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A00728 Of the Church fiue bookes. By Richard Field Doctor of Diuinity and sometimes Deane of Glocester. Field, Richard, 1561-1616.; Field, Nathaniel, 1598 or 9-1666. 1628 (1628) STC 10858; ESTC S121344 1,446,859 942

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Emperour or to depriue him of any thing that of right pertained to him But the people of Italy moued against the Emperour proceeded further then the Bishop of Rome would haue had them to haue done For they put downe the Magistrates appointed by the Emperour and set vp other of their owne and would haue forced the Bishop of Rome and the other people of Italy who yet consented not vnto them to disclaime the Emperour of Constantinople and to chuse another in Italy And therefore if at that time they forbare to pay any more tribute as Zonaras saith they did it was not because the Pope forbade them so to doe as hauing supreme power in ciuill things but being averse from the Emperour as for other dislikes so by the Popes perswasions they stayed the tribute of themselues as of themselues they put downe the Magistrates of the Emperour without the liking of the Bishop of Rome That which Otho Frisingensis hath that the Pope hauing often admonished the Emperour and found him incorrigible perswaded the people of Italy to depart from the Empire seemeth to bee contrary to the reports of the Authour of the great Chronicle Nauclerus Rhegino and others but yet maketh the Pope onely a perswader and the people of Italy the doers of that was done And in like sort it must bee vnderstood that Zonaras saith the Bishop of Rome stayed the paying of tribute to the Emperour namely that his dislike of the Emperours courses together with their owne distast of his actions did so auert the minds of the Italians from the Emperour that they refused to pay him tribute that being attributed to him as done by him which his perswasions though tending to another purpose did worke without his liking and against his will And in the same sence it is that Sigebert saith Gregory charged the Emperour with errour blamed him for it and turned away the people of Rome and the tribute of the West from him The third instance of Popes intermedling in the disposition of the kingdomes of the world is that of Zacharias the Pope of whom Gregory the seuenth in his Epistles writeth thus Another Romane Bishop also to wit Zacharias deposed the French King from his kingdome not so much for any fault done by him as for that he was vnfit to sway so great power and put Pipine the father of Charles the great afterwards Emperour into his place freeing and absoluing all the Frenchmen frō their oath of feaultie Which words of Gregory are found likewise in the decrees To this allegation Occam answereth that Zacharias did not depose Childericke the French King as Gregory the seuenth vntruly reporteth but onely gaue allowance of the Peeres doposing of him And to that purpose alleageth the Glosse vpon the decrees wich sayth Dicitur deposuisse quia deponentibus consensit that is The Pope is said to haue deposed the King because hee gaue consent to those that did depose him and allowed their act But he noteth also that there are others that doe not soe excuse the Pope but do thinke he put his sickle into another mans haruest and tooke vpon him to do that hee had no authority to doe which other Popes likewise haue not feared to doe in prejudice of the right of the laity as they shew out of another Glosse Soe that the Century writers are not alone in the reprehension of this fact of Zacharias as Bellarmine vntruly anoucheth notwithstanding I rather follow the judgment of the author of the Glosse and thinke that he did but giue his opinion what might be done and approue the act when it was done For confirmation whereof I will lay downe the circumstances of the narration touching the proceedings in this matter as I find them reported by ancient writers First all Historians agree that the Kings of France in those times giuing themselues to idlenesse and pleasures wholly neglected the gouernment that they were seene but only once in the yeare of their subjects and that the gouernor of the Kings house ruled all Neither did things stand thus for a short space but Sigebert saith they continued so 88 yeares In this office of a prefect or gouernor Pipine incceeded his auncesters but exceeded them in the greatnesse of worthy exploits neither did any thing hinder the course of his great and honourable actions but that hee was forced to suffer endure a king almost witlesse mad with diuers sencelesse fooleries Wherefore they who write the histories of France report that the Nobles and people of that nation duely weighing the vertue of Pipine and the witlesse follies of Childericke the King consulted Zachary then Bishop of Rome desired him to tell them whether he thought so foolish and vnworthy a King were any longer to be endured or Pipine to be defrauded of royall dignity which he deserued was right worthy of Who when they had receiued answere from the Pope that he was to be estemed the King who knew best how to performe kingly duties the French by the publique and common aduice and counsell of the whole nation proclaimed Pipine King and shore the head of Childericke and made him a Clearke Nauclerus saith the French men anciently had their kings descended of an ancient stocke who of Meroueus the sonne of King Clodius the second were called Merouingians the race of which kings continued till Childericke and in him ended For long before they were of no esteeme or authority neither had they any thing but the vaine and empty title of Kings for the riches and power of the kingdome were in the hands of the prefects of the pallace who were called the chiefe of the Kings house and swayed the vvhole kingdome vvho at that time vvere the successors of Charles Martell and vvere named Dukes Neither vvas there any other thing permitted to the King but that contenting himselfe vvith the bare name of a King hauing long haire and a long beard hee should sit vpon the throne and haue some shew of a ruler and heare Embassadors comming from all parts and giue such answers vnto them as out of his owne power which he was taught and commanded to giue Hee had nothing to liue on but such a stipend and allowance as the Prefect was pleased to allow vnto him Hee possessed nothing but one little village once onely in the yeare hee was seene of his subiects in a publique and solemne assembly hauing saluted them all returned againe into his priuate course of life leauing the gouernment of all to the Prefect Pipine therefore who then supplied that place as succeeding his ancestors in the same considering the slouth and idlenesse of these Kings who neglecting the common-wealth did hide themselues in their owne priuate houses and that both the Nobles people tooke notice as well of his vertues as of the sencelesse follies of Childericke consulted the Pope as we heard
downe the reasons brought on both sides and first that it was the true Samuel hee sheweth that these reasons are commonly brought First because the Scripture speaketh of him as of his very person not of any counterfeit likenes of him calling him not once but often by the name of Samuel Secondly for that it had bin a great dishonour irreuerence offered to Samuel if so often the Diuell should haue beene called by his name in holy Scripture Lastly for that it is said in Ecclesiasticus in the praise of Samuel the Prophet of God that he prophesied after his death that he afterwards slept againe and that he made known to King Saul his end the ouerthrow of his armies which prediction is not to bee imputed to a lying Spirit seeing hee so certainely foretold what was to come to passe On the other side he produceth these proofes First the Glosse vpon the 29 of Esay sayth the Pythonisse did not raise Samuel but euocated called out the Diuell in his likenesse Secondly it is not likely that God who would not answere Saul by liuing Prophets would send any from the dead to aduise or direct him Thirdly he that appeared vnto Saul sayd vnto him To morrow thou shalt be with me but Saul as a wicked man was to be in Hell the place of torments therefore he that appeared was so Fourthly he that appeared suffered Saul to worship him which true Samuel would not haue done seeing God onely is to be worshipped Fiftly if it were true Samuel that appeared either hee was raised by diuine power or by the power of magicall incantations if by diuine power God should very much haue fauoured magicall arts if at the inuocation of this Pythonisse hee had wrought such a miracle if by the power of Magicke then was he raised by the Diuell and that either with his consent and then he had done euill which he could not doe or without his consent which could not be seeing the Diuell hath no power to force the Saints of God after their death and departure hence Lastly he alleageth the authority of Augustine who bringing the reasons on both sides in the end inclineth rather to this later opinion and that in the Decrees Cap. Nec mirum c. adding that if that decree taken out of Augustine bee the decree of the Church noe man may thinke otherwise but if it be not as he thinketh it is not because Augustine out of whom it was taken disputeth the matter doubtfully and many of the Diuines since the compiling of that decree are of another opinion which they ought not to be if it were the decree of the Church he rather thinketh it was true Samuel that appeared then any counterfeit in his likenesse If any man desire to see the different opinions of the Fathers touching this point let him reade Tertullian in his booke de Animâ the 33 Chapter the annotations vpon the same place of Tertullian But howsoeuer whether it were true Samuel that appeared vnto Saul or a counterfeit in his likenesse I hope it is cleare and euident out of that which hath beene sayd that this apparition no way proueth the imagined Limbus of the Papistes There remaine yet two other places of Scripture to be examined that are brought for confirmation of the same but yealding as litle proofe as this The one is in the prophesies of Zacharie the other in the Epistle of S. Peter The words in the former place according to the Vulgar translation are these Thou in the blood of thy testament hast deliuered thy prisoners out of the Lake wherein there is no water But in the Originall the words are otherwise and Arias Montanus translateth the place otherwise in this sort And thou to wit Ierusalem in the blood of thy testament that is sprinkled with the blood ●…f thy testament reioyce and be glad I haue dismissed thy prisoners out of the lake wherein there is no water So that these words Thou in the blood of thy testament are not appliable vnto Christ but to Hierusalem and the other touching the dismissing of the prisoners out of the lake wherein is no water vnto God the Father who speaketh in this place to Hierusalē cōcerning Christ her King cōforteth her saying Rejoyce o Daughter of Sion be glad ô Daughter of Hierusalem for behold thy King commeth vnto thee meeke riding on an Asse vsed to the yoke and the fole of an Asse I will destroy the Charriot frō Ephraim and the Horse from Hierusalem He shall destroy the bowes of the fighters and the multitude and publish peace to the nations He shall rule from Sea to Sea and from the riuer to the end of the Land And thou to wit Hierusalem in the blood of thy testament that is sprinkled with the blood of thy testament reioyce and be glad I haue dismissed thy Prisoners out of the lake wherein there is no water Thus wee see this place according to the Originall verity and the translation of Arias Montanus maketh nothing for the confirmation of that for proofe whereof it is brought Yea though we should follow the Vulgar Translation and take the words to be spoken by Almighty God to Christ his Sonne yet could not our aduersaries proue Limbus out of this place For the Author of the Glosse and many other following the Vulgar Translation vnderstand these words of the deliuerance of the people of God out of the captiuity of Babylon which was as a deepe pit hauing in it no water but mire wherein their feete stucke fast And Hierome himselfe though he vnderstand the words of Christs descending into hel yet mentioneth the other interpretation also in the same place not much disliking it Neither doth his interpretation of Christs descending into Hell proue Limbus For hee speaketh of the prison of Hell where is no mercie calleth it a cruell or fearefull Hell not of Limbus patrum or Abrahams bosome Bellarmine cunningly after his manner to discredite our interpretation of deliuerance out of Babylonicall captivitie maketh as if Caluine onely had expounded the wordes of the holy Prophet in that sort whereas yet many excellent Diuines long before Caluine was borne interpreted them in the very same sort as we doe But if the challenge of novelty faile he betaketh himselfe to another of absurditie improbabilitie pronouncing that our Interpretation hath no probabilitie first because in the wordes immediatly going before there is a prophesie concerning Christ vttered vnto Hierusalem in these words Reioyce O daughter of Sion for behold thy King commeth c. Which the Evangelists expound of Christs comming into Hierusalem and then secondly an Apostrophe to Christ in the words questioned But first heerein he is deceiued for the speech of Almighty God to his Church begun in the former words is still continued in these shewing what fauours for Christs fake he had still meant to bestow on her whereas
want of strength that held the Primitiue Christiansin subjection to their heathen persecuting Emperors but the perswasion they had that it was their duty so to be subject perswading themselues they had their power from heauen and therefore Illuc suspicientes saith Tertullian manibus expansis quia innocuis capite nudo quia non erubescimus denique sine monitore quia de pectore oramus precantes sumus omnes semper pro omnibus Imperatoribus vitam illis prolixam imperium securum domum tutam exercitus fortes senatum fidelem populum probum orbem quietum quaecunque hominis Caesaris sunt vota that is Looking vp thither with handes lifted vp and spread out because innocent with bare heads because we are not ashamed and without a remembrancer because our prayers proceed from the desires that lodge within in our breast wee all pray alwaies for all Emperours and rulers desiring God to grant vnto them a long life a secure reigne a safe house valiant armies a faithfull Senate good people a quiet world and all the good things that the heart either of a priuate man or of Caesar can desire O silly erring Christians durst you pray for the prosperity of them whom you should haue persecuted with fire and sword and vtterly haue destroyed But it is not to bee maruailed at if you thus erred for you were Christians and had no Iesuites among you from whom these mysteries of deposing Princes might haue beene learned so that we may hope that ignorance did excuse you and that ye are not gone to hell for this neglecting of your duty But some man perhaps will say Tertullian might be deceiued in this point Let vs heare therefore whether others were of his mind or not Iulianus Imperator saith Ambrose quamuis esset Apostata habuit tamē sub se Christianos milites quibus cum dicebat producite aciem pro defensione Reipublicae obediebant ei Cumautē dicer●… eis producite arma in Christianos tunc cognoscebant Imperatorem Caeli that is Iuli●… the emperour though he were an Apostata yet had vnder him Christian souldiers who when he said vnto them bring forth your armies for the defence of the common-wealth willingly obeyed him But when he said vnto them bring forth your forces and fight against the Christians tooke knowledge of the Emperor in heauen and not of him And S. Augustine saith to the same purpose that Iulian the Emperour was an Infidell an Apostata a wicked man an idolater yet there were Christian souldiers that serued this vnbelieuing Emperour when they came to the cause of Christ they acknowledged none other Emperor but him only whose throne is in heauē When he required them to worship Idols or to burne incense they preferred God before him When he said bring forth your armies go against such a nation they presently obeyed him so did they wisely distinguish between the eternall and temporall Lord yet they were subiect to the temporall Lord for the eternall Lords sake Neither was this the priuate conceipt of these men alone but all other the worthy Fathers and Bishops of the Church were of the same minde and perswaded themselues that they owedall dutie to kings and Emperours though they were heretiques or infidels And therefore Athanasius whēsome charged him that he had spoken euill of Constantius the Arrian heretick to Constance his brother sought to make variance between thē in his Apology to Constantius calleth God to witnesse against his own soule that he had neuer don any such thing and telleth the Emperor he was not mad nor had not forgotten the saying of the wise man Curse not the King in thy secret thought and speake not euill of the rich and mighty in the retired places of thy chamber For the fowles of heauen will carry forth thy voyce and that that hath wings will make report of thy words The fifth reason that they bring to proue that Christians may depose mis-beleeuing Emperors and Kings if they haue meanes so to do is because the Apostle willeth the Corinthians that were become Christians to appoint new iudges of their controuersies about temporall affaires businesses that they might not be forced to bring their pleas before heathen magistrates that were their enemies to the scorne of their profession which is so silly a reason that I cannot perswade my selfe they propose it in earnest but only for fashions sake to helpe to make vp a number For they know right well these Iudges the Apostle speaketh of were but onely arbitrators chosen by the agreement of the parties not absolute rulers ouer them with abrogation of the magistracie of those heathen rulers to whom they were subject and therefore notwithstanding any thing the Apostle writeth there were three cases wherein the faithfull and beleeuing Corinthians might lawfully come before the Heathen Iudges The first if the Infidels in the controuersies they had with them about secular things drew them thither The second if a beleeuer being contenitous drew them to those tribunals refusing to haue things determined otherwise The third if the beleeuer had none other meanes to recouer his right which he was bound in conscience to recouer and preserue for in such a case he might become a plaintife before Heathen Magistrates But saith Bellarmine the beleeuing husband whose wife being an Infidell will not dwell with him without continuall blaspheming of God the Creator and solliciting him to Infidelitie and Apostacie is freed from his wife and likewise the beleeuing wife from her vnbeleeuing husband so continuing to blaspheme Christ and to sollicite her to Idolatrie therefore by like reason the beleeuing people are freed from the yoake of an vnbeleeuing King seeking to draw them to Infidelity This argument drawne from comparison faileth many wayes For first according to Bellarmines opinion the beleeuing party is free from the other remaining in Infidelitie though the Infidell doe neither depart nor sollicite or perswade to Idolatrie if there be not a present conversion so that the beleeuer may dismisse his wife which hee married in infidelitie if she continue an infidell though she neither depart from him nor seeke to win him to infidelitie But touching a King who is an vnbeleeuer hee thinketh though Thomas be of another opinion that the people converting to Christianitie cannot shake off his yoake vnlesse he seeke to draw them backe to infidelitie and therefore all that is not lawfull to the people in respect of an vnbeleeuing King that is lawfull to the husband in respect of his vnbeleeuing wife or to the wife in respect of her vnbeleeuing husband Secondly this comparison if it proue any thing mainely ouerthroweth the opinion of Bellarmine For if the husband and the wife were Christians when they were married and afterwards one of them fall into heresie apostasie atheisme or whatsoeuer else and seeke neuer so violently to draw the right beleeuer to the same euils yet