come and money for the maintenance of the aid-souldiors untill their embassadors were returned from Rome yea and tender paiment of ten thousand talents of silver by even portions in fiftie yeares Item That they should put in a hundred hostages at the pleasure of Scipio and none of them to be either under fourteene yeeres of age or above thirtie Last of all they would grant a truce upon this condition That the ships which were taken during the time of the former cessation of armes should be restored back againe with all things els that were therein otherwise no truce for the present nor hope of peace hereafter These articles and conditions the embassadors were willed to returne home with all Which after they had related in the generall assemblie of the people Gisgo mounted up the pulpit to dissuade peace and had audience geven him with great applause of the multitude who as they were heartlesse and unmeet for warre so they were as peevish and unruly and could not long continue in repose Heereat Annibal took great indignation was highly displeased that in such a time those things should either be delivered or heard and he made no more ado but stepped to Gisgo laid hand upon him and pulled him down from the pue out of which he spake whereat the people were moved and grumbled in great discontent to see so strange a sight and unusuall in a free citie Then Anniball as he was a meere martiall man and could not skill of civile affaires nor well away with these citizens libertie I went quoth he from you when I was but nine yeeres old and now after 36 yeeres I am come againe All militarie skill and knowledge which fortune sometime in my private matters and otherwhiles in publick affaires hath taught me from my childhood me thinks I have learned sufficiently mary for the rights and priviledges for the lawes customes and fashions of the citie and the common hall I must be informed and instructed by you Thus having pleaded ignorance for his excuse he discoursed at large of peace arguing how reasonable and equall yea and how necessarie it was The greatest point of difficultie in all the capitulations ministred unto them was this That touching the things abovesaid which were taken during the abstinence of armes there was nothing now forth-comming and to be seene but the bare vessels and no easie matter was it to seeke up the rest Now when as they that gainsaid the peace were convinced and put downe by reason agreed it was that the ships should be redelivered and the men likewise be sought out and found as for all the rest that was wanting there should an estimate be made according to the value at the discretion of Scipio and so the Carthaginians to make all good in money Writers there be that have delivered how Anniball presently from the field sped him to sea and there finding a ship readie prepared for him streightwayes embarked and went directly to king Antiochus Also when Scipio demaunded above all other things that Anniball should be yelded into his hands answere was made that Anniball was not in Affrick After that the embassadorswere returned to Scipio the Questours or Treasurers were commaunded to draw an extract according to their bookes upon record of all such things as were in the ships and apperteined to the citie and looke what belonged to private persons the owners thereof were willed to declare and testifie In consideration and recompense whereof there was a summe of money set downe amounting to 25000 pound weight of silver and the same to be paid presently out of hand by the Carthaginians Thus a truce was graunted to them for three moneths with this clause annexed over and besides That during the said terme they should send their embassadours to no other place but only to Rome and what embassadours soever came to Carthage they should not let them depart before they had certified the Romane Generall both who they were and what their message and errand was Then with the Carthaginian embassadors were sent to Rome L. Veturius Philo M. Martius Ralla and L. Scipio brother to the Generall At that time there came such store of graine and victuals out of Sicilie and Sardinia and thereby corne was so cheape that the merchant was faine to leave corne behind him to satisfie the shipmen and marriners for the portage and carriage thereof Now there had been much trouble and fear at Rome upon the first news and al'arme that the Carthaginians had taken arms againe and T. Claudius had commission to conduct a fleet with all speed into Sicilie and from thence to passe over into Affrike likewise the other Consull was commaunded to stay still at Rome untill it were certainely knowne in what terms all matters stood in Affrike But T. Claudius went but slowly to worke either in preparing and rigging an armada or in putting it to sea because the LL. of the Senat were of opinion that as touching the peace and the conditions thereof it was rather at the disposition of Scipio than of the Consull Moreover there were certaine prodigious signs reported even presently before the very rumour of the foresaid rising and insurrection which caused men to feare greatly At Cumes the circle and compasse of the sunne appeared lesse and it rained a good shewre of stones Also in the territorie of Velitre the earth setled and sunke and made huge hollow chinks in so much as trees were quite swallowed up under the ground At Aticia the market-place and the shops all about likewise at Frusino the wall of the citie in divers places yea and the gate were smitten with lightning from heaven and in mount Palatine it rained stones This wondrous sight last rehearsed was expiat after the ancient custome by keeping a Novendiall sacrifice and feast for nine daies the rest by killing of greater sacrifices Among all there were unusual deluges and inundations of waters which troubled the minds and consciences of men for the Tyber so swelled and rose so high that by reason that the shew-place of the Circus was overflowne preparation was made for the setting forth of the games Apollinares without the gate Collina neere the chappell of Venus Erycina But vpon the very day when the plaies should be exhibited it grew to be so fair weather of a sodain that the pageant and pompous traine of the shew which was a going to the gate Collina was called backe and conveied into the Circus and word brought that the water was fallen and gone cleane out from thence so the people were more joious and the pastimes celebrated with greater resort for that the usuall and ordinarie place served againe for the solemnitie to be performed Claudius the Consull at last departed from the citie of Rome and went to sea where betwene the havens of Cossa and Lauretum he was overtaken with a terrible and fearefull tempest that arose and put him in exceeding feare From thence he came to the Populonij
that there was a litle book given to my supposed mother sealed with the signe manuell of king Perseus which shee was to deliver unto me when I came once to ripe age and to be 14 yeres old charging her most streightly of all loves to conceale the whole matter until that time were come when I was grown to that age aforesaid then the book was given mee wherin mention was made of two chists of treasure left for mee by my father Then the woman who knew full well that I was no child of hers but onely so reputed bewraied my birth unto me who was aforetime ignorant of mine own descent also the woman laid great wait upon me to depart out of those quarters before that Eumenes a professed enemie to Perseus came to the knowledge thereof for feare to bee murdered In which respect I being affrighted and hoping withall to find some aid at the hands of Demetrius went into Syria and there first I tooke heart unto mee and dared openly to professe who I was and never before Thus much of Andriscus this counterfet kings sonne Of the L. booke THessalie at what time as the foresaid counterset Philip would have invaded and kept it by force of arms was by the means of the Roman embassadors together with the aid of the Achaeans defended Prusias king of Bithynia a favourer of the basest persons and lewdest vices was by his owne sonne Nicomedes murdered with the helpe of Attalus King of Pergamus Another son he had who in stead of the upper row and course of distinct teeth is reported to have had one entier bone for all growing out at his gumbs When the Romans had sent their embassadours to conclude a peace betweene Nicomedes and Prusias of which embassadours the one had his head full of many skarres the other was troubled with the gout in the feet and the third reputed but blockish of spirit by nature and none of the wisest Cato said That there was an embassage head-lesse footlesse and hart-lesse In Syria which at that time had for their king one indeed of the line race of Perseus K. of Macedonie but another Prusias up and downe for cowardise idlenes and base mind it so fell out that whiles he haunted taverns stewes and brothelhouses and lay there altogether Ammonius swaid the scepter and raigned as King by whose practise the kings friends also Loodice the Queene and Antigonus the sonne of Demetrius came to their end and were killed Masanissa king of Numidia a man above foureskore and ten yeeres old a famous prince and every way excellent yeelded to nature and died Among other youthfull parts which hee performed to his dying day this one That in this old age of his he was so lustie that after the foureskore and sixth yeere of his life he got a boy Among his three sonnes Mycipsa the eldest Gulussa and Manastabal who also had good knowledge in the Greeke tongue Publius Scipio Aemylianus divided the administration of the kingdome for their father had left it in common for them all and had given order to part it at the discretion of the same Scipio Likewise he persuaded Phamias the commaunder under Himilco of the Carthaginian Cavallerie a valiant warrior and whom the Carthaginians emploied most of all others in service to revolt with his men of armes and to turne Romane Of those three embassadors abovesaid who were sent to Masanissa Claudius Marcellus was cast away in a tempest upon the sea and swallowed up of the waves in a ghust The Carthaginians murdered in their Counsel-Chamber Asdruball nephew of Masanissa and their Pretour for the time being upon suspition of treason This iealousie of theirs arose hereupon for that hee was neere in kindred and bloud to Gulussa who friended and succoured the Romanes Publius Scipio Aemylianus when hee sued to be Aedile was by the people propounded and nominated for Consull and when as by law he might not for his young yeres be created Consull hard hold there was about him whiles the commons laboured with might and maine for him and the nobles and lords of the Senate gainesaid it a good while but in fine he was dispensed with notwithstanding the law in that behalfe created Consul Marcus Manilius Pro-consull forced certaine citties situate about Carthage Counterfet Philip after he had slaine M. Inventius the Pretor and Q. Caelius together with them defeated the armie was in Macedonie vanquished himselfe and taken prisoner and so Macedonie was recovered againe which had bene lost before Of the LI. booke CArthage which tooke up in circuite the compasse of foure and twentie miles was with exceeding paine and travaile besieged and woon by peece-meale first under the conduct of Mancinus the lieutenant afterwards of Scipio the Consull unto whom without lot the province of Africke was extraordinarily graunted The Carthaginians having made a new peere for that the old haven was choked and stopped up by Scipio and gathered secretly in a small time a good fleet fought a battaile at sea unfortunately Moreover the campe of Asdruball their Generall pitched in a place of most difficult accesse neere the towne Nepheris was forced and his armie defeated by Scipio who also in the end was the very cittie of Carthage in the seven hundred yere after it was first founded The greatest part of the spoile and pillage there found was restored to the Sicilians from whome it had been taken In the utmost extremitie and finall destruction of that citie when Asdruball had yeelded and submitted to Scipio his wife who some daies before could not obtain at her husbands hands to abandon the towne and flie to the conquerour cast her selfe with her two children headlong from the castle into the mids of the flaming fire wherewith the citie burned Scipio following the example of his father Aemylius Paulus who had conquered Macedonie set forth certaine solemn and plaies and pastimes wherein the renegates and fugitives he presented and obiected to savage beasts The causes of the Athaean warre bee heere reported The Romane embassadours who had bene beaten and ill intreated by the Achaeans were sent unto Corinth to sever and disioine those citties which had bene under the seignorie of Philip from the generall diet and parliament of the Achaeans Of the LII booke QVintus Caecilius Metellus fought a battaile at Thermopylae with the Achaeans that had to aid them the Boeotians and Chalcidians who being overcome Critolaus their chiefe captain shortned his owne life by poison and in his place Drachus the first authour of the troubles in Achaea was by the Achaeans chosen Generall of the field and by L. Mummius the Consull vanquished neere to Isthmus who having received all Achaea by surrender rased and destroied utterly Corinth by an Act and commission directed out of the Senate because the Romane embassadours were there abused Thebes also and Chalcis which had aided the Achaeans were overthrown and pulled downe Mummius for his owne part bare
their king That hee reigned three and fortie yeers all accord save Eutropius Eusebius and Cassiodorus late writers who set downe but one and fortie as Onuphrius and Sigonius have observed Of this king Dionysius in the second booke Livie in his first Solinus in his second chapter Plutarch Plinie and Eutropius in his life in like sort Valerius Maximus have delivered much in record Hee died not much above the age of eightie yeeres as Plutarch writeth for born he was as he testifieth the same day whereon Romulus laid the first foundation of the citie namely the twelfth Calends of May. Now for the name of Numa some say it was the fore-name of Pompilius But out of Sextus Pompeius it appeareth that neither Tullius nor Numa were fore-names as also by this conjecture for that the sonnes of Numa are by Dionysius called by other sundry names diverse from the familie Some thought therefore that Numa Ancus Aruns Volusus Drufus Faustus Iulus Mammurius certain other surnames were at first forenames as Marlianus in his Annales hath verie well noted 32 Tullus Hostilius the third king of Rome reigned 32 yeeres NVma being deceased the Interregencie tooke place again during which time an act of Senat passed wherein by the approbation of the Commons and advise of the nobles Tullus Hostilius was created the third king of the Romans in the fourescore and one yeere after the foundation of the cittie Who having rased Alba commaunded the Albans to be translated to Rome Their Commons hee made free denizens and the principal nobles he tooke into the order of Senators After Numa he reigned 32 yeeres as all writers most constantly affirm He perished as Dionysius witnesseth by occasion that his house was on fire wherein his wife children all their houshold besides were consumed and burnt Some say that his pallace tooke fire by lightening through the ire of the gods for that hee had forlet some sacrifices and holy rites others write that it was occasioned by the trecherous practise of Ancus Martius who reigned next after him Of him Dionysius writeth in his 3 book That hee carried before him the name of Hostus it appeareth by this that both his father and grandfire bare the said name A prince hee was not onely farre unlike to Numa but also more fierce and stout than Romulus 24 Ancus Martius the fourth K. of Romanes reigned 24 yeeres KIng Tullius beeing departed this life there was an Interregent by the Nobles declared who held the assembly for Election in the 114 yeere from the foundation of the city wherein the people created Ancus Martius the fourth K. of the Romanes and the Senators approved the same He built Hostia a town 16 miles distant from the citie of Rome and fought seven battels Livius Dionysius and Solinus say that he reigned 24 yeeres but Eusebius Eutropius and Cassiodorus 23. What death hee died neither Livie in his first book nor Dionysius in his 3 do set down notwithstanding that by them his noble acts are set out at large Now Ancus as Sex Pompeius hath reported is hee called who harh an arme bowing inward so as it cannot be put straight forth 38 L. Tarquinius Priscus the fifth K. of Romans reigned 38 yeeres THis Tarquinius beeing left by Ancus when he died guardian to his children was the first that ambitiously intercepted the kingdome to himselfe hee sent the sonnes of Ancus during the time of Interregencie out of the way as it were to hunting and made an oration unto the people to win their harts affections to him so with the suffrages of the people and authoritie of the nobles he was by the Interegent declared K. in the 170 yeere after the foundation of Rome and in the 41 Olympias This noble prince as wel for warlike prowesse as peaceable pollicie and government at the length being above fourscore yeere old was forelaid by the secret traines of the two sonnes of Ancus Martius in the eight and thirtie yeere of his raigne according to Livie Dionysius whose judgement we follow or in the 37 as Solinus Messala Ruffus Eutropius Cassiodorus Eusebius and Bedas write like as wee have before shewed Priscus hee was surnamed afterwards because hee lived before Tarquinius Superbus saith Sex Pompeius unto whom accord Dionysius and Laurentius Valla who writeth that the addition of Priscus was given unto him not by men of that time wherein hee lived but by the age following But Livie sheweth plainely that he had the surname of Priscus given him even then when he came first into the citie because he was borne before Superbus Hee also was called Lucumo and was the sonne of Demaratus the Corinthian descended from the familie of the Brachiades 44 Servius Tullius the sixt K. of the Romans reigned foure and fortie yeeres AFter Priscus Tarquinius was slain presently Servius Tullius was the first that without any election of the people yet with the general consent of the Nobles tooke upon him the Romane kingdom in the yeere from the foundation of the citie 176. Concerning whose conception wee must not let passe that which Plinie writeth in the 36 booke after this manner During the reigne of Tarquinius Priscus there appeared sodainly the genital member of the masculine sex upon the herth where the fire was kept and thereupon presently a captive woman bond-servant of Tanaquil the queen named Ocrisia sitting there by the fire side conceived was with child and so was Servius Tullius borne who succeeded in the kingdome Afterwards as the boy lay asleep within the kings pallace his head was seene on a light fire and supposed he was the son of the familiar Lar of that house In which regard he instituted first the Compitalia and plaies to the Lares Concerning his birth Plutarch hath written more in his booke of the Romans fortune By the crastie and subtill devise of his wives mother Tanaquil he attained to the crowne in the fourth yeere of the fifth Olympias and reigned 44 yeeres but by the vilanous complot of Tarquinius his sonne in law and Tullia his owne daughter and Tarquins wife hee was most impiously slaine in the verie street which thereupon was called Sceleratus As touching the yeeres of this kings reigne some controversie there is among writers for Livie Dionysius and Solinus whom wee have followed write that hee reigned 44 yeeres but Messala Corvinus Sex Ruffus Eutropius Eusebius Cassiodorus and Bedas 34 and not above Howbeit in adding those ten to the reigne of Tarquine afterwards they hinder not this grosse summe and computation of the yeeres for they set them downe 35 which Livie Dionysius and Solinus make but 25. This K. tooke the name of Servius by occasion of his owne fortune for that his mother Ocrisia a captive but a most beautifull and wise woman of Corniculum bare him during her bondage but Tullius hee was called by the name of his fathers kindred as Dionysius writeth in his fourth booke reckoning up many acts by
him atchieved 25 L. Tarquinius Superbus the seventh K. of Romans ruled 25 yeeres IN the two hundred and twentieth yeare after the foundation of the citie L. Tarquinius the younger having killed Servius Tullius entered upon the Romane kingdome with force of armes not by Interregent ne yet any right of law Superbus hee was named for his cruell demeanour in that hee forbad to commit to earth the dead corps of his father in law by him murdered giving out that Romulus likewise died and lay unburied Hee was the sonne of L. Tarquinius Priscus the king as Q. Pictor Au. Gellius Licinius Macer Verrius Flaccus and Livius have written Howbeit Dionysius out of L. Piso in his Annales by most strong reasons disproveth their errour and by the certaine computation of the yeeres sheweth how it cannot possibly be so but rather that hee was the sonne of Tarquinius Priscus his sonne who died in the life of Priscus Five twentie yeeres he reigned according to Livie in his first book Dionysius in his fourth and Solinus in his Polyhistor But Cassiodorus Eusebius Eutropius and Bedas ascribe unto him five and thirtie yeeres adding unto his raigne those ten yeares which they tooke from Servius Tullius and thereby giving occasion of errour to the later writers Of him Dionysius Livie both the Plinies Gellius Macrobius and Eutropius have written much Collect then into one summe the yeares of these kings raigne and thereof will arise the number of two hundred fortie foure Of the first election of Consuls THis is the second chaunge of the common-weale by occasion that Superbus the K. as well for his insolent and proud government as for the villanie offered by Sextus the kings sonne to Lucretia was expelled and libertie recovered wherupon the soveraigne government yeer by yeere was committed to two men who first were named Pretours for that they were set over the people then Iudges because they decided their controversies and lastly Consuls in that they advised and provided for the good of the common-weale as Cicero in the third book of Lawes declareth in these words Let there be two invested in roiall government and of ruling judging and counsell giving be they called Pretours Iudges and Consuls let them have also the soveraigntie of commaund in warre Now the first Consuls or Pretors were created by Sp. Lucretius father of Lucretia and Interregent for the time in a generall assembly by the voices of the Centuries according to the commentaries of Servius Tullius the king The first Consull had all the rights prerogatives and regall ensignes of the KK this onely provided that both of them should not have the rods and axes carried before them for feare of presenting any terror to the people Both of them were chosen out of the Patritij which for this intent I advertise the Reader of that the progresse of the common-weale might be knowne seeing that in processe of time they came to be created out of the commons also Moreover as concerning the yeere moneth and day when as the first Consuls entred their government something were to be said in this place but because we have spoken before of the varietie and dissention of Authors thereabout therefore letting passe these circumstances proceed wee to the very Consuls who by the testimonie of all writers were first chosen namely 245 L. Iunius Brutus and L. Tarquinius Collatinus IT is recorded by all writers that L. Iunius Brutus L. Tarq. Collatinus were the first Coss. or Pretors of the Rom. people who in the end of the 244 yeer since the foundation of the citie and upon the first day of March after the Tarquins KK the father the son wer expelled the citie in an assembly of the Centuries were solemnly pronounced and declared Coss. But after that Brutus had compelled his colleague Tarquinius to resign up his Consulship either because hee was suspected for the affinitie and name of the Tarquins as L. Piso in Gellius the 15 book and 29 cap. Livie Plutarch Cic. 3. Offic. doe write or by occasion of a variance between Brutus and Collatinus about the execution of Collatinus his sisters sonne as Dionysius reporteth hee subelected in his place Pub. Valerius Volusius the sonne of Volusus whose helping hand hee had used especially in banishing the KK Of whose Consulship Polybius in the third booke Dionysius Livie Valerius Max. 4 booke 4 chap. Plutarch in Poplicola and Plinie 36 booke chap. 15 have made mention But Valerius after that Brutus in his magistracie was slaine by Aruns the sonne of Superbus for the king his father had levied warre against the Romans in a generall court of all the Centuries tooke unto him for his companion in government Sp. Lucretius Tricipitinus the father of Lucretia and to him being the elder submitted the preheminence of soveraigntie And soone after within few daies upon his death for hee was very aged hee assumed unto him M. Horatius Pulvillus for his colleague in the Consulship The said Valerius was called Poplicola for that during his magistracie he enacted certaine lawes very popular and namely concerning the appeale from the Consuls to the people and the receiving of the state-government from the said people as Livius and Dionysius do witnes In the vulgar bookes as also in the old written copies whether by error or of purpose I wote not wee read his name evermore Publicola but still in one and the same signification Only the letters are a little altered which otherwise have much affinitie one with another as Quintilian writeth namely o with u and p with b. For in antique titles and inscriptions you shall read often Poplicus for Publicus To conclude therefore in the first yeere after the KK were exiled Coss. at Rome were these L. Iunius Brutus and Lu. Tarq. Collatinus P. Valerius Publicola Sp. Lucretius Tricipitinus M. Horatius Pulvillus 246 P. Valerius II. T. Lucretius THe Consulship of these two is recorded unto us by Dionysius Livius and Cassiodorus Onuphrius Panvinius giveth unto Lucretius the surname of Tricipitinus both for that it was a peculiar addition to that house also because by an ancient Chronologer in the records of Cuspinian he is named Tricipitinus Now for Publius the Etymologie therof according to Sextus is twofold For some call him Pub. who hath ben brought up at the publicke charges others again name him so who was a ward before hee had his name given him 247 P. Lucretius P. Valerius Poplicola LIvius calleth this Lucretius by the for-name of P. but other books of Titus Dionysius writeth that P. Valerius Poplicola the third time and M. Horatius the second time were Coss. Plutarch speaketh of the third Consulship only of P. Valerius Onuphrius and Sigonius follow Dionysius As for Cassiodorus hee leaveth out altogether these Consuls 248 Sp. Lartius T. Herminius AFter Poplicola the third time and Pulvillus the second time Consuls Dionysius hath placed Sp. Lartius T. Herminius The same dooth Cassiodorus And the booke noted by Cuspinian
both sides all that they could most like in all the world to a ciuile warre betweene fathers and sonnes proceeding both from the Trojane race considering that by Trojanes Lavinium was founded from Lavinium came the people of Alba and from the Albane kings were the Romanes in right line descended But the finall 〈◊〉 and end of this warre made the warre it selfe lesse wofull and lamentable both because they came not to a set field and also for that by rasing the houses onely of the one cittie two nations were intermingled and united in one The Albanes first with a mightie power entered the territorie of Rome and encamped themselves not past five miles from the cittie where they strongly entrenched themselves which place of the Captaines name was called Fossae Ciuiliae many yeares after vntill both it and the name with all in processe of time decaied cleane and came to nothing In this campe the Albane king Cluilius ended his daies in whose stead the Albane armie created Metius Sussetius their Dictator Tullus in the meane time became hautie and prowd especially upon the death of the king eftsoons giving out and saying that the mightie power of the gods having thus begun at the verie head would likewise take vengeance on the whole bodie of that Albane nation for this their vnjust and godlesse warre and one night above the rest passed secretly by the campe of his enemies and in warlike manner invaded the Albane land This newes raised Metius out of his standing campe Who led forth his armie and marched on as neere to his enemies as hee could dispatching aforehand an herault unto Tullus to notifie unto him thus much from him that it was needfull and expedient before they joined battell to parle and commune together If he would vouchsafe to conferre he knew very well that he should alleadge and say forth such matters as might concerne the weale of the Romanes as well as of the Albanes Tullus refused not the offer albeit they were but vain toies that were pretended and therefore set his men in battell aray The Albanes semblably come forth against him After they were thus ranged and embattelled readie to fight the generals on both sides accompanied with a few of their principal Nobles advance betweene both armies Then began the Albane Dictator in this wise Mee thinkes quoth hee I heare alreadie of injurie and wrongs done and how such goods as were demanded are not restored againe according to the form of the league as also that Cluilius our king was cause of this war◠neither doubt I O Tullus but even you pretend and are about to alledge as much But if wee would as wee ought to doe stand upon the truth of things rather than upon I wot not what gloses and goodly shewes of words it is ambition and desire of rule onely and nothing else that spurreth on two nations of one bloud and neere neighbours to take armes and war one with another justly or unjustly I am not able to say Let him on Gods name that first began the quarrell in conscience see to that As for me the Albanes indeed have made me their generall But this one point Tullus I would have you to remember and consider How strong about us and you especially the Tuscanes are you know better the neerer yee are unto them mightie they are by land much more by sea Then wot well this that when you shall cause the trumpet to sound unto battell these two armies will bee to them a faire marke and spectacle to behold that they may give an assault to both at once as well the victors as them that are vanquished whilest they are wearied and toiled out of heart For the love of God therfore if there be any sparke of grace in us since we not contented with that libertie which we surely enjoy will needs venture put in doubtful hazard which of us shall rule and command and who shall serve and obey the other let us take some good course whereby it may bee decided without great losse or bloods head on both sides whether shall be lord and soveraigne The motion Tullus misliked not albeit both for disposition of nature and hope of victorie hee were the haughtier of the twaine And as they sought on both parts what way to take this meanes at length they sound where unto fortune it selfe presented fit matter and occasion For by good hap even then in either host three brethren twins there were borne at one birth and those neither in age nor strength unlike Their names were Curiatij and Horatij that is very certaine neither is there any thing of ancient record more famous and notable Yet as cleere in substance as it is there remaineth still some doubt and error in their names of whether people the Curiatij and the Horatij were Writers there bee on both sides but the greater number say as I find that Horatij were the Romanes to whom I rather encline and my mind giveth mee to follow them With these three brethren the kings went in hand persuading them to fight for the honour of their countrey and trie the quarrell by dint of sword shewing them that on whether side the victorie fell there should remaine the soveraigne dominion Nothing refused they to doe the time and place both were agreed upon and appointed But before the combate it was covenanted betweene the Romanes and the Albans and these conditions drawne That whose champions in fight should have the better that nation should peaceably command the other There are of covenants many and sundrie Capitulations farre different in matter but they run all after one manner and forme As for this it was made as wee have heard in this wise neither is there extant a more auncient record of any composition whatsoever The Herald called Fecialis demandeth of king Tulius in this wise Is it your will and commandement my lord that I make a covenant and accord with the Paterpatrate of the Albane people It is quoth the king Then quoth he I demand of you sacred hearbs The king answered againe Take them pure and cleane The Facial then reached from the castle hill pure hearbs from among the grasse which done he thus asked the king Do you my lord ordain meet the messenger roiall of the commons of the people of Rome and allow necessary implements all furniture for my selfe and my retinue and traine The king answered I doe so far forth as may bee without the harme or detriment of my selfe and of the citizens of the people of Rome The Fecial or herald for that time was Marcus Valerius who created Paterpatrate or king at armes Sp. Fusius by touching his head and haire with vervaine Now the Paterpatrate is for to confirme the agreement with an oath and so he read out the covenant and oath and that with manie words which to rehearse as they were in a long prescript forme pronounced were verie needlesse After this having
Whereat the king was wroth and inscorne and derision of his art as they say Come on Sir Soothsayer quoth he areed and tell me by the flight of your birds whether that may possiblie be done which I now conceive in my mind To which demand Navius who had first made proofe thereof by his learning answered resolutely that it might in very deed bee effected Why then qouth hee I have imagined in my conceit that thou shalt cut a wherstone asunder with a rasor Heretake them to thee and dispatch that which thy fowles foreshew may bee done then as the report goeth without more adoe he cut the wherstone quite a two And in that verie place where this seat was done the Statue or image of Accius was erected with his head covered even in the Comitium at the staires thereof on the left hand of the Curia or counsell house It is reported that the whetstone also was set up in the same place for a memoriall to all posteritie following of that miracle Certes both Auguries and the priesthood and colledge of Augures from that time forward was so highly honoured and had in such reverence that never after was there ought done either in warre abroad or in peace at home but by their counsell and advise Assemblies of people summoned were dismissed armies levied and readie to take the field were discharged yea and the greatest affaires of State were given over and laid aside when the birds allowed not thereof Neither did Tarquine for that time alter the centuries of the horsemen anie whit onely hee redoubled the number so that in three centuries or cornets there were 1300 horse and those later sort who were added to the others bare the names of the former which at this day because they be double are called the sixe centuries Tarquine thus having encreased that part of his power bad the Sabines battell the second time And over and besides that the Romanes armie was in strength well amended he devised also privily a subtile Stratageme and sent certain men to set on fire a mightie stacke of wood lying upon the bancke of Anio and so to cast it into the river the wood burning still by the helpe of the wind and most of it being driven against the piles of the bridge and ther sticking close together with the boats and plancks fired and consumed it cleane This accident both terrified the Sabines in their fight and when they were discomfited troubled them much and hindered their flight so that manie a man having escaped the enemie yet perished in the verie river Whose armour and weapons floting downe the Tyber were knowne at Rome and brought newes thither of this victorie in manner before word could be brought thereof by land In this conflict the horsemen won greatest price and praise For being placed at the skirts of both the wings at what time as the maine battell of their owne footmen were now at the point to recule they charged so forciblie upon the enemie as it is reported from the flanckes where they were marshalled that they not onely staied the Sabine legions pressing hard and fiercely upon those that began to shrinke and give backe but all at once put them to fight The Sabines ran amaine towards the mountaines but few gat thither for the greater number as we said before were by the horsemen driven into the river Tarquinius thinking it good to take the time and follow hard upon them whiles they were frighted after he had sent to Rome the bootie with the prisoners and burned on a great heape together as hee had vowed to Vulcane the spoiles of the enemies marched on still forward and lead his armie into the territorie of the Sabines who albeit they had alreadie sustained an overthrow could not hope for better successe yet because they had no time to consult and advise with themselves with such a power as might on a suddaine in that stirre bee raised met with him Where they once againe were defeated and vanquished and in the end being in dispaire to make their part good they sued for peace Then was Collatia and all the lands about it taken from the Sabines Egerius the kings brothers sonne was left with a garrison at Collatia to keepe that place And as I find upon record the Collatines were yeelded into his hands and the manner of their surrender went in this order First the king demanded thus and said Are yee Embassadors or deputed assignes sent from the people of Collatia to make surrender both of your selves and the Collatines We are quoth they And are the people of Collatia in their owne power and at libertie to doe what they will They are say they Do yee also render up your selves the people of Collatia their town their territorie and lands their waters their limits their temples their houshold stuffe and implements and all things els as well sacred as prophane unto my power and the peoples of Rome We doe yeeld say they Then quoth he doe I accept thereof and receive all into my hands The Sabine warre thus finished Tarquinius returned to Rome in triumph After this he warred upon the old Latines but they never proceeded so farre on any side as to join issue in a generall battell and one set field for all But bringing his power first to one towne and after to another he made a conquest of the whole nation of the Latines So as these townes Corniculum old Ficulnea Cameria Crustumerium Ameriola Medullia Nomentum were recovered from the old Latines or from those that had revolted unto them After all this ensued peace Then was he more earnestly bent to goe forward with his workes begun in time of peace than he was before busied in managing of his warres insomuch as he gave the people no more repose at home than he had in warres abroad For besides that the prepared to compasse the cittie which as yet he had not fortified round about with a stone wall the beginning of which peece of worke was by the Sabine warre interrupted and broken off he divised also certaine draughts or vaulted sinckes from aloft into the Tyber whereby he drained and kept drie the base cittie or lowest grounds about the marketplace and the other vallies betweene hill and hill for that out of the plains and flats they might not easily make riddance and conueiance away of the water Moreover he levelled a large court or plot of ground readie for the foundation of the temple of Iupiter in the Capitoll which he had vowed in the Sabine war his mind even then giving him that one day it should be a stately place At the same time there happened in the court a wonderfull strange thing both in present view and also in consequence For as the report went a young lad whose name was Servius Tullius as he lay asleepe in the sight of manie persons had his head all on a light fire And upon an outcrie raised at the wondering of so
and the whole cittie wonderfull well Servius albeit he were now without all question by so long continuance fully and really invested in the kingdome yet because he heard say that young Tarquinius otherwhile gave out speeches of him that he raigned without the nomination and election of the people therfore after he had first wan the hearts of the commons by dividing among them everyone certaine lands gotten by conquest from the enemies he adventured to propound unto the people put it to their suffrages and voices Whether their will and pleasure was that he should raigne over them Thus was he declared king with as great consent as never any before with the like But Tarquinius for all this had never the lesse hope to aspire and attaine unto the crowne nay rather so much the more because he understood the said division of the lands among the commons was a thing concluded passed against the wil mind of the Senators Taking therfore occasion therby to accuse blame Servius before them he supposed he had good means offered to wind himself into favor with the lords of the Senat so to become strong in the counsel house Over and besides he was both himself a young man of great courage hot stomack his wife likewise at home dame Tullia lay ever upon him pricked forward his distempered troubled mind for you must thinke that the roiall court of Rome also hath brought forth and afforded one example of a tragicall and horrible act that by a wearines and lothing conceived against the kings government liberty and freedome might the sooner ensue and that raigne bee the last which was by mischeefe gotten first This L. Tarquinius whether he were the sonne or nephew of Priscus Tarquinius it is not very cleare howbeit I would rather thinke with most writers that he was his sonne A brother he had Aruns Tarquinius a young gentleman of a mild nature These two as is aforesaid had married the two Tulliae the kings daughters and they also themselves were in conditions farre unlike And happily it so fell out that two froward and violent natures were not coupled together in wedlock such was the good fortune I beleeve of the Romane people that thereby the raigne of Servins might continue the longer and the cittie brought and setled in good order The younger Tullia a stout dame and a prowd greeved and vexed much that her husband had nothing in him no mettall or matter at all either to cover and desire or to enterprise and adventure her mind was fully set upon the other Tarquine him she esteemed highly and had in admiration him she said to be a man indeed and descended of roiall bloud As for her sister she despised and checked her for that she having a forward and valorous knight to her husband sat still and seconded him not in audacitie and boldnesse as a woman should doe Well in short time likenesse and disposition soone brought them together and as it is commonly seene Naught will to naught and sort best together But the mischeefe and trouble that brought all up side downe arose from the woman For she using to have secret conference with her sisters husband never ceased to speake badlie and to raile of her own husband unto his brother and of her sister unto her husband Affirming in good earnest it were better both for her selfe to be a widdow and for him to live single and without a wife than so to be mismatched as they were and through the craven cowardise of others to languish and come to nothing As for her selfe if the gods had given her an husband according to her owne qualitie and worthinesse she doubted not to see and that very shortly the crowne in her own house that now she seeth in her fathers In this manner possesseth she quickly the humorous young man and filled his head with her owne rashnesse and follies Now when Aruns Tarquinius and the elder Tullia who died just in a manner both at one time had well rid their owne houses and made way and ouverture for a new marriage it was not long but they were married with Servius his leave and connivencie rather than his good liking But then every day more than other began Tullius to be a continual more in their eies his old age hatefull and his raign more odious for now the woman minded nothing but one mischeese upon another and would not suffer her husband to be at rest night nor day least peradventure the former murders done and past should serve to no purpose and misle the effect of their designements And thus she brake out and said That she wanted not before one that carried the name of an husband with whom she served kept her selfe quiet and said nothing But she had a want of one that thought himselfe worthie of a kingdome that remembred he was the sonne of Tarquinius Priscus that loved better to be seised of a crowne and scepter indeed than hope for a kingdome and here thereof But sir quoth she if you be the man to whom I take my selfe wedded then I cal you both husband and king if not then is our case changed for the worse in that cowardlinesse is accompanied now with wickednesse Why resolve you not why arme you not your selfe and go about this businesse you need not go so far as to Corinth or Tarquinij for to seeke and compasse forraine kingdomes as your father did The gods of your owne house and native country the Image and example of your father the kings pallace and therein theroiall seat and throne of estate yea the very name of Tarquine createth nameth and saluteth you king But and if your heart will not serve you to these desseignes why beare you the world in hand and deceive them why take you so upon you as you doe to shew your selfe as a kings sonne Get you hence to Corinth againe away to Tarquinij turne backeward to your former stocke and condition more like to your brother than to your father With these and such like motives by way of reproofe she checketh the young man set him on and pricked him forwards and she her selfe for her part could be at no repose for thinking that Tanaquil an alien and stranger borne could contrive in her head and effect so great matter as to make two kings together one after other namely her husband first and afterward her son in law and she her owne selfe a kings daughter could beare no stroke either in giving or taking away a kingdome Tarquinius kindled with these furies and temptations of a woman went about laboured and made court to the Nobles especially those that were Minorum gentium estsoones putting them in mind of the pleasures and favours that his father had done them and requiring now of dutie the like good turne at their hands The young men the flower and manhood in generall of the cittie he wrought and won to himselfe with
of the wound of Lucretia and holding it out afore him all embrewed and dropping with bloud Now I swear quoth he by this bloud by this most chast and pure bloud before the vilanie wrought by the kings sonne and here before the gods I protest whom I cal to witnesse that I wil by fire and sword and with all my might and maine persecute and drive the country of L. Tarquinius the prowd and his ingracious wife and the whole brood of his children and suffer neither him nor any els for his fake to raigne as king at Rome Then gave he the knife to Collatinus and so to Lucretius and Valerius who greatly amased at this so strange occurrent and wondering how it came to passe that Brutus should of a suddaine be so changed and become so stout of stomacke and courageous tooke the same forme of oath that he sware afore and so leaving their wailing and lamentation and wholly set upon anger and revenge they followed Brutus as their captaine and leader to put downe and overthrow the government of kings and utterly to root our their race The dead corpes of Lucretia was had out of dores brought into the market place and there shewed And thither what with wondring as the manner is at so strange a sight and what with the indignation of so unworthie a fact they raised much people together Everie man for his part was readie ynough to complaine of the wickednesse and violence done by the kings bloud The sorrow of Lucretius the father on the one side the resolution of Brutus on the other side who rebuked and blamed all vaine weeping and foolish moning mooved and persuaded all that were present that like men of valour like true hearted Romanes they would take armes against them that demeaned themselves no better nay worse than ordinarie enemies And presently the bravest and tallest yong men shewed themselves forward readie in armour and voluntarie The rest of the youths followed streight after And having left at Collatia the one halfe of their forces in garrison toward the gates and set certaine watches that no man brought tidings or newes unto the king and his sons of this rising and commotion all the other were appointed in warlike maner followed their leader Brutus from thence directly to Rome At the suddaine comming thither of this armed multitude no marvell if all the way where as they passed and marched there arose a feare and trouble among the people But when they perceived the most substantiall and principall cittizens in the forefront they judged whatsoever the matter meant it was not for naught And verily this hainous fact disquieted the minds of men no lesse at Rome than it had before at Collatia Therefore from all parts of the citie there was flocking and running into the market place And being thither come the Bedell or common Crier summoned the people to appeare before the tribune of the Celeres or Captaine of the guard which office haply Brutus bare at that time Where he made an oration not proceeding from that spirit nor resembling that qualitie of nature which unto that day he had pretended and made shew of unto the world for he inveyed against the violence and filthie lust of Sextus Tarquinius the shamefull vilanie and not to be named done upon the bodie of Lucretia he discoursed of her lamentable end and piteous death and the desolate case of Tricipitinus berest now of all his children who accounted the occasion of his daughters death a greater indignitie and more pitifull than her verie death Moreover he laid abroad the pride of the king himselfe the miseries the infinite toyle and pains of the commons buried as it were under the ground with cleansing and casting of ditches voiding and ferming of the sinkes Saying that the men of Rome which were the conquerers of all nations about them were now of warriers become quarriers hewers of stone and day labourers He reckoned vp also and put them in mind of the unworthie death and cruell murder of Servius Tullius and how his daughter oh abhominable act rode over the corps of her father in her cursed chariot And herewith he calleth on the gods that are revengers of outrages and wrongs done to parents Thus rehearsing these and other matters much more grievous and horrible I verily belleeue according as the present indignitie at the verie time doth minister and giue utterance for not so easie penned and set downe by writers that come after he so mightily inflamen the multitude that he caused them to depose the king to deprive him of his royall state and dignitie yea and to decree and enact that L. Tarquinius with his wife and children should be banished for ever Himselfe hauing selected armed the yonger gallants who offered their service and willingly entered their names set forward in person to the campe lying before Ardea for to excite the armie there against the king leauing the government of the Citie unto Lucretius who had before bene appointed deputie and lieutenant there by the king In this time of garboile Tullia left the pallace and fled and all the way as she went both men and women cursed and cried out upon her and be sought the ghostly spirits and furies of parents to be avenged When newes here of was brought into the camp and that the king upon these strange tidings made hast towards Rome to stay and suppresse these broyles Brutus hauing intelligence of his comming turned another way because the would not meete with him And so at one instance in a manner by contrarie journies came Brutus to Ardea and Tarquinius to Rome But the gates were shut against Tarquinius and in steed of entrance warned he was commanded into exile The whole campe receiued with joy Brutus the redeemer of their Citie From thence also were the kings sonnes driven two of them followed after their father and departed into banishment unto Caere a towne of the Tuskanes as for Sextus Tarquinius he retired himselfe to Gabes as it were into his owne kingdome where he was murdered in revenge of old quarrels upon mallice and hatred of the people which he had brought upon himselfe in times past L. Tarquinius Superbus raigned 25 yeares Thus continued the kings regiment at Rome from the foundation of the Citie unto the freedome and redemption the thereof 244 yeares Then in a solemne assemblie and election by the Centuries held by the Provost of the citie according to the ordinance of Servius Tullius in his commentaries two Consuls were created L. Iunius Brutus and L. Tarquinius Collatinus THE SECOND BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the second Booke BRutus tooke an oath of the people that they should not suffer any to vaigne king at Rome Hee compelled his fellow Consul Tarquinius Collatinus a suspected man to take part with the Tarquines by reason of the affinitie
and ornaments of supreme dignitie This only provided that they should not both have the rods borne before them for avoiding a twofold feare and dread of their majestie Brutus with the good liking and consent of his companion in office had the preheminence and prerogative of that honour to be done unto him alone who had not been aforetime a greater instrument and more forward to procure and recover the libertie than he was afterward a sure maintainer and protector of the same And first above all other things whilest the people were yet greedie of this new freedome for feare least they might any time after he won by entreatie or moved by gifts on the kings part he caused them to swear that they would never suffer any to be king at Rome After this because the Senat might be of more power and greater reputation by the frequent company of that degree and order he encreased their number which had ben impaired much by massacres committed by the late king to the full complement of three hundred by chusing the cheese and principall of the degree of knights of horsemen And hereof came as they say this custome to admit into the Senate both them that were before time of the ancient Nobilitie and also those that were newly chosen for the supplie naming these that were last enrolled the new Senat. And a wonder it was to see how much good this did to the concord of the cittie and to the knitting of the hearts of Nobles and Commons together This done they went in hand with religion and church matters and for that there were certain publick sacrifices that had been usually executed by the kings themselves in their owne persons least therefore they should not find the misse of kings in any respect nor long after them again they create of purpose a king-priest of sacrificer which sacerdotall dignitie they ordained to be under the Arch-prelate least that this new addition title of honor might prejudice their freedome any jot whereunto they had then a special regard above all other things And I wot not well but I thinke verily they went beyond all measure and were over precise in the maintainance and strengthening thereof every way even in the smallest trifles and toies of no moment For when as nothing els was offensive unto them the name forsooth of one of their Consuls became suspected and odius unto the cittie without any other scandale whatsoever And thus they muttered and said that the Tarquinij had raigned overlong and too much alreadie that Priscus first began and when after him succeeded king Servius Tullius Superbus Tarquinius not having in that time and space betweene forgot the kingdome as seeing another invested therin by wicked practice and violence claimed and recouered the same againe as the inheritance properly to his house belonging And now that Superbus is driven out and gone the rule and gouernement is devolved unto Collatinus and there resteth These Tarquines belike say they cannot skill how to liue as private men giving out among that the verie name was dangerous to a free state and in one word they could not endure it These and such like speeched at first were whispered abroad throughout all the citie by them that underhand sounded by little little the harts and dispositions of men and when these surmises suspitions were once buzzed into the commons heads and they thereby disquieted Brutus called them to a generall assemblie Where first and formost he reciteth the oth of the people That they should suffer none to be king not oughtels in Rome from whence might arise any danger to their libertie This moth is the thing quoth hee that with all diligence and by all meanes possible is to be maintained and nothing therto appertaining is to be dispised and lightly regarded As for me I am unwilling to speake in respect of the person neither would I speak at all but that the love affection to the C. W. doth overrule me The people of Rome is not throughly persuaded that they have recovered their entire and perfect libertie For as yet the kings blood yea and the kings name not onely remaineth still but also beareth soveraigne rule in then citie This is it that hurteth this is it I say that hindereth their true freedome Now quoth he L. Tarquinius willingly of your owne accord rid them of their fear We remember well we confesse and acknowledge you it was that expelled the kings Finish therefore and perfit this great benefit of yours take away from hence the kings name also As for your goods and substance your citizens and countrimen if they will be advised by me shall not onely yeeld unto you againe but if ought be short and wanting shall by my consent supplie the same to the full right liberally Depart I say and friendly take your leave deliver the citie and disburden them of this their feare that peradventure is but vain and needlesse Howbeit this their minds give them that together with the stocke and house of the Tarquines the kings rule and government will likewise void and depart for ever The Consull at this so strange and sodaine a motion first wondred much and was not able to open his mouth But afterwards as he addressed himselfe and began to make a speech the heads of the citie came about him with many praiers besought the same at his hands As for all the rest they prevailed full little with him But after that Sp. Lucretius a more grave and elder man than himselfe of greater worth aforetime and his father in law besides took him in hand dealt with him sundrie waies one while by way of intreatie otherwhiles by persuasions and reasons that he would condescend unto that which the citie in one generall consent required then the Consull fearing least hereafter being once out of his place and a private man againe hee should chance to bee forced thereunto with the losse of his goods and some disgrace perhaps besides resigned up the office of the Consulship and removing all that he had away to Lavinium quit the citie and departed Then Brutus by an act and decree of the Senat proposed unto the people That all the race and linage of the Tarquines should be exiled And in a general Session of the Centuries he created for to be his colleaque in goverment P. Valerius by whose assistance he had driven out the kings No man doubted now that the Tarquines were about to take armes yet that warre happened not so soone as men looked for but see a thing that no man feared they had like by fraud and treason at home to have lost forgone their freedome again There were of the flower of Rome certaine youths those of no low degree not base parentage descended who in the kings daies had lived like yoong princes more loosely and at pleasure as companions and plaifephers with the yoong Tarquines the kings sonnes who seeking to enjoy
the same licentious life still in this equality of estate wherin all others then lived made mone and complained one to another That the libertie of others turned to their servitude The king say they is a man at whose hands one might obtaine somewhat as need required were the cause right or were it wrong where a man might find favour and friendship as who could both be displeased and angrie and also forgive and remit a fault and knew well how to make difference betweene a friend and a foe As for lawes they are things dease and inexorable more holsome and commodious to the poore than to the rich and mightie affourding no release not pardon if one chance to trespasse and transgresse And a ticklish point it is and perilous for a man among so many errours whereto our frailtie is subject to beare himselfe onely upon his innocent life Being thus of their owne accord alreadie discontent sodainly unlooked for there came embassadours from the kings who without any mention at all of returne demaunded onely their goods againe Vpon their message being being delivered and heard in the Senate house this debate and questions held them for certaine daies in counsell fearing least that the goods not restored might minister occasion of quarrell and being rendered yeeld maintenance and nourishment of warre In the meane time the Embassadours dealt treated with divers persons diversly in open shew claiming only their goods but secretly and under hand contriving how to compasse the kingdome for their maisters And under colour of procuring friends for the accomplishement of that which they pretended and was in question they sounded eftsoones the minds of certaine noble young gentlemen how they stood affected to their dessignements Whose words and reasons were of them gently intertained and thereupon they delivered unto them letters from the Tarquines and withall conferred together and practised the receiving of the kings privily by night into the citie The execution of this plot was principally committed to certain of the Vitellij and Aquilij that were brethen A sister of the Vitellij was married unto the Consull Brutus by whom he had two sons that were young men Titus and Tiberius whom their vncles by the mother side made partakers with them likewise of their counsell Besides there were diverse young gentleman whose names long time hath worne out quite made acquainted there with In this meane season their opinion in the Senat house prevailed who thought is best that the goods should be restored and the embassadors upon that occasion made stay in the cittie for that they had gotten time of the Consuls to provide carriage for to have away the kings staffe and other moveable goods All the time spent they in consulting with the Conspirators and so importunatelylaboured them untill they had procured their letters also unto the Tarquinij for otherwise say they how will they beleeve but that their Embassadours make wrong report of matters so important The giving of those letters in pledge of their truth and plaine meaning prooved to bewray and reveale their purposed enterprise For the day before the Embassadours were to take their leave and returne to the Tarquines they fortuned to sup with the Vitellij and whilest the conspirators there were in sad and close talke together conferring at large about this new devised practise and no man by but onely themselves as the manner is a certaine bondslave chanced to overheare them one that before had an incling where about they went but waited the opportunitie when the letters should be given to the Embassadors which being found upon them might directly prove the treason This slave after he understood the letters were delivered gave intelligence of all unto to the Consuls who immediately departed from their houses to take the Embassadours and the conspirators in the manner and without any stirre or tumult light upon them unwares and dashed all But of the letters they had a speciall care that they should be forthcoming and not miscarie And commiting the traitors forthwith to prison they made some pause and doubt about the Embassadors what to doe with them For albeit they seemed to have deserved no lesse but to be vsed as enemies and to have no favor at all yet had they regard to the law of Nations Now concerning the kings goods which they thought meet before to be restored the matter came about wholly in question againe before the Senatours who being overcome with ire and indignation denied flatly the rendring of them yea and forbad they should bee consiscate and converted to the common treasure but they were given away among the commons to make spoile havock thereof to the end that they having once touched or seised on the kings goods as a bootie might for ever after bee past all hope of any peace of favour with them The field of the Tarquines lying between the cittie and Tyber was consecrated unto Mars and after called Campus Maritus i. Mars field It happened as men say that there was at that time standing corne there now ripe and readie for the harvest which crop of the ground because they made some scruple of conscience otherwise to consume therefore it was cut downe come straw stubble and all and a great number of people sent thither at once to carrie it away in baskets and skeps and poure it downe the Tyber running then but shallow as it useth to doe in the middest and heat of Summer And so the heapes of corne together with the mud stucke still and rested in the ebbe places and fourds of the river and by little and little encreased with one thing or other that came downe the streame untill it became an Island Afterwards I suppose there were dams and piles made therunto and by mans hand it grew so high and so firm a peece of ground that it was able to beare even temples and stately galleries that stood thereupon When the kings goods were thus spoiled rifled and made away the traitors were condemned and put to death Which suffering of theirs was the more notable for that the father by his place and vertue of his office was bound and charged to see execution done upon his owne children and he who otherwise ought not to have bene a spectator and looker on euen he such was his fortune was forced of necessitie to be the principall actor in this tragicall execution Then stood these most noble youths bound fast to a stake But among all the Consull his children turned upon them the cies of everie man from all the rest as unknowne persons and of no reputation all men pitied them not so much for being punished as for deserving by their fact to be punished That they could find in their hearts and once let enter into their thought to betraie into the hands of Tarquinius sometimes a proud prince and then a cruell enemie and banished rebell their native countrey and lately and in that verie yeare set free
aspire to great glorie aime at honour and with that thrust his right hand into the hearth on fire that was made for the sacrifice when he indured the rosting there of as if he had been senselesse and felt no paine the king welneere astonished at this wonderful and miraculous sight start up and leapt from his roiall seat and chaire of estate commanding the young man to bee had from the altar Goe thy waies quoth hee in peace thou that hast done thine owne selfe more mischeefe than thou hast attempted against my person I would say God blesse thee worthie hadst thou been of honour for thy prowesse if it were in my service and in the behalfe and defence of mine owne countrey and now by the law of armes I discharge thee freely and give thee leave to depart without any hurt or abuse offered unto thee Then Mutius as it were to require againe his courtesie and desert Forasmuch as quoth he thou settest so great store by valour and honourest vertue so highly to the end it may bee seene that thou shalt get at my hands by courtesie that which by cruel threats thou couldst not these are therfore to let thee understand that there are three hundred of us noble youths even the very flower and knighthood of Rome that have conspired sworne thy death and in this manner to assaile thee My lot it was to be the first the rest as it shall fall out will be here shortly and wait everie man his turne and time untill they hit right upon thee Mutius surnamed afterwards Scavola by reason of the maime of his right hand was no sooner dismissed and gone but there followed streight after him to Rome Embassadours from Porsena and so much troubled in spirit was he both for the danger past of the first assault from which nothing preserved him but a small error and oversight of the assailant and also for the hazard to come for looke how many conspirators remained behind to give the like attempt so often stood he in jeopardie of his life that of his owne accord he offered the Romanes conditions of peace And among other capitulations he stood hard upon this article but al in vain of restoring the Tarqaines into their kingdom This point the king urged instatnly rather because hee could not well himselfe denie the Tarquines so much than for that hee was ignorant that the Romanes would never yeeld thereto But another article hee got graunted namely the restitution of the Veientians lands againe and the Romanes were driven of necessitie to give him hostages in case they would have the kings garison to quit the Ianiculum Vpon these conditions peace was concluded and Porsena withdrew his forces from the Ianiculum dislodged departed out of the territorie of Rome The Senators bestowed franckly upon Mutius as a testimoniall of his valiantnesse a peece of ground lying beyond Tyber which wasafterwards called Mutia prata i. Mutius his meddowes Vpon this honourable regard and reward of vertue women were likewise provoked and encouraged to enterprise worthie acts in the service of the Commonweale For a yoong damosell and virgin named Cladia one of those hostages aforesaid whiles the Tuskanes were encamped as it fell out not farre from the bankes of Tyber deceiving her keepers and leading a companie of other maydens after her even within the shot and darts of the enemies tooke the river swam over with them brought them all to Rome safe and delivered them to their parents kinsfolke and friends Which being reported to the king he at the first stormed at it and was all in a rage and sent unto Rome certaine Oratours to demaund againe his hostage Claelia by name as for all the rest he made no great account of them but afterwards upon further consideration he admired the enterprise and plainly said it surpassed farre all the adventures of the Coclites and the Mutij so as he pretended that if the mayde were not rendered againe he would take the league as broken and being yeelded he would send her backe to her friends undefiled and without any abuse or violence done unto her On both parts was promise faithfully kept Forboth the Romanes restored the pledge of peace according to covenant and seene also it was that vertue was not onely secured safe but also highly regarded and honoured with the Tuskane king For after he had commended and praised the damsell he promised to give her part of the hostages chuse whom she would And when they were all brought forth before her she made choise they say of those yoong boies that were under 14 years of age which was not onely most besitting her virginitie but also by the accord of the hostages themselues best approved namelie that that age especially should be delivered out of the enemies hands which was most subject to injurie and taking wrong The peace thus renewed and confirmed the Romanes rewarded this rare valour in that sex with as new and strange an honour for in remembrance of her in the top of Via sacra there was erected her statue A MAIDEN SITTING ON HORSEBACKE There remaineth yet even unto our daies amongst other solemne ceremonies this one custome received from our ancestours farre differing and disagreeing from this peaceable and friendly departure of the Tuskane king from before the citie of Rome and this it is In the port-sale of goods they use to proclaime first aloud THE SALE OF KING PORSENNA HIS GOODS This ceremoniall custome must needs eyther begin in time of warre and so was not afterwards forgotten in peace or else arose from some more gratious and gentle occasion at the first than this title or outward forme pretendeth of selling goods by way of hostilitie after the manner of enemies But the likeliest conjecture and neerest to the truth of all those that are given out is this that Porsena dislodging from the Ianicle gave freely unto the Romanes the citie at that time being after long siege distressed in great streights his rich campe furnished with victuall and provision conveied thither out of the plentifull countries of Hetruria neere adjoyning which goods for feare there should have beene some havocke spoile made therof in warlike wise in case the people had beene let loose to the rifling of the tents were after sold and called Porsena his goods which title signified rather their thankful acceptation of the gift and remembrance of the giver than any open and ouversale of the kings goods which were not so much as in the Romanes power nor at their disposition Thus Porsena having given over the Romane warre because he would not seeme to have brought an host of men into those parts and performed no exploit sent his sonne Aruns with part of his forces to surprise and assault Atricia At the first this suddaine and unexpected enterprise much troubled the Aricins but afterward when they had gotten aid both from the Latine nations and
forme of the citties government changed the second time and from the Consuls to the Decemviri was the soveraign rule translated like as before from the kings to the Consuls This change was lesse notable in that it long continued not The beginning of this Magistracie was faire and goodly to see to but grew too rancke and exceeded in overmuch licentiousnesse The sooner therfore it faded and fell away and the former government was taken up again and both the name and jurisdiction of Consuls returned and was conferred upon twaine The Decemvirs created were these Ap. Claudius T. Genatius P. Sestius L. Veturius C. Iulius A. Manlius P. Sulpitius P. Curiatius T. Romulius Sp Posthumius Claudius and Genutius because they had been Consuls elect for that yeare had this dignitie bestowed upon them in lieu of the other And Sestius one of the Consuls the year before because he had preferred this matter unto the Senatours against his fellow Consuls will Next to these were counted the three Embassadours that went to Athens both for that they should be rewarded with this honourable dignitie for their embassage into so farre and remote a countrey and also because men were persuaded that by reason of their insight and skill in forraine ordinances of strange nations they might be well emploied in setting downe and making of new The rest made up the number They say that in the last scrutines and suffrages at this election choise was made of those that were more aged and farther stept in yeares to the end they might not so fiercely and stoutly gainesay and crosse the opinions and constitutions of the other In this new state of government Appius was the man that bare the greatest stroke he ruled the rost and swaied all the rest so highly stood he in grace and favour with the people He had so altered his nature and became such a new man that all on a suddaine of a cruell and terrible persecutor of the commons he proved a very Publicola and courter of the Communaltie and one that lay for to get every gale of popular love and favour that might be had Everie one fat his tenth day in place of judgement and ministered justice in their severall turnes unto the people On which day the twelve knitches of rods were born by the Lictors before the soveraigne judge as for his nine brethren they had each of them one serjeant to give attendance In this agreement among themselves which accord otherwhiles when they were private persons had been hurtfull unto them rested only and wholly the greatest equitie towards others A proofe and argument of this their moderation it shall be sufficient to observe now in the example and instance of one onely matter For whereas they were created absolute and past all appeale it fortuned that in the house of P. Sestius a Nobleman there was a dead bodie found buried and brought forth openly into the publicke assemblie of the people The thing being no lesse apparent in view than hainous and horrible in fact C. â—lius a Decemvir brought Sestius in question therefore put him in suit to answere at a certain day and became plaintife unto the people and accused that defendant whose competent judge he was by order of law And so he yeelded of his owne right adding so much to the freedome of the people as was taken from the power of his owne jurisdiction and governement When as now both high and low gave out that this authoritie was sound and uncorrupt and fet as it were from Oracle and Gods owne mouth and all men willing to accept of justice at their hands then set they to it and went about the making and giving of lawes And with great expectation of men they set out tâ—â— Tables and called the people to a generall assembâ—â— commanding them in a good hower and in the name of God to go and that which might turn to the good to the benefite happines of the Commonweale of themselves their children and posteritie to read the law there published protesting that they so farre as ten men could withall their wisdome foresee and provide for had devised indifferent lawes and equall for all sorts of calling as well the best as the meanest But for as much as the wits and heads of many men were of deeper reach to see farther into things they gave them good leave to cast in their minds and ponder with themselves each particular yea and to reason together from point to point and thereof to deliver their opinion openly what was short and wanting or what was superfluous in everie article and looke what lawes the consent of all men seemed to bring in those should the people accept and none other that it might appear they were not so much to approve of them and give their assent after they were propounded as to propose and preferre them their own selves And when as they were thought sufficiently corrected according to the speeches of men and as every one spake to the severall titles and chapters of the lawes as they were set forth then in the high court of parliament assembled of all the Centuries and degrees of men the laws of ten Tables were enacted and established Which even at this day among that infinite number of statutes heaped and hudled one upon another are the verie well-spring and fountaine of all justice both publicke and private After this there ran a rumour abroad That two tables were yet wanting which if they were put unto the rest then might the complete bodie as it were of the whole Romane law be finished and made perfit The expectation thereof now that the great Liet-day drew neere for the Election made men very desirous to create Decemvirs againe the second time Now the Commons abroad besides that they hated the verie name of Consuls as well as of Kings sought not greatly for the protection of the Tribunes seeing that the Decemvirs one after another yeelded in their prerogative and admitted in some sort the appeale But after that the solemne assemblie for the chusing of Decemvirs was published against the Trinundinum or third market day next insuing to such an heigth was the ambition and desire of this dignitie growne that the verie cheese men and principall heads of the cittie for feare I beleeve least the possession of so great a governement in case they were not invested themselves in the place should lie open unto some unmeet and unworthie persons went about and made court to everie man suing in humble maner to those verie Commons with whom they had been at strife and variance for that honour and dignitie which they themselves had with all their power and might impugned The worthinesse and reputation of men of those yeares and having borne and gone through such offices being now come in question submitted to the choise and judgement of others pricked on Ap. Claudius and set him forward So as a man could hardly know whether to
presented himself in the court among the Senators where his opinion caried the matter cleare away and Pyrrhus his demaund was flatly denied P. Domitius the first Censor of Commoners held a Lustrum or survey of the citie in which were found 278222 Roman citizens by the pol. A second field wâ—s fought against Pyrrhus but with doubtfull event and yssue With the Carthaginians the alliance was renewed now the fourth time When a certaine fugitive traitour that ran from Pyrrhus offred to C. Fabricius the Consul for to poison the K. he was sent backe againe and the treason was discovered to the king Over besides this booke conteineth the prosperous affaires in warre against the Tuscans Lucenians Brutians and Samnites The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the fourteenth Booke PYrrhus passed the seas into Sicilie When among other prodigies and fearefull tokens the image of Iupiter in the Capitoll was overt browne and smitten downe with lightning the head therof was recovered found again by the soothsaiers Curius Dentatus as he was taking musters sold in port-sale the goods of one that would not answere to his name when he was called He defaited Pyrrhus after his return again out of Sicily into Italy forced him to void depart once for all Fabricius a Censor cassed and displaced out of his Senatours rowme P. Cornelius Rufinus one that had been Consul for that he had in silver plate to the waight of ten pounds There was a Lustrum holden by the Censours and therein were found 271224 citizens A societie and alliance was contracted with Ptolomee K. of Aegypt Sextilia a prosessed vestall Nun was convicted of uncleannesse and fornication buried quick Two new Colonies were erected to wit Posidonia and Consa A fleet of Carthaginians arrived to aid the Mamertines by occasion whereof the league was broken This booke compriseth also the happie exploits against the Lucanians Samnites and Brutians together with the death of king Pyrrhus The Breviarie of L. Florus to the fiveteenth Booke THe Tarentines being vanquished had both peace graunted liberty also restored unto them The souldiours of the Campaine legion aforesaid which had possessed themselves of Rhegium were besieged and after they had absolutely yeelded were every one made shorter by the head Certain lustie youths of Rome who had misused beaten the embassadors of the Apollionats sent unto the Senat were delivered unto their bands to be used according to their discretion The Picentes were overcome in battaile and obtained peace Two Colonels were sent the one to Artminuâ— within the marches of Picenam i. Ancona the other to Beneventum in Samnium Now and never before began the Romanes to use silver coine for their moâ—ie The Vâ—brians and Sallentines were vanguished and their submission of obedience received The number of the Questors was augmented to be eight The Breviarie of L. Florus to the sixteenth Booke THE first rising of the Carthaginians with the beginning of their citie are in this booke related Against whom together with Hiero King of the Syracusians the Senat of Rome ordâ—ned to send aid unto the Mamertines and after much arguing and debate about this point whiles some persuaded others againe dissuaded the gentlemen of Rome who served on borsebacke then first crossed the seas and bare themselves bravely in many battailes to good purpose against Hiero who at length craved peace and bad it graunted The Censors held a Lustrum and numbred the people and enrolled 372224 citizens of Rome into the subsidie booke D. Iunius Brutus was the first that ever represented combates of swordsensors at the sharpe to the â—tterance in the honour of his father late deceased One Colonie was planted at Aesernia This booke comprehendeth besides the good successe of the affaires against the Carthaginians and the Vulscinians The Breviarie of L. Florus for the seventeenth Booke CNeus Cornelius the consul being surprised environed with a fleet of Carthaginians and under colour of a parle trained forth and called unto them was villanously taken prisoner and kept still with them Cn. Duillius the Consull fought with happie successe against this their foresaid flees and was the first Romane captaine that rode in triumph for a navale victorie at sea In regard wherof this honour for ever after was done unto him That when he supped forth in any place of the cittie as he returned home to his owne house the waits should found the haâ—boies all the way and a man go before him with a burning torch L. Cornelius the Consullwoon a field in Sardinia against the Ilanders together with the Corsians Hanno the General of the Carthaginians Attilius Calatinus the Consull having unadvisedly engaged his armie within a place of great disadvantage whereas the Carthaginians lay round about in ambush retired and escaped by the valour and industrious meanes of M. Calpurnius a Colonell who with aregiment of 300 foot venterously salted out and turned all the forces of the enemies upon himselfe One Anniball a Carthaginian Commannder upon the deseature of the Armads whereof he was Admirall was by his owne soldiors trussed up and crucified Attilius Regulus the Consull having in battaile at sea vanquished the Carthaginians sailed over into Affricke The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the eighteenth Booke ATtilius Regulus the Consul slew in Affricke a serpent of a mightie and wonderfull bignesse but with the exceeding losse of his soldiors And after many encounters and battailes with the Carthaginians when the Senat by reason of his so happy conduct management of the wars sent no other to succeed him he dispatched his letters unto them and complained therof and among other pregnant reasons that he alleadged for to have a successor to come unto him this was one That the little inheritance and living which he had suffred wast by the default or leaudnesse of his bailisses of husbandrie Meanewhiles as if fortune had beene disposed and sought meanes to shew a notable example in the person of this one man Regulus as well of adversitie as prosperitie bec was overthrown in plaine field taken prisoner by Xanthippus a renowmed captain of the Laceâ—â—monans whom the Carthaginians had waged sent for to aid the. After this the sundrie shipwracks of the Romane Navie eclipsed obscured and disfigured all the other noble exploits that the Romane Chieftaines had fortunately atchiâ—ved before as well by land as sea T. Coruncanius was the first high Priest or Archpâ—â—las created out of the bodie of the Commons M. Sempronius Sophus M. Valerius Maximus the Censors when they made a review of the Senate cassed thirteene and tooke their embrodred purple clokes from them They held a survey also of the whole cittie and entred into their subsidie booke 317217 Romane citizens Regulus being sent from the Carthaginians to the Senate of Some to treat a peaceable accord or if he could not obteine so much to deale about the exchange of prisoners one for another bound himselfe by an 〈◊〉
Galleaces of five ranks of ores and the king had 35. Philip for his part because he would be readie at all affaies to meete with the enemie either by land or sea went himselfe in person downe to the sea side as farre as Demetrias and made proclamation that all his forces should by a certaine day meere together at Larissa Vpon the same that went of the kings comming there repaired sundrie Embassies from the consederate States of all parts unto Demetias For the Aetolians having taken hart unto them as well for their societie with the Romanes as upon the comming of Attalus wasted and spoiled their borderers And not only the Acamanians and Boeotians and they that inhabit Euboea were in great feare but also the Achaeans whom over and besides the warre from the Aetolians Machanidas also the Lacedemonian tyrant terrified who encamped himselfe not farre from the confines of the Argives All these States made report what perils were like to ensue both by sea and land to their severall cities and besought the king his aid Moreover there came unto him out of his owne realme no good tidings of peace and quietnesse for that Scerdiletus and Pleuratus were gone out and rebelled and of the nations of Thrace the Medi especially were readie to invade the frontiers adjoyning upon Macedonie in case the king should fortune to be busied and occupied otherwise in any long warres The Boeotians likewise themselves and other nations inhabiting the more inland parts of Greece had geven intelligence that the avenues of the forest Thermopylae where as the narrow gullet of the streights yeldeth small passage were stopped up by the Aetolians with a trench and pallaisade that it might geve no accesse at all unto Philip for to come and defend the cities of the Allies Thus many troubles comming huddle and thick one upon another had bene able to have roused and awakened even a sleepie and slow captaine and made him to looke about him These Embassadors he dispatched and sent away promising every one of them help and succour as time and occasion would permit and willing them each one for the present to provide those things that were most urgent and important Then he sent a garrison unto that citie from whence newes came that Attalus having passed with a fleete from Lemnos had wasted and forraied all the territorie about it And he sent Polyphantes with a small power into Boeotia and Menippus likewise one of his owne captaines and Cavalliers unto Chalcis with a thousand targuartiers called Peltati now the Peltae are certaine small bucklers or targuets nothing unlike unto the Spanish Cetrae unto whom were joyned five hundred Aenians that they might be able to guard all the parts of the Iland himselfe in person went to Scotusa and there he appointed the Rendezvous that all the forces of the Macedonians should be brought thither from Lariffa Newes came unto him there that the Aetolians had summoned and proclaimed a generall Diet or Councell at Heraclea and that K. Attalus would repaire thither to consult about the managing of the whole warre And with an intent by his sodaine comming to trouble this solemne assembly and meeting of the States he tooke great journeis in his march and led his armie toward Heraclea but the Councell was newly dissolved when he arrived thither Howbeit he destroid all the standing corne which now was neere-hand ripe specially in the vale along the Gulfe of the Aenianes and so reduced his armie back againe to Scotusa and there leaving his whole power he retired himselfe to Demetrias attended only with his royall guard And because he might from thence be readie to meete withall sodaine stirres and invasions of the enemies he sent out men of purpose into Phocis Euboea and Peparethus to chuse out certaine high places for beacons from whence the fires might be seene a farre off And himselfe set up one watchtowne upon Ciffaeos a mountaine the top whereof is of an exceeding height that upon the signall of the beacons on fire from a farre he might in the minute of an houre have intelligence so soone as the enemies went about any trouble whatsoever But the Romane Generall and K. Attalus passed the seas from Peparethus to Nicea and from thence failed with their Armada to Euboea unto the citie Oreum which as a man beareth his course from the gulfe of Demetrias to Chalcis and Euripus is the first citie of Euboea that sheweth it selfe upon the left hand And thus it was agreed betweene Attalus and Sulpitius that the Romanes should give the assault from the sea side and the king with his forces on the land Foure daies after the fleete was arrived they presented themselves before the citie to assaile it For that time betweene was spent in secret talke and conference with Plator who was appointed by Philip governor and provost of the citie The citie had within it two Citadels the one commaunding the sea the other situate in the very hart and mids of the towne From thence there is a way under the ground that leadeth to the sea at the end whereof there stood a fabrick or towre five stories high a singular bulwarke and place of defence There at the first began a most sharp and cruell conflict by reason that the turret was well furnished with all kind of shot and artillerie and likewise from out of the ships there was planted much ordinance and many engins bent to impeach and assault the same Now when every mans mind was amused and eye fixed upon this hote and eager fight Plator received and let in the Romanes at the gate of the other citadell that stood over the sea and so in the turning of an hand it was surprised and won The townesmen being expelled and chased from thence retired and betooke themselves into the middle of the citie unto the other fortresse But certaine shouldiers were set of purpose there to shut the gate upon them and so being excluded they were killed and taken prisoners in the mids betweene The garison of the Macedonians stood round together under the castle wall and neither fled openly a maine nor yet began to fight as if they ment to stick to it unto the end For whom Plator obteined pardon of Sulpitius and having embarked them brought them to Demetrium of Phthiotis and there set them ashore and himselfe returned to Attalus Sulpitius bearing himselfe bold for this so good and speedie successe immediatly sailed with his victorious armada against Chalcis Where the event in the end aunswered nothing unto his hope and expectation The sea lying broad and large on both hands gathereth in that place to a narrow roume so as at the first fight it maketh a shew of a double peere or haven opening upon two divers mouths but in very truth ther is not lightly to be found a worse harborogh a more daungerous rode for ships For not only for the exceeding high hils on both sides of
and souldiours together in vaine preparation of their ships and their armour For the wind being somewhat big and high drave the Carvels with full saile out of the maine sea into the haven before that the Carthaginians had any time to wey anchor neither durst any of them proceede to further dealing within the kings Rode So Asdruball first set ashore and within a while Scipio and Laelius landed and went all to the court Syphax took this for a great honor done unto him as indeed it was no lesse that there were come unto him at that time and in one day two Generall Captaines of two most mightie and puissant States to sue for peace and amitie with him He invited both of them friendly and gave them enterteinmet and since that it was their fortune to enter under one rouse and the same house for to be lodged in he indevoted to draw them to a parley and to make an end of all quarels grudges and controversies betweene them But Scipio denied flatly that either there was any private malice or hatred between him and Asdruball that should need an end with conference and speech and as for State-matters he might not treat with a professed enemie as touching them without expresse warrant and commission from the Senate But when the king laboured greatly with him that he would find in his hart and not thinke much to beare Asdruball companie at meate and meale because he would not seeme to exclude either of them from his bourd he yeelded thereunto and was content So they supped both twaine together with the king and Scipio and Asdruball sate both at one table in one mesie and upon one bed for so it was the kings pleasure But so courteously Scipio behaved himselfe as he was a man that naturally knew how to carrie himselfe with a grace and dexteritie in all things and in every place wheresoever he came that by his faire language and eloquent speech he wan not only the favour of the barbarous prince Syphax who before was not acquainted with the Romane fashions but also the goodwill and love of Asdruball a most malicious and mortall enemie who seemed to have him in more admiration upon this one meeting and communication in presence personall than for all his feats of armes atcheived in warre and made no doubt but reckened fully that king Syphax and his realme would presently be at the devotion of the empire of Rome Such a singular gift had that man to win love and favour And therefore the Carthaginians were not so much to seeke how Spaine was lost as to consider and thinke how they might keepe and hold Africk For thus they conceived That this noble knight and worthie Romane Captaine was not come thither wandering at aventure nor as a traveller to see countries and to solace himselfe with walking along the pleasant and delectable coasts leaving the province which hee had newly subdued leaving his armies which hee commaunded sailing thus with two ships onely into Africke and committing himselfe unto an enemie countrie and into a kings hands of whose fidelitie and protection he had no experience but no doubt upon some great hopes to compasse the conquest of Affricke And this was it that long since Scipio had in secret purpose and designement this was it that openly he fretted stormed at namely that he warred not himselfe as well in Spaine as Anniball in Italie Well Scipio having concluded a league with Syphax departed out of Affricke and notwithstanding hee was tossed upon the sea with variable winds and those for the most part boisterous and raging yet upon the fourth day he arrived at new-Carthage As Spaine generally was at peace and rest for any Carthaginian warre so it was well known that certaine particular States in regard that they were touched with the guilt of trespasses committed were quiet for feare rather than for any loiall alleageance Of which the most notorious as well for their owne greatnesse and power as for their fault and transgression were Illiturgum and Castulo The Castulonians who had bene Romane confederates in time of prosperitie were revolted unto the Carthaginians upon the diffeature of the two Scipions and their armies The Illiturgitanes besides their revolt and rebellion added this wickednesse in that they betraied and murdered the Romans who fled unto them for succour after that overthrow These two nations if Scipio at his first comming had proceded in rigor to revenge whiles the States of the countrie stood in suspense he should have regarded their desert more than his own good commoditie But when all troubles were composed reduced to quietnesse he thought it then a convenient time to punish and chastise them accordingly And therefore he called L. Martius from Taracon with a third part of his forces and sent him to assaile Castulo Himselfe with the rest of the armie marched toward Illiturgum and within five daies presented himself before it The gates he found shut against him and all preparation and furniture for defence and to withstand the assault For their conscience bare them witnesse what they had deserved there needed no other defiance or intimation of warre against them than the privitie of their wicked fact Heereupon Scipio tooke occasion to exhort his souldiours and began in this wife The very Spaniards themselves quoth he by shutting their gates declare plainly what they justly are to feare and therefore ye ought to war with them in more hostile malice and deadly hatred than with the Carthaginians For with them the quarell was mainteined as it were without anger and rankor only for soveraigntie and glorie but of these men ye are to take vengeance for their disloyall treacherie for their crueltie and wicked villanie And now the time is come to revenge not only the unworthy death of your fellow souldiers but also the like falshood prepared for yourselves in case your hap had bene to have fled for refuge thither at any time yea and to shew exemplatie justice to reach all posteritie that no man hereafter be so hardie as to wrong any citizen or souldier of Rome in what poore estate so ever he be without feare of condigne punishment Vpon this exhortation and comfortable words of the Generall they bestirred themselves and devided the skaling ladders amongst certaine choise men out of every companie And having so parted the armie betweene them that Laelius the Lieutenant had the conduct of the one halfe they gave assault with great terrour unto the citie in two places at once But neither any one generall captaine nor many principall citizens encouraged and harmed the townesmen manfully to defend their citie but only their owne fearefull and sinfull conscience for they wist well and remembred yea and put one another in mind that it was their punishment and not victorie that the Romanes fought for And as for themselves since they were to leese their lives this was the only point that they were to consider upon
de guard For Scipio had sent away the fleete already to Vtica and before he was gone up into the land far from the sea had encamped upon the next hils thereby placed guards of horsemen in convenient places and put out certaine foragers into the fields and villages for to raise booties These having entred skirmish with the Carthaginian cornet of horsemen slew a few of them in the very conflict but most of them as they fled and were followed in chase amongst whom was Hanno also the Provost marshall a noble young gentleman Scipio not only wasted the countrey all about but also wan a citie of the Affricanes that stood neerest and was of sufficient wealth where besides other pillage which was presently imbarked in the ships of burden and sent into Sicilie there were taken prisoners eight thousand polles of free and bond one with another But the greatest joy and contentment that the Romanes tooke in this new entrance and beginning of their warlike affaires was for the comming of Masanissa whom some report to have presented himselfe with two hundred horse and no more but the most do write that he came with two thousand But for as much as this Masanissa was of all other kings for his time the greatest Prince and most puissant and with all he that stood the Romanes in best steed and helped their state none like unto him me thinks it were worth the labour and would quit for all the paines to disgresse a little out of the way for to shew and declare in what v arietie of alternative fortune he was tossed both in the losse and also in the recoverie of the inheritance of his fathers kingdome This Masanissa whiles hee was employed during the warres of Spaine in the defence and quarrell of the Carthaginians his father whose name was Gala hapned to dye and then the kingdome fell by descent according to the custome and manner of the Numidians unto Desalces the late kings brother a man of great yeeres and very aged And not long after when Desalces also was departed this life Capusa the elder of his two sonnes for the other was a very child succeeded in his fathers kingdome But for as much as hee the foresaid Capusa mainteined his royall estate and throne more by reason of the authoritie and reputation that hee caried among this friendes and favorites than by power and strength there arose up in armes one named Mezetulus who also was descended of royall bloud but of an house that was ever of the adverse and contrarie side and contended in much varietie of fortune about the crowne with those who then swayed the scepter This Mezetulus having gathered a powre of his tenants followers and paisants of the countrey with whom he caried a great stroke and was highly esteemed by reason of the hatred that they bare unto the kings race encamped openly and shewed himselfe in action yea and forced the king to come into the field and to try the title of the crowne in a set battaile by dint of sword In which conflict Capusa together with many of his peeres and nobles was slaine and the whole nation and seignorie of the Massylians was reduced under the rule and obedience of Mezetulus Howbeit he forbare to be called king and contenting himselfe with the meane name of Tutor or Protector gave the kings stile unto the child Lacumax who only remained alive of the kings issue line He tooke to wife a noble dame ladie of Carthage Anniball his neece by his sister who had bene lately wedded unto king Desalces hoping thereby to enter into league and alliance with the Carthaginians and besides for to renew the ancient familiaritie and amitie with Syphax he sent embassadors unto him of purpose Thus made he himself strong aforehand against Masanissa Masanissa likewise for his part being advertised of his unkles death and also how his cousin germaine was deceased crossed the seas out of Spaine over to Mauritania at what time as Bocchar was king of the Mores At whose hands by humble sute importunat praiers in most lowly manner he obtained a power of foure thousand Mores to accompanie him in his journey for otherwise to imploy them in warre he might not And after he had dispatched a messenger aforehand to those that were his fathers friends and wel-willers to himselfe by that time that he was come with them to the confines of his realme there met him almost five hundred Numidians Having therefore sent backe againe the Mores from thence unto the king according to covenant albeit there was assembled togither a smaller number of people than he hoped and looked for and not so sufficient that he durst adventure upon so great an enterprise and supposing withall that by entring into some action and by travaile and endevour he should gather strength still to performe some greater exploit he encountreth at Thapsus the young king Lacumax as he journied unto Syphax And when the kings companie in great feare fled into the towne Mesanissa both at the first assault woon the said towne and also of the kings traine received some that yeelded themselves and slew othersome that made resistance in their owne defence But the greatest part with the child himselfe the young Prince got away in that tumult and escaped unto Syphax unto whom at first they intended their journey The same of this small thing so happily atchieved in the first beginning entrance of his affaires caused all the Numidians to revolt and side with Masanissa So as there flocked unto him from all parts of the countrie and out of the villages the old souldiours of king Gala and incited the young Prince and set him on to recover his fathers kingdome Now in number of souldiours Mezetulus was a good deale superiour for both himselfe had the same armie still entier with which he had vanquished Capusa besides some others that after the slaughter of the king he had received upon their yeelding and also young Lacumax the infant had brought great aids from Syphax so that Mezetulas was fifteene thousand foot and ten thousand horse strong With whom Masanissa albeit he were nothing so puissant either in foot or horse fought a battel yet atchieved hee the victorie through the approved valour of the old souldiours and his owne politicke wisedome being a captaine well experienced and exercised both in Romane and Punick warres The young prince togither with his tutour and protectour and some small number of Massylians fled and escaped into the territories of the Carthaginians Thus Masanissa having recovered his fathers kingdome foreseeing that there remained still behind a farre greater bickerment and encounter with Syphax taking it to be the best course and pollicie for him to be reconciled and made friends with his cousen germaine addressed certaine messengers both unto the child for to put him in good hope assurance that if he would submit and yeeld himselfe under the protection of Masanissa he should
live in as honourable place and degree with him as Desalces sometime had done with his father Gala also to Mezetulus to give their word promise unto him not onely for impunitie of all trespasse but also for faithfull restitution of all things that were his By which meanes hee persuaded both of them to take part with him who made choise of a mean estate at home in their owne countrie rather than to live in exile notwithstanding the Carthaginians labored all that ever they could to the contrarie Asdruball hapned at that time when these occurrences fell out to make his abode with Syphax who finding the Numidian king Syphax resolved upon this point and fully persuaded That it mattered not not imported himself much whither Lacumax or Masanissa were king of the Massylians replied upon him and said That he was fouly deceived if he thought that Masanissa would keepe himselfe within those tearmes that either his father Gala or his uncle Desalces held them contented with No no quoth he there is much more towardnesse in him and farre greater signes of hautie mind and forward wit and spirit appeare in him than ever shewed in any of his house and line before him Full often hath hee in Spaine made good proofe of rare valor and singular prowesse as well unto his friends as his enemies And let both Syphax and the Carthaginians looke as well about them as they can for unlesse they put out his sparkle of fire betimes and even at the first beginning it will be their chaunce to be caught therewith when it shall burne foorth and able they shall not bee to helpe the matter and quench the rage thereof Mary as yet his strength is small and slender his forces fraile tender and feeble and not well united togither to maintaine his state unsetled as he is in his kingdome Thus hee importuned him still by reasons and persuasions untill at length he reduced him to lead forth an armie into the confines of the Masaesylians and there in that territorie about the title where of he had oftentimes noâ—onely contended by plea and words with Gala but also by armes and dint of sword to encampe himselfe as in his rightfull and undoubted inheritance with this direction That if any came against him to warne him off the ground then to trie his interest by sword which was the onely way of necessitie to be taken and most for the purpose but in case for feare of him they quit the possession quietly then to avance forward into the heart of the kingdome for either the Massylians would without battaile render themselves under subjection or else in a pitched field not be able to stand out against him Vpon these suggestions Syphax was incited pricked onâ— info much as he made warre upon Masanissa and in the first battaile discomfired and put to flight the Masaesylians And Masanissa with some few horsmen fled out of the field escaped unto a mountaine wich the inhabitants call Balbus Certaine whole families and housholds with their sheds and tents togither with their cattaile which is all their riches went after and followed the king But all the multitude of the Masaesylians besides did homage unto Syphax and came under his obedience This mountaine aforesaid which these exiles that fled their countrie was possessed of was plentifull of grasse and well watered and being so good for pasture to feed their cattaile it yeelded sufficient maintenance and food aboundant for the people that used to live upon flesh and milke From hence they began at first to steale out by night and make rodes but afterwards in open day light to rob spoise al the countrie about but above all others to fire and burne the territorie of the Carthaginians both because there were more prises to be had from thence than from the Numidians and also for that it was more safe robbing harrying there without daunger This they practised so long so licentiously and in such scornfull manner that now they would carnie their booties to the sea side and make markets and sale therof to the merchants and for this purpose divers ships arrived thither to traffick yea otherwhiles there were many of the Carthaginians cut off and came short home and more of them were either slaine or taken prisoners than often times in open warres and set battailes The Carthaginians bewailed and complained of these matters unto Syphax and spurred him forward disposed well enough as hee was of himselfe to revenge for to pursue the reliques of the warre in his owne person But for as much as it was not thought to stand with the roiall majestie of a king to chase and hunt a rable of vagrant theeves about the mountaines therefore Bocchar one of the kings captaines a right hardie and valourous man was chosen to do the feat and to performe that service Who had the conduct of foure thousand foot and two thousand horse and was promised besides great gifts and mightie rewards in case hee brought away the head of Masanissa but if hee could take him prisoner alive that were alone indeed a peerelesse peece of work of inestimable joy beyond all measure Hee waiting his time when the enemies were stragling rechlessely abroad came upon them at unawares and charged them and having singled put from the guard of the armed soldiors a huge number both of people and cattel he forced Masanissa himselfe with some few horsmen to take the top of the mountain From whence after he had sent away unto the king as if the warre had now ben at point of an end not onely a great bootie both of people and cattaile the which hee had taken but also part of his forces as being much greater in proportion than for to dispatch the remnants of a war accompanied with no more than five hundred foot and two hundred horse he pursued Masanissa being come downe from the hill tops there having beset stopped the passages at both ends enclosed him within the streight narrow vallie Where there was committed a great execution and carnage of the Masaesylians but Masanissa with fiftie horsemen and not above got away through the unknowne and hidden crancks of the mountaine and escaped the hands of the pursuers Howbeit Bocshar traced him still and followed him at heeles so narrowly that neere to the cittie Clupea hee overtooke him in the plaines where he so streightly environned him about that he killed all his companie every one save only foure horsemen With whom in that tumult hee let slip as it were out of his hands Masanissa also himselfe sore wounded and lost him cleane As he fled he had still in his eie certain cornets of horsemen dispersed all over the plain some of them crossing the waies overthwart to meet the enemie at every turn and to intercept him But he and the foure horsemen with him fled forward still and tooke the great river before them for their feare fright
needs fight and trie the issue by a maine battaile and that hee was to gather his forces together from all parts beeing perplexed most of all for the cities of Achaia a countrey farre remote from him and yet more carefull in regard of Argi than Corinth he thought it best pollicie to make it over as it were upon trust into the hands of Nabis the tyrant of the Lacedemonians upon condition That if hee obtained the victorie Nabis should deliver it up unto him againe but if ought should come to him but well then Nabis himselfe to have and hold it as his owne Vnto Philocles governour of Corinth and Argi he dispatcheth his letters That hee should himselfe in person commune with the tyrant above-named about it Philocles besides that hee came now with a present added moreover of his owne head for the better assurance and pawne of amitie betweene the tyrant and the king That Philip would give his daughters in marriage to Nabis his sonnes The tyrant refused at the first to accept of that citie unlesse hee were sem for by a decree of the Argives themselvesâ—â— come for to aid the citie But afterwards when he heard say That in a frequent assembly there they not onely rejected him but also detested and abhorred the very name of a tyrant as an execrable abhomination supposing now that he had a good occasion and quirel offered to make a spoile of them he willed Philocles to deliver the citie unto him when hee would So the tyrant was received into the town in the night season without the privitie and knowledge of any person and by breake of day hee seazed upon all the higher places The gates were shut and few of the principall heads in the beginning of the tumult made shift to escape Those that were absent had their houses ransacked and their goods pilled as many as were present had all their gold and silver taken from them besides great summes of money were imposed upon them to be paid They that made speed and were not long about it but tendred readie coine were let goe without any outrage or hurt done unto their bodies but such as were suspected either to hide or keepe ought backe were mangled and tortured like bondslaves After this hee assembled the people together and published two lawes the one for crossing all debt-bookes and cancelling obligations the other for division of lands among the people by the poll two firebrands to serve their turne that seeke for change and alteration in a State enough to set on fire the Commons against the Nobles and chiefe of a citie When the citie of Argos was thus brought in subjection under Nabis the tyrant never remembring at whose hands not upon what condition he had received it sent Embassadours to Elatia unto Quintius likewise to Attalus wintering then in Aegina certifying them That Argos was in his hands and at his devotion and if Quintius would repaire thither to parle with him he doubted not but they two should agree well enough in every point Quintius graunted to come thither to the end that by this meanes he might disfurnish Philip of that garrison and he sent likewise to Attalus willing him that he would depart from Aegina and meet him at Sicyone himselfe losed from Anticyra and with ten galeaces called Quinqueremes which as hap was L. Quintius his brother some dayes before had put to sea out of the wintering harborough of Corcyra crossed over to Sicyone Now was Attalus there alreadie who making remonstrance unto Quintius That it became a tyrant to come unto a Romane Generall and not a Romane Generall to goe unto a tyrant induced Quintius to condiscend unto his opinion and not to enter the citie of Argos Not farre from the citie is a place called Mycenica where they agreed to meet and commune together Quintius came to the place accompanied with his brother certaine colonels Attalus was guarded with his princely and roiall traine Nicostratus the Pretour of the Achaeans repaired thither attended with some few auxiliarie souldiours and there they found the tyrant expecting their comming with all his forces And armed as he was with his guard likewise armed he advaunced himselfe into the middest well nere of the plaine that lay betweene Quintius unarmed came forward with his brother and two colonels King Attalus likewise betweene the Pretour of the Achaeans of the one hand and a courteour of his on the other both unarmed The tyrant began the speech with an excuse That beeing in armes and attended with a guard of armed men he presented himselfe to a parle seeing the Generall of the Romans and king Attalus unarmed and said that he stood not in feare of them but of certaine exiled persons of the Argives After this when they came to treat as touching the conditions and covenants for the contract of an amitie Quintius the Generall demanded two things the one That Nabis would make an end of warring with the Achaei the other That he would send with him certain aids against Philip. And verily to send succour he graunted and in lieu of peace hee was content there should be a truce untill the warre with Philip was dispatched Also about Argos king Attalus began to enter into some question saying That having the citie treacherously betrayed unto him by Philocles hee now held it by force of armes but hee answered againe That hee was sent for by the Argives themselves for to protect them Then the king required that the Argives might be assembled together that he might know the truth The tyrant made no deniall thereof The king replied againe that the assembly should be free and at their libertie to speake and to that effect the garrisons were to be removed out of the city no Lacedemonians intermingled among them to the end that the Argives might frankly speake their mind But the tyrant flatly denied to withdraw from thence the guards So this arguing came to no conclusion and the conference brake up after that the tyrant had given the Romane Generall sixe hundred Candiotes and a truce made for the tearme of foure moneths betwene Nicostratus Pretour of the Acheaeans Nabis the tyrant of the Lacedemonians From thence Quintius departed to Corinth and approched the gate with a regiment of Cretensians that it might appeare to Philocles the kings captain there that the tyrant was revolted from Philip Philocles also entred into a parle with the Romane Generall and when hee was exhorted by him to depart out of hand and yeeld the cittie he returned such an answere unto him that hee seemed rather to deferre than to denie the thing From Corinth Quintius crossed the sea to Anticyra from whence he sent his brother to sound the nation of the Acarnanians And Attalus departed directly from Argos to Sicyone Where the citie not onely encreased the auncient honours of the king with the addition of new but also the king over and besides that hee had purchased for them in
incontinently but being touched in conscience hee was so bold as to breake them open and when hee had read them through he fled backe in great feare to Thebes where he bewrayed Pisistratus Zeusippus troubled in spirit for the flight of his bondman retired himselfe to Athens supposing it a place of more securitie to live in as a banished man As for Pisistratus after he had beene divers times examined upon the racke was put to death in the end This murder wonderously estranged the Thebans and Baeotians and set their hearts against the Romans in so much as they hated and detested them to death taking great indignation that Zeusippus a principall chiefe personage of their nation had committed so foule and heinous a fact To rebell in open tearmes they had neither force sufficient to maintaine them nor a principall head to direct and lead them Whereupon they fell to that which is next cousen to plaine warre even to theeving and robbing by the high waies side in such sort as they surprised as well some souldiours who lodged neere unto them and were their guests as others that wandred and ranged abroad-from the garisons in winter time and travailed about their affaires who other whiles were caught up by the way and came short home Some passengers were killed in the port-rode-waies by those that lay in wait for them in notorious theevish corners others were trained and led deceitfully through by-lanes into desert places there to take up their innes and lodging and then were murdred At length they played these prancks not only of malice unto them but also for greedie desire of bootie and spoile by reason that commonly these waisaring men went about their trade merchandise and therefore had some charge about them and caried silver in their belts Now when as at first there were some out of the way and every day more than other many men missing and no man knew what was become of them all Boeotia began to have an ill name and the souldiers were more afraid to travaile there than in the enemies countrey Then Quintius sent certeine embassadors to all the cities for to make complaint of these robberies and enormities Many footmen there were found dead about the meere or lake Copais where their cark asses were raked forth of the mud and mire and drawne out of the standing water tied and fastened as they were to heavie stones or some great vessels that by their poise they might be plunged and sinke to the bottome Many such like outrages were found to have beene committed at Acraephea and Coronea Quintius at the first demaunded to have the offenders delivered unto him and for five hundred souldiours for so many were caught up by the way and murdered he enjoined the Boeotians to make paiment of five hundred talents of silver But the cities would doe neither the one nor the other onely they paied them with bare words and excused themselves in that nothing had beene done by publicke warrant or counsell from the State Where upon the embassadors were sent to Athens and into Achaea to make protestation unto their allies that they would pursue the Boeotians with open warre upon good ground and just cause offred And so after hee had given commaundement unto P. Claudius to goe unto Acraephea with one part of his forces himselfe with the other set him down about Coronea planted siege unto it But first the territorie was laid wast all the way as the two armies marched from Elatia in divers quarters The Boeotians plagued with these losses and calamities seeing nothing but feare and flight in every place sent their embassadours unto him but when they could not be admitted into the campe the Achaeans and the Athenians were faine to come with them The Achaeans were of greater credite to entreat in their behalfe for unlesse they might obtaine pardon and peace for the Baeotians they determined also to enter into the quarrel and to make war themselves By whose mediation the Baeotians had accesse unto the Romane generall and audience once graunted Who after they were enjoyned to deliver up the offendors and malefactors to Instice and to pay thirtie talents for amends and satisfaction obteined peace and so the siege was raised After some few dayes the ten Delegates or Committees from Rome were arrived by whose advise and counsell peace was articled and capitulated with king Philip upon these conditions Imprimis That all the Greeke cities as well in Europe as in Asia should enjoy their libertie and live under their owne lawes Item That Philip should withdraw his garisons out of as many of them as had bin in subjection under him Item That he do the like by those which were in Asia to wit Euromos Pedasae Bargyllae Iassus Myrina Abydus Thassus and Perinthus all which the Romanes required to be free As concerning the libertie and freedome of the Cyani it was covenanted That Iuintius should write his letters to Pratias the king of the Bithynians giving him to understand the advise and pleasure of the Senate and the ten Delegates aforesaid Item That Philip render all the prisoners and fugitive traitours to the Romanes and yeeld up all the covered ships with hatches and over and besides one huge roiall Galiace or Argosey which by reason of the exceeding bignesse was unweldie and of little use and was directed with 16 banks of ores on a side Item That he should not have above five hundred men in armes nor one Elephant at all Item That he should not warre but by leave and permission of the Senate without the marches of Macedonie Item That he pay unto the people of Rome a thousand talents the one halfe in hand and the other at ten payments within the terme of ten yeeres Valerius Antias writeth moreover that there was imposed upon him a tribute of foure thousand pound weight of silver yeerely for ten yeeres and besides twentie thousand pound weight presently The same author saith that expressely it was capitulated that Philip should not warre at all with Eumenes the sonne of Attalus who was newly come to the crowne For the assurance of these covenants there were received hostages and amongst them Demetrius king Philip his sonne Valerius Antias hath written moreover that the Iland Aegina and certein Elephants were geven In pure gift to Attalus in his absence and that upon the Rhodians was bestowed Stratonicea a citie in Caria with other cities also which Philip had possessed To conclude that the Atheniens received of free gift these Iiles following to wit Paros Imbros Delos and Scyros When all the States of Greece approved and thought well of this peace only the Aetolians secretly muttered and sound fault with this order set downe by the ten Delegates abovesaid geving out that they were but bare letters and vaine words shadowed with a counterfer apparance of libertie For to what end say they should some cities be delivered to the Romanes and those not named
rare felicitie This done Iuintius and the ten Delegates gave audience to the embassages of divers kings and princes nations and states And first of all others were the embassadours of king Antiochus called in who used the same speech in manner that they had at Rome vaunting great words without any ground and substance of credit But answere was returned unto them not covertly by way of circumstance as aforetime when Philip was on foot and things stood doubtfull but openly in plaine tearmes Inprimis That Antiochus must quit and abandon all the cities of Asia which belonged at any time either to king Philip or king Ptolomeus Item That he medle not with any free citie or state and especially with those of Greece but above all warned he was and forbidden either to passe over himselfe or to send any forces into Europe After the kings embassadours were licensed to depart all the nations and states had a generall session and meeting together which was the sooner dispatched for that in the decrees of the ten Delegates all the cities and states were pronounced by name Vnto the Orestians a people in Macedonie for that they revolted first from the king their own lands and priviledges were restored The Magnesians the Perraebians and Dolopians were likewise declared free Vnto the people of Thessalie over and above the graunt of their libertie the Phthiotian Achaeans were annexed excepting the citie of Thebes in Phthia and Pharsalus As for the Aetolians who required that according to covenant Pharsalus and Leucas should be rendered unto them they were put over unto the Senat. But they awarded them the Phocenses and Locrenses with other appertinances adjoyned before by vertue of the decree Corinth Triphylia and Herea which also is a citie of Peloponnesus were rendred unto the Achaeans Moreover these ten Delegates gave Oreum and Eretria unto Eumenes the sonne of Attalus but by reason that Iuintius would not agree thereto the matter was referred over to the Senat for to be decided and the Senat graunted freedome unto these cities togither with Caristus Vnto Pleurasus were freely given Lingus and Parthenius which were two nations in Illyricum and had beene hoth subject to Philip. It was ordained also that Aminander should hold those castles stil which during the warres he had won from Philip. When the assembly was dissolved the ten Delegates having divided betweene themselves their severall charges departed every man to set free the cities of their particular regions and quarters P. Lentulus to Bargyllae L. Stertinius to Hephaestra Thassus and other citties of Thracia P. Villius L. Terentius toward king Antiochus and Cn. Cornelius toward Philip. Vnto whome after Cornelius had declared his commission concerning some smaller matters and withall demaunded of him Whether he could with patience abide to heare councell not onely profitable unto himselfe but also necessarie The king made answere againe and said That hee would not onely give him the hearing but also yeeld him thankes besides in case he would deliver ought unto him for his good Whereupon hee persuaded him earnestly that for as much as he had obtained peace alreadie he should send his embassadors to Rome to crave league also and amitie to the end that if Antiochus began to stirre he might not be thought to have attended and waited for some occasions and opportunities to make warre This conference and communication with Philip was at Tempe in Thessalie And when he answered That he would immediatly dispatch his embassadours Cornelius came to Thermopylae where a solemne Diet and assembly of all Greece is woont to be held upon certaine set daies and thither resort great numbers of people Which meeting is called Pylaicum where hee advised the Aetolians especially to persevere constant and faithfull in the amitie of the people of Rome Some of the principall Aetolians seemed to complaine betweene whiles that the Romanes were not so well affected to their nation after victorie as they were in time of the warre but others more sharply blamed and reproched them yea and upbraided them with this That Philip could not have beene vanquished no nor the Romanes ever able so much as to passe over into Greece without the helpe of the Aetolians Cornelius forbare to make answere against to those points for feare of farther wrangling and altercation and promised that if they sent to Rome they should obtaine any thiug that was reason Whereupon by his advise and approbation there were deputed Embassadours This was the issue and end of the warre with Philip. Whiles these affaires thus passed in Greece Macedonie and Asia all Tuscane in maner was gon out risen up in arms by occasion of a conspiracie of bondslaves For to inquire into these troubles and to represse the same there was sent M. Acilius a Pretour who had the civill jurisdiction betweene citizens and aliens with one of the two legions of Romaine citizens Some of them who were alreadie assembled together and growen to an head he overcame in fight of whome many were slaine and many taken prisoners Others he scourged and roundly trussed up hanging them on gybbets even as many as were the principall and chiefe of the conspiracie and others there were whome he sent home againe to their masters Now the Consuls were gone into their provinces Marcellus so soone as he was entred into the marches of the Boij and had over-wearied his souldiers with marching all day long sate him downe upon a certaine rising of a hill and there as he was in camping himselfe and his men Corolamus a prince or great L. of the Boij with a mightie power assailed and charged him and slew upon three thousand of his men In which sodaine and tumultuarie skirmish certaine brave men of marke were slaine among whome were T. Sempronius Gracchus and M. Iunius Syllanus two Colonels of the allies also A. Ogulnius and P. Claudius two knight marshals or Tribunes of the second legion Howbeit the Romans strongly fortified their tents and defended them valiantly which the enemies upon their fortunate victorie had long assailed to no effect And in the same standing campe he continued certaine daies whiles he cured his souldiours of their wounds and recovered their hearts after so great a fright The Boij as they are a nation that of all things can not endure any tedious delay of time dispersed themselves into their townes and forts Then Marcellus presently crossed ihe Po and led his armie into the territorie of Comun where the Insubrians lay incamped after they had sollicited and caused those of Comum to take armes The legions made no more adoe but gave them battaile in the verie way and at the first encounter the enemies charged them so hotely that they forced the forefront of the battaile to recule Which when Marcellus perceived fearing least beeing once disordered they should be repulsed and discomfited he made out a cohort of Marsians to make head and at once set forth all the troupes of the Latine
to yeeld unto fortune And first hee sent an herault into the campe to know whether the enemies would permit and suffer him to send his embassadors unto them Which being graunted Pythagoras repaired unto the Generall with no other charge and commission but only to request that the tyrant might parle with the Romane Generall Hereupon the Councell was assembled and generally opined it was that there should be graunted unto him a conference insomuch as both time and place was agreed upon and appointed Now when they were come to the hils standing in the middest of that quarter with some small companies of souldiours attending on either side upon them they left their cohorts behind them standing in guard within the open view and fight of both parts and then Nabis came downe with a certain chosen guard for his bodie and Quintius accompanied with his brother Eumenes the king Sobilaus the Rhodian and Aristhenus the Pretor of the Athaeans with some few knight Marshals and Colonels And then the tyrant being put to his choise whether he would speake first or heare another began his speech in this wise If I could have be thought my selfe ô Quintius and you all that are here present and imagined what the cause should be that you either proclaimed or made warre first against me I would have attended the issue of my fortune with silence But now I could not have that mastery and commaund of my selfe to forbeare but that before I perish I would needs know the reason and cause of my ruine and overthrow Certes if ye were such men as the Carthaginians are reported to be with whome there is no regard of truth no trust and securitie in covenants of societie and alliance I would not then marvell at all if you made small reckoning and cared but little what measure yee offered unto me But now when I behold and advise you well I see you are Romanes whose manner is to entertaine most duly and precisely the observation of holy rites and divine religion and the faithfull keeping of humane league and alliance When I consider and looke into my selfe I hope think verify that I am one with whom in generall as well as with the rest of the Lacedaemonians ye are linked by vertue of a most auncient league and in particular regard of my selfe a private amitie and societie hath been lately renued by the warre with Philip. But peradventure some man will say That I have broken and overthrowne the same first in that I hold the citie of the Argives And how shall I be able to answere this and excuse my selfe Shall I plead to the substance of the matter or to the circumstance of the time The thing itself presenteth unto me a two-fold plea for my defence For being called by the inhabitants themselves of the citie who offered the towne unto me I received it at their hands and in no wise seized upon it by force I received it I say when it sided and took part with Philip before it was comprised within your league As for the time it justifieth and cleareth me also and my doings For even then when as I was possessed of Argos I was allied and associate with you in good accord and in our covenants we articled and capitulated to send aids unto you for your warres and not to withdraw the garison from Argos And verily in this difference and question about Argos I have the vantage as well in regard of the equitie of the fact in that I received a citie not of yours but of your enemies received it I say not surprised by force but offred and delivered willingly as also by your owne confession for that in the conditions of the association agreed betweene us ye left Argos free unto me But it may be that the name of Tyrant hurteth me and some of mine actions condemne me much and namely that I set slaves free and devide lands to the poore commons As for the name thus much I am able to answere that such as I am better or worse still I am the very same man and no other than I was when you even you ó Quintius entred alliance with me then I remember well I was called King among you and now I see I am termed a Tyrant And therefore if I my selfe had changed the title and stile of my dignitie and government I must have yeelded a reason and accoumpt of my levitie and inconstancie but seeing you have altered it ye ought to answere for your vanitie Now as concerning the multitude so augmented by the enfranchising of slaves as touching the land also parted and distributed among the poore and needie I can mainteine and justifie my doings herein and protect me under the defence and priviledge of the very time For all these things be they as they be may I had done alreadie when ye made a league and covenant with me and received aids at my hand in the warre against Philip. But in case I had done so at this very present I stand not upon this whether I either had offended you or broken your amitie but thus much I averre that done I had according to the custome and fashion of our auncestours And ye must not thinke to square and trie the practise of Lacedemon according to the rule and squire of your lawes and ordinances For to let passe many other things and needlesse it is to compare particulars yee choose your gentlemen or men of armes according to their revenue according to revenue yee choose likewise the footmen Your will is that some few should excell in welth and power and the commons be subject and vassals unto them Our Law-giver thought not good that the Common-wealth should be ruled by a few whom you call a Senate nor that one or two States should excell and have preeminence in the citie but he thought thatin the equalitie of welth and worship there would be many more to beare armes for their countrey I have made a longer discourse I confesse than the ordinarie and naturall brevitie of our speech in these parts will beare And I might have knit all up in one word and said that I had done nothing after I was entred into amitie with you wherewith you needed to have taken any offence and bene displeased Then the Romane Generall made answere to these points in this manner No friendship nor association at all have we made with you but with Pelops the true and lawfull king of the Lacedemonians whereof I must needs say that the tyrants also who afterwards held the seigniorie and soveraigntie of Lacedemon have usurped the right and enjoyed the benefit during the time that we were otherwise employed and wholy busied one while in the Punick warres another whiles in the Gaules and evermore in one or other like as you also have done in this last Macedonian warre For what was lesse unsitting and more absurd than for us who waged warre against Philip for the libertie of
might know what affection the people of Rome caried and what mind Antiochus bare to the cities of Greece he declared before them all as well his owne demaunds as those of the kings part willing them to make report unto their own cities assure them that the people of Rome would maintein them against Antiochus unlesse he departed out of Europe with the same vertue valour and fidelitie wherwith he had defended their liberty against Philip. Then Menippus was earnest with Quintius and the LL. of the Senate beseeching them instantly not to proceed in hast to a decree whereby they should set all the world in trouble and uprore but both take leisure themselves and give respite unto the king to deliberate farther of the matter for no doubt upon the relating of the conditions he would consider upon them and either obtaine somewhat at their hands or for peace sake yeeld his consent to all Thus was the matter wholly and entirely deferred agreed it was that the same embassadours should be addressed unto the king who had beene with him at Lysimachia to wit P. Sulpitius P. Villius and P. Aclius Scarcely were they gone from the citie and entred upon their journey but embassadours arrived from Carthage who reported that without all doubt Antiochus made preparation for warre and therein used the hand and ministerie of Anniball in so much as it was feared also that a third Punicke warre would breake out withall Anniball as wee said before having sled his native countrey repaired unto Antiochus and was in great account and estimation with the king for no other cause and pollicie in the world but that the king who projected and plotted long time in his spirit to levie warre upon the Romanes could find no man more sit than Anniball to break his mind unto and with whom to discourse upon a matter of such consequence Anniball his song and resolution was ever one and the same still namely To make war within Italie and that Italie was able to furnish a forraine enemie with men munition and victuals For this he cast with himselfe and considered that if all were quiet there and no troubles set a foot but that the people of Rome might with the forces and riches of Italie furnish themselves to make war without Italie there was no monarch nor nation under the sunne able to make head against the Romanes He demanded therefore to have the commaund of 100 close ships with hatch and decke 16000 foot and 1000 horse and with the said fleet he would first saile into Affrick where he assured himselfe that he should be able to sollicit induce the Carthaginians to rebellion but if they held off made it goodly and strange yet would he settle in some part of Italie and levie war against the Romanes His advise and counsell furthermore was that the king should with all his other forces passe into Europe in some one part of Greece keep his power together and not to take the sea but to be readie ever to crosse over which would be sufficient to make a shew and raise a bruit all abroad of warre When he had persuaded the king to this designment and resolution supposing that he was likewise to found and prepare the hearts aforehand of his own countrimen to this purpose he durst not dispatch any letters unto them for fear they might chaunce to be intercepted by the way and so discover the whole plot He happened at Ephesus upon a Tyrian one Ariston a man whose industrie and dexteritie he had tried in some small services wherein he had imployed him Him he plyed with gifts in hand but fed him more with large promises of great rewards which king Antiochus also himselfe seemed to make good and give his word for and so sent him to Carthage with credence instructions He redied him in the names of all those persons with whom he was to talke and conferre hee furnisheth him with secret tokens whereby they might assuredly know that hee was no counterfeit but came with a message from him Now whiles this Ariston conversed in Carthage the friends of Annibali knew no sooner about what errand he came than his very enemies At the first much talke and discourse there was in every corner of the citie where they met and at their feasts and meriments of this matter Afterwards at their councell table some stucke not to say that the exile of Anniball was to little or no purpose if whiles he was absent hee could contrive and compasse new plots and by solliciting and tempting mens minds disquiet and trouble the state of the citie There is a straunger say they one Ariston a Tyrian hither come with instructions from Anniball and king Antiochus certaine men there are that daily have privie conference with him and devise in secret of that which anon will breake out to the utter ruine and overthrow of all Wherupon they all cried with one voice to convent Ariston peremptorily before them to examine him about what businesse he was thither arrived unlesse he would bewray and declare the matter to send him with embassadors of purpose to Rome For why we have say they felt the smart enough and paid sufficiently for the folly and rash head of one harebrained man already Let privat persons beare their owne load hereafter and at their owne perill commit acrespasle provided alwaies that the Commonweale be preserved cleare not onely from all fault but also from all apparance and bruit of any such intent Ariston being called before them stood stiffely upon his integritie and excused himselfe and evermore used this for his best and surest defence That he had brought no letters at all to any person howbeit he could not render a ready and found reason of his comming thither but especially hee was shrewdly troubled and put to his triumps when they charged him That he had talke communication with those only of the Barchine faction Hereupon arose some debate altercation in the house whiles some were of opinion that he should be apprehended for a spie and clapt up fast in ward others againe were of mind that there was no cause to make such a stirre and tumult for it was an evill president to be given that straungers comming to their citie should be troubled and hardly intreated and the like measure no doubt would be offered to the Carthaginians in Tyrus and in other townes of marchandise whereunto they use to have resort for exchange and traffique So for that day the matter was put off Ariston framing himselfe to play the craftie Carthaginians among these Carthaginians wrote a certaine bill in the shutting in of the evening hung it up in the most conspicuous publicke place of all the citie even over the seat where the head magistrate useth daily to sit and himselfe about the third watch gat to shipbord and escaped The morrow after when the Suffetes were set on the bench to minister law the
to commit himselfe to the Romanes or the Thessalians he passed not whether but put his life and estate into the hands of king Philip he never would Now when it appeered that they were to proceed by force and for that it seemed that Limnaea also at the same time might be assaulted it was thought expedient that the king should go to Limnaea and Baebius stayed still to batter and force the towne of Pellinaeum It fortuned at the sametime that M. Acilius the Cos. having passed the seas with a power of ten thousand foote and two thousand horse and fifteene Elephants commaunded certeine chosen Colonels of footmen to conduct all the infanterie to Larissa whiles himselfe with the Cavallerie came to king Philip before Limnaea At the comming of the Consul the towne was yeelded incontinently the kings garison was delivered and the Athamanians withall Then the Consull went from Limnaea to Pellinaeum where the Athamanes yeelded first and afterwards Philip also the Megapolitane rendred himselfe And as he came downe from the fort Philip the king chaunced to meete with him and in skorne and derision commaunded his men to sâ—lute him with the style of King and himselfe also by way of mockage came close unto him and greeted him by the name of Brother Philip skoffing jesting in broad termes far unfitting ywis his royall majestie Then was he brought before the Consull and put in ward and not long after sent bound to Rome All the multitude besides of the Athamanians as also of king Anâ—â—chus his souldiours which were within the garisons of those townes that were surrendred about that time were delivered unto Philip who amounted to the number of three thousand The Consull departed toward Larissa to consult and take advise for the generall course of the whole warre And in his way there met him embassadours from Pieria and Metropolis for to render their cities Philip having courteously and lovingly intreated above all other the prisoners of the Athamanians that by their meanes he might win the grace and favour of that nation and conceived some hope to conquer Athamania led his armie thither and sent his captives aforehand into their severall cities Now they were of great accoumpt and reputation among their country men and with all made report of the king his clemencie toward them and how lib erally and bountifully besides he had used them And Aminander verily whose presence and majestie had kept some of them in allegeance fearing least he should be delivered into the hands of Philip who long time had bene his mortall enemie and unto the Romanes whom he knew to have just cause at that time to be offended with him for his revolt departed out of his owne realme with his wife and children and retired himselfe to Ambracia Thus all Athamania became subject to king Philip and at his pleasure The Consull sojourned certaine daies at Larissa especially for to refresh his beasts which first had beene sea sicke and afterwards were tired with long travaile and thus when he had renewed as it were and repaired his armie with a litle rest and repose he marched to Crato At his comming thither these townes to wit Pharsalus Scotussa and Pherae togither with king Antiochus his garrisons that lay there were yeelded up unto him And having put unto their choice either to be gone or tarie still with him as many of them as he saw willing and those were about a thousand he delivered unto king Philip the rest he sent backe disarmed to Demetrias Then he regained Proerna and the fortresses and piles there about it Then began he to conduct forward his armie toward the gulfe of Mallea and when he approched the streights upon which the towne Thaumaci is situate all the flower of the youth in their armour quit the citie and put themselves in ambush about the woods and passages and from the higher ground charged upon the Romanes in their march The Consull at the first sent certaine unto them to parle neere at hand with them and to see if they could skare them from such desperate outrage but perceiving that they persisted still as they began hee commaunded a Colonell with two ensignes of souldiours to fetch a compasse about in such sort that he gat betweene those armed men and the towne and kept them from entrance whereby he possessed himselfe of the citie being void of defendants Then they that lay in the forest in ambush hearing an outcrie behind their backs of the town taken fled backward out of all parts of the wood fell upon the sword The Consul then departed from Thaumaci and the second day came as far as the river Sperchius and so forward unto the territorie of the Hypataeans which he spoiled During the time of these occurrents Antiochus lay at Chalcis who by this time seeing that he had gotten in Greece but the pleasure of one wintering spent so deliciously in Chalcis and a dishonourable marriage began to blame the Aetolians for their vaine promises and especially Thoas but Anniball he had in great admiration reputing him not onely for a sage and prudent man but also for a true Prophet who foretold him of all things that then were come to passe howbeit for feare that his cold slacknesse might not overthrow that quite which his rash follie had begun and enterprised he sent out his courriers into Aetolia to give them warning to levie all their youth and assemble them togither and himselfe for his owne part had brought thither almost ten thousand footmen who were made up full and furnished by them that after came out of Asia and five hundred horsemen besides To this place perceiving that there repaired smaller numbers by many degrees than ever at any time before and that they were but the Nobles onely and some few of their vassals who protested that they had done their endeavour to levie out of their cities as many as possibly they could but neither by authoritie nor for love and favour ne yet with absolute commaund were they able to prevaile or doe any good with them that refused warfare and seeing himselfe thus forsaken on all sides as well of his owne subjects who dragged behind in Asia as of his allies who performed not those matters in the hope whereof they had called him to assist them hee withdrew himselfe within the streights of Thermopylae This mountaine divideth Greece in the verie middle like as Italie is parted in twaine by the ridge of the Apennine On the fore-part of this streight and forest of Thermopylae toward the North lyeth Epirus and Perrhaebia Magnesia and Thessalie also the Phthiotae of Achaea and the gulie Mallea but within-foorth Southward is discovered the greater part of Aetolia and Acarnania Phocis Locris and Baeotia togither with the Iland Euboea joyning close thereto behind it is situate the country of Attica running into the sea like a promontorie and besides it Peloponnesus This mountain taking his beginning at Leucas and the
one from the other as missing their way in those unknowne quarters going as they did without their guides setting aside five hundred whichkept about the king there was not one that escaped of the whole armie Which was but a smal number in proportion of 10000 if they were no more for so many according to Polybius we have written that the king conducted over with him for his part into Greece What were they then to that great power which if we believe Valertus Antias came with the king for hee writeth that hee had in his hoast threescore thousand and that fortie thousand were slaine of them and above five thousand taken prisoners with the losse of militarie ensignes two hundred and thirtie Of Romanes there died in all a hundred and fiftie As the Consull marched with his armie through Phocis and Baeotia the States and citties which were privie to the revolt and partly culpable stood without their gates with their infules and veiles in token of peace and craved mercie fearing they should have been pilled and ransacted as enemies But his hoast journeied every day as in a peaceable friend countrey doing no hurt or wrong to any earthly creature until they were come into the territorie of Corona where the Statue or image of Antiochus erected in the temple of Minervus Itonea kindled their choler and the souldiours were permitted to spoile the country lying about that temple But be thinking themselves that considering the said Statue was set up with the publicke consent of all Baeotia it was an indignitie to deale so hardly with that territorie onely of Corona the souldiours were immediately called in and reclaimed and so they ceased the wasting and spoiling thereof The Baeotians onely had a checke and rebuke by words for carrying so unthankefull hearts to the Romanes of whom they had so lately received such high favours and benefites At the very time of the battell aforesaid there rid at anker ten ships of the kings in the gulfe of Malea neere to Thronium under the charge and conduct of Isidorus To which place Alexander the Acarnanian being fled from the conflict fresh bleeding and full of greevous wounds brought newes of the unfortunate fight Whereupon the ships in great feare for this late terror made hast and away to Ceneum in Eubaea where Alexander died and was interred But three other ships which were come out of Asia and lay in the same rode upon the newes of the defeature of the armie returned to Ephesus And Isidorus crossed the seas from Ceneum to Demetrias if peradventure the king were fled thither About that very time A. Attilius the admirall of the Romane navie intercepted and surprised great store of the kings provisions which had passed alreadie the streights neere the Iland Andros Some ships he sunke others he bourded and tooke as for those that came hinmost in the rereward they turned saile and shaped their course into Asia Attilius being returned to Pyraeeum from whence he came with a fleete of ships taken from the enemies devided great store of come both among the Atheniens and other allies also of that countrie Antiochus somewhat before the Consull his comming loosed from Chalcis and first fell with the island Tenus and afterwards sailed to Ephesus Against the Consull his arrivall at Chalcis the gates were set open for him and Aristotle the Captaine there for the king quit the place upon the approchment of the Consull In like manner other cities in Eubaea yeelded without resistance And so within few dayes when all troubles were appeased and set in quiet order without the hurt and damage of any one citie the armie was brought back to Thermopylae and wan much more honor and commendation for the modestie used after victorie than for the victorie itselfe From thence the Consull dispatched M. Cato to Rome by whose certeine and sure relation the Senat and people might have full knowledge of all the affaires that had passed Who taking sea at Creusa a port towne of Merchandise standing within the inmost gulfe of Corinth arrived at Patrae a citie in Achaea From Patrae he coasted along the rivers of Aetolia and Acarnania as far as Corphu and so cut over to Hydruntum in Italie from whence he travailed by land and in exceeding great hast within five dayes came to Rome Early in the morning before day light he entred the citie and from the gate rode directly to M. Iunius the Pretour who assembled the Senate betimes by the breake of day and thither L. Cornelius Scipio who some dayes before had bene dismissed sent away from the camp by the Consull hearing at his first comming that Cato was gotten before him and in the Senate repaired even as he was relating the newes Then these two Lieutenants by the commaundement of the Senate were presented in the generall assembly of the people where they declared the same which they had done before in the Senate house as touching the deeds atchieved in Aetolia And ordeined it was that a solemne procession for three dayes should be holden and that the Pretour should sacrifice fortie head of greater beasts in the honor of what gods he would himselfe And at the same time M. Fulvius Nobilior who two yeeres before went as Pretour into the farther Spaine entred the citie in pomp of an Ovation or petie triumph He caused to be borne before him of silver bigates 130000. And besides that silver in coine and readie monie 12000 pound weight Also in gold the weight of 127 pound Acilius the Consull sent certeine messengers from Thermopylae to the Aetolians at Heraclea to advertise them that before he came they would now at last be wiser and be thinke themselves after such experience of the king his vanitie and insufficiencie for to deliver up Heraclea and crave pardon of the Senate either for their wilfull folly or their blind error Who used these and such like motives and inducements unto them namely That other cities likewise of Greece during this warre abandoned the Romanes and revolted from them at whose hands they had received so many benefites yet because that after the king was sled upon whose assurance they had disloyally broken their allegeance they stood not out still nor persisted obstinately in their fault and folly were received to mercie and protection The Aetolians likewise albeit they followed not the king but sent for him and were rather conducters and leaders than companions and associates in this warre yet it they could take up in time and repent they might be pardoned and saved But no answere returned they tending to peace nay it appeered that the matter would come to a triall by armes and for all the king was vanquished yet the Aetolian warre was behind as wholly and entier as before time Whereupon the Consull dislodged from Thermopylae and marched directly against Heraclea yea and the very same day he rode on horseback all about the walls to view the situation of the citie This
forgoe their outragious folly he would make them this offer That they should yeeld under the same condition and in those very termes as afore-time they had submitted to C. Livius when they came under his protection At the hearing of that they demaunded and had five dayes space to consider of the matter during which time they made meanes to receive some aid from Antiochus but after their embassadors whom they dispatched to the king had made relation That there was no succour to be expected from him then they set open their gates having articled and capitulated beforehand that no outrage by way of hostilitie should be exercised committed upon them As the Rom. entred into the city with banners displayed the Pretour declared with a loud voice That his will and pleasure was they should be spared for as much as they had yeelded Whereat the souldiours on all hands set up a great cry That it was an intollerable shame that the Phocaeans who were never true and loyall confederates but alwayes dogged and malicious enemies should goe away so scotfree and not suffer for their sinnes At which word as if the Pretour had given them a signall of ransacking they ran into all parts of the citie to rifle and spoile Aemylius at first stayed them what he could and reclaimed them againe saying That it was not the manner to sacke cities rendred by composition but such as were forced and woon by assault and even those also were at the disposition of the Generall and not of the souldiours But seeing that they in their angrie mood of revenge and covetous desire of goods were of more power than the respective reverence of his person his qualitie and commaundement hee sent out beadles and trumpetters throughout the city charging all persons of free condition whatsoever to repaire before him into the market place to the end that no vilany and outrage might be done upon their bodies And so the Pretor did his best to perform his word and promise in whatsoever lay in his power for he restored unto them their city their lands their own laws And for that the winter approched he made choise of the two harbors of Phocaea to bestow his ships therfor the winter time Neere about that time the Consull having passed beyond the borders of the Adrians and Maronites received newes that the kings navie was defeated at Myonesus and Lysunachia disfurnished of the garrison and this latter tidings was more acceptable and pleasing unto him than the other of the navall victory and especially when they came thither where in very truth the city plenteously stored with all sort of victuals as if they had been provided of purpose against the comming of the army received them courteously whereas they made no other account but to endure extremity of want and painfull travell in besieging thereof There they abode some few daies as it were in campe untill such time as their carriages and sickely persons of their traine might reach unto them such as they had left behind in all the forts and castles of Thrace wearyed with long journey and enfebled with divers infirmities When all were come and well refreshed and recovered they put themselves againe in their journey and matching through Chersonesus they came to Hellespont where finding all things in readines for their transporting such was the industrious care and diligence of king Eumenes they passed over without trouble and molestation into the peaceable coasts of their allies and friends without empeachment of any person notwithstanding some ships arrived in one place and some in another And this was the thing that much contented the Romanes and mightily encouraged them to see they had so free passage into Asia which they made full reckoning would have ben a matter of great difficultie and trouble After this they encamped and made their abode a certaine time neere Hellespont by occasion of those daies which happened then to be wherein the Salij used to daunce with their scutchions called Ancilia during which time they made scruple of conscience to take any journey untill those Ancilia were bestowed againe in the temple of Mars By reason of which daies P. Scipio also withdrew himselfe apart from the armie upon a more strict regard of conscience and religion which touched him neerer than other because he was himselfe one of the Salij and was the cause that the army stayed behind and came not forward to overtake the campe And even then there happened to come unto the camp from Antiochus one Heraclides a Bizantine having in charge to treat as touching a peace and good hope he conceived to obtein the same with ease by reason of the long abode and stay of the Romanes in that one place of whome hee had looked for no other but that as soone as they had set foote in Asia they would have marched apace straightwaies against the kings campe Howbeit this course he tooke not to goe directly unto the Consull before he had spoken and conferred with Scipio and in deed such direction and charge he had from the king himselfe in whome he had reposed his greatest hope for besides his magnanimitie and noble courage as also the satietie of glory and honour whereof already hee had his full great inducements unto the king that hee would bee easily wrought and made most pliable to hearken after peace all the world knew full well how soberly he had carried himselfe in his victories first in Spaine and afterwards in Africke and more than all this a sonne of his was captive in the said kings hands But where when and by what chance he was taken prisoner writers agree not no more than in many things els Some say that in the beginning of the warre he was beset and enclosed round within the kings ships at what time as hee sailed from Chalcis to Oreum Others write that after the Romane army was passed over into Asia hee was sent out in espiall with a troupe of Fregellane horsemen to view and discover the kings campe and when the kings Cavallerie made out to charge upon them hee made hast to retire and in that hurrie his horse fell with him and so hee and two other men of armes with him was surprised taken and brought to the king But this one thing is for certeine knowne that if there had beene sure and firme peace betweene the king and the Romanes nay if there had beene familiar acquaintance and hospitalitie betweene him and the Scipioes this young gentleman could not possibly have had more friendly entertainment not beene more kindly intreated liberally used yea and honorably regarded than he was For these causes the Embassadour attended the comming of Scipio and so soone as he was arrived presented himselfe unto the Consull requesting that hee might deliver his message and be heard Whereupon in a frequent assembly he had audience given him and thus hee spake Whereas quoth he there have beene divers and sundry embaslages passed to
Inhibitions passed to and fro Cautions and pledges were distrained fines they imposed one upon anothers head the Tribunes were called unto on both sides for to interpose their authoritie and they appealed both unto the people In fine religion and the regard of holy rites tooke place and caried it cleare and the Flamin was enjoined to obey the chiefe priest and by order and expresse commaundement from the people all fines were taken off and forgiven And when the Pretour for very anger and spite that he was debarred from his province would have surrendred and resigned up his government the LL. of the Senat impeached and terrified him by their absolute authoritie and ordeined that he should minister justice and exercise civill jurisdiction betweene aliens After that the musters were ended within few dayes for many souldiours were not to be levied and enrolled both Consuls and Pretours tooke their journey into their provinces After this there arose a bruit concerning the occurrents and affaires in Asia blowen and spread abroad I wot not how nor from what head and author it proceeded but after few dayes there came certeine messengers with letters from the Generals of the Romane armie sent of purpose to the citie which caused not so great joy presently ensuing upon the fresh feare aforesaid for why they were no more afraid of Aetolia by them already conquered as dashed quite the same and opinion that went of Antiochus whom in the beginning of this warre they supposed would have bene a dangerous enemie unto them as well in regard of his owne puissance as for that he had the direction and conduct of Anniball in the warre howbeit they thought good to alter nothing either as touching the sending of the Consull into Asia or diminishing his forces for feare they should have warre with the French Not long after M. Aurelius Cotta a lieutenant of Scipio came to Rome with the embassadors of king Antiochus and likewise king Eumenes and the Rhodians Cotta reported declared first in the Senat and afterwards in a full assembly of the people by order commaundement from the LL. of the Counsell what affaires had passed in Spaine Whereupon ordeined it was That there should be holden a solemne procession for 3 daies together and order was given that 40 head of greater cattaile should be killed for sacrifice This done the Senat assembled for to give audience to king Eumenes first above all other matters who briefly in few words having rendred thanks to the LL. of the Senat for that they had delivered him and his brother from siege and protected his realme against the wrongs and outrages offred by Antiochus also having testified his joy by way of gratulation for their prosperous fortunat affaires archieved both by land and sea namely in that they had discomfited put to flight K. Antiochus and driven him out of his campe that he could not keepe the field and withall disseized dispossessed him first of Europe and afterwards of all that part of Asia which lieth on this side the mountain Taurus he concluded and knit up all with this That as touching his owne demerits and employments about their affaires he had leisser they tooke knowledge by their owne generals captaines and lieutenants than from his mouth They all approved wel of this speech of his and willed him to speak boldly without bashful modestie in that case What he thought in equitie reason the Senat people of Rome was to yeeld unto him by way of just recompense assuring him that the Senat would do it more willingly and liberally if possibly they could according to the worth of his desert The king answered thus again That in case any other had made him that offer given him the choise of his own rewards he would gladly have used the counsaile of that right honorable court of the Roman Senat so he might have the meanes libertie to aske their advise to the end that he would not be thought either to exceede measure in covetous desire or passe the bounds of modestie in craving a recompense But now considering they are themselves to give that reward much more reason it is that their munificence bountie to him and his brethren should be referred to their own arbitrement discretion The LL. of the Senat were nothing moved at this language of his but urged him stil to speake himself in his own cause And after a certeine time that they had strived a-vie the LL. in courtesie kindnes the king in modestie shamefastnes yelding one unto the other reciprocally in such amiable and mutuall manner as hardly can be expressed Eumenes departed out of the temple The Senat persisted neverthelesse in their resolution saying it was very absurd undecent that the king should be ignorant upon what hopes he was come and what he purposed to make suite and petition for and himself must needs of all others know best what was meetest most expedient for his own kingdome yea and was far better acquainted with the state and affaires of Asia than the Senate was And therefore no remedie but he must be called again and compelled to declare and deliver what his will desire and mind was to have Hereupon the king was brought back into the temple by the Pretour and urged to speake Then at last My LL. quoth he I would have persisted still in silence but that I knew that anon ye wil call the embassage of the Rhodians in place and that after audience given unto them I must neither will nor choose but make some speech of necessity and verily with so much more difficultie shall I speake because their demaunds will be such as if they would seeme not only to require nothing prejudiciall and hurtfull unto me but also which more is matters little or nothing pertinent to themselves For plead they will and maintaine the cause of the cities in Greece saying They ought to be set free and at liberty which being once obteined who can make doubt but ready they will be to withdraw from our obeisance not only the cities which shall be freed but also those which have beene homagers and tributaries unto us of old time yea and will keepe them as subjects in very deed and wholly at their devotion whome beeing thus bound and obliged to them by so great a benefit they call by the name of Associates and would make the world beleeve they repute for no other Yet forsooth I wet well in affecting and aspiring to this so great power and puissance they will carry it so cleanly and make semblant as though this in no wise touched and concerned them but that it is befitting you alone correspondent and answerable to other former deeds of yours But be yee well advised and let not their glosing words deceive you take you heed I say that yee goe not with an uneven hand nor beare your selves equally whiles ye depresse and abase too much some of your
as they may and are not wee confesse in so good case as you howbeit they carrie with them as brave a mind as your selves and the day hath been when they were monarchs when they conquered by their owne sword a mightie dominion and held the same when they had it Now they are content with that empire where it now is nay they wish it may remaine and continue there for evermore where it is settled at this present They shall bee well apaied and thinke they are well to maintaine their libertie by your force of armes since they have no meanes of their owne to defend the same But will some man say there be certaine cities that held a side and banded with Antiochus answere again So were others before that took part with Philip so there were that combined with Pyrrhus as for example the Tarentines and to say nothing of other States which I could name and rehearse even Carthage it selfe enjoieth freedome and is governed by her owne lawes Consider then my LL. what a precedent therein yee have set downe to your owne selves and how yee ought to confirme and uphold so good an example You must resolve to denie that unto the covetous desire of Eumenes which you would not graunt to your owne ire against the Carthaginians which they had most justly deserved And as for us Rhodians with what valour and loialtie wee have served and aided you as well in this warre as in all others which yee have had in those parts and quarters wee report us to your owne selves and leave it to your judgement And now in time of peace wee here present unto you that counsell which if you will accept and approove all the world will beleeve and say That you have borne your selves more honourable in the usage than in the atchievance of your victorie This Oration seemed to fit well the greatnesse and majestie of the Romanes When the Rhodians had done the embassadours of Antiochus were called in Who after the usuall and stale manner of those that crave pardon confessed the king was in fault and humbly besought the LL. of the Senate to have more regard of their own accustomed gracious clemencie than remember the kings trespasse who had paied sufficiently for it alreadie and finally that they would ratifie and confirme by their authoritie the peace graunted by L. Scipio their L. Generall according to those conditions which by him were capitulated and set downe So both the Senate thought good to admit of that peace and also within few daies after the people gave their assent and established the same And this accord was solemnely confirmed in the Capitoll with the kings Procurator or agent to wit Antipater the cheefe of the embassage who also was Antiochus his brothers sonne This done the other embassages of Asia had audience were all dispatched with this one answere That the Senate would send ten deputies or commissioners according to the auncient custome of their auncestours to heare decide and compose all the affaires of Asia But the finall conclusion of all should be this That whatsoever pertained to the dominion of Antiochus on this side the mountaine Taurus should be assigned to king Eumenes excepting the countries of Lycia and Caria so farre as the river Maeander all which must lie to the signorie of the Rhodians As touching the other cities of Asia which had been tributaries to Attalus those also were to pay tribute to Eumenes but such as were sometime homagers to Antiochus those should bee enfranchised and remaine free The ten Commissioners whome they appointed were these to wit Q. Minutius Rufus L. Furius Purpureo Q. Minutius Thernius App. Claudius Nero Cn. Cornelius Merula M. Iuntus Brutus L. Aurunculeius L. Aemylius Paulus P. Cornelius Lentulus and P. Aelius Tubero These men had plenarie power and full commission to take order and determine as they thought good in all the occurrents that were presented in these affaires But they had direction from the Senate as touching the principall points Imprimis That all Lycaonia and Phrygia both the more and the lesse that Mysia with the kings chases and forrests that the cities of Lydia and Ionia except those that were free at the day of the battell fought with Antiochus and expressely by name Magnesia neer Sipylus together with Caria which is called Hydrela and all the territorie of Hydrela lying toward Phrygia moreover Telmessus and the forts of the Telmessians reserving only that territorie which belonged to Ptolomeus the Telmessian that all these countries I say and cities above written should bee given and graunted to king Eumenes Item That the Rhodians should bee ense offed in Lycia without the foresaid Telmessus the sorts and territorie appertaining sometime to Ptolomeus Telmessius which parcels I say were reserved as well from Eumenes as the Rhodians Item To the Rhodians was graunted that part of Caria which lieth beyond the river Maeander neere unto the isle Rhodes together with the townes villages fortresses and lands bounding upon Pisidia except those townes which were free the day before the battell with king Antiochus in Asia The Rhodians when they had given thankes to the Senate for these gratuities were in hand with them for the citie Soli in Cilicia they alleadged that they likewise as well as themselves were descended from Argos by occasion of which confraternitie and neere alliance they loved together as brethren by nature in regard whereof they made petition that over and besides other donation they would doe them this extraordinarie favour as to exempt that cittie also from the servitude and subjection of king Antiochus Then were the embassadours of king Antiochus called for and treated with all about this matter but to no effect For Antipater stood stoutly upon this point and pleaded hard That the accord was past alreadie and might not be revoked or altered and that against the tenour of the articles and covenants therein comprised it was not the citie Soli but all Cilicia that the Rhodians demaunded and never would they rest till they were gotten over the mountaine Taurus Then were the Rhodians called back againe into the Senate unto whom the LL. of the Senat after they had made relation how earnest the kings embassador was with them upon the point added thus much more over said That it the Rhodians deemed in very deed that the matter concerned the honor of their citie and State the Senat would worke all possible meanes to cause the kings embassadors to relent how stiffe and obstinate soever they stood For this courtesie the Rhodians thanked them much more hartily than for all the rest before and said withall that they would yeeld and give place to the arrogant spirit of Antiochus rather than seeme to give any cause or occasion of troubling the peace And so as touching the citie Soli there was no alteration made Whiles these matters were thus debated and passed the embassadors of the Massilians brought intelligence that L. Baebius
have his funerall accompanied with the death at the same time of two most renowned and great personages Anniball poisoned himselfe by occasion that Prusias king of Bithynia unto whom hee was fled for succour after the defeature of king Antiochus would have yeelded him into the hands of the Romans who had sent of purpose T. Quintius Flamininus to demaund him Likewise Philopamen the Generall of the Achaens an excellent man was poisoned by the Messenians who tooke him prisoner in warre Colonies were sent to Pollentia Pisaurum Mutina and Parma Over and besides this booke containeth the prosperous affaires against the Celtiberians also the beginning cause of the Macedonian warre whereof the originall spring arcss from Philip much discontented that his kingdome was empaired by the Romanes in regard that he was forced by them to withdraw his garisons out of Thrace and other parts DVring the time that these affaires passed at Rome if this were the yeere wherein they happened both Consuls made warre against the Ligurians a nation borne as it were to maintaine the militarie discipline of the Romanes and to find them occupied in all times of respite and rest from greater warres neither was there any other province that gave a sharper edge to the valour of the soldior For Asia with the beautie of their cities the abundance of all commodities as well by sea as land the effeminate tendernesse of the enemies and the roialtie of the kings riches had made their armies more wealthie than valiant and especially under the government of Cneus Manlius nusled they were in much loosenesse and negligence And therupon it was that finding the way in Thrace a little more rough and difficult than ordinarie to travell in and an enemie better practised and exercised to deale withall they received a great foile and losse among them Now in Liguria they met with all thingsthat might rouse and awake sleepie souldiours the countrey rough and full of mountaines that much adoe they had themselves to seize the same and as great a labour they found to disseize the enemies that were before possessed of them the waies sleepie up-hill narrow and daungerous for ambushes the enemie light swift nimble and suddainely setting upon them giving no time of rest no place of repose and securitie Driven they were of necessitie to assault strong and fortified castles with great difficultie and daunger both the countrey poore and needie which caused the soldiors to spare and live hardly and affourded them no foison of preys and prizes and therefore no victualers scullions souldiors boyes and lackies followed the camp neither the labouring beasts for carriage tooke up a length their march nothing there but armour and men reposing all hope in their armes and nothing else And never wanted they some matter of quarrell and some occasion or other to make war for by reason of their barenesse and penurie they made rodes into the lands of their neighbors but so as they never ventured all at once nor put the main chance in hazard C. Flaminius the Consull having fought sundrie times with the Friniat Ligurians and in many battailes gotten the better hand over them even at home in their owne countrey brought the whole nation by composition under obedience and disarmed them but because in the deliverie of their armour they dealt not soundly and faithfully and should have beene chastised therfore they abandoned their villages and fled to the mountain Auginus whither the Consul pursued them hard at heeles howbeit being disbanded and scattered againe and most of them disarmed they fled into the valley through places where no wayes led and over broken and cragged steep rocks whereas the enemies could not possibly follow after and so passed the other side of Apennine But as many as kept still within their hold were beset round about and overthrowne Then were the legions led to the further side of Apenninus where the enemies for a small while defended themselves by the height of the place but an on they yeelded Then was their armour sought up with more care and diligence than before and they were disfurnished and stript out of all After this was the warre diverted and turned wholly upon the Apuan Ligurians who had so over-run the territories of Pisae and Bolonia that they could not be manured and tilled The Consull having subdued them also graunted peace unto the borderers and now that he had brought the province into quietnes and rest to the end that his souldiors should not be idle and doe nothing he made a causey or street-way from Bononia to Arretium The other Consull M. AEmylius set on fire the villages and wasted the lands of the Ligurians as well in the champaine fields as the valleys when the inhabitants themselves were retired into the two mountaines Balista and Suismontium which they held Afterwards hee assailed them also who had taken the hills aforesaid and first wearied them with lights skirmishes afterwards he forced them to descend into the plaine and there in a set battaile vanquished them in which conflict the vowed a temple to Diana Thus having subdued all on this side Apennine hee then set upon those that dwelt beyond the mountaine among whom were the Frisinat Ligurians so farre as to whome C. Flaminius went not all those AEmylius subdued despoiled them of their armour and forced the multitude of them to forsake the mountaines and come downe into the plaines After he had quieted the Ligurians he led his armie into the country of the Gauls and made an high way from Placentia to Ariminum so as it met with the causey Flaminia and in the last battell wherein hee fought with banners displayed against the Ligurians he vowed a temple to queene Iuno And these were the exploits for that yeere in Liguria M. Furius the Pretour in Gaule seeking in time of peace for some pretence and colour of warre had taken from the Cenomans their armour notwithstanding they were innocent and did no harme The Cenomanes made complaint hereof at Rome to the Senate and were put over to the Consull AEmylius unto whome the Senat had directed a commission of oier and determiner After great debate with the Pretor they overthrew him in the action and had their armour delivered unto them againe and so the Pretour was commaunded to give over his government and depart out of the province After this the Embassadours of the Latin nation who assembled and resorted in great number out of all parts of Latium had audience given them in the Senat. These complained that a great multitude of their own naturall citizens were removed and gon to inhabit in Rome and there were enrolled whereupon a commission was graunted to Q. Terentius Culleo the Pretour to make search for such and looke how many of them those Latine allies could proove to have been enrolled either themselves or their fathers in any citie or corporation of theirs either at the time that C. Claudius and M. Livius were Censors
day he might put this devise in execution without being descried before But al came to nothing for the formost corps de guard although they were surprised with this sodaine comming by their trouble and affright awakened raised all the rest immediatly the alarme was given so as at one instant the souldiors were readie and well appointed at the gates and upon the rampier bent and prest for to defend the campe Perseus likewise incontinently turned about with his ensignes putting his fardage and carriage before and then commaunded the infanterie to march after himselfe with the cavallerie and light-armours staied behind to fortisie and guard the rereward supposing as it fell out indeed that the enemies would make after to charge upon the taile of the march His light armed souldiers had some short skirmishing especially with the forlorne hope loose avant courriers but the horse footmen both retired without any impeachment into the camp Thus when all the corne was cut downe about those quarters the Romanes dislodged remooved into the territorie of Crannon which as yet was not endammaged Whiles they lay encamped in securitie and mistrusting nothing because the enemies were so far off and by reason that the way between Sycurium and Crannon was so difficult for want of water behold all on a suddaine early in the morning by day light the kings cavallerie and light armed souldiours shewed themselves upon the hils that overlooked them from above and put them into great trouble Departed they were from Sycurium at noon the day before and had left the infanterie behind about the breake of day upon the plaine next thereto For a while he stood upon those said hils hoping that the Romans might bee trained forth to an horse-fight But perceiving them not to stir at all he sent one on horseback to commaund the footmen to retire again to Sycurium and himselfe in person followed streight after The Roman horsemen made after a pretie distance off if haply they could spie any vauntage in one place or other to charge upon them disbanded and straggling a sunder But when they saw that in their dismarch they kept close together following their guidons and keeping their rankes they also returned into the campe After this the king wearie of making so long journies dislodged and removed to Mopsium The Romans for their part likewise having mowed downe all the corne of Crannon passed into the territorie of Phalanneum The king having intelligence by a rennegate revolt that the Romans were scatered all over the fields and reaping the standing corn without any guard of armed men made a rode with one thousand horse and two thousand Candiots and Thracians who marching with as great hast as possibly they could set upon the Romanes at unawares all unprovided where he tooke a thousand carts or there abouts together with their teemes most of them laden and upon 600 men besides The guard and convoy of this bootie into the campe hee committed to the charge of three hundred Cretensians Himselfe having rallied his cavallerie dispearsed here and there busie in execution and reunited with all the rest of the footmen led them to the next corps de guard or garrison of the enemies supposing that with little a do they might bee surprised and vanquished L. Pompeius a Colonell had the commaund of them who seeing his souldiours affrighted with this suddaine comming of the enemies retired with them to an hill neere at hand for to defend himselfe by the vantage and strength of the place considering that otherwise in number and forces he was too weake Where after he had cast his men into a ring for to ward against the shot of arrowes and darts by a roufe and fence of targuets couched close together over their heads Perseus having environned the hill round about with armed men commaunded some to mount up and assay to win the place on all parts if possibly they could and then to fight close hand to hand others he charged to launce their darts and shoot their shafts thick at them a farre off The Romans were be set with a double fear for neither could they maintaine skirmish and fight close together because of those who laboured to climbe the hill and say they had broke any rankes with excursions and outrodes upon them yet were they exposed and lay open to the shot of arrowes and darts Most hurt they had by certaine weapons called Cestrosphendonae sling-darts A new kind of dart this was and lately devised in the time of this very warre It had a sharpe head of yron the length of two hands breadth the same set fast in a stele which was halfe a cubite long and about the thicknes of a mans finger for to flie direct and streight three feathers it had about it in manner of a shaft the sling from the middle part had two cords of an unequall size now when as the slinger swong it about as it lay even poised in the greater capacitie of the leather thong our flew the dart and was driven with violence like a bullet Many of the souldiers being very sore wounded as well with this weapon as all other sorts of shot so as now for wearines they were scarce able to beare their owne armour the king was earnestly in hand with them to yeeld and submit assuring them upon his faithfull word their lives yea and otherwhiles promised them rewards and recompences But there was not a man whose heart enclined once thereto Now as they stood thus stiffe and resolute to die there shone upon them a little comfort some hope of evasion beyond all their expectation For certain of the forrages and corn purveiors who hapned to flie for resuge unto the camp brought word unto the Consull that the corps de guard aforesaide was besieged round whereupon being moved with the jeopardie wherein so many citizens stood for about nine hundred they were and all citizens of Rome he went forth of the campe with the cauallerie and light armed souldiours and unto them joyned certaine new succours of the Numidians as well horse as foot together with the elephants and gave commandement to the martiall colonels that the ensignes of the legions should follow after Himselfe in person marched before toward the hill aforesaid taking with him a certeine number of skirmishers for to strengthen the light armed auxiliaries Eumenes Attalus Misagenes also the king of the Numidians flanked the Cos. on either side When as the besieged Romanes had a sight once of the formost ensignes of their friends and fellowes they tooke comfort and courage againe upon their former extream dispaire Perseus who had purposed in the first place not to spend any long time in laying siege to this corps de guard but to content himselfe with the fortunate successe which at a venture hapned in that he had taken and slain some of the sorragers secondly when he was in some sort entred into that action to depart
mountaine Athos and from thence passed to Tenedos with pleasure in calme sea where finding certaine Rhodian open ships riding in the harbour they spake courteously to Eudamus their admirall let them alone without any hurt at al done unto them But afterwards upon knowledge that fiftie hulkes of theirs on another side were shut up pent in by the warre-ships of king Eumenes which rid in the mouth of the haven and were commaunded by Damius hee turned about in all hast and dispersed the enemies ships with a suddaine terrour that hee put them in and sent the said hulkes and vessels of burden into Macedonie with a convoy of tenne brigantines to wast them over with this charge That after they had conducted them past all daunger into place of safetie they should returne againe to Tenedos After nine daies they retired toward the fleet ankering then in the rode of Sigaeum From thence they crossed over to Subota an Island lying betweene Elea and Athos It fortuned that the morrow after the fleet was arrived at Subota five and thirtie ships which they call Hippagogae serving for the transporting of horses which came from Elea having abourd certaine horsemen of Gaule and their horses made head toward Phanae a cape or promontorie of the Chians from whence they might cut over into Macedonie And these were sent from Eumenes to Attalus Antenor being advertised by a signall given him from a watch-tower that those ships were discovered under saile in the open sea losed from Subota and betweene the cape of Erythraea and Chios where the sea is most narrow hee encountred them The admirals of king Eumenes thought nothing lesse than that any fleet of Macedonians were abroad in those seas but imagined one while they were Romanes otherwhiles that it was Attalus or some sent backe from Attalus who from out of the Romane campe were sailing toward Pergamus But as they approched neerer they tooke knowledge by the forme and fashion of their pinnaces who they were by their hastie rowing also and making head full against them they were out of all doubt that their enemies were at hand Then were they mightily afraid as having no hope to resist and withstand them considering the ships were unweldie and unhandsome and the Gaules besides could hardly brooke the very sea without any other trouble Some of them therefore who were neerer to the firme land saved themselves by swimming to Erythraea others set up their sailes and being cast upon the Island Chios forsooke their horses and ran as fast as they could for refuge to the cittie But the barkes discharged their armed souldiours neerer to the citie in a more commodious place for landing Where the Macedonians overtook the Gaules and slew them some in the way as they fled others before the very gate of the cittie being kept out and excluded from thence for the Chians not knowing either who fled or who pursued had shut their gates upon them Nine hundred Gallogreekes or very neere lost their lives and were hewen in peeces and two hundred taken alive As for the horses part perished in the sea after the ships were split and broken and the Macedonians hought and cut the strings of their gambrels of as many of them as they found upon the shore Twentie of the best fairest horses together with the prisoners Antenor commanded that those ten barkes which he had sent before should transport to Thessalonica and return againe with all speed to the fleet for that hee would expect their comming at Phanae The fleet staied about three daies under the citie side but afterwards went forward to Phanae and when the tenne pinnaces aforesaid were returned sooner than they looked for they set up saile in the Aegean sea for Delos In this while the Roman embassadors C. Popilius C. Decimius and C. Hostilius departed from Chalcis and arrived with three Quinquereme galeaces at Delos where they found fortie Macedonian pinnaces and five roiall Quinquereme galeaces of king Eumenes The holinesse of the temple and island wherein it stood affourded securitie to them all so as there was no hurt done nor violence offered from one to another And therefore as well Romanes as Macedonians and besides the sailers and marriners of king Eumenes conversed together entermingled one with another in the temple and the religious devotion of the place yeelded them truce and surcease of hostilitie Antenor the admirall of king Perseus when hee was advertised from the watch and sentinell that certaine ships of burden were seene a farre off in the sea set saile and made after them himselfe with part of his pinnaces and part of them hee bestowed in await among the Cyclades and saving those that directed their course toward Macedonie he either drowned or spoiled them all Popiltus did the best he could and Eumenes with his ships likewise to save some but the Macedonians who sailed by night with two or three pinnaces at the most deceived them and were not discovered Much about this time Macedonian and Illyrian embassadors came together to Rhodes who caried the greater authoritie credit with the Rhodians by reason not only of the comming of their brigantines which sailed to and fro raunging over the Aegean sea and among the Cyclades but also by the conjunction and association of the two kings Perseus and Gentius together with a rumour that ran of the Gaules who were comming with a great number as well of horse as foot And not both Dion and Polyaratus who tooke part with Perseus tooke more courage and heart unto them by whose meanes there was not onely a gracious answere returned to the kings but also pronounced openly it was that by their authoritie they would make an end of the warre in regard whereof the kings also for their parts were to bee disposed and well willing to accept of peace Now was it the prime of the spring when as the new generals were arrived into their provinces Aemylius the Consull into Macedonie Octavius to the navie at Oreum and Anicius into Illyricum whose commission was to levie warre against Gentius was the sonne of Pleuratus king of the Illyrians and Eurydica was his mother two brethren he had to wit Plator of the whole blood by father and mother both and Caravantius onely by the mothers side This halfe brother he lesse suspected by reason of his base parentage from the father but as for Plator he murdered togither with two especiall friends of his Ettritus and Epicadus brave men of action to the end that he might reigne in more safetie and securitie The voice goeth that hee carried an envious eye to that brother of his for that hee had espoused Etuta the daughter of Honunus the prince of the Dardanians as if by this mariage he meant to make himselfe strong and combine with the Dardanian nation and the more likelihood this carried with it after hee married the damosell indeed When he had made away Plator and rid
into the vessell hee launched into the deepe and set his course for Candie Perseus after that the barke was not to be found in the bay walked and wandred a good while along the strond and fearing at last the day-light approaching yet not so hardie as to adventure backe againe to his lodging lurked behind in one side of the temple close unto a blind corner coign thereof Among the Macedonians they called those the kings pages who were the princes and noble means sonnes chosen to serve and wait upon the person of the king That companie yet followed after the K. in his flight and as hard as the world went departed not from him until such time as by the commaundement of Cn. Octavius the publicke cryer pronounced with a loud voice That the kings pages and all other Macedonians besides in Samothracia if they would turne to the Romanes should enjoy with safetie of life their estate entire their libertie free and all that ever they either had about them or was left in Macedonie At which proclamation once published they all immediatly revolted to the Romanes and entred their names with C. Posthumius a martiall colonell Likewise Ion of Thessalonica delivered into the hands of Octavius the young infants of the king and not one of them all was left with Perseus but Philip his eldest son and then he yeelded both himselfe and that sonne into the hands of Octavius crying out upon fortune and blaming the gods in whose temple they were for that he received no aid and succour from them notwithstanding he humbly craved and besought the same Then commaundement was given that he should be embarked in the admirals ship thither also was brought abourd all the money that remained and then forthwith the fleet retired to Amphipolis from whence Octavius sent the king to the campe unto the Consull but first hee had dispatched his letters to give him knowledge that he was sure enough under his hand and that hee was at the point to be brought unto him Paulus reputing this for a second victorie as it was no lesse indeed to be esteemed presently upon the receit of the message killed beast for sacrifice and when he had called his counsell about him read the letters of the Pretor before them he sent Q. Aelius Tubero to meet the K. upon the way and commaunded the rest in good frequencie to remaine in his capitall pavillion and give attendance upon him Never was there seene before so great a multitude to runne out for to see any solemne sight or pageant In their fathers daies king Syphax was taken prisoner and brought into the Romane campe who besides that there was no comparison betweene him and Perseus either in regard of his own name or the renowme of his nation was then also but an accessarie as it were to the Punick war like as Gentius now to the Macedonian Perseus was the very head of this war neither was it the same of his father and grandsire onely whom he neerely touched in birth and bloud that made him renowmed but the resplendent glorie of Philip and Alexander the Great who brought the soveraigne empire and monarchie of the whole world to the Macedonian nation Well Perseus entred the campe arrayed in a blacke cloake without any one of his owne traine to accompanie him who partaking his miserie might cause more compassion to be had of him The afluence of the people was so great who went out to see him that for the verie prease hee could not march forward untill such time as the Consull sent his sergeants and huishers to void the thronging of the multitude and make way for him to goe to the Consull his pavillion The Consull arose and giving commaundement to the rest for to sit still advaunced forward a little and raught out his hand to the king as hee entred into the pavillion and when hee bowed and debased himselfe to his verie feet hee tooke him up againe and would not suffer him ones to touch his knees but led him into the tent and caused him to sit downe right over-against those whome he called thither to councell The first question that hee demaunded of him was this What wrong hee had sustained at the hands of the people of Rome that hee should be constrained to enterprise and begin the warre against them with so malicious a mind as hee did and so to hazard himselfe his whole state and kingdome in such extremitie of daunger And when everie man attended what answere hee would make hee staied a good while without utterance of one word casting his eyes wistly upon the ground and shedding teares withall Then spake the Consull againe If you had beene but young quoth he when you came to the crowne I would verily for my part marvaile the lesse that you should be so ignorant as not to know how important it was to have the people of Rome either for a friend or an enemie but now since you both had your hand in that warre which your father waged against us and also could not chuse but remember the peace afterwards made with him and which wee observed most faithfull What pollicie was it for you to entertaine warre rather than peace with them whose force you had tried in warre and whose fidelitie you had found in peace When as hee would yet make no answere at all either to question or accusation the Consull went on and said Well howsoever these things are thus fallen out and come to passe be it through the errour and frailtie of man by adventure of fortune and hard happe or fatall necessitie of the destinies bee of good cheare yet and take a mans heart unto you the gracious clemencie and mercie of the people of Rome well knowne and prooved in the misfortunes of many princes and States affourd unto you not onely hope but certaine assurance of safetie Thus much spake hee to Perseus in the Greeke tongue then turning to his owne assistance and companie about him hee directed his speech to them in Latine as followeth A notable example and rare mirrour you see quoth he of the chaungeable varietie of this world to you I speake especially my maisters here that are fresh and youthfull gallants in the heat of your young bloud And therefore let no man in time of his prosperitie carrie himselfe proud and violent against another nor yet confidently to trust upon the present state wherein hee is for who knoweth what may happen once yet before midnight But him alone will I hold for a man of valour indeed whose heart neither the gentle gale of this fawning and flattering world is able to list aloft ne yet the blustering blasts of frowning fortune cast downe or dash upon the rockes After the Consull was risen and departed he committed the charge and custodie of keeping the king to Quintus Atlius But for that day Perseus was not onely invited courteously to sup with the Consull but respected also in all
Consulship and who at that present had the governement of Gaule continued unto him To these delegates abovenamed men of Consular dignitie all by their calling were adjoined in commission Cn. Domitius Aenobarbus Ser. Cornelius Sylla L. lunius C. Antislius Labeo T. Numisius Tarquiniensis and Aulus Terentius Varro For Illyricum were these named P. Aelius Ligus one that had been Consull C. Cicereius and Cn. Baebius Tamphilus this Baebius had beene Pretour but the former yeere and Cicereius many yeeres past P. Terentius Tuscivicanus and P. Manilius Then the Consuls being advertised by the LL. of the Senat that for as much as one of them must succeed C. Lisinius in Gaule who was nominated one of the delegates they should part their provinces between them either by accord and agreement or by lot make choice of the fortune of lotterie So Pisae fell to M. Iunius but before he went into his province he had in charge to bring into the Senat those embassies which from all parts were come to Rome for to declare their joy in the behalfe of the people of Rome and Gaule to Q. Aelius Albeit such personages were sent as by whose sage counsell good hope there was that the cheese commaunders of the Romane armies would passe no decree unbeseeming either the clemencie or majestie of the people of Rome yet debated it was in the Senat about the summe and principall points of all their counsels and dessignes to the end that the said Legates might carie unto the Generals all things plotted alreadie and begun to their hands at home in the cittie In the first place ordained it was That the Macedonians and Illyrians remaine free and enjoy their liberties that all nations of the earth might see that the drift of the Romane armies and forces was not to bring free states into servitude but contrariwise to reduce those that were in bondage to to libertie to the end that those nations which now enjoined freedome might bee secured under their safegard and protection both of suretie of perpetuitie such as lived in subjection under the kings â—ight both mor the present time find their government more and mild and righteous for that expect which the kings have of the people of Rome and also if it fortuned hereafter that there should be warre betweene the people of Rome and their kings they might be assured that the issue of those warres would bring victorie to the Romanes and procure libertie to themselves Also agreed it was that there should be no more ferming out of the mettall mines in Macedonie albeit they yeelded a great revenue nor yet of publick lands possessions in the countrey for possible it was not that these matters should bee practised and followed without publicanes and where those intermeddle and have ought to doe then it must needs follow that either the publicke right and prerogative of the State be annulled or the libertie of allies come to nothing Neither were the Macedonians themselves able to exercise the same for looke where the miniâ—ters and managers of any thing see a bootie presented before their eies there occasions of sedition and contention will never be wanting Moreover concluded it was that there should be no common and generall counsell of the whole nation for feare least at anytime the leawd vulgar people having by the Senate libertie graunted unto them tending unto a good and holsome moderation and equalitie of the State should abuse the same and draw it to a mischievous and pestilent licentiousnesse But they thought it good policie to devide Macedonie into four quarters and countries that each one might have their severall counsel likewise it was supposed to stand with good reason and equitie that they should pay the one moitie of that tribute which they were wont to yeeld unto their KK Semblable commission and like directions they had for Illyricum As for all other matters referred they were to the discretion of the Generals and the Delegate commissioners who might bee better able to devise more certeinely of particulars according to the occurents presented unto them in the managing of their affaires Among many and sundrie embassadours of kings nations and states Attalus the brother of K. Eumenes most of all others amused mens minds and drew their eyes upon him for by them who had born arms togither with him in that war welcommed he was much more heartily and received with greater courtesie than if Eumenes the K. himselfe had come Two occasions there were outwardly pretended and those carrying a good shew of honestie credit which brought him to Rome the one a gratulation or testimonie of joy as meet it was for that victory wherin himselfe lent his helping hand the other a complaint of French tumultuous warres and the blondie hostilitie of Adverta their king by which meanes his brothers kingdome was in great jeopardie But there lay another thing hidden underneath namely an inward and secret hope that he conceived of honours and rewards from the Senat which hardly he could seeme to aime and reach unto without some unkindnesse and violence offered to brotherly duty and affection For some there were even of the Romanes also who did him no good but gave him bad counsell drew on his appetite with faire hopes and set him a longing feeding him with these and such like conceits That in Rome this was the opinion entertained of Attalus and Eumenes as if the one of them were a friend fast and sure to the Romanes the other an allie sound and faithfull neither to the Romans nor yet to Perseus and therefore hard it were to set downe and say Whether of the twaine would be more easily obtained at the Senates hands namely a suit made in his own name for his preferment or a demand of some hard course against his brother so bent were all men in general to grant any thing to Attalus to denie every thing to Eumenes Attalus as the sequell and proofeshewed was sib to those persons whose desires reach at all that hope promiseth had not the sage admonition of one friend come between to bridle his affections ravished and transported so as they were with the amiable aspect and fawning flatterie of his own good fortune He had about him at that time one Stratius a physician sent by Eumenes who rested not secure of his brothers loialtie to Rome of purpose for to lie in espial observe al that Attalus did and to advise him faithfully if he saw him tread awrie and practise ought against his dutie and allegeance When hee came unto him hee found his cares alreadie possessed and his spirite tempted and sollicited before hand howbeit taking his times and waiting opportunities he went roundly to worke and stucke to it close untill hee had set all up againe which was at the point to run on end and fal to the ground He alledged and laid these remonstrances before his eies saying That kingdomes have growne mightie some by one meanes some
same fire was burnt and consumed to ashes Now whereas these civill warres might have bene suppressed in the beginning such was the fraudulent dealing of Cn. Pompeius who seeming to mainteine both partes gave strength to Cinna and set not to his helping hand before that the Nobles side went down such also was the faintnes and coldnes of the Consull that Cinna and Marius tooke heart and grew strong and so with foure armies whereof two were committed to the conduct of Q. Sertorius and C. Carbo they invested the cittie of Rome Marius wan by force the colonie Oslia and most cruelly ransacked it Of the LXXX booke THe Italian nations were by the Senat enfranchised and obteined the freedome of Rome The Samnites who onely continued in armes banded againe with Cinna and Marius By them was Plancius slaine and his armie defeated Cinna and Marius together with Carbo and Sertorius were possessed of Ianiculum and being discomfited and repelled by Octavius the Consull retired and departed Marius spoiled and laid desolate Antium Aricia Lavinium three colonies When as now the nebilitie and LL. of the Senate had no hope at all left to withstand the contrary faction by reason of the cowardise and treacherie as well of souldiours as leaders who upon corruption either would not fight at all or else went over to the adverse part Cinna and Marius were received into Rome who as if it had beene an enemie-cittie forced by assault made havocke of all with saccage and massacres In this garboile Cn. Octavius the Consull lost his life and all the nobilitie of the other side were murdered and among the rest M. Antonius a most eloquent oratour and C. Caesar whose heads were set upon the pulpit Rostra Yong Crassus the sonne was by the horsemen of Fimbria killed and Crassus the father because he would not endure any indignitie unworthie his vertue fell upon his owne sword Without any assembly or election at all L. Cinna and C. Marius declared themselves Consuls for the next yeere and the same day whereon they entered into their magistracie Marius caused Sex Licinius a Senatour to bee throwne downe the rocke Tarpcia and after many wicked and heinous outrages committed upon the Ides of Ianurie he departed out of this world a man whose vices if they were weighted together with his vertues hardly could it be determined whether he were in warre a better souldiour or in peace a more daungerous citizen For the common weale which hee in his armour saved the same in his long ' gowne hee overthrew first with all manner of cousenage and deceit and last by plaine hostilitie and force of armes Of the LXXXI booke LVcius Sylla streightly beleaguered Athens which Archelaus a governour under king Mithridates held with a garrison and after much toile and labour wan it To the cittie hee graunted their libertie again and restored unto the citizens all that was their own Magnesia the onely cittie in Asia that remained true and loâ—al was most valiantly defended against Mithridates Over and besides heere ye shall read the exploits performed by the Thracians in Macedonie Of the LXXXII booke SYlla vanquished in battaile the power of king Mithridates which having kept Macedonie in obedience was now come into Thracia He slew one hundred thousand enemies and was maister of the campe Afterwards when the war was renued hee discomfiâ—ed and defeated quite the kings whole armie Archelaus together with the kings fleet yeelded to Sylla L. Valerius Flaccus the Consull companion in government with Cinna being sent to succeed Sylla was for his covetousnesse so odious unto his armie that he was slaine by C. Fimbria his owne lieutenant a most audacius and desperate person and so the conduct and command of the armie was translated to Fimbria Moreover here is recorded what citties in Asia Mithridates wan how cruelly hee spotled and vexed the province and how the Thracians made rodes and invasions into Macedonie Of the LXXXIII booke CAius Fimbria after hee had discomfited certaine forces of Mithridates wan the cittie Pergamus besieged the king there missed but a little of taking him prisoner The cittie Ilion which stood out reserved it selfe to the behouse devotion of Sylla he forced and destroied and the greater part of Asia he recovered Sylla in many battailes defeited the Thracians When L. Cinna and C. Papyrius Carbo who for two yeeres together were Consuls of their own making prepared war against Sylla by the meanes of L. Valerius Flaccus the President of the Senate who made an oration in the Counsell-house and those who loved concord and sought for amitie affected it was in the end that embassadours should be sent unto Sylla to treat about a peace Cinna was murdered by his owne souldiours whom hee forced against their wils to be embarked and to take a voiage against Sylla by which occasion Carbo alone bare the Consulship Sylla beeing passed over into Asia made peace with Mithridates upon this capitulation That the king should quit these provinces namely Asia Bithynia and Cappadocia Fimbria being forsaken of his owne armie which revolted unto Sylla gave himselfe a fore wound and yeelding his neck unto his own bondslave obtained this favour at his hands as to dispatch him outright Of the LXXXIIII booke Sylla returned this answere unto the embassadours sent unto him from the Senate That he would bee ordered by them in case those citizens who upon the hard usage of Cinna fled unto him might be restored The Senate thought this a reasonable condition a iust demand but by means of Carbo and that faction who made reckoning that warre would bee more commodious unto them there ensued no agreement and accord The same Carbo when he was minded to exact hostages of all the townes and colonies of Italie thereby to bind them upon their alleagance against Sylla was by a generall consent of the Senate crossed and inhibited The new enfranchised citizens by vertue of an act by the Senate granted were allowed the priviledges of their suffrages and voices Q. Metellus Pius who had sided with the nobilitie whiles he levied warre in Affricke was by C. Fabius the Pretour discomfited and by the faction of Carbo and those that followed the part of Marius an Act of Senat passed That all armies and forces wheresoever should be cassed and discharged The Libertines were distribâ—ted indifferently throughout the five and thirtie tribes Besides all this heere is specified the preparatâ—on of warre which was raised against Sylla Of the LXXXV booke SYlla crossed the seas with an armie over into Italie and when those embassadours which hee sent to treat for peace were by the Consull C. Norbanus evill intreated he overcame the said Norbanus in a battaile And when he was about to assaile the campe of L. Scipio the other Consull with whom hee had travailed and assaied all meanes to conclude peace and could not compasse it the whole armie of the Consull in generall beeing sollicited by souldiours whome Sylla
Varro also a lieutenant of Pompeius together with his armie came under his obeisance The Gaditanes he enfranchised gave the citie unto The Massilians after two overthrowes in sea fight and a long siege which they had endured submitted at last and were at the devotion of Caesar. C. Antonius a lieutenant of Caesar fought an unfortunate battell against the Pompeians and in Illyricum was taken prisoner during which war the inhabitants of Opitergium beyond the river of Padus who were the auxiliaries of Caesar seeing their chained bridge of boats and lighters locked up and fast shut within the enemies ships rather than they would fall into the hands of their enemies ran one upon another and died every one C. Curio a lieutenant of Caesar in Africk after hee had fought against Varus a captaine of the Pompeians was together with his armie defeited and cut in pecces by Iuba king of Mauritania C. Caesar passed the seas over into Greece Of the CXI booke CAius Caecilius Rufus the Pretour going about to raise commotions and seditions all that ever he could within the cittie and having solicited the commons upon the hope of cancelling all debt-bookes was first deposed from his magistracie and after driven out of the cittie Then hee banded with Milo a banished person who had levied a power of fugitive outlawes but both of them in this preparation of warre came short of their purpose and were slaine Cleopatra queen of Aegypt was by her brother Ptolomaeus expelled out of her kingdome By reason of the avarice and crueltie of Q. Catulus the Pretour the Cordubians in Spaine together with two Varian legions revolted from Caesar his side Cn. Pompeius was besieged by Caesar at Brundusium but having woon his skonces with the guards thereto belonging and that with great losse of the adverse part he was delivered from the siege But after the warre was translated into Thessalie he was at Pharsalia in a battaile overthrowne There remained still within the campe Cicero a man by nature framed for nothing more unfit than war Caesar pardoned all those of the adverse part who after his victorie submitted themselves to his mercie Of the CXII booke HErein is related the fearfull condition of that side which was vanquished and how they fled in sundrie parts of the world Cn. Pompeius being arrived in Aegypt by the commaundement of Ptolomeus the king as yet an infant under age and persuasion of Theodorus his teacher and schoolmaster who might of all other over-rule the K. most also of one Photinus was killed by the hands of Achilla one who had a warrant to execute that feat even in his very barge before hee was landed But Cornelia his wife and Sextus Pompeius his sonne fled backe into Cyprus Caesar three daies after the foresaid victorie pursued Pompeius and when Theodorus presented unto him his head and signet of his finger he was displeased in his heart and wept withall He entred Alexandria without any daunger notwithstanding the troubles and hurliburly therein Caesar was created Dictatour Hee restored Cleopatra unto the kingdome of Aegypt and when Ptolomeus made warre by their advise and counsell who moved him to murder Pompeius Caesar vanquished him with great perill and hazard of himselfe As Ptolomeus fled his vessell wherein he was embarked ran a ground in Nilus and there stucke fast Besides this booke sheweth the painfull and toilsome iourney of Marcus Cato with his legions in Affricke through the desert wildernesse and the war which Cn. Domitius fortunatly managed against Phraates the Parthian king Of the CXIII booke VVHen the side of Pompeius had gathered heart and strength in Affrick the soveraigne command thereof was committed to P. Scipio for Mato who before had equal power commission with him gave place yeelded his right Now when it was debated in counsell as touching the subversion and utter ruine of Vtica for that the cittie was so inclined and favourable to Caesar whiles Marcus Cato stood stifly in this point that it should not be destroyed and Iuba the king was earnest to have it rased the guard and keeping thereof was committed unto Cato The sonne of Pompeie the great having levied forces in-8 paine the conduct and leading whereof neither Asranius nor Petreius were willing to undertake made fresh warre upon Caesar. Pharnaces king of Pontus and sonne of Mithridates endured no time of warre but was soone overcome At what time as P. Dolabella a Tribune of the commons raised seditions in Rome by meanes of a law by him published in the behalfe of bankerouts That the old debts should be strickeâ— off and new order taken with the creditors upon which occasion there ensued a commotion of the commons M. Antonius General of the Cavallerie entred the cittie with a strength of sould ours and eight hundred of the commons lost their lives Caesar discharged all his old souldiours who in a mutinie demanded the same and having sailed into Affricke he fought against the power of king Iuba with exceeding great ieopardie Of the CXXIIII booke CAecilius Bassus a gentleman of Rome and one of Pompeies side levied warre in Syria Sextus Caesar was both forsaken by the legion which revolted and went to Bassus and also slaine Caesar vanquished Scipio the Pretor Afranius and Iuba neer Tapsos and forced their campe Cato bearing thereof wounded himselfe at Viica and when his sonne came betweene and staied his hand his hurt was dressed but in the very cure as the wound was newly launched againe bee yeelded up his vitall breath and died in the nine and fortieth yeere of his age Petreius killed Iuba and himselfe P. Scipio in his ship was beset round and at his death which he tooke manfully he uttered a brave speech for when the enemies made search and enquirie what was become of the General The Generall quoth he is well Faustus and Afranius weere slaine Catoes sonne had his pardon Brutus a lieutenant of Caesar vanquished the Bellovaci in France that rebelled Of the CXV booke CAesar rode in foure triumphs over France Aegypt Pontus and Africa A solemne feast he made and exhibited unto the people shewes of all sorts Vnto M. Marcellus a man of Consular dignitie at the request of the Senate he graunted leave to returne which Marcellus could not enioy the benefite of this grace and favour by reason that hee was murdered at Athens by Cn. Magius Chilo his owne client and vassale Caesar also held a review of the citie wherein were enrolled a hundred and fiftie thousand citizens whereas before there had been numbered foure hundred thousand See the calamitie of civile warre He tooke a voiage into Spaine against Sex Pompeius and after many rodes and expeditions on both sides made and some cities forced in the end he attained one finall victorie for all before the citie Munda but with exceeding perill and daunger Sex Pompeius escaped and fled Of the CXVI booke CAius Caesar triumphed a fift time over Spaine When many
to the people of Rome against the Tribunes of the Commons that leaving the ruines of Rome they would not go to Veij another citie 212. I Of M. Valerius Corvinus Dictatour to the mutinous and rebellious souldiours from fighting against their native countrey 278. G Of Pacuvius Calavius the Campane to his sonne not to kill Anniball 478. K Of Vibius Virius to the Campanes That they should not yeeld themselves to the Romanes 592. L. Admonition Of Metius Suffetius captaine of the Albanes to Tullus Hostilius king of the Romanes about peace making betweene Romanes and Albanes 16. M Of Tullus Hostilius king of the Romanes to his owne souldiours concerning the trecherie of Metius Suffetius 20. M Of the two Delegates Valerius and Horatius about the demaunds of the Commons who through the Decemvirs fault were departed into mount Sacer for that they having finished the time of their government refused notwithstanding to leave their magistracie 123. E Of Appius the Decemvir at the resigning of the Decemvirship 124. H Of M. Duillius a Commoner for hope of libertie after punishment taken of the Decemvirs 128. Of Camillus to the Tusculane Senatours about sending embassadors to Rome for treatie of peace 235. C Of Quintus Cincinnatus the Dictatour to Aulus Sempronius the Generall of the horsemen concerning the manner of warre against the Prenestines 237. D Of Camillus the Dictatour to the Quirites concerning the opposition of the Tribunes of the Commons 244. O Of the Romane Consull to the Campanes that they should not take armes against the Samnites with the answere of the Campane embassadours 270. I Of Furius Camillus to the LL. of the Senate as touching the Latines subdued and by what meanes they might keepe them quiet in continuall peace 291. B Of Spurius Posthumius the Consull who was put under the yoke at Caudinae Furcae in the Senate of the peace made at Caudium 317 D Of Aulus Cornelius Arvina the Faeciall heralt to the Samnites at the deliverie of the sureties that undertooke the peace 319. P Of Anniball to the Spanish souldiours about removing the warre 405. A Of Fabius Maximus the Cunctator to Aemylius the Consull concerning Varro and the order of warre-service with the enemie 456. O Of Maharball the captaine of the souldiours to Anniball the Victor that hee would make use of his victorie with the answere of Anniball 463. E Of Perolla the Campane to Pacuvius Calavius his father about the killing of Anniball with the answere and dehortation of the father from that wicked deed 478. H Of Anniball to his souldiours against Claudius Marcellus 636. K Of P. Scipio to Masanissa king of the Massesyli who fell in love with Sophonisba wife of Syphax king of the Numidians and daughter of Asdruball 749. D Of T. Quintius Flaminius in the generall counsell of Greece for making war upon the tyrant Nabis by reason of Argos the noble citie of Greece which by him was held 866. I Of P. Sulpitius the Romane embassadour to Minio the cheese of the friends of Antiochus who was fled for that he refused conference with the delegates 897. B Of T. Quintius to the Achaeans concerning the Island Zacynthus which they pleaded to bee under their subjection 935. C Of T. Quintius to M. Atilius the Consull in defence of the Aetolians 938. Of T. Quintius to the states of the Aetolians about reconciliation with the Romanes 938. L Of king Eumenes to L. Aemylius the Pretor that he would not conclude peace with Antiochus but by the authoritie of the Senate and graunt of the people of Rome 955. C Of Scipio to the petition of Heraclides the embassador of Antiochus for peace 665. D Of Scipio to the petition of Zeusis the embassador of king Antiochus about conditions of peace 971 c Of P. Scipio Africanus accused for robbing the common treasure to the commons as touching his exploits 1016. I. Of king Eumenes in the Senate concerning Perseus king of the Macedonians 1121. F Of P. Licinius Calvus to the people that they would bestow the honour of the Tribuneship freely offered unto him upon his sonne that sued for it 1921. O Petition Of embassadours yeelding Falerij to the Senate 198. I Of peace by the Tusculane legates in the Senat. 235. E Of Sextus Tullius to the Dictatour that he would give the souldiours leave to fight 257. E Of the Campane legates in the Senate for aid against the Samnites 269. A Of Annius Setinus the Pretour of the Latines to the LL. of the Senate that one of the Consuls might be chosen out of the Latines 283. C Of Quintus Fabius Maximus the Consull elect to the people that he might appoint Publius Decius a staid and discreet man to be his colleague 367. A Of Minutius the maister of the horsemen to Fabius the Dictatour when he joined campe with him 450. I Of Sophonisba the wife of Syphax to Masanissa that hee would not suffer her to come in the proud and cruell hands of any Romane 747. E Of Anniball to Antiochus that he would account him amongst his chiefest friends in opposition to the Romanes against whom he had fought sixe and thirtie yeeres 899. C Of peace by Zeusis the legate of king Antiochus to the Romanes 971. A Of king Eumenes in the Senate for reward and recompence of labour emploied and charges spent in the Romane warres against Antiochus 975. D Praier Of Romulus to Iupiter Stator that hee would assist the Romanes against the Sabines 10. G Of Quintus Fabius the chiefe of the cittie to the Tribunes of the commons that Quinquevirs might not be created for setting downe lawes and conditions concerning the Consuls power 94. G Of Virginius to the souldiours whose offer of honourable dignitie he refused 122. G Of Camillus the Dictatour to Apollo and Iuno at the siege and assault of Veij 193. P Of P. Decius the Consull when he devowed himselfe for the Romane legions in the Latine warre who afterward by his death recovered victorie to the Romanes 287. C Of Aristhenus the Pretour of the Achaeans to T. Quintius that he would deliver and set free from the tyrant Nabis the most auncient cittie of Greekes Argos 867. C Thanksgiving Of Romulus to Iup. Feretrius at the offering up of spoiles and dedication of the temple 9. B Of the Saguntines to the LL. of the Senate with a gratulation for their victorie 698. G Reconciliation Betweene Romanes and Albanes by Metius Suffetius 16. M An Intimation Of C. Mutius Scevola to Porsena king of the Clusines 52. G Congratulation Of Papyrius the Dictatour to the people about the absolution and pardon of Q. Fabius maister of the horsemen who against his Edict had fought 307. E Of the Syracusians to Marcellus for killing of Annibals favourites who held and oppressed Syracusa and for reconciliation with the Romanes 570. K Commendation Of king Eumenes sonne of K. Attalus for the Romanes victorie against Antiochus with a petition of rewards for cost and labour emploied in that warre
nor any that had authoritie to give their opinion in the Senate neither any inferior magistrates should take any journey out of thecitie farther than they might make returne againe the same day Item that there should not be five Senatours absent at once from Rome C. Livius the Pretour whiles he used all diligence and care to prepare and provide his fleete was impeached and hindered a time by occasion of a debate and contention that arose betweene him and the Coloners of the sea side For when they should be gathered and sent to sea they appealed to the Tribunes of the Com. from whom they were put over and referred to the Senate and the Senate with one voyce and accord pronounced and determined that these Coloners were not exempted from sea-service The Colonies that contended with the Pretour about their immunitie were these Hostia Fregena Castrum novum Pyrgi Antium Tarracina Minturnae and Sinuessa This done the Consull Acilius by order from the Senate consulted with the colledge of the Feciales or Heraults at Armes and demaunded their advise Whether the warre should be proclaimed and defiance geven to Antiochus himselfe in person or it were sufficient to intimate and denounce the same to some one of his garisons Also whether they would advise to proclaime warre against the Aetolians apart by themselves or whether it were not meete and convenient first to disclame and renounce their societie and friendship and then to proclaime and denounce hostility The Fecials answered that heretofore they had determined and cleered this point at what time as their opinion was asked as touching Philip to wit That it was all one and made no matter whether the defiance were given him to his face or only intimated to some garison of his And as for the Aetolians this was their mind that they had quit alreadie their amitie and abandoned all societie in that when our embassadors so oftentimes had redemaunded amends for wrongs done they never thought good to make restitution or satisfaction Moreover the Aetolians had themselves sent defiance first and proclaimed warre against the Romanes when as by force they seized Demetrias a citie of our allies and advaunced before Chalcis to assaile it both by land and sea and lastly in that they had sollicited king Antiochus and brought him into Europe for to levie warre against the Romanes All things now being sufficiently provided M. Acilius the Consull published an Edict and proclaimed That all those souldiours whom L. Quintius had enrolled likewise all those whom he had levied of the allies of the Latine nation who were to go with him into his province likewise all the Colonels and Marshals of the second and third legion should render themselves and be readie altogether at Brundusium upon the Ides of May following Himself upon the fifth day before the Nones of the same moneth departed forth of the citie clad in his rich cote of armes And at the same time the Pretors also tooke their journeys into their severall provinces Much about that time there arrived at Rome embassadors from two kings to wit Philip of Macedonie and Ptolomae king of Aegypt promising their aid of men money and corne for that warre And besides from Ptolomaeus there was brought 1000 pound weight in gold and the weight of 2000 pound in silver howbeit nothing was received but much thanks rendered to both the kings And whereas both of them offred to come with all their power into Aetolia and to be there in person Ptolomae was discharged of that offer of his but the Embassadors of Philip received this answere That he should highly please and content the people of Rome in case he would not faile the Consull M. Atilius In like manner there came Embassadours from the Carthaginians and Masanissa The Carthaginians made promise of a thousand Modij of Wheate and of Barley five hundred thousand for the armie and likewise to bring halfe so much to Rome praying the Romanes to accept the same at their hands as a free gift and gratuitie adding moreover that they would man our a fleete at their owne charges and were readie also to make one entire payment of the tribute behind which they were of dutie to pay by sundry termes of many yeeres The Embassadors of Masanissa promised in the behalfe of their king to send five hundred thousand Modij of wheate and 300000 thousand of barley into Greece to the armie besides 500 men of armes and twentie Elephants unto M. Acilius the Cos. As touching the corne this answere was returned unto them that they were content to accept thereof so that they would take money therefore to the worth As to the fleete aforesaid which the Carthaginians made offer of they acquit them cleane save as many ships as they were to find provide according to the tenure of the accord and composition between them Last of all concerning the tribute money none would they receive before the day Whiles the affaires passed thus at Rome Antiochus being at Chalcis because he would not sit still and do nothing all a winter time partly himselfe sollicited by sending his embassadors the minds of the States and partly also there came unto him embassadors from thence of their owne accord and namely among others the Epirots presented themselves by the common consent of their whole nation and the Eleans also came out of Peloponnesus They of Elis craved aid against the Achaeans who they verily thought would first take armes against their citie because war was denounced against Antiochus nothing to their will and good liking Vnto them were sent 1000 footemen under the leading of Euphanes the Cretensian The embassage of the Epirotes plaid with both hands meaning to deale roundly simply with no side but to go between the bark the tree Gladly they would make court to the king and curry favor with him but so as they stood in good termes still with the Romanes whom they were loth to offend For their request to him was that he would not draw them without great and important cause into the quarell considering that they for the defense of all Greece lay open exposed to Italy and were sure before others to feele the Romanes fingers and receive their first assaults But in case he were able of himselfe with his forces by land and sea to defend Epirus and furnish it with garisons sufficient they would with hart and good will accept of him and his into their cities port-townes but if so be he could not effect that they besought him not to offer them naked and unarmed men to the violence of the Romane warres Their drift was in this their embassie as it appeered that if the king and his forces came not into Epirus as they rather thought nay then yea they might reserve themselves and all they had safe entier and at their owne libertie for the Romane armies and win withall the kings good grace in that they seemed to
make an offer to receive him or if hee came indeed yet they might conceive good hope to find favour and have pardon at the Romanes hands in that they had not expected their succors being so farre off but rather yeelded to the forces of Antiochus being present there in person In such sort they caried themselves in their embassage so perplexed and intricate that the king knew not well how to answere them redily but said that he would send his owne embassadors unto them for to parle and treat of all affaires perteining in common as well to them as to him Then went he himselfe into Baeotia which countrey in colour and shew pretended these causes of anger and spight against the Romanes that before I have mentioned to wit the murder of Barcillas the armies by Quintius levied against Coronea occasioned by a massacre committed upon Roman souldiers but in very truth this was the reason The singular discipline order of that nation in old time was going downeward and endlong many yeeres and ages alreadie and the popular government of many growne to decay and ruine which can not possibly continue long without some chaunge and alteration of State Well to Thebes hee came where all the principall and chiefe States of Baeotia came flocking from all parts to meet him Where in the generall Diet and Councell of that Nation notwithstanding hee had founded the battaile and began the fray already by giving the first blow in that hee had forced the Romane garison neere Delium and Chalcis which were no small signes nor doubfull overtures of warre yet hee began with the same kind of speech which hee first used in the parle and conference at Chalcis and which his embassadors had followed in the generall assembly of the Achaeans namely demaunding that they would enter into amitie with him without prosessing themselves enemies to the Romans or pretending hostilitie against them But there was no man there but soone found him and saw him well enough howbeit there passed an act and decree in favour of the king against the Romanes under a vaine and slight pretext and colourable shew of words Having gained this nation also he returned to Chalcis from whence he sent out his letters before to the States of the Aetolians that they should meet him at Demetrias where hee would conferre and consult with them of all their affaires tobe managed and thither came he by sea at the day appointed Aminander also was sent for our of Athamania to this consultation yea and Anniball the Carthaginian whose counsell was not required a long time was present at this frequent Diet and assembly Much parle and great opining there was as touching the nation of the Thessaliaus and all there in place were of opinion that they should be founded how they stood affected but about the manner and some circumstance there of they were of divers minds whiles some advised it to be done and executed out of hand others thought good to put it off from winter season considering now they were in the mids thereof unto the prime and beginning of spring others againe said that embassadors onely should be sent and some hot-spurres there were that gave councell to goe against them with all their forces yea and to fright and terrifie them if they made slow hast Now when all the knot and difficultie of th is deliberation consisted in this one point Anniball was requested by name to deliver his mind and speake to the cause in question who turned the king and all that were present from other wandring cogitations and induced them to the entier consideration of the totall warre and to that effect framed his speech in this wise If since the time that we passed over into Greece my hap had bene to be called to any counsell when as some question was touching Eubaea the Achaeans and the Baeotians I would have delivered that advise then which now I purpose to utter this day in the question concerning the Thessalians Above all things my counsell is that Philip and the Macedonians may by all meanes possible be wrought to this our association in the warre For as touching Eubaea the Baeotians and the Thessalians who doubtethe but that they as nations that stand not upon their owne bottoms and are of no force by themselves will alwaies flatter them that are present in place and be readie to crave pardon upon the same feare that they ever shew when they are to take counsell resolve who doubteth I say but so soone as they shall see the Roman armie in Greece they wil turne to their accustomed obedience and that it will be imputed to them no fault at all that when the Romanes were so far off they were not willing to try the force of you a puissant prince in person among them or of your armies How much rather ought we then nay how much better more important would it be to joyn Philip unto us than these For if he once enter into the cause and be seen in action he can not possibly start from us nor draw his head out of the collar and moreover he bringeth that power with him which is not to be help for a simple succor addition to mend our forces but such as lately of it selfe without the help of others was able to make head against the Roman puissance Let me have this prince on my side and be it spoken without offence of any man here what need I doubt of the sequele and issue especially when those by whose meanes and assistance the Romans prevailed against Philip I see now ready to enter the field against them The Aetolians I say who as all the world knoweth vanquished Philip shall now togither with Phi lip enter into armes and fight against them Over and besides Aminander and the whole nation of the Athamanes whose service in that warre next to the Aetolians stood the Romans in best stead shall be of our side Philip at that time ô king Antiochus susteined the weight and burden of the whole warre when you sate still and stirred not now both of you togither two most mightie monarchs with the puissance of all Asia and Europe shall wage warre against one citie and people which to speake nothing of mine owne fortune good or bad certainly in our fathers daies was not able to make their part good with one only king of the Epirotes how hardie soever they will be when they shall be matched with you both togither But what mooveth me to think yea assureth me that Philip may be woon unto us to joyne in this action One thing is this a common good and benefit even the greatest bond that is of societie and yet there is another besides it namely an inducement proceeding from you that be here of Aetolia for Thoas your embassador who is present in place among other matters that he was wont to alledge for to animate move Antiochus to come into