lyne did only something that made him more notably unfortunate then the two former in being overcome by the great Mercian Offa whereby the Kingdom became a prey to whosoever could catch it the first whereof that got that advantage was XV. date of accession 794 ETHELBERT the third firnamed Pren who entred in the Vacancy of the first Occupant and being disseized by that Wolfe Kenelwolph the thirteenth King of Mercia he put in one XVI date of accession 797 CUTHRED who enjoyed an undisturb'd possession eight years after whom XVII date of accession 805 BALDRED stept in who being little regarded abroad was less belov'd at home fearing his People might leave him he first left them and flying over the River Thames as soon as Egbert the West-Saxon entred his Territories left all to the Conquerour who without more trouble made this Kingdom and those of the South and East-Sexes an Appenage for his younger Son Athelstan IT is hard to resolve Whether Engist that erected this Kingdom were more beholding to Fortune or his own foresight or whether indeed the folly of Vortigern were not more advantageous to him then either who not trusting the incertain obedience of his own People cast himself upon the faith of this Stranger who in serving of him could have no other design but to serve himself upon him Neither did the frowardness of the Natives contribute less to his Greatness then the folly of their King who not consenting to the Ratification of that little which was promis'd him justifi'd him in the larger Demands he made afterwards when they durst not deny his Experience on the Seas taught him how to Laveer from point to point and shift as he found the wind failing to steer in a direct course but had the Britains kept Faith with him 't is probable he had not broke as he did with them taking that advantage
third Monarch of the English II. date of accession 534 KENRICK his Son succeeded him both in the Kingdom and Monarchy III. date of accession 561 CHEVLIN his Son was the fifth Monarch but his Power being not adaequate to his Fame he in 33 years time could not so settle himself but that he was dispossest by his Brother IV. date of accession 592 CEARLICK who being not so good at keeping as in getting the Kingdom into his hands was himself depos'd in like manner by V. date of accession 598 CHELWOLPH Son of Cuth fifth Son of Kenrick a Prince worthy the Greatness he inherited who notwithstanding he was assaulted by the Picts and Scots and East-Angles all at once kept his Ground and left it to his Successor VI. date of accession 622 KINGILLS a Prince famous for his piety and courage who left his Son VII date of accession 643 KENWALD to succeed him whose beginning may be compar'd to the worst his ending to the best of Kings renouncing first his Faith after his Wife both which though he afterwards retain'd yet the sin stuck so close to him that the first left him without a Kingdom the last without a Son whereby VIII date of accession 675 ESWIN of the Line of Chelwolph took place who for six years kept out the right Heir IX date of accession 677 KENWIN younger Son of Ringills who utterly expuls'd all the Briâ—ains and forc'd them to seek their safety in those inaccessable Mountains of Wales whereby his Successor X. date of accession 686 CEADWALD had so much leisure as to fall upon his nearest Neighbours the South-Sexe and weaken them so far that they were forc'd to yield to his Successor XI INE worthily esteem'd the greatest Prince of his time and the most magnificent yet withal the most humble he dyed in a Pilgrimage to Rome nominating XII date of accession 762 ETHELWARD the Son of Oswald the Son of Ethelbald descended from Kenwaâ—d his Successor who reign'd fourteen years and left the Scepter to his Brother XIII date of accession 740 CUTHRED whose heart being broken by seeing his Son murther'd the Crown came to XIV SIGEBERT one whose vices were less obscure than his Parentage who murthering one of the best of his Friends was himself slain by one of the basest of his Enemies a Swineherd whereby XV. date of accession 755 KENWOLFE succeeded a person worthy of better sate than he met with being slain by the hand of an Outlaw at a time when he did not expect and consequently was not prepar'd for death and so XVI date of accession 784 BITHRICK succeeded the last King of this House lineally descended from Cerdick who being poyson'd by his own Queen this Kingdom came to Egbert the Son of Ingils and Brother of Ine who reduc'd the whole Heptarchy into a Monarchy and therefore worthily led the Van to the absolute Monarchs of England THIS was the third Kingdom of the Heptarchy and deservedly so call'd if we consider the largeness of its extent which measur'd by the Line of Circumvallation reach't if some of our modern Geographers say true above 700 miles in compass being commonly call'd the Kingdom of the West-Sexe by Bede the Kingdom of the Genevises by Cambrensis from Genesius Grandfather to Cerdick who had the honour to be esteem'd the first Founder of it although in truth he rear'd but a small part of this stately Fabrick the rest being the work of Time and Fortune and came not to perfection in almost 500 years He was for his fierceness sirnam'd the Dragon possibly in imitation of the British Kings who had that title and having beaten * The Britaine call'd him Mâ—â—ge Coâ—â—â—â—â— Natanleod the Dragon of the Western Britains forc'd him to retreat and leave 5000 of his people behind him in possession of no more of their own ground than serv'd to make them one common Grave from whom 't is thought he took this Shield of the Dragon He was thereupon declar'd the third Monarch of the English men his Son Kenrick was the fourth and his Grandson Cheulin the fifth Each of these shar'd with him in the honour of being the first raisers of this Kingdom the establisher of it was King Kenwin the ninth Monarch who expuls'd all the Britains the first that enlarg'd it was Ceadwald the tenth King who having made his way to the Conquest of Kent by that of the South-Sexe left his Successor Ine worthily therefore sirnam'd the Great to give his Neighbours a true estimate of his power by that of his wealth and a measure of his wealth by that of his munificence whereof there needs no other instances than in the Foundation of the Abbey of Glastenbury the Furniture of whose Chappel only took up 2835 pound weight of Silver and 337 pound weight of Gold a vast sum for those days which being for the ornamental part only could not be comparable to that which was left for the endowment He Founded also the Cathedral Church of Wells the West part whereof is perhaps one of the most stately Fabricks in the known World Yet neither of these are more lasting Monuments than those of his Laws translated for their excellency by the learned Lambert into Latin as being the Foundation of what we are govern'd by so long since This was he that gave the first Eleemosinary Dole of Peter-pence to the Church of Rome which was exacted in the next Age as a Tribute In this mans Reign this Kingdom was at its heighth declining after his death insensibly till the time of Egbert who being the Darling of Fortune as well as of his own Subjects and a Prince of great towardliness after he had corrected his youth by the experience he had in the Wars under Charles the Great being the first of all the Saxon Princes that were educated abroad he got so far the advantage of all his home-bred Contemporaries that he easily soar'd above the common height of Majesty and beat up the seven Crowns into one which placing on his own head he not only gave those Laws but that Name to the whole Isle which continued till King James his Reign who uniting Scotland to the rest of the Terra firma not reduc'd altered the style of King of England into that which only could make it greater writing himself King of Great Britain to which August and most Imperial Title we now pay homage and may we ever do so THE ORDER OF THE KINGS OF EAST-SEXE IV. I. date of accession 527 ERCHENWIN the Son of Offa Great-Grandson of Sneppa third in descent from Seaxnod third Son of Woden the common Progenitor of the Saxons began this Kingdom with the happiness of a long Reign which however it be seldome desir'd was certainly very advantagious to his Successor II. date of accession 587 SLEDDA who thought the readiest way to keep what his Predecessor got was to add to it what his Successors were not like to keep a Peace with the Kings of Kent his next Neighbours
of which were more desperately bent against each other then either Picts or Britains against both The whole Continent of their Dominions took up six Counties as we now reckon them viz. Northumberland properly so call'd Westmerland Cumberland Yorkshire Lancashire and Durham These falling to the Charge of Otho and Ebusa they made an equal Dividend betwixt them taking three to each the first had all betwixt Humber and Tine and call'd it the Dukedom of Deira The second had all from Tine to the Frith of Edinburgh which was entituled the Dukedom of Bernicia Ninety nine years it continued under the distinct Government of their Posterity each independent of other and each as often as the Common Enemy gave them any rest pecking at the other with equal Enmity and not unequal Fortune till the time of Ella and Ida two famous Captains the one descended from Wealdeag fourth Son of Woden t'other from Bealdeag his fifth Son who thinking themselves less in Title then in Power urged by a mutual Emulation elevated their Dignity to the height of their Fortunes and stil'd themselves as all the rest of their Country-men Kings the last was the first Monarch the first the last King One getting the Start of Priority in Degree the other the advantage of Survivorship by which means it happened that the Government which hitherto had been as it were Party per Pale not long after became Checquy Fortune according to her Constant Inconstancy alternately deposing sometimes one sometimes the other disposing the Diadem like a Ball toss'd from one Hazzard to another so that the Spectators knew not which side to beat on till those of the House of Ella making a Fault Ethelrick won the Sett having got the honour to be the first absolute Lord of the whole which he united under the Title of the Kingdom of Northumberland banishing the other Names of Distinction This Malmesbury ascribes more to his Fortune then his Merit making him beholding to the bravery of his sprightly Son Ethelfrid the Wild for the continuance of any Memory of his Name which shews us the Founders themselves are oftentimes as the Foundations they lay under Ground unknown and obscure taking their Honour from the Superstructure that they rear not from themselves But as those of Bernicia claim'd the honour of building the House so those of Deira boasted they were the first took the Possession their Dignity becoming them so much the better in that they made their Power known where their Title was not by the Courage of their Magnanimous King Edwin who inlarged his Dominions as far as the Mavian Isles but by that Prosperity of his render'd himself rather Glorious then Great drawing himself out of his proper Strength by an Extent that weakned him and drew on him a more powerful Enemy then that he had subdued to wit the Neighbouring Mercian who by his death and his Sons made way to let in the Bernician Line again which continued uninterrupted ten Descents after which follow'd a Succession of Six Usurpers out of distinct Stocks who wasted near Thirty years with so little advantage to themselves or their Country that at length it became a Prey to several petty Tyrants of so low Rank that only One of Ten had the Confidence to stile himself a King which confusion tempted the Dane to fall in upon them with so resistless fury that they were fain to crave Protection of the West-Saxon who made them a Province unto him after they had stood the shock of Two hundred thirty five years with repute of being an absolute and intire Kingdom THE ORDER OF THE English Kings AFTER THE HEPTARCHY Was reduc'd into an Absolute Monarchy VIII I. date of accession 800 EGBERT was the first gave himself the Imperial Stile of King of England differing therein from his Predecessors who stiled themselves Kings of the Englishmen having reduc'd the Heptarchy into a Monarchy he gave Kent and Sussex to his younger Son Athelstan the rest descending on his eldest Son II. date of accession 837 ETHELWOLPH who put off a Myter to put on a Crown being Bishop of Winchester at the time of his Fathers death and being fitter to be a Monk then a Monarch he was accordingâ—y justled out of his Right by his ungracious Son III. date of accession 857 ETHELBALD whose ill got Glory pâ—ov'd so transitory that â—t serv'd him only to perform an act of Infamy outlasted it possessing himself of his Fathers Bed as well as of his Throne which prov'd his Grave so that his Brother VI. date of accession 858 ETHELBERT before Lord of a part as Heir to his Uncle Athelstan became now Lord of the whole and by managing that he learn'd how to manage this the number of his troubles exceeded that of the Months of his reign so that not able to bear up under the weight of the burthen of the Government he died and left his Brother V. date of accession 863 ETHELRED to succeed him as Heir both to his happiness and unhappiness who being likewise wearied rather then vanquish'd hy the continual Assaults of the Danes left the glory with the danger to his Brother VI. date of accession 873 ELFRID a Prince that in despight of War perform'd all the noblest Acts of Peace making as good use of his Pen as of his Sword at the same time securing and civilizing his People His Son VII date of accession 900 EDWARD surnam'd the Elder enjoy'd thereby such a happiness as was only worthy the Son of such a Father as St. Elfrid and the Father of such a Son as VIII date of accession 924 ATHELSTAN who knew no Peace but what he purchas'd with his Sword being more Forward then Fortunate and therein like his Brother IX date of accession 940 EDMOND who escaping all the Storm perished in a Calm being kill'd after he had escaped so many Battels in a private Fray betwixt two of his own Servants in his own House X. date of accession 946 EADRED succeeded who gave himself the stile of King of Great Britain a Title too great it seems for his Successor XI date of accession 955 EDWIN who discontinued it shewing thereby that Nature was mistaken in bringing him into the World before his Brother XII date of accession 959 EDGAR who reassum'd that Title again yet not before he had made himself Lord of the whole Continent but as one surfeited with Glory he dyed as we may so say before he began to live leaving his Son XIII date of accession 975 EDWARD surnam'd the Martyr to support his memory who fell as a Sacrifice to the Inhumane Ambition of a Step-mother who murther'd him to prefer his younger Brother but her eldest Son XIV date of accession 978 ETHELRED an excellent Prince had he not been blasted by the Curse of his Mothers Guilt who as an ill-set Plant wither'd before he could take firm Root being wind-shaken with continual storms all his reign which his Son XV. date of accession 1016 EDMOND from his
much better success than he that the victorious Empress was forc'd to give place to the more victorious Queen and so hardly escaped that to save her life she was content to be reckon'd amongst the dead being carried off in a Coffin as if she had been kill'd and so forc'd to leave him a prisoner behind that was indeed the life of her Cause the Earl of Gloucester her Brother and her General whose liberty being set against that of the Kings both sides became even again in the list of their fatal Contention And now the Kings Party labours to recover what they had lost those of the Empress her Faction strove only to keep what they had gain'd till both having tired out and almost baffled the Courage of their partakers at home sought for recruits abroad Maud sends into Normandy the King into Flanders each side seems to fright from this time forward not so much for Victory as Revenge But whilst they fright the people with a noise of their great preparations the bubble of expectation swollen to its full height broak and the hopes of either side sunk so low by the death of Prince Eustace Son and Heir to the King and that of the Earl of Gloucester the only pillar which supported the Empress this the party by whom that the party for whom the War was first begun not to say miantain'd that they concluded a Peace for want of strength rather than of stomach all things ending as they began by determination of the free vote of the people who in an open Parliament at Winchester parted the Stakes as evenly as they could giving to King Stephen the Crown during life to Henry Son of Maud and as some think by him the reversion expectant after his death who if he were not his Natural was thereupon made his adopted Son and so ended the troubles of this King which seem to have been so agreeable to his nature that as soon as they ceased he ceased to live surviving the War no longer than just to take leave of his Friends being evicted by an Ejectione firmâ brought against him by Fate to let in the Son of his Enemy after he had held the possession notwitstanding the continual Interruption given him nineteen years with great prosperity though little or no peace witness those many works of Piety done by himsel or others in his time there being more Instances of that Nature during his short Raign than had been in many years before He was the first King of the Plantaginets and began his Raign as the Great Solomon who was near about his Age did his with the choice of wise Councellors to take off all objections against his youth with the expulsion of all Strangers to take off all objections against his being a forrainer with the resumption of all aliened Crown Lands to take of the fear as well as the necessity of Taxes which as it increas'd his reputation no less than his revenue so he pleas'd many with disgusting but a few After this he pluck'd down all those Castles which being erected by King Stephen's permission had proved the nurseries of the late rebellion and he did it with the less clamour in respect the people thought it contributed as much to their quiet as to his own Lastly by expelling those false Lords that contrary to their oath given to his Mother took part with the Usurper Stephen he at once satisfi'd his Revenge and confirm'd the opinion conceiv'd of his Justice and Piety Thus having got the start in point of honour as well as of Riches of all the neighbour Princes his Contemporaries one would have thought so prosperous a beginning must have concluded with as prosperous an ending but it sell out quite otherwise for to the rest of his Greatness was added that of having great troubles and troubles of that durance as ended not but with his life Nor could it well be otherwise for he was of a restless spirit seldome without an Army seldomer without an Enemy but never without an Occasion to provoke one for he was a great ingrosser of glory whereby being necessitated to set himself against every one every one set themselves against him and the confederations against him were so well timed that in one day they invaded him in England Normandy Acquitain and Britain but that which made his unhappiness seem singular was that the greatest part of his Enemies were those of his greatest Friends I mean not such as were of remoter relations as subjects servants confederates or allies c. but those of nearest propinquity his brother his wife his own children such as were flesh of his flesh and bone of his bone so that he could not possibly sight for himself without fighting against himself like those who to preserve life are constrain'd to dismember themselves wherein the malice of his Fate seem'd to exceed that of his Foes whiles it drew more cross lines over his Actions than Nature had drawn over his Face rendring all his undertakings so disasterous that even when he had the best on 't he seem'd yet to have the worst on it and lost his honour though he got his enterprize Thus when he recover'd the Earldome of Northumberland from David King of Scots and the Dukedom of Anjou from his brother Geoffry the first by the power of his Wisdom the last by the wise management of his power both which contests ended not without giving to each of them full satisfaction for their pretentions yet one brought upon him the clamor of injustice t'other the scandal of Avarice two vices ill beseeming any man worse a King So in the dispute he had with the Earl of St. Giles about the County of Tholosse which was his Right though t'others Possession he was fain to ask peace of one that he knew was unable to carry on the War and after he brought him to his own terms was himself so hamper'd with the same Fetters he put upon him that in conclusion he suffer'd no less in the opinion of his wisdom than he had before in that of his power So when he married his Son Henry to the daughter of his great Enemy the King of France with a prudent design of being reconcil'd to him in a nearer combination he found that instead of keeping him out of his Territories which was all he had to care for before the Match he had now let him into his House to do him more mischief with less difficulty there being more danger by his undermining than battering whiles himself permitted the pit to be made in which the foundation of his Sons greatness was to be laid to whom having given too early an expectation of his Kingdom by allowing him the title of King without being able to give him the Grace to tarry for his death he found when 't was too late that a Crown was no estate to be made over in Trust yet this he did not by chance neither as one transported by any Fatherly
year there but the taking only one Town and besieging another which upon notice of the Disorders at home that a wise man might easily have foreseen and prevented he quit with no less disorder leaving the whole Action with as much precipitation as he took it up insomuch that his Wife and Sister that accompanied him and all their Attendants and Officers were forc'd to shift for themselves and get home as they could which Inconsideration of his met with that pitiful Event before mention'd to redeem him from which his People were fain to strain themselves beyond their abilities Lay-men and Clergy parting with a fourth part of their Real and a tenth of their Personal Estate all not being sufficient to make up his Ransome till they pawn'd and sold their very Chalices and Church Ornaments Being thus as it were un-king'd and expos'd naked to the Vulgar stript of his Honour as well as Treasure he thought himself not secure of the fai h and reverence due to his birth by any other way but a Recoronation which being as extraordinary as the rest of his Actions for he 's the first we meet with twice crown'd was notwithstanding the poverty of the Nation that had paid in two years time no less then jj hundred thousand Marks of Silver the vastness of which Sum may be guess'd at by the Standard of those Times when twenty pence was more then a Crown now perform'd with that solemnity as shew'd he had the same mind though not the same purse as when he began his great Adventures After this he fitted out a Fleet of 100 Sail of Ships to carry him into Normandy to chastize the Rebellions of his Brother John who incouraged by the King of France the constant Enemy of England had during his absence depos'd his Vice-roy Long-champ and forc'd him to lay down his Legatine Cross to take up that of the holy War and had put himself in so good forwardness to depose him too having brought the People to swear a Conditional Fealty to him that there wanted nothing to give him possession of the Crown which was before secur'd in Reversion but the consent of the Emperor to whom there was offer'd a Bribe of 150 thousand Marks to detain him or 1000 pounds a Month as long as he kept him Prisoner But such was the power of the Mother who was alwaies a fast Friend to the younger Brother and had indeed a greater share in the Government of the elder then consisted with the weakness of her own or the dignity of his Sex that she made them Friends and obtained an Indempnity for all the Faults committed during Longchamp's Reign who indeed was more a King then his Master so that his Indignation being wholly diverted upon the French King he began a new War that was like to prove more chargeable then the old which he had so lately ended To maintain which he had new Projections for raising Money but Providence having determin'd to put an end to his Ambition and Avarice offer'd a fatal Occasion by the discovery of some Treasure-trove out of which the Discoverer the Viscount Lymoges voluntarily tendring him a part tempted him to claim the whole and so eager was he of the Prey that being deny'd he besieg'd the Castle of Challons where he conceiv'd 't was hid from whence by a fatal Arrow shot from the hand of one whose Father and two Brothers he had kill'd with his own hand he was unexpectedly slain leaving no Issue either of his Body or Mind that the World took notice off excepting his three Daughters before mention'd father'd on him by the Priest by the disposal of which though it were but in jest we may see what he was in earnest For he bestow'd his daughter Pride on the Knights Templars his daughter Drunkenness on the Cestercian Monks and his Daughter Leachery he left to the Clergy in general which quickness of his as it savour'd of Irreligion so it made good that in him which makes all things else ill the comprehensive Vice of Ingratitude the Clergy being the only men to whom he was indebted for his Honour Wealth and Liberty but the unkindness he shew'd to them living was sufficiently requited to him dead by one of the same function who reflecting upon the Place where he receiv'd his fatal wound shot an Arrow at him that pierc'd deeper then that which slew him Christe tui Calicis Praedo fit praeda Calucis This mounted him on the wings of Fame but that unexpected height was attended with a fatal Giddiness which turn'd to such a kind of Frenzy as render'd him incapable of all advice So that intoxicated with the fumes of his Power he committed many outrages not sparing his own Brother Jeoffry Arch-bishop of York who using the freedom of a Brother in reprehending his Exorbitances had all his Estate taken from him and confiscated a whole year before he could recover it again by the help of all his Friends The Earl of Chester fair'd yet worse who was banish'd upon the like accompt of being too faithful a Counsellor Neither did the Lord Fitz-Walter suffer less then either because he would not consent to prostitute his fair Daughter Matilda to his Lust And whether he shew'd any foul play to his Nephew Arthur after he was his Prisoner is not certain who surviving his Imprisonment but a few dayes gave the World cause to think he was not treated as so near a Kinsman but as a Competitor and that which confirm'd this Opinion was the Judgment from Heaven that attended it for from that time he grew very visibly unprosperous loosing not only his ancient Patrimony the Dutchy of * Which his Ancestors had hâ—ld in despight of all the power â—f France and the rest of their potent Neighbours above 300 years Normandy and that as strangely as t'other did his life but with it all the rest of his Possessions on that side the Water all taken from him in less then a years space not so much by force of Arms as by process of Law whiles the King of France proceeded against him as an Offender rather then as an Enemy And to aggravate that by other Losses seeming less but perhaps greater he near about the same time not only lost his two great Supporters Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury and Fitz-Peter his Lord Chief Justice as wise and faithful Counsellors as any Prince ever had but her that was the Bridle of his Intemperance his Indulgent Mother Elinor a prudent Woman of a high and waking Spirit and therefore a most affectionate Promoter of his because it tended to the supporting of her own Greatness These stayes being gone he prov'd like a mounted Paper Kite when the string breaks which holds it down for taking an extravagant flight he fell afterwards as that usually doth for want of due weight to keep it steddy and being no less sensible of the shame then the loss instead of taking revenge on his Foes he fell upon
Officers whom their places confirm'd that stuck close to him and serv'd him to the last by whose Assistance he not only recover'd Ireland reduced Wales and kept those of Scotland to their good behaviour but notwithstanding all the Troubles he had at home forc'd the Chief men of either Place to give him as the manner was in those dayes their Children to be pledges of their future Subjection by which may be guest how far he had gone in the Recovery of his Transmarime Dominions had not the cross-grain'd Barons stood it out as they did who refusing to aid or attend him until he was absolv'd by the Pope and after he was absolv'd stopt until he had ratified their Priviledges and after they had the Grant of their Priviledges declined him yet until they had back the Castles he had taken from them resolv'd it seems to have both Livery and Seisin of their ancient Rights but whilst they thus over-bent the Bow they made it weak and unserviceable the visible force us'd upon him in bringing him to that Concession unloosing the Deed and taking so much from the validity of so solemn an Act by the bare illegality of their Coertion that his new Friend the Pope to whom themselves forced him to reconcile himself thought it but a reasonable recompence of his Humility towards him to discharge him from all his Condiscentions towards them dispensing with his Oath by which all the Agreement was bound and by definitive Sentence declaring the whole Compact null which was confirm'd by the Excommunication of the Barons till they submitted to the Sentence Here the Scene chang'd again and now the Pope being ingag'd on the Kings side the French King on the Rebels behold the whole Kingdom in Arms but because there were so few to be trusted at home the King sends for Forces abroad whereof he had so great Supplies that had there not been which is almost incredible to relate no less then forty thousand Men Women and Children drown'd coming over Sea out of Flanders he had even eat his way out to a Conquest of his own People as universal but more miserable then that of the Norman for with those he had left he marched over most of the Kingdom in less then half a years space reduced all the Barons Castles to the very Borders of Scotland and made himself once more absolute Master of all the Cities of note London only excepted which in regard of their united Power being so desperate as they were he thought not safe to attack This Extremity of the Barons drew over the French King in person to their relief who making incredible speed to land at Sandwich as quickly became Master of all Kent Dover only excepted which never would yield through which marching up to London he was there received with such universal joy that several great Lords quitting King John came to render themselves to him In the mean time the Pope pursued him with an Excommunication to please King John who all this while acted the part of a General so well beyond that of a King that many who never obeyed him in Peace were content to follow him through the War It was near a year that this unhappy Kingdom continued thus the Theatre of Rapine and Cruelty enduring the oppression and horrour of two great Armies headed by two great Kings each chasing the other with alternate Successes through the most fertile parts of the Isle till it pleased Providence in Mercy to the innocent People to take off this Indomitable Prince whose heart long flaw'd with continual Crosses broke at last by the slight stroke of a small loss the miscarriage of some few of his Carriages which in passing the Washes betwixt Lynn and Boston were it seems overtaken by the Tyde a misfortune which though of no great Consideration yet falling out in such a juncture of time when the Indisposition of his Body added not a little to that of his Mind carried him out of the World with no less Violence then he forced into it who however born to make himself Enemies had yet perhaps been happy enough had not himself been the very greatest Enemy himself had Upon his Death the King was crown'd as his unfortunate Father and Uncle before him the second time being willing the World should know he was now arriv'd at a degree of understanding to rule by himself which occasion the jealous Barons took hold of to press again for the Confirmation of their Liberties the Denyal whereof had cost his Father so dear This put him to a pause and that discover'd his inclination though not his intent for by not denying he hop'd to be thought willing to grant and yet not granting he had the vanity to be thought not to yield But this cunctation of his which shew'd him to be his Fathers own Son plunged him into such a Gulf of mistrust before he was aware of it that it was nothing less then a Miracle he had not perish'd in it for as he could never get clear out of it all his Reign the longest that ever any King of England had so he was necessitated as all shifting men are that entertain little designes they are asham'd or afraid to own to make use from that time of such Ministers onely as in serving him would be sure to serve their own turns upon him which reduced him to that indigence that had he not found out a way to prey upon them as they upon the People he had undoubtedly perished as never King did being at one time come so near to Beggery that for want of Provisions at his own he was forc'd to invite himself shamefully to other mens Tables his Credâ—t being brought so low that he could not take up an hundred Marks and his Spirit so much lower that he told one that deny'd him that Sum that it was more Alms to give him then to a Begger that went from Door to Door A speech betraying so strange abjection that it takes off the wonder of those affronts put upon him afterwards when a weak Woman durst tax him to his face with breach of faith and honour and a pitiful Priest threaten him with being no King when a private Lord durst give him the Lie publickly and tell him he was no Christian and which is undecent to tell had it not been so well known one of his * Hubert de Bâ—ughâ— was charg'd to have said thus own servants call'd him Squint-ey'd Fool and Leaper The first great action he was ingaged in was the recovery of the Ground his Father lost in France into which he was drawn not so much out of affectation of Glory as by the Solicitation of his Father in Law Hugh Earl of March who having a quarrel with the Queen Dowager of France upon the accompt of some dispute that had pass'd between her and his Wife the Queen Dowager of England call'd in the King her Son to take advantage of the present discontent Divers of the
great men of Poictou Britain and Normandy being offended that the Regency of the young King should be committed to a Woman and a Spaniard But this design ending with like precipitation as it was begun after the Expence of some Blood and more Treasure neither of which he could well spare he return'd home attended with a petty Army of those Poictovins and Britains who by taking his part had forfeited their own Estates at home These therefore he conceiv'd himself obliged in point of honour to provide for and which way to do it but by displacing such of his principal Officers who were in places of greatest benefit he knew not These were his Cheif-Justiciary his High Treasurer and the Marshal of his Houshold upon whom therefore he permitted the envious Rabble to discharge a volly of accusations to the end that driving them out with shame and loss he might fill up their places with those strangers These great Pillars for they were men whose wisdom he had more need of then they of his favour being thus thrown down and broken to peices by their fall so shook the whole frame of his Throne that every body expected when he would have fallen himself too divers of the Nobility that were nearest to him removing themselves for fear of the worst Amongst the rest was that famous Richard who after the death of his brother William was Earl Marshal a man questionless of great honour and Probity who finding his violences to increase being heightned by the ill advice of the two Peters De Rupibus and De Rivallis the one a Britain t'other a Poictovin now become the two great Ministers of State combined with the rest of the English Nobility to fetch him off from these Rocks first intreating and after threatning him that unless he would put these and all other strangers from him they would remove both him and them and chuse another King Upon this bold menace the plainest and boldest that Subjects could give a Prince De Rupibus advised him to require pledges for their Allegiance which they refusing to give without any Process of Law he causes them to be Proclaym'd Out-laws and Seizes on all their Lands with the profits whereof he rewards the Poictovins This brought both Parties to Arm again with like animosity but more Cruelty then in his Fathers time So that for two years together there was no cessation from all the violences and depredations that usually attend a civil War till the Bishops finding by the much blood had been shed that the heat on either side was much abated interpos'd with the King to do the Barons reason and forc'd him to yeild though he could not consent to a restoration of their Lands and Liberties and to the banishment of all strangers This however proved to be but a temporary shift which the present necessity of his affaires drove him to for not long after the two great Incendiaries were admitted again to Grace and so near came he to the example of his Father as to endeavour a revocation of his Grants by the Popes Authority being done as he alleadged beyond his Power and without consent of the Church by which harsh Intention though it took not effect it is scarce imaginable how much he added to the conceiv'd displeasure of the People to whom however he had no regard till he had wasted himself so far by his profusion and supine Stupidity that he was reduc'd through extremity of want to truckle under his Parliaments who knowing their own Power and his dependence on them for money for as a modern * Sir R. Bakeâ— Vit. H. 3. writer observes his taxations were so many they may be reckon'd amongst his annual revenues scarce any year passing without a Parliament but no Parliament breaking up without a Tax as so many Tyrants press'd no less upon him one way then he upon them the other till at last he became as weary of asking as they of giving him supplies and having no other means to maintain his Riot after he had canvass'd his Officers by chopping and changing of places and rais'd what he could without right or reason he fell to selling his Lands mortgaged Gascoin pawn'd his Jewels and after his Crown and when he had neither Credit nor pawns of his own left he expos'd the Jewels and Ornaments of Saint Edwards Shrine to whoever would lay down most for them After this he preyd upon the Jews the People that always felt the weight of his necessities Neither were his Christian Subjects so free but that he found means to squeeze them by Loans Benevolences and New-years gifts all which not sufficing he fell at last to down-right Beggery and sent to the Clergy men for several Summes to be given him as Alms. And being reduc'd to this incredible lowness when he found he could not prevail upon their Charity he try'd how far he could work upon their piety by pretending to undertake the Cross but that Project failing him too the last and most fatal shift he had was to resign to the King of France whatever right he had in the Dutchy of Normandy the Earldoms of Anjou Poictou Tourene and Main and all for no more then three hundred Crowns and that of Anjovin money too a pitiful Summ to redeem a half lost Crown The Prince likewise unfortunately participating in the wants of his Father was driven to Mortgage several pieces of his Lands too to supply his Particular Necessities And now all things being gone that were valuable or vendible the Barons finding him naked and disarm'd thought not fit to delay the matter longer but being call'd to that fatal Parliament at Oxford in a hot season of the year when all their bloods were boyling and out of temper without more debate they first secur'd London the onely Magazine to begin a Rebellion by shutting up the Gates and after secur'd the Kingdom by shutting up the Ports to prevent the inlet of Strangers appointing twenty four Conservators as they call'd them to manage the Government whereof twelve were to be nam'd by the King twelve by themselves But he thinking it too great a Diminution of his Majesty to consent to any nomination of his own left their twelve call'd the Douze Peers to take the Reâ—ormation into their hands who displacing aâ—l whom they pleas'd to call Evil Counsellors left none about him that were able or perhaps willing to give him advice and grew so insolent at last as to banish amongst other Strangers some of his nearest Relations Out of these as it happens upon all Changes where the People are to be amus'd with Novelty there was chosen afterwards a Triumvirate to be Super-intendent over the Twelve These were the Earl of Leicester the Earl of Gloucester and the Lord Spencer to whom the three great Ministers of State the Chancellor the High-Treasurer and the Chief Justiciar were appointed humble assistants And because 't was believ'd that the Liberty of the People depended on the
maintenance of their Authority the King himself was compell'd by Oath as he was a Man a Christian a Knight a King Crown'd and anointed to uphold them and acquit them of their Legal Obedience whensoever he went about to infringe the great Charter by which they held this Prerogative Here they had him bound up hand and foot with that Curse upon him which his Father of all others most dreaded and with which his Flatterers most terrified him whenever the Dispute of Liberty came in question of being a King without a Kingdom a Lord without a Dominion a Subject to his Subjects for they had invaded his Majesty usurp'd his Authority and made themselves so far Masters of his Person that they might seize it whenever they pleas'd to declare for a Common-wealth And now to make the Affront more notable as if they had forgotten what was the Fundamental Grievance on which their Usurpation was grounded the Entertainment of Strangers they take a Stranger to head them making Monford who was a French man by Birth and Descent their Chief who having designs of his own different from theirs as the Earl of Gloucester his Compeer found when 't was too late indeavour'd so to widen all Differences betwixt King and People that if possible there might never be a right Understanding betwixt them The King therefore well knowing his Malice and not being ignorant of his Ambition fell first upon him causing the Lord Mortimer to break in amongst his Tenants who quickly righted himself upon those of Mortimer's with whom the Prince thereupon took part as Llewellin Prince of Wales with t'other The Prince takes Brecknock-Castle Monford that of Gloucester and after that those of Worcester and Shrewsbury from whence he marched directly to the Isle of Ely without Resistance The King fearing his approach to London like those who to save their Lives in a Storm are content to sling their Goods overboard demanded a Peace and willingly yielded up all his Castles into the hands of the Barons to the intent they might be as a publick Security for the inviolable Observation of the Provisions of Oxford conceding to the banishment of all the Strangers that were left This Condescention of his however occasion'd rather a Truce then a Peace of which he had this benefit to gain time till he could be better provided A Parliament being hereupon call'd at London the freedom of Debate there renew'd the Quarrel and each side confident of the Justice of their Arms at Northampton they came to Battel which however it was well fought yet the worst Cause had the worst Success The Barons were beaten and amongst other Prisoners of note that were then taken was the young Monford the Heir and Hope of his Father Leicester and Fortune thus uniting with Authority made the Barons stoop though they could not submit to beg the Peace they had before refus'd wherein being rejected with scorn they became desperate who were before but doubtful which Leicester perceiving and being a man skilful in such advantages took that opportunity to bring them to a second Battel in which he supply'd his want of Hands with a Stratagem that shew'd he had no want of Wit placing certain Ensigns without Men on the side of a Hill not far from the place where he gave the onset whereby he so fortunately amuz'd the Enemy that he easily obtain'd a Victory and such an one as seem'd to turn the Scale beyond all possibility of Recovery For in it were taken the King himself his Brother the late King of the Romans the Prince and most of the principal Lords and by killing Five thousand of the common People on the place he so terrified all the rest of the Royal Party that for a year and an half afterwards no body durst look him in the Face all which time he spent in reducing the Kingdom under his own dispose putting in and out whom he pleas'd and filling up all places Military and Civil with Creatures of his own carrying the King about with him as a skilful Rebel to countenance the Surrender of Towns and Castles to him continuing thus the insolence of his Triumph till it swell'd to that disproportionate Greatness that his Confederate Gloucester began to be jealous if not afraid of it and out of that Distrust quarrel'd with him upon pretence of not having made equal distribution of the Spoil nor Prisoners charging him to have releas'd whom he pleas'd and at what rate without the consent of the rest of the Confederacy urging further that he did not suffer a Parliament to be conven'd as was agreed betwixt them to the end himself might be Arbitrary Lastly objected that his Sons were grown Insolent by his Example and had affronted several of the adhering Barons who would have satisfaction of him During this Dispute the Prince by connivance of some of the discontented Faction broke Prison to whom Gloucester joyn'd himself and rallying together the scatter'd Parties that had long attended the advantage of such a turn they made themselves so considerable that in short time they were able to bring the business to a poise Leicester put it to the Decision of another Battel but not without apparent dispondency as appears by what he said when they were going to give the first Charge for he told those Lords that were nearest him That they would do well to commit their Souls to God for that their Bodies were the Enemies However he omitted nothing that might speak him as he was a brave and valiant General till his Son first and after himself were slain at the instant of whose fall there happen'd such a Clap of Thunder as if Heaven it self had fought against him and that none could have given him his death but that power to which he owed his life And so the King was rid of him whom he once declar'd to have been more affraid of then of Lightning and Thunder a Person too great for a Subject and something too little to be a King But had he as he was descended from the stock of * His Father was Simon youngest Son of Simon Earl of Fureux descended from Almerick base Son of Robert sirnam'd the Holy King of France Kings master'd the Fate of this day he had undoubtedly made himself one and broke off the Norman Line to begin a new Race not less noble This happy Victory gave the King some ease but 't was not in the power of any Force to give him perfect rest whilst the distemperature of the Time was such that the Wound which seem'd perfectly heal'd broke out afresh Gloucester himself though he had deserted his old Competitor Leicester would not yet quit the good old Cause but imbracing the very first Occasion of Discontent he met with retired three years after from Court and having got new Forces sinds out new Evil Counsellors to remove Mortimer the great Man of merit with the King is now become the Object of his Envy and rather then not have
his Head he resolves once more to venture his own In the mean time those of the Isle of Ely the remainder of Leicester's Party that had held out from the time of his death with incredible courage and patience taking new life and hope from this Revolt make many excursions and spoils to the great charge and vexation of the King and the Publick Neither could the Pope 's Legate prevail with him to come in though upon tearms safe and honourable tendering the Publick Faith of the Kingdom and which was then thought greater that of the Church to them So much were they transported with the Opinion of their Cause or by the falshood of their hopes till this stubbornness of theirs provok'd the King to raise a new Army the Command whereof was given to his Son Edward that prosperous Prince whose Fortune then being not able to resist he had the honour to conclude that War and consequently to put a Period to all his Fathers turmoâ—ls who being shaken at the Root did not long survive the happiness of that tranquillity the end of whose Troubles were the beginning of his own ingaging upon the conclusion of that in a War so much more dangerous by how much more distant the benefit whereof was to be expected only in the other World this was that Undertaking in the Holy Land which separating him from his Father beyond all hope of ever seeing him again gave some occasion to question the old Kings Understanding others his good Nature But as the great concerns of Religion are as much above Reason as that is beyond Sense so we must impute that to the resolute Zeal of the Son which we cannot allow for Devotion in the Father who had he had any thoughts of going into the other World as his great Age might have prompted him to would rather have taken care for a Grave for himself then for so hopeful a Successor who only by seeking Death escap'd it Now whether the ingratitude of the Clergy or the Ambition of the temporal Lords were a greater tryal of his wisdom or Power I know not but the course he took to reduce either to terms of modesty and submission shows the world he had no want of understanding however he was forc't to put up the front of his Lay-peers in order to the facillitating his Revenge upon the other whom he mortified by a strain of State which none of his Ancestors durst venture upon Whilst he not only put them out of his Protection but all men out of theirs denying them not only his favour but his Justice not only the benefit of his ordinary Courts but the priviledg of sitting in that higher Court of Parliament A severity not to give any worse name to it of so acrimonious a nature that it not only expos'd them to all the injuries and affronts triumphant malice and scorn could put upon them but was made more intollerable and grievous by his docking their Revenues as after he did by several * Stat. 3 Edw. 1. cap. 19.33 Stat. cont formum collation Statute Laws amongst which I cannot but take notice though by the By of the particular contempt express'd in that odd Statute aginst †Stat. de Asportatis Religiosorum c. An. 3 cap. 34. ravishment where it is declared Felony to use force to any Lay-Woman and only a trespass to ravish a Nun. Neither was it thought enough to make what abscission he thought fit without their greatness were rendred incapable of any further growth to which intent he cauteriz'd if I may so say the wounds he had given them by that Statute of ‖ An. 3. C. 32. Mort-main which as it was the most fatal of all others to them so it might have prov'd so to himself had he not at the same time he thus disoblig'd them oblig'd the Laity by another suppos'd to be the wisest Law that ever was made to wit that of Westminster the second entituled De Donis Conditionalibus which tending so much to the preservation of particular Families and adding to their greatness no less then their continuance is by some Historians call'd Gentilitium Municipale and had this good effect that it brought the temporal Nobility firmly to adhere to him against the Pope when amongst many others that intituled themselves to the Soveraignty of Scotland a Kingdom too near to be lost for want of putting a claim his Holiness became his Rival and thought to carry it as part of St. Peter's Patrimony This Victory at home which brought the proud Prelates to purchase his Justice at a dearer rate then probably they might have paid for his mercy had their submission been as early as it was afterwards earnest I take to be much greater then all those he had got abroad by how much fortune had no share in it and fame was the least part of his gains extending to give him not long after as great an advantage over the Lay Nobility whom having first discern'd of their Patronage wholly and of their other priviledges in a very great part he did as it were cudgel them into Submission by the authority of his * vid. lib. Assis fol. 141.57 Trail Baston a commission which however it were directed to the Majors Sheriffs Bayliffs Escheators c. and so seem'd to have been aim'd at those of the lower rank onely which were guilty of those Enormities of Champorty Extortion Bribery and intrusion crimes much in fashion in those days yet by a back blow it knockt down several of the great Men who either countenanc'd or comply'd with the offenders and which was more terrible this writ was kept as a Weapon in the Kings hands to use as he saw occasion And to say truth he was so expert at it and indeed at all other points of skill that brought him in any profit that he was too hard at last for the Lawyers themselves those great masters of defence Canvasing his Judges as well as his Bishops when he found both alike rich both alike corrupt Beyond these he could not descend to the consideration of any Criminal save the Jews only for whom perhaps it had been no great Injustice to have taken their Estates if at least he could have been prevail'd with to have spar'd their Lives but as so great Courage as he had would not be without some mixture of Cruelty so 't is the less wonder to see that Cruelty heightened by Covetousness as that Avarice by Ambition the adding to his Treasure by these Exactions being in order to the adding to his Dominions which were not yet so entire as consistent with his safety much less the Glory he aim'd at Wales being then as a Canton of the same Piece divided by a small seam which yet had a Prince of their own blood descended from the antient Stock of the Unconquer'd Britains who it seems had so little sense of the inequality of Power betwixt them that he had given this King great provocations
as often as any advantage was offer'd to him during the Barons War playing fast and loose sometimes as an Enemy otherwhile as a Friend as it made for his turn and having it alwayes in his Power by being in Conjunction with Scotland without which he had been inconsiderable to disturb the Peace of England at his pleasure never neglected any occasion where he might gain Repute to himself or booty for his People Upon him therefore he fastened the first Domestick War he had entring his Country like Jove in a storm with Lightning and Thunder the Terrour whereof was so resistless that that poor Prince was forc'd to accept whatsoever terms he would put upon him to obtain a temporary Peace without any other hope or comfort then what he deriv'd from the mental reservation he had of breaking it again as soon as he return'd whereunto he was not long after tempted by the delusion of a mistaken Prophesie of that false Prophet Merlin who having foretold that he should be crown'd with the Diadem of Brute fatally heightened his Ambition to the utter destruction both of himself and Country with whom his innocent Brother the last of that Race partaking in life and death concluded the Glory of the ancient British Empire which by a kind of Miracle had held out so many hundred years without the help of Shipping Allyance or Confederation with any Forreign Princes by the side of so many potent Kings their next Neighbours who from the time of the first entrance of the English suffer'd them not to enjoy any quiet though they vouchsafed them sometimes Peace Wales being thus totally reduced by the irrecoverable fall of Llewellen and David the last of their Princes that were ever able to make resistance and those ignorant People made thereby happier then they wish'd themselves to be by being partakers of the same Law and Liberty with those that conquer'd them he setled that Title on his eldest Son and so passed over into France to spend as many years abroad in Peace as he had done before in War in which time he renew'd his League with that Crown accommodated the Differences betwixt the Crowns of Scicily and Arragon and shew'd himself so excellent an Arbitrator that when the right of the Crown of Scotland upon his return home came to be disputed with Six some say Ten Competitors after the death of Alexander the Third the Umpirage was given to him who ordered the matter so wisely that he kept off the final Decision of the main Question as many years as there were Rivals put in for it deferring Judgment till all but two only were disputed out of their Pretensions These were Baliol and Bruce the first descended from the elder Daughter of the right Heir the last from the Son of the younger who having as 't was thought the weaker Title but the most Friends King Edward privately offered him the Crown upon Condition of doing Homage and Fealty to him for it the greatness of his Mind which bespoke him to be a King before he was one suffer'd him not to accept the terms whereupon King Edward makes the same Proposition to Baliol who better content it seems with the outside of Majesty accepted the Condition But see the Curse of ill-got Glory shewing himself satisfied with so little he was thought unworthy of any being so abhor'd of his People for it that upon the first occasion they had to quarrel with his Justice as who should say they would wound him with his own Weapon they appeal'd to King Edward who thereupon summon'd him to appear in England and was so rigid to him upon his appearance he would permit none else to plead his Cause but compell'd him in open Parliament to answer for himself as well as he could This being an Indignity so much beneath the sufferance of any private Person much more a King sunk so deep into his Breast that meditating nothing after but Revenge as soon as he return'd home securing himself first by a League and Allyance with the King of France to whose Brothers Daughter he married his Son he renounced his Allegiance and defied King Edward's Power no less then he did his Justice This begat a War betwixt the two Nations that continued much longer then themselves being held up by alternate Successes near three hundred years a longer dated difference perhaps then is to be found in any other Story of the World that Rancor which the Sword bred increasing continually by the desire of Revenge till the one side was almost wholly wasted t'other wholly wearied Baliol the same time King Edward required him to do Homage for Scotland here prevailed with the French King to require the like from him for his Territories there this began the Quarrel that the Division by which King Edward which may seem strange parting his Greatness made it appear much greater whilst himself advanc'd against Baliol and sent his Brother the Earl of Lancaster to answer the King of France Baliol finding himself overmatch'd as well as over-reach'd renew'd his Homage in hopes to preserve his Honour But King Edward resolving to bind him with stronger Fetters then Oaths sent him Prisoner into England whereby those of that Country wanting not only a Head but a Heart to make any further resistance he turn'd his Fury upon the King of France hastning over what Forces he could to continue that War till himself could follow after But Fortune being preingaged on the other side disposed that whole Affair to so many mistakes that nothing answered Expectation and which was worse the Fame of his Male-Adventures spirited a private person worthy a greater * Wallis Name then he had to rise in Scotland who rallying together as many as durst by scorning Misery adventure upon it defied all the Forces of England so fortunately that he was once very near the redeeming his despairing Country-men and had he had less Vertue might possibly have had more success For scorning to take the Crown when he had won it a Modesty not less fatal to the whole Nation then himself by leaving room for Ambition he made way for King Edward to Re-enter the second time who by one single Battel but fought with redoubled Courage made himself once more Lord of that miserable Kingdom all the principal Opposers Wallis only excepted crowding in upon Summons to swear Fealty the third time to him This had been an easie Pennance had they not together with their Faith resigned up their Laws and Liberties and that so servilely that King Edward himself judging them unworthy to be continued any longer a Nation was perswaded to take from them all the Records and Monuments whereby their Ancestors had recommended any of Glory to their Imitation Amongst other of the Regalia's then lost was that famous Marble Stone now lodg'd in Westminster-Abby wherein their Kings were crown'd in which as the Vulgar were perswaded the Fate of their Country lay for that there was an ancient Prophesie
which broke out like a Fire that being long smother'd was all in a Flame as soon almost as it was perceiv'd and however Fate for some time seem'd to make a Pause whether she should begin the Tragedy which she could not end turning the Storm another way by several Invasions from Scotland which held long enough to have diverted the virulent humour and let out blood enough to have cool'd all their heat allaying it so far that easie Intercessions prevail'd to keep them asunder for some years yet nothing could so stop the Course of Nature but that the monstrous Issue when it was come to its birth forc'd its way the Discontents that had been so long ripening even from the time of this Kings Great-grand-father breaking out like a Boyl surcharg'd with Anguish and Corruption which was no sooner emptied by the death of one but it was fill'd with Rancor and Envy by the Entertainment of New Favourites As Gaveston before so the two Spencers afterward the Farher and the Son took upon them to Monopolize his Grace and were thereupon generally charg'd with the odious design of bringing in an Arbitrary Government with imbezeling the Treasure of the Nation and doing several ill Offices betwixt the King and Queen maintaining their own by apparent wrong to the Estates of other Lords particularly of the Earls of Hereford and Mortimer out of whose hands it seems they had bought some Lands which lying convenient to their Estates was in the first place offered to them These though they were such Objections as relating but to particular Persons perhaps not without particular Reasons might be excus'd if not justified yet being heaped up together made a general grievance and the Earl of Lancaster the Bell-weather of Rebellion at that time thought it worthy the Barons taking up of Arms to punish them The King answer'd for them and undertook they should come and answer for themselves the Father he said was imployed by him beyond the Seas and the Son was guarding the Cinque Ports according to his Duty and therefore he thought it was against Law and Custome to condemn them unheard But nothing would satisfie their Accusers without a Declaration of Banishment and though the President was such as might as well affect themselves as their Posterity yet Hatred being no less blind then Love they preser'd their present Revenge before the Fears of a future inconvenience All differences being thus compos'd I cannot say calm'd an accidental affront given to the Queen by one that was over-wise in his Office put all again out of order beyond recovery A Castelan of the Lord Badlismers at Leeds denying her Majesty Lodging there as she was passing by in her Progress out of a Distrust she might possess her self of the Castle and keep it for the King she exasperated the King to that degree that he besieged the place took it and in it the politick Governour whom without legal Process he hang'd up presently and seizing all the Goods and Treasure of his Lord sent his Wife and Children to the Tower This was taken for so great a violation of the Liberty of the Subject that being done by the King himself nothing could determine the Right but the Sword and accordingly they met the second time in Arms where Fortune was pleas'd to confirm the Sentence given by the King by giving up into his hands many more considerable Lives then that for which they were hazarded amongst the rest was that of the Earl of Lancaster himself the first Prince of the Blood that ever was brought to the Block here in England and with him fourteen of the Principal Barons none of which were spar'd but forc'd to give up their Lives and Estates as a Reward to the Victors And not long after the Spencers were recall'd and re-stated who finding the publick Treasure wholly exhausted and a chargeable War yet continued with Scotland thought it but necessary to make such Retrenchments as might enable his Majesty to carry on that great Work wherein he had been so unlucky without oppressing the People amongst the rest they presum'd unfortunately to abridge the Queen lessening hers as they had done the Kings Houshold-Train by which Improvident Providence they so irritated her being a Woman of a proud vindictive Spirit that she privately complain'd thereof to the King of France her Brother who took that occasion to quarrel with the King about his Homage for Gascoigne and upon his Refusal possessed himself of several Pieces there and notwithstanding all that Edmond Earl of Kent could do whom his Brother the King sent over with sufficient Strength as 't was thought to repell him by force continued his Depredations there this bringing a Necessity that either the King must go over himself or the Queen the first to compel or the other being his beloved Sister to mediate with hâ—m for a Truce each equally inconvenient to the Spencers who thought not sit that the King should go in respect of the general and were as loath the Queen should in respect of her particular discontent They chose the least of the Evils as they judged and sent over her who having a great Stomach and but a small Train meditated more upon her own then her Husbands Vindication and accordingly put an end to the difference betwixt her Brother and him but on such terms as afterward made a wider difference betwixt him and her self The Conditions were these that Kâ—ng Edward should give to the Prince his Son the Dutchy of Acquitain and Earldom of Ponthein and send him over to do the King of France Homage for the same which was to excuse that Homage before demanded from himself and thus she pretended to have found out an expedient to save the honour of both Kings in allowing each his end But having by this sineness got her Son into her own power she gave her self so wholly up to her Revenge that she suffer'd her self to be led by a hand she saw not through the dark Paths of dangerous Intreagues managed by those who having other ends then hers did work beyond though under her Authority Principal in her Councel as being so in her Affections was young Mortimer a Servant fit for such a Mistress and such a Master as this Queen and her Husband who having escaped out of the Tower where he had been long a Prisoner and as he thought very injuriously in respect he render'd himself to Mercy before the great Battel with the Barons and by his Submission contributed much to the Kings gaining that Victory contriv'd with her how to set up the Prince and with him himself and because the Earl of Kent was upon the place they made it their first business to work off him to the Party Here began that fatal breach from whence the World concluded that this unhappy King having lost one half of himself could not long hold out before he lost the whole it not being reasonable to expect that his Subjects should be truer
his Bowels Of the two Murtherers one was taken and butcher'd at Sea t'other dyed in Exile perhaps more miserable And for the Nobility in general that were Actors in the Tragedy they had this Curse upon them that most of their Race were cut off by those Civil Discords of their divided Families to which this strange violation gave the first beginning not long after HONI · SOIT · QVI · MAL · Y · PENSE DIEV ET MON DROIT He was a Prince of that admirable composure of Body and Mind that Fortune seem'd to have fallen in Love with him and as she contributed much to the making him a King and yet more to the preserving him so so she elevaâ—ed him so far above the reach of Envy or Treachery that all the Neighbour Princes dazled with the splendor of his Glory gave place to him not so much out of any sense of their own defects as of his power whereof they could not but have some glimpse as well as himseâ—f who from his very first Ascent unto the Throne had a prospect of two Crowns more then he was born to the one placed within his reach which was that of Scotland to which there needed no more but an imaginary Right to gain him the Possession the other more remote which was that of France but better secur'd in respect of a reputative Title which however oppos'd could not be deny'd To the attaining the first there was a fair opportunity offer'd by the unreconcileable contest of two well-match'd Rivals whose Right and Interest were so evenly poys'd that the least grain of his Power might turn the Scale either way to the Recovery of the other there was yet a fairer Opportunity given him by the Revolt of Philip of Artois one of the first Princes of the Blood of that Kingdom and Brother in Law to the present King Philip de Valois who being incens'd by a Judgment given against him for the County of Artois recover'd by his Aunt the Dutchess of Burgoigne came over into England with a Resolution to set aside his Title who had before set aside his Neither wanted he a Power suitable to his desired Revenge for being well acquainted with the secrets of that Kings Councel all which he reveal'd to King Edward and being able to give him good security for the affections of several of the chief Governours there that depended on him 't is no marvel he so quickly blew that spark of Glory which he found wrapt up in the Embers of King Edward's ambitious Thoughts into such a Flame as threatning the Destruction of that goodly Country made all Christendom afraid of the Consequence The great Question of Right betwixt the two greatest Kings of Europe being thus set up which in effect was no more then this Whether the French King should take place as Heir Male of the Collateral and more remote Line or the English King as Heir of the Female but direct Line and one degree nearer Those of the other side the Water obstinately refus'd to tye their Crown as they said to a Distaff to which King Edward reply'd he would then tye it to his Sword Upon this they joyn'd Issue and both sides prepar'd for the decision by Arms. King Philip had a double advantage of the English first in the Loyalty and Affections of the French as being their Natural Prince secondly by the authority of the Salique Law which however it was not so clear but that it might admit of much dispute yet being back'd with a Possession which made up eleven of the twelve Points controvertable there having been a Succession of three Sons of Philip le Bell Queen Isabels Father by whom King Edward claim'd each inheriting Successively as the next Heir Male notwithstanding each of them left Daughters by which the present King Philip came now in as Heir Masculine it seem'd so like an adjudged Case that King Edward thinking it better to cut the Knot then lose time in trying to untie it resolv'd to put it to the Determination of a Battel This Resolution of his was so lowdly proclaim'd every where abroad as well as at home that like Thunder before a Storm the very noise of his Preparations made all Christendom shake and so shake that it fell into Parties the Princes of each Country round about like Herdsmen before a Tempest flying some to one side some to another all seeking rather to shelter themselves then to add any thing to the Party they flew to With the English King took part the Emperor and all the Princes of Germany of the first Rank the Arch-Duke of Austria and the Earl of Flanders only excepted whose People yet were on this side for their Trades sake the Earl of Holland the Dukes of Brabant and Gelders the Marquess of Juliers the Arch-bishop of Cologne and Valeran his Brother and divers of the more Northern Princes With the French were the King of Bohemia the two Dukes of Austria and the Earl of Flanders before mention'd the Bishop of Metz the Marquiss of Montferrat the Earl of Geneva the Duke of Savoy and divers of the Princes of Italy to the number saith Du Hailan of 10000 Persons and which perhaps was more considerable by how much he was nearer then all the rest was his inraged Brother in Law David Bruce King of Scots a weak but a restless Enemy who had reason to take part with the other side for that he as t'other fought against a Competitor too King Edward having set up Baliol to vie with him What the number of the English Forces were is not certain unless we may guess at them by the Charges of their Entertainment which as Walsingham tells us cost us not so little as One hundred thousand pounds Sterling in less then a years time a vast Sum for those days but very well repaid with the Glory of the two Confederate Kings Ransoms who being both taken Prisoners and brought into England the first to wit the King of Scots redeem'd himself for 10000 Marks the last to wit the King of France payed for his Liberty Three millions of Crowns of Gold whereof Six hundred thousand were laid down presently and Four hundred thousand more the Year after and the Remainder the next two years following The Captivity of these two Kings at one time shews at once the Power and Glory of this great King who riding triumphant on the wings of Fortune never wanted the means to make or continue himself Victorious and prevailing no less over his own Subjects then over his Enemies these subdued by his Wisdom as those by his Courage Some have made it a doubt whether he got more by his Scepter or his Sword the benefit of Ransoms abroad notwithstanding the many Princes taken Prisoners being much short of the Aids given him at home so that they that have taken the pains to state his Accompts reckon that out of that one single Imposition upon Wool which continued Six years he was able to
dispend a thousand Marks a day which I have the rather noted to shew how the Kingdom flourish'd as well as the King gaining as all wise States do by their layings out for the whole Revenues of the Crown in his Grand-fathers days were esteem'd to be not much above a hundred thousand Marks a year Five years the French King continued Prisoner here in England time enough to have determin'd the Fortune of that great Kingdom and dissolv'd their Canton'd Government into parts had it not been a Body consisting of so many strong Limbs and so abounding with Spirits that it never fainted notwithstanding all its loss of Blood but scorn'd to yield though King Edward came very near their heart having wounded them in the most mortal part their Head The Scotch King could not recover his Liberty in double the time being the less able to redeem himself for that he was upon the matter but half a King the other half being in the possession of Baliol who to secure a Moyety to himself surrendred the whole to King Edward whose Magnificence vying with his Justice he gave it back again upon Terms more befitting a Brother then a Conqueror shewing therein a Wantonness that no King perhaps besides himself would have been guilty of nor probably he neither had either his People been less bountiful to him or Fortune less constant which to say truth never forsook him till he like his Father forsook himself leaving all Action and bidding adieu to the World ten years before he went out of it declining so fast from the fortieth year of his Government that it may rather be said his famous Son Prince Edward commonly call'd the Black Prince reign'd then he and happy 't was for him that when his own Understanding fail'd him he had so good a Supporter who having it in his power to dispose of Kingdoms whilst he liv'd ought not to be denyed after he dyed the honour of being esteem'd equal to Kings in the Prerogative of a distinct Character Begin we then the Date of his Government from the Battel of Crassy which happening in the Sixteenth year of his Age makes the Computation of his Glory to commence near about the same time his Fathers did who however he was King at fourteen rul'd not till after Mortimer's death by which Battel he so topt the Fortune of France as his Father had that of England that he may be said to have taken thereby Livery in order to the Seisin of that Kingdom And after the Recovery of Calais it may be said the Keys of the Kingdom rather then of that Town were deliver'd into his hand for that he therewith open'd all the Gates of almost every Town he came to till the King of France incompassed him like a Lion in a Toil with no less then 60000 of the best Men of France and brought him to that streight that it seem'd alike disadvantageous to sight or yield and which made the danger more considerable as things then stood England it self was in some hazard of being lost with him here he seem'd to have been as well accomptable to his Country as to his Father for his Courage and Discretion and how well he acquitted himself appears by the Sequel when forcing Hope out of Despair like fire out of a Flint he necessitated his Men to try for Conquest by shewing them how impossible 't was for him to yield and by that incomparable Obstinacy of his made Fortune so enamour'd of his Courage that she follow'd him wherever he went while his Sword made its way to Victory and his Courtesie to the Affections of the Conquer'd whom he treated with that regard and generosity that many of them were gainers by the loss being dismiss'd with honourable Presents that made his second Conquest over them greater then the first the King of France himself being so well pleas'd with his Bondage that he return'd voluntarily into England after he was redeem'd to meet two Kings more that might be Witness of his Respect and Gratitude In short he was as King of England on the other side the Water as his Father was on this side keeping so splendid a Court in Acquitaine that no less then three Kings came to visit him too all at once these were the King of Majorque Navar and Castile the last of which craving Aid of him against an Usurper who was back'd by an Army consisting of no less then One hundred thousand men if the Writers of those times say true was re-instated accordingly by his single power to shew the World that he could as well make Kings as unmake them His second Brother who had the Title of King by marrying with the King of Castile's Daughter and Heir being principally indebted to him for the honour of that Title and it prov'd a fatal Debt both to him and his Son Richard the Second costing the one his Life the other both Life and Kingdom too for as himself never recover'd the health he lost in undertaking that Expedition so his Son never recover'd the disadvantage put upon him afterward by his Uncle Lancaster who by that means having got the Regency of his drooping Father King Edward who tyred with Action rather then Age fatally submitted to the loss of more years of his Government then he got by his unnatural Anticipation from his own Father and suffer'd himself to be buried alive as we may say under his Cradle put fair for setting his Nephew aside but wanting a Colour for so apparent an Injustice his jealous Father the Black Prince having declar'd him his Successor in his life time to prevent all tricks he thought it enough to make way for his Son to do it and accordingly put such an impression of dislike upon the innocent Youth at his very first Edition as prov'd Indelible in his riper years for the very same day he was presented to take his Grandfathers Seat in Parliament as Heir apparent to the Crown being then but eleven years old he taught him to demand a Subsidy purposely to turn the Peoples blood who were then big with their Complaint of Taxes But possibly he is made more splenetick as well as more politick then he was for it was scarce possible to make the Youth more odious then he had made himself before by disgusting those two potent Factions of the Church and the City of London who to shew how weary they were of his governing the old Child his Father would not after his Death let him longer Rule the young Child his Nephew but purposely depos'd him to the end as they said that he might not depose the other Thus this great King ended as ingloriously as he began who having stept into the Throne a little before he should 't is the less wonder he left it a little before it was expected he would especially if we consider that in out-living the best Wife and the best Son in the World he had a little out-liv'd himself being so unfortunate
better Neither was he less fortunate then forward in Peace as well as in War So that as upon the one side he look'd like Caesar or Augustus rather both of whom as they were armed with Lightning so their Pardons went ever before and after their Swords so on the other side he was not unlike those two famous Legislators Solon and Licurgus who principally regarding the People were yet so wise for themselves as with the publick safety to secure their own Authority for he was an excellent Judge of times and seasons and knew when to strain up the Laws to his Prerogative and when to let down his Prerogative to the Test of the Law And though 't was observ'd never any man lov'd his own way nor his own will better then he nor perhaps ever had so much Reason to do it being as another Solomon wiser then his Counsellors and yet they perhaps as well chose as ever any Kings Counsellors were yet we find he was sometimes content to part with both for the more orderly administration of Justice leaving the disposition of his Mint his Wars and his Martial Justice things of absolute power not to say the Concerns of his unsetled Title which was yet of higher and tenderer consideration to the wisdom of his Parliaments And least the thing called Propriety which is the same to the Subject as the Prerogative to Majesty should be thought to suffer in the least he gave himself the trouble of hearing many Causes at his Councel-board where sitting at the Fountain of Justice assisted by the most learn'd as well as the most reverend Professors of Law and Conscience it was not to be suppos'd that any Cause could lose any thing of its due weight and allowance yet it seems the Common Lawyers unwilling the determination of Meum and Tuum should go besides their own Courts traduc'd him with distrusting his Judges in matters of Common Right as the Souldiers complain'd of his not trusting his Generals in point of common Security And some there were who would have aggravated it to a Grievance however 't was apparent to be rather their own then the Peoples who are apter to complain of the chargeableness then the due Administration of the Laws But these Causes being for the most part heard in the Vacation time 't is possible he had in his Thoughts something beyond their reach with respect to the splendor of his Court and the profit of the City to which as he was alwayes a Friend so by this dispatch of Justice while there was no other Courts sitting he drew such a concourse of Clyents to Town as kept up a kind of Term all the Year round and so quickned Trade that by adding to theirs it increas'd his own Wealth to that degree that amongst other Reasons given of his neglecting the benefit of the Discovery of the Indies first offer'd to him by Columbus 't was not the least that he had no want of Money and having made himself a Member of the City that by the benefit of that Community he might find his account as well in their Chamber as his own Exchequer and prove as after he did the only Dragon that kept their Golden Fleece sharing with Solomon himself in those two great points of Glory to be reputed the wisest and richest King of his time 't is no wonder he should by Works Immortal as he did make his way to Immortality leaving his Son Henry nothing to do but to inherit his envied Felicity HONI · SOIT · QVI · MAL · Y · PENSE Now as he began his Reign at the time when every thing begins to grow and blossom it being in the Spring of the Year as well as of his Age so the Season complying with his Constitution made it hard for him to resist the heat of his blood yet we do not find that he ingaged in any War abroad till he had secured Peace at home making his Justice as renown'd amongst his People by revenging their wrongs as he made his power afterward when he came to revenge his own executing Empson and Dudley as a terrour to all Promoters to shew he did not esteem them faithful Servants to his Father that had so betraid their Country Which Act of Justice being clos'd with another of Universal Grace in restraining his Prerogative to inlarge the Subjects Confidence and Affection made him so clear a Conquest over all Discontents arising by the Oppression of his Predecessor that having nothing more to do at home he bethought himself of what was to be done abroad Providence offering him a Projection suitable to the greatness of his mind to render the esteem of his Piety no less famous then that of his Justice by undertaking to rescue the Pope out of the hands of the King of France as a Dove deliver'd out of the Talons of a Vulture who having already drove him to Covert as we say that is besieged him in his City of Bononia and having his Confederates the Emperour and King of Spain ready at hand to make a retreive doubted not but to devour him in a very short time This as it was a Design of Super-errogating Merit so it carried in it no less of Advantage then Glory giving him a fit occasion to shew at once his Zeal and Power and in serving him to serve himself upon him in the promotion of his Title to France it being no small addition of Credit to his Claim that his Hoâ—iness as an Earnest of his Spiritual Benediction had bestowed upon his Majesty the forfeited Stile of Christianissimus However before he would move himself in Person out of England he thought it necessary to prevent any Motion of the King of Scots into England who he knew would be ready to bruise his Heel as soon as he advanced to break the Serpents Head and accordingly he got not only a confirmation of that Excommunication which Julius the Second had formerly granted against the said Scotch King in case he broke his League with him the Curse whereof followed him to his Grave for violating his Faith he died in the attempt but obtain'd a plenary Indulgence for all that should assist him Thus arm'd as it were with the Sword of God and Gideon he entred that goodly Kingdom and long it was not ere he got the Maiden-head of that Virgin City Tournay who having repuls'd Caesar had the Testimony of her Pucillage written upon its Gates as the only Town had kept her self unconquer'd from that time but now was forced to yield to him by the Name and Title of Roy tres Christien as appears by the Original Contract yet extaâ—t The same day he receiv'd the News of the †James the Fourth slain in Flodden-field Scotch Kings death who attempting as I said before to divert the War lost his Life and 't was happy he lost not his Kingdom too a Victory so seasonable and super-successful that Fortune as enamor'd of him seem'd to prostitute her self
was it long that the Protector bore up after his Brothers Fall the great care he took to build his * From his Tittle call'd Somerset-house House being no less fatal to him then the little care he had to support his Family whiles the Stones of those Churches Chappels and other Religious Houses that he demolish'd for it made the cry out of the Walls so loud that himself was not able to indure the noise the People ecchoing to the defamation and charging him with the guilt of Sacriledge so furiously that he was forced to quit the place and retire with the King to Windsor leaving his Enemies in possession of the strength of the City as well as the affections of the Citizens who by the reputation of their power rather then the power of their repute prevail'd with the King as easily to give him up to publick Justice as he was before prevail'd with to give up his Brother it being no small temptation to the young King to forsake him when he forsook himself so far as to submit to the acknowledgement of that Guilt he was not conscious of The Lawyers charged him with removing Westminster-hall to Somerset-house The Souldiers with detaining their Pay and betraying their Garrisons The States-men with ingrossing all Power and indeavouring to alter the Fundamental Laws and the ancient Religion But he himself charg'd himself with all these Crimes when he humbled himself so far as to ask the Kings pardon publickly which his Adversaries were content he should have having first strip'd him of his Protectorship Treasurership Marshalship and Two thousand pound a year Land of Inheritance But that which made his Fate yet harder was that after having acquitted himself from all Treason against his Prince he should come at last to be condemn'd as a Traytor against his Fellow-Subject whilst the Innocent King labouring to preserve him became the principal Instrument of his Destruction who by reconciling him to his great Adversaries made the Enmity so much the more incompatible who at the same time he gave the Duke his Liberty gave the Earl of Warwick and his Friends the Complement of some new Titles which adding to their Greatness he reasonably judg'd might take from their Envy The Earl himself he created Duke of Northumberland and Lord High Admiral of England and to oblige him yet more married up his eldest Son the Lord Dudley to his own Cosin the second Daughter of the Duke of Somerset whom he gave to him for the more honour with his own hand and made Sir Robert Dudley his fourth and his beloved Son the same that was after made by Queen Elizabeth Earl of Leicester one of the Gentlemen of his Bedchamber And to gratifie the whole Faction he made the Marquiss of Dorset Duke of Suffolk the Lord St. John Earl of Wilts and afterwards Marquiss of Winchester Sir John Russel who was Northamberland's Confident he created Earl of Bedford Sir William Paget another of his Tools he made Lord Paget This the good natur'd King did out of sincere Affection to his Uncle in hopes to reconcile him so thoroughly to Northumberland so that there might be no more room left for Envy or Suspect betwixt them But as there is an invisible Erinnis that attends all Great men to do the drudgery of their Ambition in serving their Revenge and observing the Dictates of their power and pride so it was demonstrable by the most unfortunate issue of this so well intended purpose that by the same way the King hoped to please both he pleas'd neither Somerset thinking he had done too much Northumberland thinking that he had done too little who having drunk so deep a Draught of Honour grew hot and dry and like one fall'n into a State-Dropsie swell'd so fast that Somerset perceiving the Feaver that was upon him resolv'd to let him blood with his own hand And coming one day to his Chamber under the colour of a Visit privately arm'd and well attended with Seconds that waited him in an outward Chamber found him naked in his Bed and supposing he had him wholly in his power began to expostulate his wrongs with him before he would give him the fatal stroke whereby t'other perceiving his intent and being arm'd with a Weapon that Somerset had not a ready fence for an Eloquent Tongue he acquitted himself so well and string'd upon him with so many indearing protestations as kept the point of his Revenge down till it was too late to make any Thrust at him Whereby Northumberland got an advantage he never hop'd for to frame a second Accusation against him so much more effectual then the former by how much he brought him under the forfeiture of Felony as being guilty of imagining to kill a Privy Counsellor for which he was the more worthily condemn'd to lose his Head in that he so unworthily lost his Resolution at the very instant of time when he was to vindicate his too much abus'd Patience thereby betraying those of his Friends that came to second him into the scandal of a Crime which had it succeeded would have pass'd for a magnanimous piece of Justice in cutting off one whom however he was content to spare Providence it seems was not reserving him to die a more ignoble death and by a worse hand The sorrow for his ignominious fall as it much affected the Consumptive King his Nephew who was now left as a Lamb in the keeping of the Wolf the Duke of Northumberland having got as high in Power as Title by ruining the Family of the Seymours so his end which was not long after put an end to the Reformation and made way for the Dudley's to aspire with incredible Ambition and not without hope of setling the Succession of the Crown in themselves For the Duke finding that the King languish'd under a Hectical Distemper and having better assurance then perhaps any one else could from his Son that alwayes attended in his Bedchamber that it was impossible for him to hold out long for Reasons best known to him he cast about how to introduce the far fetch'd Title of his other Son who had married the Lady Jane Gray eldest Daughter to the Duke of Suffolk by the Lady Frances one of the Daughters and Heirs of Charles Brandon by his Wife Mary Queen of France the second Daughter of Henry the Seventh And however this seem'd to be a very remote pretention yet making way to other great Families to come in by the same Line in case her Issue fail'd as to the Earl of Cumberland who had married the other Daughter of Charles Brandon and to the Earl of Darby that had married a Daughter of that Daughter and to the Earl of Pembroke that had married the Lady Jane's second Sister it was back'd with so many well-wishers that it was become not only terrible to the Kingdom but to the King himself However there were two Objections lay in the way the one the preference that ought to be
to the Dutchess Dowager of Suffolk before the Lady Jane her Daughter in case the right of Inheritance was set up The other was that of the two next Heirs Females in case the right of Immediate Succession should take place There was a third also but he thought it not worth the consideration being so far off to wit the Title of the Queen of Scots from the Lady Margaret eldest Daughter of Henry the Seventh which being in the French seem'd to be of less weight then if it had been in the Scots to neither of whom he believ'd the English would ever be brought to submit but all these Difficulties were quickly digested in his ambitious Thoughts The first which was the pretention of the Lady Jane's Mother he hop'd to set aside by introducing her as the next Successor and not as the next Heir by right of Descent and because the Kings Sisters were before her in the Succession so that nothing could be available to set aside their Right but a plain Disseisure he made use of the Interest of the one as a Wedge to drive out the other And finding that the King their Brother by the Equity of a Law made in his Fathers time had the power to nominate who he thought fit to come after him he made it his great business to work upon his weakness and to perswade him to set both aside and admit the Lady Jane taking his first Argument from his Piety and Care of the Church under the present establishment made by himself shewing him what danger 't was like to be in if so obstinate a Papist as his Sister Mary succeeded who having been convict before all the Lords of the Councel had most passionately justified her Popish Principles saying She would never change her Faith much less dissemble it Urging thereupon that Gods Glory ought to be dearer to him then his own Flesh and Blood that this was his last and greatest Act of which he knew not how soon he might be call'd to give an Accompt to the King of Kings and therefore desired him for Gods sake as well as for the Kingdoms and his own sake not to let her take place Then for the Lady Elizabeth whom he could not deny to be a Protestant he said if she should be prefer'd before her elder Sister it might possibly give an occasion to unconceivable Troubles and revive the Disputes about their Legitimacy which had cost too much blood already besides the hazard that would be of the Churches no less then their own Peace and the possibility of bringing the whole Nation under the Yoke of some stranger Prince to whose Tyranny the People would never submit concluding that as the three Daughters of the Duke of Suffolk were nearest in Blood and being married took off all fears of introducing Forreigners so having with their Natural suck'd in the Sincere Milk of the Word they could not but maintain the Truth of the Reformed Religion as well as the Dignity of the Succession with universal good liking And whereas the eldest of them to wit the Lady Jane before mention'd was his own Sons Wife he could be content they should both be bound by Oath to perform whatever his Majesty should Decree for that he had no such regard to his own as to the general good Which plausible pretences so prevaiâ—'d over the weak King whose Zeal had eaten up his Understanding that he made his Will and accordingly excluded both his own Sisters to let in the other After doing of which weak act having nothing more to do but to dye 't is thought the Duke was so grateful as to contribute much to the delivering him out of his pains as soon as might be and with as much ease for he slept away with that meekness that those that could not find in their hearts to pray for him living perform'd that Charity to him when he was dead However some there were who sower'd with a Religious Leaven took occasion to raise as great a scandal on the untimeliness of his death as others had before upon that of his Birth putting this remark upon it to make it look like a Judgment that it was in the same Moneth and in the very same day of the same Moneth that Sir Tho Moor was put to death by his Father Wherein whilst they maliciously reflected upon the Evil that was past they consider'd not how like another Josiah he was taken from the Evil to come departing with this Justification before Men and Angels That he had done as much as could be reasonably expected from the tenderness of his Years or his Power HONI · SOIT · QVI · MAL · Y · PENSE And now it appear'd how ominous it was for the Innocent Lady Jane to have been brought as she was in state to the Tower But as she offer'd Violence to her own Inclinations out of Obedience to those of her Father and Mother so the assumption of that temporary was in order to the intituling her to a more lasting Glory being taught the vanity of all humane Greatness by the brevity of that of her own which lasted not so long as 't is reported a Dream of one did but a little before for there is a Story of one Foxley a Pot-maker to the Mint in Henry the Eight's time that slept fourteen dayes together and no body could wake him no not with pinching or burning whereas she came to her self in less then ten dayes and then poor Lady found herself where he was too in the Tower ready to be translated as after she was from a Kingdom to a Scaffold and from the Scaffold to a Kingdom again Happy had it been for her if it had prov'd a Dream only suffering not so much for any Crime of her own Ambition as for not resisting that of others having this aggravation of her affliction to see her Husband and the Duke his Father executed before her who both died for the same Fault but not with the same Faith that she did The Duke that had therefore importun'd King Edward to give her this fatal honour to the intent Popery might be utterly abolish'd declaring when he came to suffer that he himself was a Roman Catholick which most think he had not done had not some Promises of Life upon condition of turning deceiv'd him at the very instant time of his Death whereby Queen Mary was quit with him at the last though she could not deal with him in the first place For as he was reputed to have had no Faith whilst he lived so by this abrupt Apostacy he was judg'd to have no Religion when he dyed There is this further Remark upon him That as he suffer'd under the same Fate and upon the very same Block the late Duke of Somerset did so 't was his hap to be laid under the same Stone in the same Grave where they now lye side by side as good Friends that living were unreconcilable Enemies Two headless Dukes betwixt two
grapple with her and as his quarrel was chiefly Spiritual so his Machinations were for the most part invisible proceeding by secret under-hand Instigations of such Persons as having not credit enough for raising War had recourse only to such Clancular Contrivances and darker Treasons which she easily enervated by the Spell of that Politick Motto of hers VIDEO TACEO which she took up by the Example of her sage Grandfather Henry the Seventh who though he was very wise affected to seem wiser than he was by pretending to more intelligence then really he had whereby as he so she left that impression upon their Guilt who hated her that many of them durst not attempt the betraying her for fear of being betray'd themselves and perhaps by themselves as was that unfortunate Villain Squire one of the Grooms of her Stable who being tempted by an English Jesuite in Spain to poyson the Pommel of her Saddle was by the Tempter himself when he found it took not effect discover'd and accus'd and confessing the Fact executed for it casting up the Accompt betwixt her and the Spaniard it doth appear at the lowest rate set upon his Damages in contesting with her that she consum'd him no less then Five hundred Millions of Ducats besides what he suffer'd by the Revolt of the United Provinces which he had unquestionably reduc'd had not she interpos'd with her Power to protect them for which they paid her well at last The only Requital he made her was by upholding the Irish Rebellion which cost her not half the money she had of their Hogen-mogen-ships for however she was induc'd to send over a greater Army then ever Ireland had seen before when Oneil seiz'd the Fort of Blackwater and took his first and last Revenge upon the English there to wit Twenty thousand Foot and One thousand three hundred Horse to reinforce the Governours there after the Landing of the Spaniards under Don Aquila yet she had a suitable Return in opening several Passages till then altogether unknown to the English whereby she found out convenient Scituations for several Colonies that have since Cultivated many thousands of before unprofitable Acres and made Seats fit for men to dwell in which till then were the Receptacles of Beasts only or Men more Savage then they So that what her great Enemy took from her Peace he added to her Glory who in despight of the Love and Hate of all those great Princes that courted or contemn'd her dyed a Virgin and Unconquer'd having this happiness by coming to the Crown so close after the Reign of her busling Father to be serv'd by a race of choice Men that having given him sufficient proof of their Loyalty made themselves yet more valuable to her by their Experience having by the Gravity and Grandeur of some of them and by the Courage and Conduct of others so well setled the Foundations of Government that notwithstanding five several Changes in Religion and the Interposition of a Woman a Stranger and a Child they deliver'd up the Scepter to her in Peace and standing round the Throne with like Constancy defended her as she defended their Faith which as it was not without great difficulty so perhaps it had not been without an impossibility of Success had she not strengthen'd the Reputation of their Authority by the Authority of her own Example Quid Virtus quid Sapientia possit Utile preposuit nobis Exemplar THE SIXTH DYNASTY OF SCOTS OF SCOTS THE Scots would be thought a Branch of the antique Scythian Stock as well as all other cold Countries and they have this colour above many others that as their Ancestors are entituled to as ancient Barbarity as those of any other Nation whatever so like those rude Scythes they have alwayes been given to prey upon their Neighbours and live without themselves the very sound of their Name giving some semblable Testimony to the certainty of their Genealogy for the Scythians were heretofore commonly call'd a Herodet Melpoment Scolots which by contraction not to say corruption might easily be turn'd into Scots wherein possibly they do not more abuse themselves then they are abus'd by him who supposing them to have been anciently part of the Terra Incognita would have the word Scoti to be quasi b i. e. Obscuâ—i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I hope it was not Delus the Grecian that came next into Ireland after Menethus the Scythian that gave them that name 'T is true that few Authentick Authors if any make any mention of them at least by this Name before the Year of Christ 276 however Boyes Buchanan and some others of their own Writers would support the credit of the black Book of Pashley that derives their Kings from the Royal Line of Aegypt by the surerside It seems the High lands were never drown'd boasting of the Conquest of Ireland 800 Years before the Flood at what time they would be thought so famous a People that c This Story is by Athenaeus cited out of Meschion Ptolomey Philadelph wrote to King Reuthen to be inform'd of their State to whom Claud. Ptolomey was after beholding for that Information we find in his Geography Whilst their own Archers shoot thus wide that yet pretend themselves the true Descendants of the Scythians who took their d Gorepius denomination from their Excellency in Archery 't is no marvel that Strangers came no nearer the Mark Some thinking them a By-slip of the e Orosius Germans others of the f Verstegan Scandians some affirming them to be the Out-casts of some Mongrel g Nentus Spaniards that were not permitted to live in Ireland and others yet fetching their Descent from the h Girald Cambren Vandals who being by divers Authors call'd Scytes the broad-mouth'd Northern People call'd Scots And some there are that with no small probability take them to be a Miscellany of all these Nations driven by various Fortunes at several times into the Orcades and Hebrides as the exil'd Romans were heretofore into the desert Isles (i) Scyathus Serephium Gâ—â—re of the Aegean-Sea where life was held to be a ciueller Punishment then Death from whence as their number increas'd 't is thought they disburthen'd themselves into the upper part of Albania now call'd the High-lands where they lived obscurely unknown indeed to all the World but those of (k) Whence Ninnâ—us thinks they might originally come Ireland who call'd them in scorn Gayothels which was as much as to say The (l) Floâ—â—â—igus says they were compounded of divers Nations as Spain France Britain Ireland and Norway mix'd People and as the Irish to this day call the Scotch Tongue Gaidelack which signifies a Language gather'd out of all Tongues However the Scotch Antiquaries would have the Name of Gayothel to be with Relation rather to their Descent from one Gayothel a noble Gyant who married Scota King Pharaoh's Daughter not considering that this is to
time they agniz'd his Right they admitted a Protestation for saving the Right of another James to wit the Duke of Chasteau Herauld who it seems had some Pretensions in Right of his Great-Grandmother the Daughter and Heir of James the Second So that this was as yet but to make him a King in Name and shew whilst he must continue under the Pupilage of Ambitious Regents that design'd rather to give Laws to him then advise him how to give Laws to others 'T is true whilst he was under the care of those two Patriots of known Honour and Loyalty his Grandfather Matthew Earl of Lenox and the old Earl of Marre the one his Governour by the right of Nature t'other by that of Custom he had some Satisfaction though no Security for how could they be able to protect him that were not able to defend themselves the first of them being murther'd the last heart-broke by the insupportable Troubles he met with in his short breath'd Regency But how melancholy a life he lead under his next Regent the Earl of Morton who under pretence of keeping all Papists and Factious Persons from him suffer'd him to see almost no body appears by that strict Order of his by which every Earl was forbid to approach his Presence with any more then two attending him every Baron with any above one and all of lesser Quality were not to come but single Upon this 't is true the offended Nobility to affront Morton declar'd him Major and made some shew of leaving him to his own dispose but in respect he was but twelve years old they thought fit to appoint him eleven Lords more to be assistant in Councel to him three and three by turns which in effect was to put twelve Regents over him instead of one which was design'd by some that intended their own advancement more then his Thus he suffer'd during the Nonage of his years How he suffer'd further during the Nonage of his Power will appear in the Sequel For Morton notwithstanding the Prescript Form of Government drew to himself being one of the twelve the Administration of all Affairs and keeping the Power still within his own hands as the King within his own Power admitted none to see or speak with him but whom he thought fit whereby he was now brought to loose his Liberty wholly because t'other had loss his Authority in part only This Tyranny held till the Lords headed by the Earl of Athole freed him by force of Arms After which believing himself clearly manumitted out of his Pupillage to shew himself accountable to none but himself he began to single out such Friends for his Confidents as by nearness of Blood or the nobleness of their Natures he judg'd most worthy to be trusted Two there were above the rest on whom he seem'd to cast a disproportionate Grace these were Esme Lord Aubigny Grandson of the Lord John Stuart his Grandfathers younger Brother whom he created first Earl and after Duke of Lenox and Charles Earl of Arran who being a Hamilton was his near Kinsman too but both of them being suspected to be of the French Faction it gave fresh occasion of offence to the chief of the Factions there and no less umbrage to the jealous Queen here who knew the former of the two to be much honoured by the Guises This new conceiv'd Envy heightned the old Rancor of the mutinous Nobility and made them have recourse to the same Remedy for prevention of the same Mischief as before whereunto there being a fair opportunity given by the absence of these Lords the one being in a Journey t'other at Edenburgh the Earl of Gowry with whom confederated the young Earl of Marre and the Earl of Lindsey finding the King alone at St. Johnstons invited him over to his Castle of Reuthen As soon as they had him there they made him Prisoner and accusing the two Lords as Enemies to the Protestant Religion having first put all his trusty Servants from him they forc'd him by an Instrument under his Hand and Seal to banish the Lord Aubigny and to imprison the Lord Arran and which was yet more insupportable compell'd him to approve all that they did by Letters to Queen Elizabeth But it was not long ere the death of the Duke of Lenox in France who 't is said however dyed a Protestant made the Conspirators so secure in the possession of him that he found the means to make his escape from them And recovering himself now the second time as one that once more became Lord of himself he recall'd his trusty Councellor the Lord Arran by whose advice he was guided in all his Concerns This so provoked Gowry beyond all patience that in defiance of all Reason as well as of all Right he made a second attempt upon him But as those who are fore-warn'd are fore-arm'd so the King having an eye upon him defeated his purpose and made him what he should himself have been made by him a Prisoner at Mercy whilst his Complices escap'd into England to seek Protection from Q. Elizabeth Who hoping to have prevented Gowry's Sentence dispatch'd away her Secretary Walsingham to the King to admonish him to take heed how he was led away by evil Counsellors and to shew him how difficult a thing it was to distinguish betwixt good and bad Counsel at his Age being then but eighteen years old to which the King return'd a sudden not to say a sharp Answer That he was an absolute Prince and would not that others should appoint him Counsellors whom he liked not Wherewith the testy Queen was so offended that she set her Terriers upon Incouraging the factious Ministry whereof there was good store there and those fit Tools for her purpose to say those things which became not her to own who clamoring upon his Government and raising many slanders upon Himself and Councel tending to the making them Popishly affected were thereupon cited to Answer for their Seditious Practises But they refused to appear avowing that the Pulpit was exempt from all Regal Authority and that no Ecclesiastical Persons were accomptible for what they preach'd to any but to God and their Consistory In the mean time the Queen follow'd the blow and furnishing the proscrib'd Lords with Money secretly dismiss'd them home Who as soon as they return'd upon the Credit of declaring for the Confirmation of the Truth of the Gospel for freeing the King from evil Counsellors and maintaining Amity with the Protestant Interest of England rais'd Eight thousand men in an Instant with whom they marched up directly to Court and so far surpriz'd the King that he was forced to render himself to them and to ingage to give up to their Mercy all their Adversaries and who they were was left to their own liberty to declare Next he was compell'd to put into their hands the four Keys of the Kingdom Dumbritton Edinburgh Tantallon and Sterling Castles After which Glames one of the principal Rebels was
made Captain of his Guard All persons out-law'd for Treason had their Utlaries revers'd all the bad Subjects were declar'd good and some of the best declar'd Traytors A Treaty of Peace was concluded with England upon Conditions that the Queen-Mother should never be releas'd and in order to the bringing on her Tryal as after it fell out which Tryal of the Mother prov'd yet a greater tryal to the King her Son who having before lost his Father and Grandfather by a dismal Fate both privately murther'd was much more abasht to appear so much a King and no King as to be a helpless Spectator now of his Mothers Tragedy made away by such a publick Tryal as seem'd to proclaim his weakness and shame more then her guilt This seem'd to be the very dregs of that bitter Cup whereof he had drank so largely a little before but being as he hop'd the last draught he was to take of Infelicity he bore it with suitable patience as became a Christian and a King But his Destinies decreed that there must yet be one Throw more before the Birth of his Greatness For however his Majesty clear'd up from the time of his Mothers departure like the Sun after a stormy Morning which becomes brighter and brighter as it draws nearer its Meridian yet there happen'd after all this an Eclipse that lasting only half an hour had like to have extinguish'd all his Light and Glory if a Hand from Heaven had not rescued him For the young Gowry who at the time of his Fathers death and long after continued in Italy the Country where they are learn'd in the Art of Revenge having found an opportunity to draw him again into that fatal Castle where he was before Prisoner to his Father under pretence of shewing him some Chymical Rarities got him up into some higher Rooms whiles his Servants were retired to eat it being presently after he had dined himself where by the help of his younger Brother and another appointed to assist them they intended to have assassinated him had not he that was to do the horrid Deed not only relented at the very instant when he drew his Sword upon him but turn'd his point upon his Fellow Regicide and thereby gave him time to step to a Window and call for help which came so timely to him as to rescue him by the death of the two Gowrys This though it was the last of Treasons was not yet the last of dangers he met with For after this mov'd by what Obligations besides that of Love I know not which commonly is not so domineering a Passion over Princes as private men he run as much danger at Sea as he had before at Land exposing himself to the mercy of that unruly Element at the most dangerous Season of the year to fetch over his Queen the Daughter of Frederick II. King of Denmark who having attempted several times to come to him was drove back and as 't is said by the power of Sorcery into Norwey which hazard being afterward recompenced by the satisfaction he had in the Vertue of his Wife and the hopes conceiv'd of the Children he had by her two Sons and a Daughter as he had no further cause to Fear so he had nothing further to wish but that lucky hit that came by the death of the late Queen Elizabeth to have the Glory of bringing this Isle so long divided from all the World to be at Unity within it self And now to the end he might take the Inclinations of the People at the first bound wherein no man was ever more skilfull then he he abrogated the two names of Distinction England and Scotland and reconciled them to each other under the comprehensive Appeliation of Great Britain restoring England to its old Name as he from whom he claim'd had restor'd the Crown to its ancient stock Fain he would have brought them under the unity of the same Laws but finding neither Nation pleas'd with the Proposal either being partial to their own Constitutions as fitted with due and different respects to their different Tempers Interests and Proprieties he quitted that Design as a Labour of too hard digestion But however the Reasons of State varied he was resolv'd to reconcile the Polity of the two Churches as in an Union of Possession so in an Uniformity of Government and Worship Those of his own Country having then no other Form but that impos'd upon them by Boanerges Fox without taking Counsel of Prince or Prelate which was not otherwise to be made good but by the same Violence with which it was at the first introduced against the Will of any of the Nobility but such whose Ancestors were brib'd by the Alienation of the Church Lands But before he could impose any thing upon them understanding there were many here in England that followed that Classical way he resolv'd to have a free Conference with the ablest of their Demagogues to the end that sounding the depth of their Principles he might if possible fathom that of their Piety which no man could better do then himself being an universal Scholar as well read in Men as Books and so transcendently versed in the last that he was not improperly stil'd Rex Platonicus How confident he was of his skill in discussing all points Theological appears by his entring the List with Pope Pius the Fourth and making him give ground Neither was he a little provoked to this Spiritual Warfare by a clamorous Petition pretended from a thousand dissatisfied Ministers who not having yet matter enough of just Complaint made up the Cry by the number of Complainants To whom while he was considering what Answer to give or rather how to make them answer themselves as after he did by taking each of them apart and commanding him to set down in Writing what it was he singly desired which when compared altogether prov'd so contradictory and absurd that like men brought to cudgel one another in the dark they withdrew with broken Pates he was interrupted by the Discovery of a Treason which coming on so early in the Dawn of his Government could not well be discovered what it was nor whereto it tended For whereas most other Conspiracies are hatch'd by men of the same Faction Interest and Judgment this strangely involv'd People of all sorts and conditions without respect to any Repugnancy of Quality or Concern Priests and Laymen Papists and Puritans Noblemen and Ignoble Citizens and Country-men were all piec'd up together in the same Combination but whether ingaged by Faction Ambition Covetousness or Malice was not known or at least by the Kings Wisdom conceal'd However by the well-known Names of the Principal Conspirators the Lord Cobham who was Lord-Warden of the Cinque Ports the Lord Gray of Wilton who had a great Post in the late Queens Government Sir Walter Rawleigh Lord-Warden of the Stanneries Sir John Fortescue Chancellor of the Exchequer Sir Griffith Markham Sir Edward Parham and several
terrible by the ominous Reverberations from Scotland who ecchoed to those Murmurs here with such a dismal Concordance as shew'd to what Instrument they were tuned This drew him into that Kingdom to correct the growing Distemper before it because too virulent wherein he proceeded as wise Physitians do that draw the pains from the Head by Applications to the Feet but as it is hard to discern the true meaning of any mans Intention which being the Soul of every Action is invisible and very easie to abuse it with a malitious Interpretation that is not only against its own but against all Sence and Reason so it happen'd to him who beginning with the Ratification of the Negative Confession subscrib'd by his Father and the whole Kingdom Anno 1580. which was a Renuntiation of the Papal Authority and all the corrupt Principles depending thereon he was charged by those that had before felt the smart of the Commission of Surrendries and were inforc'd to disgorge those Sacrilegious grants they had obtained during his Fathers minority to have a design of bringing in Popery a word that turn'd every mans Blood into Choler and gave the hottest allarm to tender Consciences that ever that cold Clime knew the train of whose Calumnies was so laid that it quickly took fire here in England where the Presbyterian as yet call'd the Puritan Party having as they thought matter enough of Scandal long before from the unhappy Toleration of Sports on the Sabbath-day and the turning of the Communion Table Altar-wise began to chackle as one expresses it like the Geese in the Capitol bespattering the Bishops with that vehemency that much of their unbeseeming Froath fell upon the King himself And for the more intire Concurrence of Civil and Religious Clamors the same evil Spirit that furnish'd them with meet matters of Complaint turning Man-Midwife eased them of many a Spiritual Throw by opening the Womb of their Conspiracy before its full time making way for the new birth of that long expected Parliament from whose heat all the Factions took life and like quickned Snakes began to hiss with such invenom'd rage as shew'd a manifest contempt of all Authority pressing now upon the Kings Conscience as much as they would have the World to think he had press'd upon theirs before not only refusing to admit the use of the Liturgy however compos'd by their own Bishops in any of their Parochial Churches but denying the King himself the priviledge of having it read in his own private Chappel at Edenburgh And least the World should doubt that their Insolence was not come to its wish'd for height they took upon them the marks of Soveraign Power indicting without his Licence or Knowledge four principal Tables or Counsels in the said City one of the Nobility another of the Gentry a third of the Burgesses and a fourth of the Ministry Out of which there was set up a general Table of select Commissioners all alike Enemies to Unity and Uniformity who were to chalk out the Methods for abolishing Superstition and Tyranny by which was meant in their mystical Sense Episcopacy and Monarchy In order to the carrying on of which dâ—sorderly Proceedings they seiz'd as well the Crown as the Church Lands and notwithstanding their hate of Forms began so well a Form'd Rebellion that the unhappy King was provok'd beyond his natural temper to repell Force by Force But before his Justice could reach them they had so firm'd their Faction by their Solemn League and Covenant which was not like that ancient Bond taken in the Year 590. wherein they were bound to the maintenance of the Kings Person and Authority for in this they swore all to the mutual Defence and Assistance of each other against all Persons opposing them whatever not excepting the King himself that he was glad to close in a Pacification which after produc'd a Cessation that by the Artifice of some of their Friends here working upon his tenderness of shedding Blood concluded with a disbanding of his in order to the letting down their Army but after abusing him in this as well as in all other their Intreagues for they determin'd never to sheath the Sword till they got their ends he was forc'd to reinforce himself by new Leavies which necessitated the calling another Parliament here at home This prov'd so much worse then all that had been before it in that they were grown more learn'd in the Discipline of Daring and being fully instructed by the Complaints of all that were weary of the Government or Governours like the first Reformers of Germany they sum'd up their Centum Gravamina in a general Remonstrance which was carried on with that unparallel'd Contumacy that every one that was licentiously inclin'd pleas'd himself with the Imagination of having the Ball of Soveraignty flung down to be scambled for by the Multitude whose Heads being made giddy by the continual Noise of those Spiritual Trumpeters that fill'd their Ears with the joyful sound of the long look'd for Promises of a new Heaven and a new Earth and the Description of such a Kingdom wherein as they said the Saints and Servants of the most High were to reign by a Special Commission written in the Stars which none could read but these Astronomical Rabbins themselves They began like men Spiritually drunk to defie all Carnal Powers and having before broke the Windows of the Royal Pallace resolv'd in the next place to pluck down the two great Pillars of the Throne These were the Arch-bishop of Canterbury and the Earl of Strafford the one presiding in Spiritual t'other in Temporal Matters both of whom were Impeached of High Treason the one to gratifie their Malice t'other to secure their Fears the last was the first brought to stake whose Crimes savouring rather of Injustice to the Subject then Unfaithfulness to the King proving no otherwise Treasonable but by accumulation of so many lesser Misdemeanours together as might make up by heap what was wanting in the weight of his Guilt The King refus'd to condemn him till he had first consulted the Judges in point of Law and the Bishops in point of Equity by either of whom being left in greater doubt if possible then before having a natural aversion to all State Phlebotomy as well knowing that this Blood-letting though it might stop the Feaver for some little time would so weaken his Power that he should not be able to resist any future Distemper the consideration whereof brought him into a State Convulsion that drew his Judgment several wayes before he could determine what to do Honour and Justice press'd him on the one side the Common Interest as 't was pretended on which hung the weight of the Publick as well as his own private Peace urg'd him on the other side either grating upon the most tender and sensible part his Conscience which like a Needle betwixt two Loadstones that trembling with equal Inclinations to either at the same time seems to turn
Discouragements Whilst those of the Royal Party impatient to see the King so much less then he should be thought it as necessary as just to attempt the making him something more then ever he had been but straining the Sinew-shrunk Prerogative beyond its wonted height disjoynted the whole Frame of Government and broke those Ligaments of Command and Obedience whereby Prince and People are bound up together Unhappy King to whom the love and hatred of his People was alike fatal who whilst himself was thus unhappily ingaged against himself was sure to be the Loser which side soever was the Gainer and so much the more miserable by how much even Victory it self must at once weary and wast him but great was his Prudence as great his Patience And next the Power of making Tempests cease Walleri Was in this Storm to have so calm a Peace Behold now the great Soveraign of the Seas expos'd as it were upon a small Raft to the raging of the People as a Shipwrackt Pilot to that of the Sea without any hope but what was next despair to recover some desolate Rock or Isle where he might rest himself in the melancholy expectation of being deliver'd as it were by Miracle So he being drove first from London to York from thence having in vain tryed to touch at Hull passed on to Nottingham where he set up his Standard but not his rest from thence he marched to Leicester so towards Wales and having a while refreshed himself at Shrewsbury after divers tossings and deviations fix'd at last at Oxford the famous Seat of the Muses ill Guards to a distressed King and perhaps no great Assistants to those about him who were to live by their Wits Here he continued near three years acting the part of a General rather then a King his Prerogative being so pinion'd and his Power so circumscrib'd that as none of his own People paid him Homage where he could not come to force it so the Neighbour States of the United Netherlands though they disown'd not a Confederation with him made so little shew of having any regard to his Amity as if it were Evidence enough of their being his Friends that they did not declare themselves his Enemies Only the Complemental State of France sent over a glorious * Prince liurcourt Ambassador who under the pretence of Mediating a Peace was really a Spy for continuing the War The only fast Friend he had was his helpless Uncle the King of Denmark who was so over-match'd by the Swede all that time that he could give little or no assistance to him During his abode here he did as much as the necessity of his streightned Condition would permit convening another Parliament there to Counter those at Westminster least it should be thought there was a Charm in the name where there appear'd no less then One hundred and forty Knights and Gentlemen in the lower House and in the upper House Twenty four Lords Nineteen Earls Two Marquesses and Two Dukes besides the Lord Treasurer the Lord Keeper the Duke of York and the Prince of Wales who if they were not equal in number as some think they were were much more considerable in quality then that other Parliament at London But being a Body without Sinews they sate as so many Images of Authority or if with decency we may say it like Legislators in Effigie Those at Westminster having in this the better of them that they had got into their hands that pledge of extraordinary Power the Dominion of the Sea which was a sufficient Caution for that by Land †Cic. ad Artic. lib. 10. Epist 7. Nam qui Mare teneat eum necesse est Rerum potiri This brought in Wealth that brought in Men the Men brought in Towns and Provinces under their Subjection so that we find they had an intire Association of divers whole Counties when the King could assure himself of no more then what he made Title to by his Sword Even Yorkshire it self the first County that he made tryal of entring almost as soon as he was gone out of it into Articles of Neutrality But notwithstanding all the disadvantages he had by want of Men and Money of Means and Credit yet we see he brought the Ballance of the War to that even poise that it rested at last upon the Success of one single Battel to turn the Scale either way for had they been beaten at Naseby where they got the day they had been as undoubtedly ruin'd as he was by loosing it which Battel being the last ended as Edge-hill did that was the first with that sinister Fortune to have the left Wings on each side routed by those of the right But the advantage the * So those who served the Parliament were call'd from the shortness of their hair as it was generally worn generally worn amongst those of the Puritan party Round-heads had in this was that they had not forgot the disadvantage of the former Fight but early quitting their pursuit return'd time enough to relieve their distressed Foot and so by their Wisdom recover'd that fatal advantage which the †The Kings Party were so call'd because those that appear'd first on his side were most of them Gentlemen on Horse-back Cavaliers lost by their Courage who pursuing their half-got Victory too far lost the whole unexpectedly In this Battel as in that the Royal Standard was taken and as the King lost his General then so he lost himself acting the Generals part now his Power crumbling away so fast after the loss of this Day for in less then four Months time twenty of his chief Garrisons surrendred General Goring was routed at Lamport the Lord Digby and Sir Marmaduke Langdale near Sherborn which we know caus'd a more unlucky Rout after at Newark the Lord Wentworth was surpriz'd ar Bovy-tracy the Lord Hopton routed at Torrington the Lord Ashly at Stow upon the Wold that he was never able to repair the Breaches made daily upon him but was forc'd to quit his faultring Friends and cast himself into the hands of his fawning Enemies the Scots who having kept all this while hovering at a distance like Eagles that follow Armies for prey expecting what might be the Issue whilst the English were so busie in cutting one anothers Throats were resolv'd to let him know what value they put upon him and accordingly gave notice to the Parliament of his being with them which begot a hot dispute betwixt them for a while to whom of right the Royal Prisoner belonged till in the end it concluded with redeeming the good King by a good Sum who taught them thus to betray him by first betraying himself the failure of their Faith being grounded upon that of his own who had he kept upon the Wing as one observes whilst his Party was beating in the Covert might possibly have retreiv'd the Quarrey and by retiring into some place of present safety recover'd himself
is said to have been transformed into a kind of Copper-colour And having to that brazen face of his such an Iron heart as deem'd nothing too difficult for him to attempt they were easily perswaded to joyn themselves with him whiles he threw himself upon dangers seemingly invincible so seemingly unconcern'd as if he had known or at least believed that he earrled the Fate of the three Nations upon the point of his single Sword So that it is no marvel after a long Series of Successes both in Ireland and Scotland where his very name like that of Caesars made his way to Victory having at the last got the better of the King himself in the fatal Battel of Worcester whom yet with a Politick Modesty he denied to have been defeated by his but as he said by an Arm from Heaven he should be so hardy as with the same Club he wrested out of Hercules hand to dash out the Brains of the Infant Common-wealth not then full five years old making himself the sole Administrator of all its Goods and Chattels to wit the Moneys raised by sale of Crown and Church Lands the growing benefit of all Forfeitures Confiscations and Compositions together with the annual Rent of Ninety thousand pounds per mensem over and besides which he had advantage of all the queint Projections then on foot as the years rent laid on Houses built upon new Foundations in and about London the Contributions for the distressed Protestants in Savoy the Collections of the Committee of Propagation as 't was call'd who were to take care for the planting the Gospel in the dark Parts of the World being no inconsiderable Levies These I take to have been the personal Estate of the Common-wealth To the real Estate of Inheritance which he principally aim'd at viz. the Soveraignty and Dominion of the three Kingdoms by Sea and Land since he could make no better Title then as the first Occupant by his Primier Seisin which in effect was none other but plain Disseism so long as the right Heir was alive against whom there could be no bar by Fine or Recovery whilst he continued beyond the Seas the Learned Knaves about him advised him to intitle himself to it by Act of Parliament Now forasmuch as by the first Instrument of Government it was Articled that there should be a Parliament once in three years two whereof he had already call'd that had neither pleas'd him nor were pleas'd with him the first being so bold to question his Authority the next himself he resolv'd now to appear like the Grand Seignior with his Bashaws about him and accordingly he chose several Prefects of Provinces whom he call'd by the name of Major Generals whose business it was first to keep down the unreconcileable Cavaliers secondly to new mould the Linsey-wolsey Covenanters many of whom about this time began to be corrupted with Principles of Honesty and lastly to reform the Elections of Burgesses so that he might with no less satisfaction then safety call as a little after he did the third Parliament whom yet he vouchsafed not the honour of that Name but to shew them how little he feared any Battery of their Ordinance permitted them to be nick-nam'd The Convention a strange Pack made up on purpose for the strange Game he was to play of all Knaves but Knaves as it appear'd afterward of different Complections These having fram'd another Instrument of Government Indeavours to make the Protector King pressed him by their humble Petition and Advice as they term'd it with not unlike flattery and falshood as M. Anthony did Caesar to legitimate his Usurpation by taking upon him the Title of King The Lawyers that were of his Common-Council urg'd him to it for that as they said there was no other way left for him to guard the Laws or for the Laws to guard him The States-men that were of his Privy-Councel provok'd him to it by the Example of Brutus the Roman Liberator whose folly they said it was that having murther'd Caesar he did not set up himself or some other King though by some other name since as he could not be ignorant that such abortive Liberty as he had given life to must needs prove the Parent of a lasting servitude so he might foresee that Caesar had so ingrafted himself into the Body Politick that one could not be separate from the other without the destruction of both and as he had need of Forces so had they of a Head and better one craz'd then none at all His nearest Friends and Relations press'd him upon the point of Honour Neither could there be a readier Argument to perswade him to take upon him to be a Prince then to tell him he was descended from Princes For who knew not that his great Ancestor Cradoc Vraych Vras Earl of Ferlix having as the Herauld said married the Princess Tegaire Daughter and Heir of Pelinor King of Great Britain many hundred of years before either the Norman or Saxon Conquerors could pretend to any thing so that now the Question was not so much with what right he could make himself King of England as by what right he had been so long kept out of it In this confusion of Counsels it came to his own turn at last to advise himself and accordingly he weighed all their Arguments and taking the last first into consideration he easily over-pass'd the honour of his Extraction for two Reasons First for that his was not the chief Family of Wales and secondly for that he was not the Chief of his Family Besides common Fame had debas'd him by an odd kind of Disparagement which however perhaps mistaken took much from the dignity of his Person as being believ'd to have been an ordinary Brewer though it prov'd to be as Daniel observes by Jaques D' Artevile the great Stickler of Flanders in Edward the Third his time a Brewer of more then of Beer Neither did he much more regard the point of Law for that he knew it to be no otherwise binding then as a silken Cord which upon any force used to it is apt to flip and let go its hold That which mov'd him most was the point of State rais'd out of that pinching President of Brutus yet there was an unanswerable scruple rested upon that too to wit How it could be reasonable for him to expect to hold them in with a twine thread of voluntary Submission who had so lately by his own advice broken the strong bond of Allegiance and which yet he durst not object to any but himself he foresaw his Death would make way for some of his Fellow Regicides to usurp by his own Example as much upon his Successors to the disseisin of those who call'd him Father as he had done by disinheriting the Sons of the true Father of his Country This shewing him that the thing call'd Chance would have its share in despight of all his wisdom and providence and that there was
when he was so seemingly lost by the help of the same Invisible Hand that after led his Son thorow many greater dangers and brought him home safe beyond all hope but stooping to this low Pitch to subject himself to those who had so much despis'd all Subjection they thought it a Complement to him to estimate him at so high a rate as that of their Arrears Had he cast himself upon the Parliament in the first place 't is possible by letting go his hold so unexpectedly as he did he might have given them the Fall when they were so hard tugging with him it being more then probable that the long abus'd People finding how he not only sought Peace but pursu'd it might have been mov'd to have indeavour'd his Restoration as tumultuously as they did his Dethronation restoring his Dignity as disorderly as they took it from him which how much the Hogen Mogens of Westminster dreaded appears by the surprize upon them when a little before his giving himself up to the Scots it was bruted that he was conceal'd in London But as in great Storms great Pilots are forc'd when they can no longer bear Sail to let the Vessel drive and take its chance so he being no longer able to Stem the Tide after having done all that could be hop'd for from Prudence was fain to commit himself to Providence and follow it without Light or Compass thorow many dark Dispensations and fantastick Changes the result of their Inconstancy Inhumanity and Impiety from whom he was afterward to expect his doom Trust makes us our own Traytors nor could he Alâ—yn Vit. H. 7. Be sav'd by Faith but Infidelity Having now lost his Authority from the time he lost his Liberty as the last was the occasion of ending the first Civil War so the first was the cause of beginning a second For now all the Doggs fell together by the Ears over the Marybone The Army quarrelled with the Parliament they with one another the Commons differed from the Lords the Scots divided as much from the English the Presbyterians from the Independants Great was the Dissention amongst the Brethren and all for Place Power or Profit for either of which the King appearing to be the best Pawn the Army took him from the Parliament Commissioners to secure him in their own Custody which was so ill resented by the ruling Members that all their Consultations were about disbanding them Upon which the Army drew up a Charge and disbanded Eleven of them the first * The now Lord Hollis whereof was the first of those Five Members impeached by the King who were so little able to trifle with them as they did with him that they were fain not only to quit the House but the Kingdom After this the Army sent up a †The A mies Representation An. 1647. Representation as they call'd it to the two Houses propâ—sing 1. To purge out all those that ought not to sit there meaning all the Presbyterian Party 2. To disable those who had shew'd themselves disaffected to the Army that they might do no mischief meaning those who had voted with the Eleven Secluded Members 3. To settle a determinate Period for their Sitting intending to have all rul'd by the Sword 4. To give Accompt of the vast Sums they had received during the War intending the Overplus to be divided amongst themselves This so incouraged the Independent Party that they voted in favour of the Army to take the Militia of the City of London out of the Citizens hands who were for the most part of the Presbyterian Faction Upon which a Party of Apprentices came down and making the grand Representatives Prisoners in their own House did as I may say ram their Vote down their Throats making them not only retract it but Vote the Militia back again to the City Hereupon they call'd for Aid to the Army and the apprehensions of what Effects their coming up might have divided the Common-Councel of London as much as the last Riot had those of Westminster so that the General easily entred at the breach and possess'd himself of the Strength of the City Now as Maggots are ingendred by warmth out of Corruption so by the heat of these corrupted Factions there was kindled a Generation of Vermin call'd Agitators which were like the Locusts that rose out of the smoak of the bottomless Pit mentioned in the Revelations c. 9. v. 3. to whom sayes the Text was given power like as the Scorpions of the Earth have power who not liking that the King should continue so near as Hampton-Court found an expedient to fright him from thence by muttering something like an intended Assassination the discovery whereof they knew would quickly be brought to him and tempt him to make a private Escape knowing well that they had him as a Bird in a string and could take him again when they pleas'd which Counsel if it had been rejected by him 't is probable he had been murther'd in good earnest but he flying thereupon to the Isle of Wight where he was secur'd by their fast Friend the * Hamen Governour there they thought they might adventure to treat with him at that distance Accordingly they consented that the Parliament should tender him these four modest Propositions following to be reduced into Acts. 1. That it should be lawful for the Parliament to order and dispose the Militia as they pleas'd for the future without his consent and Treason for any to assemble in Arms above the number of Thirty without Commission from them 2. That the Houses should sit at what time they pleas'd and adjourn their sitting to what place they pleas'd and meet at their own pleasure and discretion for ever after 3. That all Oaths Interdictions and Declarations set forth in Publick by the King against either House should be accompted and declared void 4. That all whom the King had dignified with any Titles from the time himself departed with the Great Seal should be degraded of their Honour Which the Scotch Commissioners we must remember it to their Honour thought so derogatory to that of the Kings and contrary to former Ingagements that they follow'd after the Parliament Commissioners with a kind of State Hue and Cry and protested against them I hope it was not all a Juggle for they had been undone doubtless if the King had sign'd them but it took effect as they desired The King refused them and thereby gave them as they would have it thought just cause to refuse him Whereupon they pass'd that never to be forgotten Vote of Non-Addresses After which the Agitators vanish'd and the Committee of Darby-house took place which consisting most of Officers were now the Plenipotentiaries of the Kingdom And near the same time the Power of England was thus given up to them they had the Resignation made of that of Ireland too The King being now civilly dead and one would think buried the Prisons of Princes proving
as himself observ'd for the most part their Graves the Vote of Non-Addresses being as Earth flung upon him Fortune cruelly brings him to Life again by the Cordial of unexpected hopes heightned by the Zeal of several Counties declaring for him Divers Lords in Arms again at Land and his own Son with others at Sea these incouraged by the Revolt of several Towns those by the coming in of several Ships so that there were no less then Two thousand in Arms for him at Sea with Twenty good Ships and not so litt e as Ten thousand at Land with Horses Arms and Ammunition suitable And which was yet more considerable the Grand * Call'd The Committee of Danger Committee of State in Scotland whose very name carried Danger in it allarm'd them by sending the Propositions following 1. To bring the King to London or some of his Houses near with Freedom and Safety 2. To disband the Army 3. To punish those that had deteined him in Obscurity 4. To restore the Secluded Members 5. To establish the Presbyterian Government and suppress Sectaries And that they might yet appear more like a Committee of Danger they sent a formidable Army under the Conduct of Duke Hamilton to make good their Demands and to give their Nation the Honour of being the last as they were the first in Arms in this unhappy War The terror of these formidable Preparations incourag'd by several Petitions out of the City and Country moved the affrighted Parliament to consent to a Personal Treaty whilst the Army was busie in disputing the Points with the Sword and accordingly they recalâ—'d the Vote of Non-Addresses and sent their Commissioners to wait on the King at the Isle of Wight where he argued so like a Divine with the Divines so like a Lawyer with the Lawyers so like a States-man with their Matchiavillians that they went all away fully satisfied in their belief of his Wisdom Piety and Justice and upon the publishing his Conditions the Houses voted him to be in Honour Freedom and Safety according to the Laws Here seem'd to be nothing wanting now but a Sword in his hand to have once more disputed it with the Sword-men too and then possibly he might have saved himself and the despairing Nation But just as every man was making ready to bring in his Peace-Offering in Confidence that the King and Parliament were fully agreed the inraged Army returning home from the Conquest of all those that had oppos'd them doubly dyed with Blood and Treason alike Enemies to Peace and Reason broke down the great Chain of Order which binds even the Divels themselves and first seizing on him next on them sent no less then Forty of their principal Members to Hell a Place purposely made their Prison not so much for any conveniency of Reception or nearness of Scituation as the Uncoughness of the Name that by the conceipt of being typically damn'd they might bring them into despair and tempt some of them as after they did to become their own Executioners Ninety more they turn'd quite out of the House and appointed a day for turning out all the rest In the mean time they publish'd a Modification which to make the more acceptable they term'd The Agreement of the People by which the number of the Representatives of the Nation was reduc'd to Three hundred half which were to have power to make a Law and during the Intervals of Sessions a Councel of State was to govern This Model was put into the hands of those Members of their own Faction who besides the Confirmation thereof had Instructions given them for passing six other Votes 1. For renewing that of Non-Addresses 2. For annulling the Treaty and Concessions at the Isle of Wight 3. For bringing the King to publick Justice to answer with his own all the Blood shed in the War 4. For summoning in his two Sons the Prince of Wales and the Duke of York to render themselves by a day certain to give satisfaction on their parts otherwise to stand exil'd as Traytors to their Country 5. For doing publick Justice upon all the Kings Partakers 6. For paying off all their own Arrears forthwith How obedient Slaves this Rump of a House were to these their own Servants who could not find in their Heart to pay the least respect to their natural Prince appears by the Sequel For immediately they gave them or rather permitted them to give themselves above Sixty thousand pounds and voted that the General should take care to secure the King and the Councel of war to draw up a Charge of High Treason against him Lord Faulâ—land Behold the frailty of all humane things How soon great Kingdoms fall much sooner Kings This as it was an Insolence beyond all hope of pardon so nothing could justifie it but such a Violation of all sacred and humane Rights as must not only out-do all Example but out-face all Divinity and Majesty at once by erecting that High Court of Justice as they call'd it to try him as a Rebel against himself Preparatory whereunto they made Proclamation at Westminster-hall Cheapside and the Old Exchange that all that had any thing to say against him should come in at the prefix'd time and be heard And for the greater solemnity of their intended Paricide the Law was silenced that is the Tearm put off for fourteen dayes in order to the better formalizing the disorder that was to follow And now having brought the Royal Prisoner to their Judgment Seat they proceed to arraign him with not unlike Impudence and Impiety to that of the Rascal Jews when they brought the King of Kings to Tryal whom as they charg'd to be a Perverter so these charg'd him with being a Subverter of his People both Prisoners being in this alike Guilty that eithers Crime was the owning himself to be a King which as the Jews could not indure then so neither could these now Their King thought not fit to give any Answer to his Accusers this King preparing to give sitting Answers could not be heard But he had this satisfaction to hear Pontius Bradshaw the President by whom he was to be condemn'd condemn himself first and all his Fellow Paricides by a Reply to him not less absurd then observable For his Majesty reasoning upon the unreasonableness of not being suffer'd to speak for himself said Where is there in all the World that Court in which no Place is left for Reason to which t'other unwittingly reply'd Sir you shall find that this very Court is such an one Nay then retorted the King in vain will my Subjects expect Justice from you who stop your Ears to your King ready to plead his Cause Thus they strangled him before they beheaded him and designing to murther his Soul if possible as well as his Body added to their Denial of Justice so many Contumelies Indignities and Affronts as were enough to have tempted him to despair had not his Faith been as strong