Ranks and thought the Lands the King intended to give were not sufficient for the maintenance of the Honour to be conferred on them which he reported to the best advantage he could for every Man and endeavoured to raise the Kings favour to them as high as he could But while this was in consultation the Duke of Norfolk very prudently apprehending the ruin of his Posterity if his Lands were divided into many Hands out of which he could not so easily recover them whereas if they continued in the Crown some turn of Affairs might again establish his Family and intending also to oblige the King by so unusual a Complement sent a desire to him that he would be pleased to settle all his Lands on the Prince the now King and not give them away for said he according to the Phrase of that Time They are good and stately Gear This wrought so far on the King that he resolved to reserve them for himself and to reward his Servants some other way Whereupon Paget pressed him once to resolve on the Honours he would bestow and what he would give with them and they should afterwards consider of the way how to give it The King growing still worse said to him That if ought came to him but good as he thought he could not long endure he intended to place them all about his Son as Men whom he trusted and loved above all other and that therefore he would consider them the more So after many Consultations he ordered the Book to be thus filled up The Earl of Hartford to be Earl Marshal and Lord Treasurer and to be Duke of Somerset Exeter or Hartford and his Son to be Earl of Wiltshire with 800 l. a year of Land and 300 l. a year out of the next Bishops Land that fell void the Earl of Essex to be Marquess of Essex the Viscount Lisle to be Earl of Coventry the Lord Wriothesly to be Earl of Winchester Sir Tho. Seimour to be a Baron and Lord Admiral Sir Richard Rich Sir Jo. St. Leiger Sir William Willoughby Sir Ed. Sheffield and Sir Christopher Danby to be Barons with yearly Revenues to them and several other Persons And having at the Suit of Sir Edw. North promised to give the Earl of Hartford six of the best Prebends that should fall in any Cathedral except Deanries and Treasurerships at his suit he agreed that a Deanry and a Treasurership should be in stead of two of the six Prebendaries And thus all this being written as the King had ordered it the King took the Book and put it in his Pocket and gave the Secretary order to let every one know what he had determined for them But before these things took effect the King died Yet being on his Death-bed put in mind of what he had promised he ordered it to be put in his Will that his Executors should perform every thing that should appear to have been promised by him All this Denny and Herbert confirmed for they then waited in his Chamber and when the Secretary went out the King told them the substance of what had passed between them and made Denny read the Book over again to him whereupon Herbert observed that the Secretary had remembred all but himself to which the King answered He should not forget him and ordered Denny to write 400 l. a year for him All these things being thus declared upon Oath and the greatest part of them having been formerly signified to some of them and the whole matter being well known and spread abroad the Executors both out of Conscience to the Kings Will and for their own Honours resolved to fulfil what the King had intended but was hindred by death to accomplish But being apprehensive both of Wars with the Emperour and French King they resolved not to lessen the Kings Treasure nor Revenue nor to sell his Jewels or Plate but to find some other ways to pay them and this put them afterwards on selling the Chantry Lands The Affairs of Scotland The business of Scotland was then so pressing that Balnaves who was Agent for those that had shut themselves within the Castle of St. Andrews had this day 1180 l. ordered to be carried to them for an half years pay to the Soldiers of that Garrison There were also Pensions appointed for the most leading Men in that Business The Earl of Rothes eldest Son had 280 Pound Sir James Kircaldy had 200 and many others had smaller Pensions allowed them for their amity as it is expressed in the Council Books 1547. Feb. 6. the King Knighted That day the Lord Protector Knighted the King being authorized to do it by Letters Pattents So it seems that as the Laws of Chivalry required that the King should receive Knighthood from the Hand of some other Knight so it was judged too great a presumption for his own Subject to give it without a Warrant under the Great Seal The King at the same time Knighted Sir John Hublethorn the Lord Major of London When it was known abroad what a distribution of Honour and Wealth the Council had resolved on it was much censured many saying that it was not enough for them to have drained the dead King of all his Treasure but that the first step of their proceedings in their new Trust was to provide Honour and Estates for themselves whereas it had been a more decent way for them to have reserved their Pretensions till the King had come to be of Age. Another thing in the Attestations seemed much to lessen the credit of the Kings Will which was said to be Signed the 30th of Decemb. and so did bear date whereas this Narration insinuates that it was made a very little while before he died not being able to accomplish his design in these things which he had projected but it was well known that he was not so ill on the 30th of December Secular Men had their Ecclesiastical Dignities It may perhaps seem strange that the Earl of Hartford had six good Prebends promised him two of these being afterwards converted into a Deanry and a Treasurership But it was ordinary at that time The Lord Cromwell had been Dean of Wells and many other Secular Men had these Ecclesiastical Benefices without Cure conferred on them For which there being no charge of Souls annexed to them this might seem to be an excuse Yet even those had a sacred charge incumbent on them in the Cathedrals and were just and necessary encouragements either for such as by Age or other defects were not fit for a Parochial Charge and yet might be otherwise capable to do eminent service in the Church or for the support of such as in their Parochial labours did serve so well as to merit preferment and yet perhaps were so meanly provided for as to need some farther help for their subsistence But certainly they were never intended for the enriching of such lazy and sensual Men who having given themselves up
the want of faithful Teachers and intreated the Arch-bishop to see to the mending of this and to think on some stricter ways of examining those who were to be ordained than barely the putting of some Questions to them All this I have gathered out the more largely that it may appear how carefully things were then considered and that almost in every particular the most material things which Bucer excepted to were corrected afterwards But at the same time the King having taken such care of him that hearing he had suffered in his health last Winter by the want of a Stove such as is used in Germany he had sent him 20 l. to have one made for him he was told that the King would expect a New-years-gift from him of a Book made for his own use So upon that occasion he writ a Book entituled Bucer writ a Book for the Kings use Concerning the Kingdom of Christ. He sets out in it the miseries of Germany which he says were brought on them by their sins for they would bear no discipline nor were the Ministers so earnest in it as was fitting though in Hungary it was otherwise He writes largely of Ecclesiastical Discipline which was intended chiefly for separating ill Men from the Sacrament and to make good Men avoid their company whereby they might be ashamed He presses much the Sanctification of the Lords-day and of the other Holy-days and that there might be many days of Fasting but he thought Lent had been so abused that other times for it might be more expedient He complains much of Pluralities and Non-residence as a remainder of Popery so hurtful to the Church that in many Places there were but one or two or few more Sermons in a whole year But he thought that much was not to be expected from the greatest part of the Clergy unless the King would set himself vigorously to Reform these things Lastly he would have a compleat exposition of the Doctrine of the Church digested and set out and he proposed divers Laws to the Kings consideration as 1. For Catechising Children 2. For Sanctifying Holy-days 3. For Preserving Churches for Gods Service not to be made Places for walking or for Commerce 4. To have the Pastoral Function entirely restored to what it ought to be that Bishops throwing off all Secular cares should give themselves to their Spiritual Employments he advises that Coadjutors might be given to some and a Council of Presbyters be appointed for them all It was plain that many of them complied with the Laws against their minds these he would have deprived He advises Rural Bishops to be set over twenty or thirty Parishes who should gather their Clergy often together and inspect them closely And that a Provincial Synod should meet twice a year where a Secular Man in the Kings Name should be appointed to observe their Proceedings 5. For restoring Church-Lands that all who served the Church might be well provided If any lived in luxury upon their high Revenues it was reasonable to make them use them better but not to blame or rob the Church for their fault 6. For the maintenance of the Poor for whom anciently a fourth part of the Churches Goods was assigned The 7th was about Marriage That the prohibited degrees might be well setled Marriage without consent of Parents annulled and that a second Marriage might be lawful after a Divorce which he thought might be made for Adultery and some other reasons 8. For the Education of Youth 9. For restraining the excess of some Peoples living 10. For reforming and explaining the Laws of the Land which his Father had begun 11. To place good Magistrates that no Office should be sold and that Inferior Magistrates should often give an account to the Superior of the Administration of their Offices 12. To consider well who were made Judges 13. To give order that none should be put in Prison upon slight offences The 14th was for moderating of some punishments chiefly the putting Thieves to death which was too severe whereas Adultery was too slightly passed over though Adultery be a greater wrong to the suffering Party than any Theft and so was punished with death by Moses Law This Book was sent to the young King And he having received it The King thinks of Reforming many abuses set himself to write a general Discourse about a Reformation of the Nation which is the second among the Discourses written by him that follow the Journal of his Reign Coll. K. Edw. Remains Number 2. In it he takes notice of the Corrections of the Book of the Liturgy which were then under consideration as also that it was neccssary there should be a Rule of Church-discipline for the censures of ill Livers but he thought that Power was not to be put into the Hands of all the Bishops at that time From thence he goes on to discourse of the ill state of the Nation and of the remedies that seemed proper for it The first he proposes was the Education of Youth next the correction of some Laws and there either broke it off or the rest of it is lost In which as there is a great discovery of a marvellous probity of mind so there are strange hints to come from one not yet fourteen years of Age. And yet it is all written with his own Hand and in such a manner that any who shall look on the Original will clearly see it was his own Work The Stile is simple and sutable to a Child few Men can make such Composures but somewhat above a Child will appear in their Stile which makes me conclude it was all a device of his own This Year the King began to write his Journal himself He writes a Journal of all Proceedings during his Reign The first three years of his Reign are set down in a short way of recapitulating matters But this Year he set down what was done every day that was of any moment together with the Forreign News that were sent over And oftentimes he called to mind Passages some days after they were done and sometime after the middle of a Month he tells what was done in the beginning of it Which shews clearly it was his own Work for if it had been drawn for him by any that were about him and given him only to copy out for his memory it would have been more exact so that there remains no doubt with me but that it was his own originally And therefore since all who have writ of that time have drawn their Informations from that Journal and though they have printed some of the Letters he wrote when a Child which are indeed the meanest things that ever fell from him yet except one little fragment nothing of it has been yet published I have copied it out entirely and set it before my Collection Coll. K. Edw. Remains Number 1. I have added to it some other Papers that were also writ by him The first
and Queen and be obedient to their Superiors both Spiritual and Temporal according to their duties It is plain this was so contrived that they might have Signed it without either prevaricating or dissembling their Opinions for it is not said That they were to be subject to the Church of Rome but to the Church of Christ and they were to be obedient to their Superiors according to their duties which was a good reserve for their Consciences I stand the longer on this that it may appear how willing the Cardinal was to accept of any shew of submission from them and to stop Bonners rage Upon this they were set at liberty But Bonner got three Men and two Women presented to him in London in January and after he had allowed them a little more time than he had granted others they standing still firm to their Faith were burnt at Smithfield on the 12th of April After that White the new Bishop of Winchester condemned three who were burnt on the third of May in Southwark one of these Stephen Gratwick being of the Diocess of Chichester appealed from him to his own Ordinary whether he expected more favour from him or did it only to gain time I know not but they brought in a Counterfeit who was pretended to be the Bishop of Chichester as Fox has printed it from the account written with the Man 's own Hand and so condemned him On the seventh of May three were burnt a Bristol On the 18th of June two Men and five Women were burnt at Maidston and on the 19th three Men and four Women were burnt at Canterbury fourteen being thus in two days destroyed by Thornton and Harpsfield in which it may seem strange that the Cardinal had less influence to stop the Proceedings in his own Diocess than in London but he was now under the Popes disgrace as shall be afterwards shewn On the 22d of June six Men and four Women were burnt at Lewis in Sussex condemned by White for Christopherson Bishop Elect of Chichester was not yet consecrated On the 13th of July two were burnt at Norwich On the second of August ten were burnt at Colchester six in the Morning and four in the Afternoon they were some of those who had been formerly discharged by the Cardinals Orders but the Priests in the Country complained that the mercy shewed to them had occasioned great disorders among them Hereticks and the favourers of them growing insolent upon it and those who searched after them being disheartned so now Bonner being under no more restraints from the Cardinal new Complaints being made that they came not to Church condemned them upon their Answers to the Articles which he objected to them At this time one George Eagle a Taylor who used to go about from place to place and to meet with those who stood for the Reformation where he prayed and discoursed with them about Religion and from his indefatigable diligence was nicknamed Trudge-over was taken near Colchester and was condemned of Treason for gathering the Queens Subjects together though it was not proved that he had ever stirred them up to Rebellion but did it only as himself always protested to encourage them to continue stedfast in the Faith he suffered as a Traitor On the fifth of August one was burnt at Norwich and on the 20th a Man and a Woman more were burnt at Rochester One was also burnt at Litchfield in August but the day is not named The same Month a Complaint was brought to the Council of the Magistrates of Bristol that they came seldom to the Sermons at the Cathedral so that the Dean and Chapter used to go to their Houses in Procession with their Cross carried before them and to fetch them from thence upon which a Letter was written to them requiring them to conform themselves more willingly to the Orders of the Church to frequent the Sermons and go thither of their own accord On the 17th of September three Men and one Woman were burnt at Islington near London and on the same day two Women were burnt at Colchester On the 20th a Man was burnt at Northampton and in the same Month one was burnt at Laxefield in Suffolk On the 23d a Woman was burnt at Norwich There were seventeen burnt in the Diocess of Chichester about this time one was a Priest thirteen were Lay-men and three Women but the day is not marked On the 18th of November three were burnt in Smithfield On the 12d of December John Rough a Scotchman was burnt whose suffering was on this occasion On the 12th of December there was a private Meeting of such as continued to Worship God according to the Service set out by King Edward at Islington where he was to have administred the Sacrament according to the Order of that Book The new Inquisitors had corrupted one of this Congregation to betray his Brethren so that they were apprehended as they were going to the Communion But Rough being a Stranger it was considered by the Council whether he should be tried as a Native He had a Benefice in York-shire in King Edwards days so it was resolved and signified to the Bishop of London that he should be proceeded against as a Subject Thereupon Bonner objected to him his condemning the Doctrine of the Church and setting out the Heresies of Cranmer and Ridley concerning the Sacrament and his using the Service set out by King Edward that he had lived much with those who for their Heresies had fled beyond Sea that he had spoken reproachfully of the Pope and Cardinals saying That when he was at Rome he had seen a Bull of the Popes that licensed Stews and a Cardinal riding openly with his Whore with him with several other Articles The greatest part of them he confessed and thereupon he with a Woman that was one of the Congregation was burnt in Smithfield And thus ended the Burnings this Year seventy nine in all being burnt These severities against the Hereticks made the Queen shew less pity to the Lord Stourton The Lord Stourton hanged for Murder than perhaps might have been otherwise expected He had been all King Edwards time a most zealous Papist and did constantly dissent in Parliament from the Laws then made about Religion But he had the former Year murdered one Argall and his Son with whom he had been long at variance and after he had knock'd them down with Clubs and cut their Throats he buried them fifteen Foot under ground thinking thereby to conceal the Fact but it breaking out both he and four of his Servants were taken and indicted for it He was found guilty of Felony and condemned to be hanged with his Servants in Wilt-shire where the Murder was committed On the sixth of March they were hanged at Salisbury All the difference that was made in their Deaths being only thus That whereas his Servants were hanged in common Halters one of Silk was bestowed on their Lord. It seemed an indecent thing
from Rome This Storm against Pool went soon over by the Peace that was made between Philip and the Pope of which it will not be unpleasant to give the Relation The Duke of Guise having carried his Army out of Italy the Duke of Alva marched towards Rome and took and spoiled all Places on his way When he came near Rome all was in such confusion that he might have easily taken it but he made no assault The Pope called the Cardinals together and setting out the danger he was in with many Tears said he would undauntedly suffer Martyrdome which they who knew that the trouble he was in flowed only from his restless ambition and fierceness could scarce hear without laughter The Duke of Alva was willing to treat A Peace made between the Pope and the King of Spain The Pope stood high on the Points of Honour and would needs keep that entire though he was forced to yield in the chief matters he said rather than lose one jot that was due to him he would see the whole World ruined pretending it was not his own Honour but Christs that he sought In fine the Duke of Alva was required by him to come to Rome and on his Knees to ask pardon for invading the Patrimony of the Church and to receive Absolution for himself and his Master He being superstitiously devoted to the Papacy and having got satisfaction in other things consented to this So the Conqueror was brought to ask pardon and the vain Pope received him and gave him Absolution with as much haughtiness and state as if he had been his Prisoner This was done on the 14th of September and the news of it being brought into England on the 6th of October Letters were written by the Council to the Lord Major and Aldermen of London requiring them to come to St. Pauls where high Mass was to be said for the Peace now concluded between the Pope and the King after which Bonfires were ordered One of the secret Articles of the Peace was the restoring Pool to his Legatine Power The beginnings of a War between England and Scotland War being now proclaimed between England and France the French sent to the Scotish Queen Regent to engage Scotland in the War with England Hereupon a Convention of the Estates was called But in it there were two different Parties Those of the Clergy liked now the English Interest as much as they had been formerly jealous of it and so refused to engage in the War since they were at Peace with England They had also a secret dislike to the Regent for her kindness to the Heretical Lords On the other hand those Lords were ready enough to gain the protection of the Regent and the favour of France and therefore were ready to enter into the War hoping that thereby they should have their Party made the stronger in Scotland by the entertainment that the Queen Regent would be obliged to give to such as should fly out of England for Religion Yet the greater part of the Convention were against the War The Queen Regent thought at least to engage the Kingdom in a defensive War by forcing the English to begin with them Therefore she sent D'Oisel who was in chief command to fortifie Aymouth which by the last Treaty with England was to be unfortified So the Governour of Berwick making Inroads into Scotland for the disturbing of their Works upon that D'Oisel began the War and went into England and besieged Warke Castle The Scotish Lords upon this met at Edenburgh and complained that D'Oisel was engaging them in a War with England without their consent and required him to return back under pain of being declared an Enemy to the Nation which he very unwillingly obeyed But while he lay there the Duke of Norfolk was sent down with some Troops to defend the Marches There was only one Engagement between him and the Kers but after a long dispute they were defeated and many of them taken The Queen Regent seeing her Authority was so little considered writ to France to hasten the Marriage of her Daughter to the Dolphin for that he being thereupon invested with the Crown of Scotland the French would become more absolute Upon this a Message was sent from France to a Convention of Estates that sate in December to let them know that the Dolphin was now coming to be of Age and therefore they desired they would send oversome to treat about the Articles of the Marriage They sent the Arch-bishop of Glasgow the Bishop of Orkney the Prior of St. Andrews who afterwards was Earl of Murray the Earls of Rothes and Cassils the Lord Fleeming and the Provosts of Edenburgh and Mountrose some of every Estate that in the Name of the three Estates they might conclude that Treaty These Wars coming upon England when the Queens Treasure was quite exhausted it was not easie to raise Money for carrying them on They found such a backwardness in the last Parliament that they were afraid the supply from thence would not come easily or at least that some favour would be desired for the Hereticks Therefore they tried first to raise Money by sending Orders under the Privy Seal for the borrowing of certain Sums But though the Council writ many Letters to set on those Methods of getting Money yet they being without if not against Law there was not much got this way so that after all it was found necessary to summon a Parliament to assemble on the 20th of January In the end of the Year the Queen had Advertisements sent her from the King that he understood the French had a design on Calais but she either for want of Money or that she thought the place secure in the Winter did not send these Supplies that were necessary and thus ended the Affairs of England this Year In Germany there was a Conference appointed The Affairs of Germany to bring matters of Religion to a fuller settlement Twelve Papists and twelve Protestants were appointed to manage it Julius Pflugius that had drawn the Interim being the chief of the Papists moved that they should begin first with condemning the Heresie of Zuinglius Melancthon upon that said it was preposterous to begin with the condemnation of errors till they had first setled the Doctrines of Religion Yet that which the Papists expected followed upon this for some of the fiercer Lutherans being much set against the Zuinglians agreed to it This raised heats among themselves which made the Conference break up without bringing things to any issue Upon this occasion Men could not but see that Artifice of the Roman Church which has been often used before and since with too great success When they cannot bear down those they call Hereticks with open force their next way is to divide them among themselves and to engage them into Heats about those lesser matters in which they differ hoping that by those animosities their endeavours which being united would
364. An Expedition against France pag. 365. Many strange Accidents ibid. A Treaty of Peace pag. 366. The Battel of Graveling ibid. Many Protestants in France ibid. Dolphin marries the Queen of Scots pag. 367. A Convention of Estates in Scotland ibid. A Parliament in England pag. 368. The Queens Sickness and Death pag. 369. Cardinal Pool dies ibid. His Character ibid. The Queens Character pag. 370. BOOK III. Of the Settlement of the Reformation of Religion in the beginning of Queen Elizabeths Reign QVeen Elizabeth succeeds pag. 373. And comes to London pag. 374. She sends a Dispatch to Rome ibid. But to no effect ibid. King Philip Courts her pag. 375. The Queens Council ibid. A Consultation about the Change of Religion pag. 376. A Method proposed for it pag. 377. Many forward to Reform pag. 378. Parker named to be Arch-Bishop of Canterbury ibid. 1559. Bacon made Lord Keeper pag. 380. The Queens Coronation ibid. The Parliament meets pag. 381. The Treaty at Cambray pag. 382. A Peace agreed on with France ibid. The Proceedings of the Parliament pag. 383. An Address to the Queen to marry pag. 384. Her Answer to it ibid. They Recognise her Title pag. 385. Acts concerning Religion ibid. The Bishops against the Supremacy pag. 386. The beginning of the High Commission pag. 387. A Conference at Westminster pag. 388. Arguments for the Latin Service pag. 389. Arguments against it pag. 390. The Conference breaks up pag. 391. The Liturgy corrected and explained pag. 392. Debates about the Act of Vniformity pag. 393. Arguments for the Changes then made pag. 394. Bills proposed but rejected pag. 395. The Bishops refuse the Oath of Supremacy pag. 396. The Queens gentleness to them ibid. Injunctions for a Visitation pag. 397. The Queen desires to have Images retained ibid. Reasons brought against it ibid. The Heads of the Injunctions pag. 398. Reflections made on them pag. 399. The first High Commission pag. 400. Parkers unwillingness to accept of the Archbishoprick of Canterbury pag. 401. His Consecration pag. 402. The Fable of the Nags-head confuted pag. 403. The Articles of Religion prepared pag. 405. An Explanation of the Presence in the Sacrament ibid. The Translation of the Bible pag. 406. The beginnings of the Divisions pag. 407. The Reformation in Scotland ibid. Mills Martyrdome pag. 408. It occasions great discontents pag. 409. A Revolt at St. Johnstoun pag. 410. The French King intends to grant them liberty of Religion pag. 411. But is killed ibid. A Truce agreed to ibid. The Queen Regent is deposed pag. 412. The Scots implore the Queen of England's Aid ibid. Leith besieged by the English ibid. The Queen Regent dies pag. 413. A Peace is concluded ibid. The Reformation setled by Parliament ibid. Francis the second dies ibid. The Civil Wars of France pag. 415. The Wars of the Netherlands pag. 416. The misfortunes of the Queen of Scotland pag. 417. Queen Elizabeth deposed by the Pope pag. 418. Sir Fr. Walsinghams Letter concerning the Queens proceeding with Papists and Puritans ibid. The Conclusion pag. 421. FINIS A COLLECTION OF RECORDS AND Original Papers WITH OTHER INSTRUMENTS Referred to in the SECOND PART OF THE History of the Reformation OF THE Church of England LONDON Printed by J.D. for Richard Chiswell 1680. The Journal of King EDWARD'S Reign written with his own Hand The Original is in the Cotton Library Nero C. 10. THe Year of our Lord 1537 was a Prince born to King Henry the 8th by Jane Seimour then Queen who within few days after the Birth of her Son died and was buried at the Castle of Windsor This Child was Christned by the Duke of Norfolk the Duke of Suffolk and the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Afterwards was brought up till he came to six Years old among the Women At the sixth Year of his Age he was brought up in Learning by Master Doctor Cox who was after his Almoner and John Cheeke Master of Arts two well-learned Men who sought to bring him up in learning of Tongues of the Scripture of Philosophy and all Liberal Sciences Also John Bellmaine Frenchman did teach him the French Language The tenth Year not yet ended it was appointed he should be created Prince of Wales Duke of Cornwal and Count Palatine of Chester At which time being the Year of our Lord 1547 the said King died of a Dropsie as it was thought After whose Death incontinent came Edward Earl of Hartford and Sir Anthony Brown Master of the Horse to convoy this Prince to Enfield where the Earl of Hartford declared to him and his younger Sister Elizabeth the Death of their Father Here he begins anew again AFter the Death of King Henry the 8th his Son Edward Prince of Wales was come to at Hartford by the Earl of Hartford and Sir Anthony Brown Master of the Horse for whom before was made great preparation that he might be created Prince of Wales and afterward was brought to Enfield where the Death of his Father was first shewed him and the same day the Death of his Father was shewed in London where was great lamentation and weeping and suddenly he proclaimed King The next day being the _____ of _____ He was brought to the Tower of London where he tarried the space of three weeks and in the mean season the Council sat every day for the performance of the Will and at length thought best that the Earl of Hartford should be made Duke of Somerset Sir Thomas Seimour Lord Sudley the Earl of Essex Marquess of Northampton and divers Knights should be made Barons as the Lord Sheffield with divers others Also they thought best to chuse the Duke of Somerset to be Protector of the Realm and Governour of the King's Person during his Minority to which all the Gentlemen and Lords did agree because he was the King's Uncle on his Mothers side Also in this time the late King was buried at Windsor with much solemnity and the Officers broke their Staves hurling them into the Grave but they were restored to them again when they came to the Tower The Lord Lisle was made Earl of Warwick and the Lord Great Chamberlainship was given to him and the Lord Sudley made Admiral of England all these things were done the King being in the Tower Afterwards all things being prepared for the Coronation the King being then but nine Years old passed through the City of London as heretofore hath been used and came to the Palace of Westminster and the next day came into Westminster-Hall And it was asked the People Whether they would have him to be their King Who answered Yea yea Then he was crowned King of England France and Ireland by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and all the rest of the Clergy and Nobles and Anointed with all such Ceremonies as were accustomed and took his Oath and gave a General Pardon and so was brought to the Hall to Dinner on Shrove-sunday where he sat with the Crown on his Head with the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury
Lorrain both to stop the Emperor's Provision annoy his Camp and to take up the Straglers of the Army with a Band of 400 Men of Arms which is 1200 Horse and 800 Light-Horse hearing how Marquess Albert began to take the Emperor's part sent first certain Light-Horse to view what they intended Those Avan-Couriers lighted on a Troop of 500 Horsemen who drove them back till they came to the Duke's Person Whereupon the Skirmish grew so great that the Marquess with 12000 Footmen and 1000 Horsemen came to his Mens succours so the Duke's Party was discomfited the Duke himself taken and hurt in many places Monsieur de Roan was also slain and many other Gentlemen slain and taken This Fight was before Toul into which Fort escaped a great part of the Light-Horse 6. Heading Town and Castle was taken by the Monsieur de Reux The Castle was reckoned too well stored of all things and rendred either by Cowardice or Treason The Battery was very small and not suitable The most was that the Captain Monsieur Jeulis was with one of the first shots of the Cannon slain and his Lieutenant with him In this month Ferdinando Gonzaga besieged St. Martins in Piedmont 18. There was a Commission granted out to Sir Richard Cotton Sir John Gates Sir Robert Bowes and Sir Walter Mildmay to examine the account of the fall of Mony by the two Proclamations 20. The Lord Ogle leaving the Wardenship of the Middle Marches because my Lord Evers Land lay there he was made Deputy-Warden there with the Fee of 600 Merks and Sir Thomas Dacres of the East Marches with the Fee of 500 Merks 24. Thomas Gresham came from Antwerp hither to declare how Monsieur de Langie Treasurer to the Emperor of Flanders was sent to him from the Regent with a certain Pacquet of Letters which the Burgonions had taken in Bullonois coming from the Dowager of Scotland The Effect whereof was How she had committed George Paris the Irish-man to Prison because she had heard of his meaning to return into England how she had found the Pardon he had and divers other Writings and how she had sent O-Coners's Son into Ireland to comfort the Lords of Ireland Also he shewed certain Instructions Anno 1548 upon the Admiral 's fall given to a Gentleman that came hither That if there were any here of the Admiral 's Faction he should do his uttermost to raise an Uproar 29. Henry Knowls was sent in Post into Ireland with a Letter to stay the Deputy if he met him in Ireland because of the Business and that he should seem to stay for his own Affairs and prolong his going from Week to Week lest it be perceived Also he had with him certain Articles concerning the whole state of the Realm which the Deputy was willed to answer 30. There was a Letter of Thanks written to the Regent and sent to Mr. Chamberlain to deliver her for the gentle Overture made to Thomas Gresham by the Treasurer Langie He was also willed to use gentle words in the delivery of the Letters wishing a further Amity And for recompence of her Overture to tell her of the French King's practice for 5000 Scotch Footmen and 500 Horsemen And also how he taketh up by Exchange at Lubeck 100000 l. whereby appeareth some meaning that way the next Spring 28. The Lord Paget was put to his Fine of 6000 l. and 2000 l. diminished to pay it within the space of Years at days limited Here the Journal ends or if more was written by the King it is lost Some other Papers written with King Edward the Sixth's own Hand Number 2. A Collection of Passages of Scripture against Idolatry in French dedicated to the Protector In Trinity Coll. Libr. Cambridg LE fervent zele que Je vous apercoy avoir en la Reformation de Idolatrie Tres-cher et bien aimè Oncle ma incitè comme par maniere de passe temps en lisant la sainct Escriture de nôter plusieurs lieux en icelle qui defendent de nâ—adorer ny faire aucuns Images Non seulement de Dieux Estranges mais ausi de ne former chose pensant la faire semblable a la Majestè de Dieu lè Creature si tresbahy Veu qui lui mesme son St. Esprit par la bouche de ses Prophetes L'a si souvent defendu que tant de gens ont osè et osent commetre Idolatrie en faisant et adorant les Images Mais Je croy que cestoit pourtant quils n'avoient ou n'entendoit pas ses paroles Car comme il dit il ne peut estre veu en choses qui soient materielles Mais veut estre veu par ses ouvres ni plus ne moins que quand on voit quelque excellente piece d'ouvrage sans voir ouvrier qui L'a fait on peut Imaginer son excellence Ainsi regardant et considerant l'excellence du Firmament et les choses tant parfaites et mervelleuses que y sont comprises nous pouvons Imaginer quelle è le Createur qui les a formees seulement par sa parole et en telle maniere nostre Oeil Spirituel pouroit beaucoup mieux voir quelle chosé c'est que de Dieu que nostre Oeil corporell ne le pourroit voir en chose que Creature humane ait fait et formee Pourtant cher Oncle apres avoir notè en ma Bible en Anglois plusieurs sentences qui contradisent a tout Idolatrie a celle fin de m'apprendre et exercer en l'Escriture Francoise je me suis amusè a le Translater en la dite Langue Francoise Puis les ay fait rescire en se petit livret lequell de tresbon cueur Je vous offre Priant Dieu le Createur de vous donner grace de continuer en vostre labeur spirituel au salut de vostre ame et a l' honneur et gloire d' iceluy Then follow 72 Passages out of the Old Testament against worshipping strange Gods or Images with little Paraphrases of his own he concludes Il y a autres places en la sainte Escriture tant Apocryphes que autres desquelles je ne fais nulle mention pour le present qui toutesfois sont correspondentes a celles dont est fait mention par cy devant Mais pour tant que quasi tous les Prophetes et autres Saints desquels la Sainte Escriture parle deffendent de ne commetre Idolatrie Je desire et exhorte toute la Congregation des Chrestiens qu'un chascun d'eux vueille delaisser cest abominable vice A Discourse about the Reformation of many Abuses Number 2. The Government of this Realm is divided into two parts one Ecclesiastical and the other Temporal THe Ecclesiastical consisteth in setting forth the Word of God Cotton Libr. Nero C. 10. continuing the People in Prayer and the Discipline The setting forth of the Word of God consisteth in
nobis virtutem faciet ad nihilum rediget Hostes nostros Serenitatem ac Sanctitatem vestram conservet Altissimus Ecclesiae suae Sanctae per tempora diuturna Datum apud Monasterium de Aberbroth in Scotia 6 die Aprilis Anno gratiae Millesimo trecentesimo vicesimo Anno vero Regni Regis nostri supradicti quintodecimo Number 11. The Oath given to the Scots who submitted to the Protector YOu shall bear your Faith to the King's Majesty Ex Libro Concilii Fol. 139. our Soveraign Lord Edward the Sixth c. till such time as you shall be discharged of your Oath by special License And you shall to the uttermost of your power serve his Majesty truly and faithfully against all other Realms Dominions and Potentates as well Scots as others You shall hear nothing that may be prejudicial to his Majesty or any of his Realms or Dominions but with as much diligence as you may shall cause the same to be opened so as the same come to his Majesty's Knowledg or to the knowledg of the Lord Protector or some of his Majesty's Privy-Council You shall to the uttermost of your possible Power set forwards and advance the King's Majesties Affairs in Scotland for the Marriage and Peace Number 12. The Protestation of the Bishop of London made to the Visitors when he received the King's Majesties Injunctions and Homilies Ex Libro Concilii Fol. 110. I Do receive these Injunctions and Homilies with this Protestation That I will observe them if they be not contrary and repugnant to God's Law and the Statutes and Ordinances of this Church The Submission and Revocation of the same Bishop made before the Lords of the Kings Majesty's Council presently attending upon his Majesty's Person with the subscription of his Name thereunto VVHere I Edmund Bishop of Lodon have at such time as I received the King's Majesty's my most dread Soveraign Lord's Injunctions and Homilies at the Hands of his Highness Visitors did unadvisedly make such Protestation as now upon better consideration of my duty of Obedience and of the ill Example that may ensue to others thereof appeareth to me neither reasonable nor such as might well stand with the Duty of an humble Subject forasmuch as the same Protestation at my request was then by the Register of that Visitation enacted and put in Record I have thought it my bounden Duty not only to declare before your Lordships That I do now upon better consideration of my Duty renounce and revoke my said Protestation but also most humbly beseech your Lordships that this my Revocation of the same may likewise be put in the same Records for a perpetual Memory of the Truth Most humbly beseeching your good Lordships both to take order that it may take effect and also that my former unadvised doings may by your good Mediations be pardoned of the King's Majesty Edmund London Number 13. Gardiner's Letter to Sir John Godsalve concerning the Injunctions Ex MS. Col. C. C. Cantab. Mr. Godsalve after my right hearty Commendations with like thanks for the declaration of your good mind towards me as you mean it although it agreeth not with mine Accompt such as I have had leasure to make in this time of Liberty since the Death of my late Soveraign Lord whose Soul Jesu pardon For this have I reckon'd that I was called to this Bishoprick without the offence of God's Law or the King 's in the attaining of it I have kept my Bishoprick these sixteen Years accomplished this very day that I write these my Letters unto you without offending God's Law or the King 's in the retaining of it howsoever I have of frailty otherwise sinned Now if I may play the third part well to depart from the Bishoprick without the offence of God's Law or the King 's I shall think the Tragedy of my Life well passed over and in this part to be well handled is all my care and study now how to finish this third Act well for so I offend not God's Law nor the King's I will no more care to see my Bishoprick taken from me than my self to be taken from the Bishoprick I am by Nature already condemned to die which Sentence no Man can pardon nor assure me of delay in the execution of it and so see that of necessity I shall leave my Bishoprick to the disposition of the Crown from whence I had it my Houshold also to break up and my bringing up of Youth to cease the remembrance whereof troubleth me nothing I made in my House at London a pleasant Study that delighted me much and yet I was glad to come into the Country and leave it and as I have left the use of somewhat so can I leave the use of all to obtain a more quiet it is not loss to change for the better Honesty and Truth are more leef to me than all the Possessions of the Realm and in these two to say and do frankly as I must I never forbare yet and in these two Honesty and Truth I take such pleasure and comfort as I will never leave them for no respect for they will abide by a Man and so will nothing else No Man can take them away from me but my self and if my self do them away from me then my self do undo my self and make my self worthy to lose my Bishoprick whereat such as gape might take more sport than they are like to have at my hands What other Men have said or done in the Homilies I cannot tell and what Homilies or Injunctions shall be brought hither I know not such as the Printers have sold abroad I have read and considered and am therefore the better instructed how to use my self to the Visitors at their repair hither to whom I will use no manner of Protestation but a plain Allegation as the Matter serveth and as Honesty and Truth shall bind me to speak for I will never yield to do that should not beseem a Christian Bishops ought never to lose the Inheritance of the King's Laws due to every English Man for want of Petition I will shew my self a true Subject humble and obedient which repugneth not with the preservation of my Duty to God and my Right in the Realm not to be enjoined against an Act of Parliament which mine intent I have signified to the Council with request of redress in the Matter and not to compel me to such an Allegation which without I were a Beast I cannot pretermit and I were more than a Beast if after I had signified to the Council Truth and Reason in words I should then seem in my Deeds not to care for it My Lord Protector in one of such Letters as he wrote to me willed me not to fear too much and indeed I know him so well and divers others of my Lords of the Council that I cannot fear any hurt at their hands in the allegation of God's Law and the King 's and I will
that the said Clergy according to the Tenour of the King 's Writ and the Ancient Laws and Customs of this Noble Realm might have their Room and Place and be associated with the Commons in the Nether House of this present Parliament as Members of the Common-Wealth and the King 's most humble Subjects And if this may not be permitted and granted unto them that then no Statutes nor Laws concerning the Christian Religion or which shall concern especially the Persons Possessions Rooms Livings Jurisdictions Goods or Chattels of the said Clergy may pass nor be enacted the said Clergy not being made privy thereunto and their Answers and Reasons not heard The said Clergy do most humbly beseech an Answer and Declaration to be made unto them what the said most Reverend Father in God and all other the Bishops have done in this their humble Suit and Request to the end that the said Clergy if need be may chuse of themselves such able and discreet Persons which shall effectually follow the same Suit in the Name of them all And whereas in a Statute ordained and established by Authority of Parliament at Westminster in the 25th Year of the Reign of the most excellent Prince King Henry the 8th The Clergy of this Realm submitting themselves to the King's Highness did knowledg and confess according to the Truth That the Convocations of the same Clergy have been and ought to be assembled by the King 's Writ and did promise farther in Verbo Sacerdotii that they never from thenceforth would presume to attempt alledg claim or put in use or enact promulge or execute any new Canons Constitutions Ordinances Provincials or other or by whatsoever other Name they shall be called in the Convocation unless the King 's most Royal Assent and License may to them be had to make promulge and execute the same And his Majesty to give his most Royal Assent and Authority in that behalf upon pain of every one of the Clergy doing the contrary and being thereof Convict to suffer Imprisonment and make Fine at the King 's Will. And that no Canons Constitutions or Ordinances shall be made or put in execution within this Realm by Authority of the Convocation of the Clergy which shall be repugnant to the King's Prerogative Royal or the Customs Laws or Statutes of this Realm which Statute is eft-soons renewed and established in the 27th Year of the Reign of the most noble King as by the Tenour of both Statutes more at large will appear The said Clergy being presently assembled in Convocation by Authority of the King 's Writ do desire that the King's Majesty's License in writing may be for them obtained and granted according to the effect of the said Statutes authorising them to attempt entreat and commune of such Matters and therein freely to give their Consents which otherwise they may not do upon pain and peril premised Also the said Clergy desireth that such Matters as concerneth Religion which be disputable may be quietly and in good order reasoned and disputed among them in this House whereby the Verities of such Matters shall the better appear and the Doubts being opened and resolutely discussed Men may be fully perswaded with the quietness of their Consciences and the time well spent Number 18. A Paper offered to Q. Elizabeth and afterwards to K. James concerning the Inferior Clergies being brought to the House of Commons Reasons to induce her Majesty that Deans Arch-Deacons and some other of her grave and wise Clergie may be admitted into the Lower House of Parliament 1. IN former Times when Causes Ecclesiastical were either not at all Ex M.S. Dr. Borlace or else very rarely treated of in that Assembly the Clergy were thought Men most meet to consult and determine of the Civil Affairs of this Realm 2. The Supream Authority in Church Causes is not newly granted but reunited and restored to the Crown and an Order is by Law already established how all Abuses in the Church are to be reformed so as no cause concerning Religion may be handled in that House without her Majesty's special leave but with the manifest impeaching of her Prerogative Royal and contempt of the said Order 3. If it shall please her Highness to give way to this Course that Church-Matters be there debated and in part concluded How much more necessary is it now than it was in former Times that some of the Clergy should be there present at the same * In the same Paper written over to be presented to K. James this Article is thus varied It is thought the Clergie falling into a Premunire and so not in the King's Protection it did afterwards please the King to pardon them but not to restore them So began this Separation as far forth as can be collected then the Wisdom of a great Politician meeting with the Ambition of as great a Prelat wrought the continuance of the said Separation under this pretence That it should be most for the Honour of him and his Clergie to be still by themselves in two Assemblies of Convocation answerable in proportion to the two Houses of Parliament There are many other inconsiderable Amendments made by Bishop Ravis 's own hand It doth not appear why they were excluded but as it is thought either the King offended with some of them did so grievously punish the whole Body or else the Ambition of one of them meeting with the subtilty of an undermining Politick did occasion this causeless Separation 5. They are yet to this day called by several Writs directed into their several Diocesses under the Great Seal to assist the Prince in that High Court of Parliament 6. Though the Clergy and the Universities be not the worst Members of this Common-Wealth yet in that respect they are of all other in worst condition for in that Assembly every Shire hath their Knights and every incorporate Town their Burgesses only the Clergy and the Universities are excluded 7. The Wisdom and Justice of this Realm doth intend That no Subject should be bound to that Law whereunto he himself after a sort hath not yielded his Consent but the Clergy and the Universities may now be concluded by Law without their Consent without their just Defence without their Privity 8. The many Motions made so prejudicial to the State and being of the Clergy and Universities followed now with so great eagerness in that House would then be utterly silenced or soon repressed with the sober and sufficient Answers of the Clergy present 9. It would much repair the Reputation and Credit of the Clergy which now is exposed to great contumely and contempt as generally abroad in this Land so particularly in that House And whoso is religious and wise may observe That the Contempt of the Clergy is the high way to Atheism and all Prophaneness Men are Flesh and not Spirit led by ordinary outward Means and not usually overwrought by extraordinary Inspirations and therefore do easily
That against Law he held a Court of Request in his House and did enforce divers to answer there for their Freehold and Goods and did determine of the same 8. That being no Officer without the advice of the Council or most part of them he did dispose Offices of the King's Gift for Mony grant Leases and Wards and Presentations of Benefices pertaining to the King gave Bishopricks and made sales of the King's Lands 9. That he commanded Alchimie and Multiplication to be practised thereby to abase the King's Coin 10. That divers times he openly said That the Nobility and Gentry were the only cause of Dearth whereupon the People rose to reform Matters of themselves 11. That against the mind of the whole Council he caused Proclamation to be made concernig Inclosures whereupon the People made divers Insurrections and destroyed many of the King's Subjects 12. That he sent forth a Commission with Articles annexed concerning Inclosures Commons High-ways Cottages and such-like Matters giving the Commissioners authority to hear and determine those causes whereby the Laws and Statutes of the Realm were subverted and much Rebellion raised 13. That he suffered Rebels to assemble and lie armed in Camp against the Nobility and Gentry of the Realm without speedy repressing of them 14. That he did comfort and encourage divers Rebels by giving them Mony and by promising them Fees Rewards and Services 15. That he caused a Proclamation to be made against Law and in favour of the Rebels that none of them should be vexed or sued by any for their Offences in their Rebellion 16. That in time of Rebellion he said That he liked well the Actions of the Rebels and that the Avarice of Gentlemen gave occasion for the People to rise and that it was better for them to die than to perish for want 17. That he said The Lords of the Parliament were loath to reform Inclosures and other things therefore the People had a good cause to reform them themselves 18. That after declaration of the Defaults of Bulloign and the Pieces there by such as did survey them he would never amend the same 19. That he would not suffer the King's Pieces of Newhaven and Blackness to be furnished with Men and Provision albeit he was advertised of the Defaults and advised thereto by the King's Council whereby the French King was emboldned to attempt upon them 20. That he would neither give Authority nor suffer Noblemen and Gentlemen to suppress Rebels in time convenient but wrote to them to speak the Rebels fair and use them gently 21. That upon the 5th of October the present Year at Hampton-Court for defence of his own private Causes he procured seditious Bills to be written in counterfeit Hands and secretly to be dispersed into divers parts of the Realm beginning thus Good People intending thereby to raise the King's Subjects to Rebellion and open War 22. That the King's Privy-Council did consult at London to come to him and move him to reform his Government but he hearing of their Assembly declared by his Letters in divers places that they were high Traitors to the King 23. That he declared untruly as well to the King as to other young Lords attending his Person That the Lords at London intended to destroy the King and desired the King never to forget but to revenge it and desired the young Lords to put the King in remembrance thereof with intent to make Sedition and Discord between the King and his Nobles 24. That at divers times and places he said The Lords of the Council at London intended to kill me but if I die the King shall die and if they famish me they shall famish him 25. That of his own head he removed the King so suddenly from Hampton-Court to Windsor without any provision there made that he was thereby not only in great fear but cast thereby into a dangerous Disease 26. That by his Letters he caused the King's People to assemble in great numbers in Armour after the manner of War to his Aid and Defence 27. That he caused his Servants and Friends at Hampton-Court and Windsor to be apparelled in the King's Armour when the King's Servants and Guards went unarmed 28. That he intended to fly to Gernsey or Wales and laid Post-horses and Men and a Boat to that purpose Number 47. A Letter written by the Council to the Bishops to assure them That the King intended to go forward in the Reformation By the KING RIght Reverend Father in God Right trusty and well-beloved Regist Cran. Fol. 56. we greet you well Whereas the Book entituled the Book of Common Prayers and Administration of the Sacraments and other Rites and Ceremonies of the Church after the use of the Church of England was agreed upon and set forth by Act of Parliament and by the same Act commanded to be used of all Persons within this our Realm Yet nevertheless we are informed that divers unquiet and evil-disposed Persons sithence the apprehension of the Duke of Somerset have noised and bruited abroad That they should have again their old Latin Service their Conjured Bread and Water with such-like vain and superfluous Ceremonies as though the setting forth of the said Book had been the only Act of the said Duke We therefore by the advice of the Body and State of our Privy-Council not only considering the said Book to be our Act and the Act of the whole State of our Realm assembled together in Parliament but also the same to be grounded upon the Holy Scripture agreeable to the Order of the Primitive Church and much to the re-edifying of our Subjects to put away all such vain expectation of having the Publick Service the Administration of the Sacraments and other Rites and Ceremonies again in the Latin Tongue which were but a preferment of Ignorance to Knowledg and Darkness to Light and a preparation to bring in Papistry and Superstition again have thought good by the advice aforesaid to require and nevertheless straitly do command and charge you That immediately upon the receipt hereof you do command the Dean and Prebendaries of your Cathedral Church the Parsons Vicar or Curat and Church-wardens of every Parish within your Diocess to bring and deliver unto you or your Deputy any of them for their Church or Parish at such convenient place as you shall appoint all Antiphonals Missals Graylles Processionals Manuels Legends Pies Portasies Journals and Ordinals after the use of Sarum Lincoln York or any other private use And all other Books of Service the keeping whereof should be a lett to the using of the said Book of Common Prayers and that you take the same Books into your hands or into the hands of your Deputy and them so to deface and abolish that they never after may serve either to any such use as they were provided for or be at any time a lett to that godly and uniform Order which by a common Consent is now set forth And if
confecti extremum Vitae diem misere finierunt Necessitas Pontificem ad judicium impellens Quae omnia cum apud omnes Nationes perspicua notiora sint gravissimo quam plurimorum testimonio ita comprobata ut nullus omnino locus excusationis defensionis aut tergiversationis relinquatur Nos multiplicatis aliis atque aliis super alias impietatibus facinoribus praeterea fidelium persecutione religionisque afflictione impulsu opera dictae Elizabethae quotidie magis ingravescente quoniam illius animum ita obfirmatum atque induratum intelligimus ut non modo pias Catholicorum Principum de sanitate conversatione preces monitionesque contempserit sed ne hujus quidem sedis ad ipsam hac de Causa Nuncios in Angliam trajicere permiserit ad arma justitiae contra eam de necessitate conversi dolorem lenire non possumus quod adducamur in illam animadvertere cujus majores de Rep. Christiana tantopere meruere Illius itaque autoritate suffulti qui nos in hoc supremo Justitiae Throno licet tanto oneri impares voluit collocare de Apostolicae potestatis plenitudine declaramus praedictam Elizabetham Haereticam Haereticorum fautricem eique adherentes in predictis anathematis sententiam incurrisse Sentiae Declaratio esseque a Christi Corporis unitate praecisos Quin etiam ipsam praetenso Regni praedicti jure necnon omni quorumque Dominio dignitate privilegioque privatam Et item proceres subditos populos dicti Regni ac caeteros omnes qui illi quomodocunque juraverunt a Juramento hujusmodi ac omni prorsus dominii fidelitatis obsequii debito perpetuo absolutos prout nos illos praesentium authoritate absolvimus privamus eandem Elizabetham praetenso jure Regni aliisque omnibus supradictis Praecipimusque interdicimus Universis singulis Proceribus Subditis Populis aliis praedictis ne illi ejusve monitis mandatis legibus audeant obedire Qui secus egerint eos simili Anathematis sententia innodamus Quia vero difficile nimis esset presentes quocunque illis opus erit perferre Volumus ut earum exempla Notarii Publici manu Prelati Ecclesiastici ejusve Curiae Sigillo obsignata eandem illam prorsus fidem in judicio extra illud ubique gentium faciant quam ipsae presentes facerent si essent exhibitae vel ostensae Datum Romae apud Sanctum Petrum Anno Incarnationis Dominicae Millesimo quingentesimo Sexagesimo Nono Quinta Kalend. Martii Pontificatus nostri Anno Quinto Cae. Glorierius H. Humyn AN APPENDIX Concerning some of the Errors and Falshoods IN SANDER's Book OF THE English Schism AN APPENDIX IT has been observed of Theeves that by a long practice in that ill course of Life they grow so in love with it that when there is no Advantage to be made by Stealing yet they must keep their Hand in use and continue their address and dexterity in it so also Lyars by a frequent Custom grow to such a habit that in the commonest things they cannot speak Truth even though it might conduce to their Ends more than their Lyes do Sanders had so given himself up to vent Reproaches and Lyes that he often does it for nothing without any End but to carry on a Trade that had been so long driven by him that he knew not how to lay it down He wrote our History meerly upon the Reports that were brought him without any care or information about the most publick and most indifferent Things but not content to set down those Tattles he shews his Wit in refining about them and makes up such Politicks and Schems of Government as might suit with these Reports and agree with his own Malice His Work is all of a piece and as it was made out in the former Volume how ignorantly and disingeniously he writ concerning King Henry the Eighth's Reign so I shall add a further Discovery of the remaining parts of his Book which will sufficiently convince even the most partial Readers of the impudence of that Author who seems to have had no other design in writing but to impose on the credulity and weakness of those who he knew were inclined to believe every thing that might cast blemishes on a Work against which they were so strongly prejudiced as the Reformation of this Church since a Field which they so often reaped and with whose Spoils their Court was so enriched was no more at their Devotion So they are ever since concerned in Interest to use all the ways they can think on to disgrace a Change that was so fatal to them But as the Reformation of this Church has hitherto stood notwithstanding all their Designs against it so it is to be hoped that the History of it will be hereafter better understood notwithstanding all the Libels and Calumnies by which they have endeavoured to represent it in such black and odious Colours to the World Sanders says Page 176. King Edward was in the 9th Year of his Age when he came to the Crown This is of no great consequence but it shews how little this Author considered what he writ when in so publick a thing as the King's Age he misreckons a Year for he was born the 12th of October 1537 so in January 1547 he was in the 10th Year of his Age. 2. He says King Edward was not only declared King of England Ibid. and Ireland but made Supream Head of the Church and upon that runs out to shew how uncapable a Child was of that Power This is set down in such terms as if there had been some special Act made for his being Supream Head of the Church distinct from his being proclaimed King whereas there was no such thing for the Supremacy being annexed to the Crown the one went with the other and it being but a Civil Power might be as well exercised by the King's Governors before he came to be of Age as the other Rights of the Crown were Pag. 177. 3. He says The Earl of Hartford was made by himself Duke of Somerset This was done by order of the whole Council in pursuance of King Henry's Design proved by those Witnesses that were beyond exception and that King having by his Will charged his Executors to fullfil those things which he intended to do this was found to be one of them Pag. 178. 4. He says The Duke of Somerset made himself the only Governor of the King and Protector none daring to oppose it openly but Wriothesley whom King Henry when he was dying had made Lord Chancellor The Protector was advanced to that Dignity by the unanimous consent of the whole Council to which the Lord Chancellor consented and signed the Order about it the Original whereof is yet extant for though he argued against it before it was done yet he joined with the rest in doing it Nor was he made Chancellor by
enquiry into them it will be found that some of them are of no force at all and that the other which are better Grounded can amount to no more than this that things were not managed with that care or brought to that Perfection that were to be desired so that all the use we ought to make of these Objections is to be directed by them to do those things which may compleat and adorn that Work which was managed by Men subject to Infirmities who neither could see every thing nor were able to accomplish all that they had Projected and saw fit to be done But from the matter of the following History another Objection of another sort may arise which tho it has no Relation to the Reformation yet leaves no small Imputation on the Nation as too apt to change and be carryed about with every Religion in Vogue since in little more than 20 years time there were four great changes made in Religion and in all these the main Body of the Nation turned with the Stream and it was but a small number that stood firm and suffered for their Consciences But if the State of the Nation be well considered there will be nothing in all this so strange as at first view it may perhaps appear for in the times of Popery the People were kept in such profound ignorance that they knowing nothing of Religion beyond the outward Forms and Pageantry and being highly dissatisfied with the ill Lives of the Clergy and offended with their Cruelty against those that contradicted their Opinions it is no wonder that they were inclined to hear Preachers of any sort who laid out to them the reasons of the Doctrine they delivered and did not impose it on them in gross as the others had done These Teachers being also Men of Innocent tempers and good Lives and being recommended to the Compassion of the Nation by their sufferings and to their esteem by their zeal and readiness to run all hazards for their Consciences had great advantages to gain on the Belief and affections of the People And to speak freely I make no doubt but if the Reformation had been longer a hatching under the heat of Persecution it had come forth perfecter than it was This disposition of the People and King Henry's Quarrelling with the Pope made the way easie for the first Change But then the severities about the Supremacy on one hand and the six Articles on the other made People to stagger and reel between the two Religions And all People being fond of new things and the discoveries of the Impostures of the Priests and lewdness of the Monks encreasing their dislike of them it was no wonder the Reformation went on with so little Tumult and Precipitation till King Edward's time But tho there were then very Learned and Zealous Divines who Managed and carryed on the changes that were made yet still the greater part of the Clergy was very Ignorant and very Corrupt which was occasioned by the Pensions that were reserved out of the Rents of the suppressed Monasteries to the Monks during their Lives or till they were provided with livings The Abbey Lands that were sold with the Charge of these annexed to them coming into the Hands of Persons who had no mind to have that Burden lie longer on them they got these Monks Provided with Benefices that so they might be eased of that Charge And for the other Abbies that still remained with the Crown the same Course was taken for the Monks were put into all the small Benefices that were in the Kings gift So that the greatest part of the Clergy were such as had been formerly Monks or Fryers very Ignorant for most part and generally addicted to their former Superstition tho otherwise Men that would Comply with any thing rather than forfeit their Livings Vnder such Incumbents nothing but Ignorance and Vnconcernedness in Religion could prevail By this means it was that the greater part of the Nation was not well Instructed nor Possessed with any warmth and sincere Love to the Reformation which made the following change under Queen Mary more easily effected The Proceedings in King Edward's time were likewise so gentle and Moderate flowing from the calm temper of Arch-Bishop Cranmer and the policy of others who were willing to accept of any thing they could obtain hoping that time would do the business if the overdriving it did not precipitate the whole affair that it was an easie thing for a Concealed Papist to weather the difficulties of that Reign There were also great scandals given by the Indiscretion of many of the New Preachers The misgovernment of Affairs under the Duke of Somerset with the restless Ambition of the Duke of Northumberland did alienate the Nation much from them and a great aversion commonly begets an universal dislike of every thing that is done by those whom we hate All these things concurred to prepare the minds of the People to the change made by Queen Mary but in her Reign Popery did more plainly discover it self in the many repeated Bâ—rnings and the other Cruelties then openly exercised The Nation was also in such danger of being brought under the uneasie Yoak of Spanish Government and they were many of them in fear of losing their new gotten Church Lands These things together with the loss of Calais in the end of her Reign which was Vniversally much resented as a lasting dishonour to the Nation raised in them a far greater aversion to her Government and to every thing that had been done in it than they had to the former The Genius of the English leads them to hate Cruelty and Tyranny and when they saw these were the necessary Concomitants of Popery no wonder it was thrown out with so general an agreement that there was scarce any considerable Opposition made to it except by some few of their Clergy who having changed so oft were ashamed of such repeated recantations and so resolved at last to stand their ground which was the more easie to resolve on under so merciful a Prince who punisht them only by a Forfeiture of their Benefices and that being done took care of their Subsistence for the rest of their Lives Bonner himself not being excepted tho so deeply dyed in the Blood of so many Innocents All these things laid together it will not seem strange that such great Alterations were so easily brought about in so short a time But from the days of Queen Elizabeth that the Old Monks were worn out and New Men better Educated were placed in Churches things did generally put on a new Visage and this Church has since that time continued to be the Sanctuary and shelter of all Forreigners and the chief Object of the Envy and Hatred of the Popish Church and the great Glory of the Reformation and has wisely avoided the splitting asunder on the high Points of the Divine Decrees which have broken so many of the Reformed beyond Sea but
not applied to these Images So in King Henry's time that temper was found that such Images as had been abused to Superstition should be removed and for other Images external Worship such as kneeling censing and praying before them was kept up but the People were to be taught that these were not at all intended to the Image but to that which was represented by it And upon this there was much subtle arguing Among Cranmers Papers I have seen several Arguments for a moderate use of Images But to all these they opposed the second Commandment as plainly forbidding all visible Objects of Adoration together with what was in the Scriptures against the Idolatry of the Heathens and what the Fathers had written against the Gentiles And they added that how excusable soever that practice might have been in such dark and barbarous Ages in which the People knew little more of Divine Matters than what they learned from their Images yet the horrible abuses that followed on the bringing them into Churches made it necessary now to throw them all out It was notorious that the People every where doted on them and gave them Divine Honour Nor did the Clergy who were generally too guilty themselves of such abuses teach them how to distinguish aright and the Acts of Worship that were allowed were such that beside the scandal such Worship had in it and the danger of drawing People into Idolatry it was in it self inexcusable to offer up such external parts of Religious Adoration to Gold or Silver Wood or Stone So Cranmer and others being resolved to purge the Church of this abuse got the worst part of the Sentence that some had designed against the Curate and Church-wardens to be mitigated into a Reprimend and as it is entred in the Council Books In respect of their submission and of some other Reasons which did mitigate their offence These were Cranmers Arguments against Images they did pardon their Imprisonment which was at first determined and ordered them to provide a Crucifix or at least some painting of it till one were ready and to beware of such rashness for the future But no mention is made of the other Images The carriage of the Council in this matter discovering the inclinations of the greatest part of them Many begin to pull down Images and Dr. Ridley having in his Lent-Sermon preached against the Superstition that was generally had to Images and Holy Water it raised a great heat over England So that Gardiner hearing that on May-day the People of Portsmouth had removed and broken the Images of Christ and the Saints writ about it with great warmth to one Captain Vaughan that waited on the Protector and was then at Portsmouth He desired to know whether he should send one to preach against it though he thought that was the casting Precious Stones to Hogs or worse than Hogs as were these Lollards He said that Luther had set out a Book against those who removed Images At which Gardiner is much offended and himself had seen them still in the Lutheran Churches and he thought the removing Images was on design to subvert Religion and the state of the World he argues for them from the Kings Image on the Seal Caesars Image on the Coin brought to Christ the Kings Arms carried by the Heralds he condemns false Images but for those that were against true Images he thought they were possest with the Devil Vaughan sent his Letter to the Protector with one from Gardiner to himself who finding the reasoning in it not so strong but that it might be answered wrote to him himself That he allowed of his zeal against Innovations The Protector writ to him about it The Letters are in Fox's Acts and Monuments but that there were other things that needed to be looked to as much Great difference there was between the Civil respect due to the Kings Arms and the Worship given to Images There had been a time in which the abuse of the Scriptures was thought a good reason to take them from the People yea and to burn them though he looked on them as more sacred than Images which if they stood meerly as Remembrancers he thought the hurt was not great but it was known that for the most part it was otherwise and upon abuse the Brazen Serpent was broken though made at Gods Commandment and it being pretended that they were the Books of the People he thought the Bible a much more intelligible and useful Book There were some too rash and others too obstinate The Magistrate was to steer a middle Course between them not considering the Antiquity of things so much as what was good and expedient Gardiner writ again to the Protector complaining of Bale and others who published Books to the dishonour of the late King and that all were running after Novelties and often inculcates it that things should be kept in the state they were in till the King were of Age and in his Letters reflects both on the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of Duresme for consenting to such things Gardiner writ to Ridley who had preached against Images But finding his Letters had no effect on the Protector he wrote to Ridley That by the Law of Moses we were no more bound not to have Images than not to eat Blood-Puddings Image and Idol might have been used promiscuously in former times as King and Tyrant were yet there was a great difference between these according to the Notions we now have He cites Pope Gregory who was against both adoring and breaking them and says the Worship is not given to the Image so there is no Idolatry but to him represented by it and as the sound of Speech did by the Ear beget Notions in us so he did not see but the sight of an Image might stir up devotion He confessed there had been abuses as there is in every thing that is in Mens Hands he thinks Imagery and Graving to be of as good use for instruction as Writing or Printing and because Ridley had also preached against the Superstition of Holy Water to drive away Devils he added That a Vertue might be in Water as well as in Christs Garment St. Peters Shadow or Elisha's Staff Pope Marcellus ordered Equitius to use it and the late King used to bless Cramp-Rings both of Gold and Silver which were much esteemed every where and when he was abroad they were often desired from him This Gift he hoped the young King would not neglect He believed the Invocation of the Name of God might give such a Vertue to Holy Water as well as to the Water of Baptism For Ridley's Answer to this I never saw it so these things must here pass without any Reply though it is very probable an ordinary Reader will with a very small measure of common Sense and Learning see how they might have been answered The thing most remarkable here is about these Cramp-Rings which King Henry
used to bless of which I never met with any thing before I saw this Letter but since I understand the Office of Blessing of these Rings is extant as it was prepared for Queen Maries use as shall be told in her Reign It must be left to conjecture whether he did it as a practice of former Kings or whether upon his being made Supream Head he thought fit to take on him as the Pope did to consecrate such things and send them about Where to be sure Fancy and Flattery would raise many Stories of the wonderful effects of what he had so blessed and perhaps these might have been as true as the Reports made of the Vertues of Agnus Deis touched Beads blessed Peebles with such other goodly Ware which the Friars were wont to carry about and distribute to their Benefactors as things highly sanctified This I set down more fully and have laid some things together that fell not out till some months after this being the first step that was made towards a Reformation in this Reign Upon this occasion it is not unlikely that the Council wrote their Letteâ—s to all the Justices of Peace of England 1547. Feb. 12. The Commission of the Justices of the Peace on the 12th of Feb. letting them know that they had sent down new Commissions to them for keeping the Peace ordering them to assemble together and first to call earnestly on God for his Grace to discharge their Duties faithfully according to the Oaths which they were to take and that they should impartially without corruption or sinister affection execute their Office so that it might appear that they had God and the good of their King and Country before their Eyes and that they should divide themselves into the several Hundreds and see to the publick Peace and that all Vagabonds and disturbers of the Peace should be duly punished and that once every six weeks they should write to the Lord Protector and Council the state in which the County was till they were otherwise commanded That which was sent into the County of Norfolk will be found in the Collection Collection Number 3. But now the Funeral of the deceased King and the Coronation of his Son were to be dispatched In the Coronation-Ceremonies that had been formerly used there were some things that did not agree with the present Laws of the Land as the Promise made to the Abbots for maintaining their Lands and Dignities They were also so tedious that a new Form was ordered to be drawn which the Reader will find in the Collection The most material thing in it is the first Ceremony Collection Number 4. whereby the King being shewed to the People at the four Corners of the Stage the Arch-bishop was to demand their Consent to it and yet in such terms as should demonstrate he was no Elective Prince for he being declared the rightful and undoubted Heir both by the Laws of God and Man they were desired to give their good Wills and Assents to the same as by their Duty of Allegiance they were bound to do This being agreed on the 13th of Feb. on the day following King Henry's Body was with all the pomp of a Royal Funeral removed to Sheen in the way to Windsor 1547. Feb. 13. King Henry buried There great observation was made on a thing that was no extraordinary matter He had been extreme corpulent and dying of a Dropsie or some thing like it it was no wonder if a fortnight after upon so long a motion some putrid Matter might run thorough the Coffin But Sheen having been a House of Religious Women it was called a signal Mark of the displeasure of Heaven that some of his Blood and Fat droped through the Lead in the night and to make this work mightily on weak People it was said that the Dogs licked it next morning This was much magnified in Commendation of Friar Peto afterwards made Cardinal who as was told Page 151. of the former Part had threatned him in a Sermon at Greenwich That the Dogs should lick his Blood Though to consider things more equally it had been a Wonder indeed if it had been otherwise But having met with this Observation in a MS. written near that time I would not envy the World the Pleasure of it Next day he was brought to Windsor and interred in St. George's Chappel And he having by his Will left that Church 600 l. a year for ever for two Priests to say Mass at his Tomb daily for four Obits yearly and a Sermon at every Obit with 10 l. to the Poor and for a Sermon every Sunday together with the maintenance of thirteen poor Knights The Judges were consulted how this should be well setled in Law Who advised that the Lands which the King had given should be made over to that Colledge by Indentures Tripartite the King being one Party the Protector and the other Executors a second and the Dean and Chapter of Windsor a third Party These were to be Signed with the Kings Hand and the Great Seal put to them with the Hands and Seals of all the rest and then Patents were to be given for the Lands founded on the Kings Testament and the Indentures Tripartite Soul-Masses examined But the Pomp of this Business ministred an occasion of enquiring into the use and lawfulness of Soul-Masses and Obits which came to be among the first things that were reformed Christ had instituted the Sacrament to be celebrated in remembrance of his Death and it was a Sacrament only to those who did participate in it but that the consecrating the Sacrament could be of any use to departed Souls seemed a thing not easie to be conceived For if they are the Prayers of the Living that profit the Dead then these would have done as well without a Mass But the People would not have esteemed bare Prayers so much nor have payed so dear for them So that the true original of Soul-Masses was thought to have been only to encrease the Esteem and Wealth of the Clergy It is true in the Primitive Church there was a Commemoration of the Saints departed in the Daily Sacrifice so they termed the Communion and such as had given any offence at their death were not remembred in it So that for so slight an offence as the leaving a Priest Tutor to ones Children which might distract them from their Spiritual care ones Name was to be left out of that Commemoration in Cyprians time which was a very disproportioned punishment to that offence if such Commemorations had been thought useful or necessary to the Souls departed But all this was nothing to the private Masses for them and was indeed nothing at first but an honourable mention of such as had died in the Faith And they believing then generally that there was a Glorious Thousand Years to be on Earth and that the Saints should rise some sooner and some later to have their part in it they
Marriage all other things should be presently forgiven and Peace be immediately made up but if they were not empow'red in that particular and offered only to treat about Restitutions that then they should immediately break off the Treaty The Bishop of Duresme was also ordered to carry down with him the Exemplifications of many Records to prove the Subjection of the Crown of Scotland to England some of these are said to have been under the Hands and Seals of their Kings their Nobles their Bishops Abbots and Towns He was also ordered to search for all the Records that were lying at Duresme where many of them were kept to be ready to be shewed to the Scots upon any occasion that might require it The Meeting on the Borders came to a quick issue for the Scottish Commissioners had no Power to treat about the Marriage But Tonstall searching the Registers of his See found many Writings of great consequence to clear that Subjection of which the Reader will see an account in a Letter he writ to the Council Collection Number 9. in the Collection of Papers The most remarkable of these was the Homage King William of Scotland made to Henry the second by which he granted That all the Nobles of his Realm should be his Subjects and do Homage to him and that all the Bishops of Scotland should be under the Arch-bishops of York and that the King of England should give all the Abbeys and Honours in Scotland at the least they should not be given without his consent with many other things of the like nature It was said that the Monks in those days who generally kept the Records were so accustomed to the forging of Stories and Writings that little credit was to be given to such Records as lay in their keeping But having so faithfully acknowledged what was alledged against the freedom of Scotland I may be allowed to set down a Proof on the other side for my Native Country copied from the Original Writing yet extant under the Hands and Seals of many of the Nobility and Gentry of that Kingdom It is a Letter to the Pope and it was ordinary that of such publick Letters there were Duplicates Signed The one of which was sent and the other laid up among the Records of which I have met with several Instances So that of this Letter the Copy which was reserved being now in Noble Hands was communicated to me and is in the Collection Collection Number 10. It was upon the Popes engaging with the King of England to assist him to subdue Scotland that they writ to him and did assert most directly that their Kingdom was at all times free and independent But now these Questions being waved the other difference about the Marriage was brought to a sharper decision Aug. 21 On the 21st of August the Protector took out a Commission to be General and to make War on Scotland and did devolve his Power during his absence on the Privy Council and appointed his Brother to be Lord-Lieutenant for the South and the Earl of Warwick whom he carried with him Lord-Lieutenant for the North and left a Commission of Array to the Marquess of Northampton for Essex Suffolk and Norfolk to the Earl of Arundel for Sussex Surrey Hampshire and Wiltshire and to Sir Thom. Cheyney for Kent All this was in case of any Invasion from France Having thus setled Affairs during his absence he set out for Newcastle having ordered his Troops to march thither before and coming thither on the 27th of that Month Aug. 27 he saw his Army mustered on the 28th and marched forward to Scotland The Lord Clinton commanded the Ships that sailed on as the Army marched which was done that Provisions and Ammunition might be brought by them from Newcastle or Berwick if the Enemy should at any time fall in behind their Army He entred into Scotch Ground the second of September Sept. 2. and advanced to the Paths the 5th 5. where the Passage being narrow and untoward they looked for an Enemy to have disputed it but found none the Scots having only broken the Ways which in that dry Season signified not much but to stop them some hours in their March When they had passed these some little Castles Dunglas Thornton and Innerwick having but a few ill provided Men in them rendred to them On the 9th they came to Falside Sept. 9. where there was a long Fight in several Parties in which there were 1300 of the Scots slain And now they were in sight of the Scotch Army which was for numbers of Men one of the greatest that they had ever brought together consisting of 30000 Men of which 10000 were commanded by the Governour 8000 by the Earl of Angus 8000 by the Earl of Huntley and 4000 by the Earl of Argile with a fair Train of Artillery nine Brass and 21 Iron Guns On the other side the English Army consisted of about 15000 Foot and 3000 Horse but all well appointed The Scots were now heated with the old National Quarrel to England It was given out that the Protector was come with his Army to carry away their Queen and to enslave the Kingdom And for the encouraging of the Army it was also said that 12 Gallies and 50 Ships were on the Sea from France and that they looked for them every day The Protector finding an Army brought together so soon The Protectors Offers to the Scots and so much greater than he expected began to be in some apprehension and therefore he writ to the Scots to this effect That they should remember they were both Christians and so should be tender of the effusion of so much Blood that this War was not made with any design but for a perpetual Peace by the Marriage of their two Princes which they had already agreed and given their publick Faith upon it and that the Scots were to be much more gainers by it than the English The Island seemed made for one Empire It was pity it should be more distracted with such Wars when there was so fair and just a way offered for uniting it and it was much better for them to marry their Queen to a Prince of the same Language and on the same Continent than to a Forreigner but if they would not agree to that he offered that their Queen should be bred up among them and not at all contracted neither to the French nor to any other Forreigner till she came of Age that by the consent of the Estates she might choose a Husband for her self If they would agree to this he would immediately return with his Army out of Scotland and make satisfaction for the damages the Country had suffered by the Invasion This Proposition seems to justifie what the Scotch Writers say though none of the English mention it That the Protector what for want of Provisions and what from the apprehensions he had of so numerous an Army of the Scots
Kingdom to cast themselves wholly into the Arms of France and to offer their young Queen to the Dolphin and to think of no Treaty with the English So the Earl of Warwick returned to London having no small share in the Honour of this Expedition He was Son to that Dudley who was attainted and executed the first year of King Henry the 8th's Reign But whether it was that the King afterwards repented of his severity to the Father or that he was taken with the qualities of the Son he raised him by many degrees to be Admiral and Viscount Lisle He had defended Bulloigne when it was in no good condition against the Dolphin whose Army was believed 50000 strong and when the French had carried the Bassetown he recovered it and killed 800 of their Men The Year after that being in Command at Sea he offered the French Fleet Battel which they declining he made a descent upon Normandy with 5000 Men and having burnt and spoiled a great deal he returned to his Ships with the loss only of one Man And he shewed he was as fit for a Court as a Camp For being sent over to the French Court upon the Peace he appeared there with much Splendour and came off with great Honour He was indeed a Man of great Parts had not insatiable ambition with profound dissimulation stained his other Noble Qualities The Protector at his return was advised presently to meet the Parliament for which the Writs had been sent out before he went into Scotland now that he was so covered with Glory to get himself established in his Authority and to do those other things which required a Session The Visitors execute the Injunctions He found the Visitors had performed their Visitation and all had given obedience And those who expounded the secret Providences of God with an Eye to their own opinions took great notice of this that on the same day in which the Visitors removed Acts and Monuments and destroyed most of the Images in London their Armies were so successful in Scotland in Pinkey Field It is too common to all Men to magnifie such Events much when they make for them but if they are against them they turn it off by this That Gods Ways are past finding out So partially do Men argue where they are once engaged Bonner and Gardiner had shewed some dislike of the Injunctions Bonner received them with a Protestation that he would observe them if they were not contrary to Gods Law and the Ordinances of the Church Upon which Sir Anthony Cook and the other Visitors complained to the Council So Bonner was sent for where he offered a submission but full of vain Quiddities so it is expressed in the Council-Book But they were not well received by Bonner Collection Number 12. But they not accepting of that he made such a full one as they desired which is in the Collection Yet for giving terror to others he was sent to lie for some time in the Prison called the Fleet. Gardiner seeing the Homilies was also resolved to protest against them Nor by Gardiner Sir John Godsalve who was one of the Visitors wrote to him not to ruine himself nor lose his Bishoprick by such an Action To whom he wrote a Letter that has more of a Christian and of a Bishop in it than any thing I ever saw of his He expresses in handsome terms a great contempt of the World and a resolution to suffer any thing rather than depart from his Conscience Besides that as he said the things being against Law he would not deliver up the Liberties of his Country but would petition against them This Letter will be found in the Collection Collection Number 13. for I am resolved to suppress nothing of consequence on what side soever it may be Sept. 15. On the 25th of September it being informed to the Council that Gardiner had written to some of that Board and had spoken to others many things in prejudice and contempt of the Kings Visitation and that he intended to refuse to set forth the Homilies and Injunctions he was sent for to the Council Where being examined he said he thought they were contrary to the Word of God and that his Conscience would not suffer him to observe them He excepted to one of the Homilies that it exclude Charity from justifying Men as well as Faith This he said was contrary to the Book set out in the late Kings time which was afterwards confirmed in Parliament in the Year 1542. he said further that he could never see one place of Scripture nor any ancient Doctor that favoured it He also said Erasmus's Paraphrase was bad enough in Latin but much worse in English for the Translator had oft out of ignorance and oft out of design misrendred him palpably and was one that neither understood Latin nor English well He offered to go to Oxford to dispute about Justification with any they should send him to or to enter in conference with any that would undertake his Instruction in Town But this did not satisfie the Council So they pressed him to declare what he intended to do when the Visitors should be with him He said he did not know he should further study these Points for it would be three weeks before they could be with him and he was sure he would say no worse than that he should obey them as far as could consist with Gods Law and the Kings The Council urged him to promise that he would without any limitation set forth the Homilies and the Injunctions which he refusing to do was sent to the Fleet. Some days after that Cranmer went to see the Dean of St. Pauls having the Bishops of Lincoln and Rochester with Dr. Cox and some others with him He sent for Gardiner thither and entred into discourse with him about that Passage in the Homily excluding Charity out of our Justification and urged those Places of St. Paul That we are justified by Faith without the Works of the Law He said his design in that Passage was only to draw Men from trusting in any thing they did and to teach them to trust only to Christ But Gardiner had a very different Notion of Justification For as he said Infants were justified by Baptism and Penitents by the Sacrament of Penance and that the Conditions of the justifying of those of Age were Charity as well as Faith as the three Estates make a Law all joyned together for by this Simile he set it out in the report he writ of that Discourse to the Lord Protector reckoning the King one of the three Estates a way of Speech very strange especially in a Bishop and a Lawyer For Erasmus it was said that though there were faults in his Paraphrase as no Book besides the Scriptures is without faults yet it was the best for that use they could find and they did choose rather to set out what so learned a Man had written
than to make a new one which might give occasion to more Objections and he was the most indifferent Writer they knew Afterwards Cranmer knowing what was likely to work most on him let fall some words as Gardiner writ to the Protector of bringing him into the Privy-Council if he would concur in what they were carrying on But that not having its ordinary effect on him he was carried back to the Fleet. There were also many complaints brought by some Clergy-men of such as had used them ill for their obeying the Kings Injunctions and for removing Images Many were upon their submission sent away with a severe rebuke others that offended more hainously were put in the Fleet for some time and afterwards giving Bond for their good behaviour were discharged But upon the Protectors return the Bishop of Winchester writ him a long Letter in his own vindication He complained of the Visitors proceeding in his absence in so great a matter He said the Injunctions were contrary to themselves for they appointed the Homilies to be read and Erasmus's Paraphrase to be put in all Churches so he selected many passages out of these that were contrary to one another He also gathered many things out of Erasmus's Paraphrase that were contrary to the Power of Princes and several other censurable things in that Work which Erasmus wrote when he was young being of a far different strain from what he writ when he grew older and better acquainted with the World But he concluded his Letter with a discourse of the extent of the King and Councils Power Collection Number 14. which is all I transcribed of it being very long and full of things of no great consequence He questions how far the King could command against Common or Statute Law of which himself had many occasions to be well informed Cardinal Wolsey had obtained his Legatine Power at the Kings desire but notwithstanding that he was brought into a Praemunire and the Lawyers upon that Argument cited many Precedents of Judges that were fined when they transgressed the Laws though commanded by Warrants from the King and Earl Typteft who was Chancellor lost his Head for acting upon the Kings Warrant against Law In the late Kings time the Judges would not set Fines on the breakers of the Kings Proclamations when they were contrary to Law till the Act concerning them was passed about which there were many hot words when it was debated He mentions a Discourse that passed between him and the Lord Audley in the Parliament concerning the Kings Supremacy Audley bid him look the Act of Supremacy and he would see the Kings doings were restrained to Spiritual Jurisdiction and by another Act no Spiritual Law could take place against the Common Law or an Act of Parliament otherwise the Bishops would strike in with the King and by means of the Supremacy would order the Law as they pleased but we will provide said he that the Praemunire shall never go off of your backs In some late Cases he heard the Judges declare what the King might do against an Act of Parliament and what danger they were in that medled in such matters These things being so fresh in his memory he thought he might write what he did to the Lords of Council But by this it appears that no sort of Men is so much for the Kings Prerogative but when it becomes in any instance uneasie to them they will shelter themselves under the Law He continued afterwards by many Letters to the Protector to complain of his ill usage That he had been then seven weeks in the Fleet without Servants a Chaplain or a Physician that though he had his Writ of Summons he was not suffered to come to the Parliament which might be a ground afterwards of questioning their Proceedings He advised the Protector not to make himself a Party in these matters and used all the insinuations of decent flattery that he could invent with many sharp reflections on Cranmer and stood much on the force of Laws that they could not be repealed by the Kings Will. Concerning which he mentions a Passage that fell out between Cromwel and himself before the late King Cromwel said That the King might make or repeal Laws as the Roman Emperors did and asked his opinion about it whether the Kings Will was not a Law To which he answered facetiously That he thought it was much better for the King to make the Law his Will than to make his Will a Law But notwithstanding all his Letters which are printed in the second Volume of Acts and Monum Edit 1641. yet he continued a Prisoner till the Parliament was over and then by the Act of Pardon he was set at liberty This was much censured as an invasion of Liberty and it was said these at Court durst not suffer him to come to the House lest he had confounded them in all they did And the explaining Justification with so much nicety in Homilies that were to be read to the People was thought a needless subtilty But the former abuses of trusting to the Acts of Charity that Men did by which they fancied they bought Heaven made Cranmer judge it necessary to express the matter so nicely though the expounding those Places of St. Paul was as many thought rather according to the strain of the Germans than to the meaning of these Epistles And upon the whole matter they knew Gardiners haughty temper and that it was necessary to mortifie him a little though the pretence on which they did it seemed too slight for such severities But it is ordinary when a thing is once resolved on to make use of the first occasion that offers for effecting it The Party that opposed the Reformation The Lady Mary dissatisfied with the Reformation finding these attempts so unsuccessful engaged the Lady Mary to appear for them She therefore wrote to the Protector that she thought all changes in Religion till the King came to be of Age were very much contrary to the respect they owed the memory of her Father if they went about to shake what he had setled and against their duty to their young Master to hazard the Peace of his Kingdom and engage his Authority in such Points before he was capable of judging them The Protector writ to her Collection Number 15. I gather this to have been the substance of her Letter from the Answer which the Protector wrote which is in the Collection In it he wrote That he believed her Letter flowed not immediately from her self but from the instigation of some malicious Persons He protests they had no other design but the Glory of God and the Honour and Safety of the King and that what they had done was so well considered that all good Subjects ought rather to rejoyce at it than find fault with it And whereas she had said That her Father had brought Religion to a godly order and quietness to which both Spiritualty
and Temporalty did without compulsion give their assent he remembers her what opposition the stiff-necked Papists gave him and what Rebellions they raised against him which he wonders how she came so soon to forget Adding that death had prevented him before he had finished these Godly Orders which he had designed and that no kind of Religion was perfected at his death but all was left so uncertain that it must inevitably bring on great disorders if God did not help them and that himself and many others could witness what regret their late Master had when he saw he must die before he had finished what he intended He wond'red that she who had been well bred and was learned should esteem true Religion and the knowledge of the Scriptures Newfangledness or Fantasie He desired she would turn the Leaf and look on the other side and would with an humble Spirit and by the assistance of the Grace of God consider the matter better Thus things went on till the Parliament met The Parliament meets which was summoned to meet the fourth of November The day before it met Novemb. 3. the Protector gave too publick an instance how much his prosperous success had lifted him up For by a Patent under the Great Seal Rot. Pat. 1. Reg. 7. Part. he was warranted to sit in Parliament on the Right Hand of the Throne under the Cloath of State and was to have all the Honours and Priviledges that at any time any of the Unkles of the Kings of England whether by the Fathers or Mothers side had enjoyed with a Non obstante to the Statute of Precedence The Lord Rich had been made Lord Chancellor on the 24th of October but whether the Protector or he opened the Parliament by any Speech does not appear from the Journal of the Lords House On the 10th of Decemb. Decemb. 10. a Bill was brought in for the repealing several Statutes It was read the second time on the 12th and the third time on the 16th day On the 19th 19. some Provisoes were added to it and it was sent down to the Commons who sent it up the 23d of December 23. Dec. to which the Royal Assent was given The Commons had formed a new Bill for repealing these Statutes which upon some Conferences they were willing to let fall only some Provisoes were added to the old one upon which the Bishops of London Duresme Ely Hereford and Chichester dissented An Act repealing former severe Laws The Preamble of it sets forth That nothing made a Government happier than when the Prince governed with much clemency and the Subjects obeyed out of love Yet the late King and some of his Progenitors being provoked by the unruliness of some of their People had made severe Laws but they judging it necessary now to recommend the Kings Government to the affections of the People repealed all Laws that made any thing to be Treason but what was in the Act of 25 of Edw. the 3d as also two of the Statutes about Lollardies together with the Act of the six Articles and the other Acts that followed in explanation of that All Acts in King Henry the 8th's time declaring any thing to be Felony that was not so declared before were also repealed together with the Acts that made the Kings Proclamations of equal Authority with Acts of Parliament It was also Enacted That all who denied the Kings Supremacy or asserted the Popes in words should for the first offence forfeit their Goods and Chattels and suffer Imprisonment during pleasure For the second offence should incur the Pain of Praemunire and for the third offence be attainted of Treason But if any did in Writing Printing or by any overt Act or Deed endeavour to deprive the King of his Estate or Titles particularly of his Supremacy or to confer them on any other after the first of March next he was to be adjudged guilty of High Treason and if any of the Heirs of the Crown should usurp upon another or did endeavour to break the Succession of the Crown it was declared high Treason in them their Aiders and Abettors And all were to enjoy the Benefit of Clergy and the Priviledge of Sanctuary as they had it before King Henry the 8th's Reign excepting only such as were guilty of Murder Poisoning Burglary Robbing on the High-way the stealing of Cattel or stealing out of Churches or Chappels Poisoners were to suffer as other Murderers None were to be accused of Words but within a Month after they were spoken And those who called the French King by the Title of King of France were not to be esteemed guilty of the Pains of translating the Kings Authority or Titles on any other In Ch. Coll. Camb. among Parkers Papers This Act was occasioned by a Speech that Arch-bishop Cranmer had in Convocation in which he exhorted the Clergy to give themselves much to the study of the Scripture and to consider seriously what things were in the Church that needed Reformation that so they might throw out all the Popish trash that was not yet cast out Upon this some intimated to him that as long as the six Articles stood in force it was not safe for them to deliver their Opinions This he reported to the Council upon which they ordered this Act of Repeal By it the Subjects were delivered from many fears they were under and had good hopes of a mild Government when in stead of procuring new severe Law the old ones were let fall The Council did also free the Nation of the jealousies they might have of them by such an abridgment of their own Power But others judged it had been more for the interest of the Government to have kept up these Laws still in force but to have restrained the execution of them This Repeal drew on another which was sent from the Commons on the 20th of December and was agreed to by the Lords on the 21st It was of an Act in the 28th year of the last King by which all Laws made while his Son was under 24 years of Age might be by his Letters Patents after he attained that Age annulled as if they had never been Which they altered thus That the King after that Age might by his Letters Patents void any Act of Parliament for the future but could not so void it from the beginning as to annul all things done upon it between the making and annulling of it which were still to be lawful Deeds The next Bill of a publick nature was concerning the Sacrament Act about the Communion Which was brought in and read the first time on the 12th of Novemb. the second time on the 15th and was twice read on the 17th And on the 24th a Bill was brought in for the Communion to be received in both kinds on the third of December it was read the second time and given to the Protector on the 5th read again and given to two
being read there once it was like to have raised such debates that it being resolved to end the Session before Christmas the Lords laid it aside But while the Parliament was sitting The Convocation meets they were not idle in the Convocation though the Popish Party was yet so prevalent in both Houses that Cranmer had no hopes of doing any thing till they were freed of the trouble which some of the great Bishops gave them The lower House made some Petitions Number 16. The most important thing they did was the carrying up four Petitions to the Bishops which will be found in the Collection 1. That according to the Statute made in the Reign of the late King there might be Persons empow'red for reforming the Ecclesiastical Laws The second That according to the ancient Custom of the Nation and the Tenor of the Bishops Writ to the Parliament the inferior Clergy might be admitted again to sit in the House of Commons or that no Acts concerning matters of Religion might pass without the sight and assent of the Clergy The third That since divers Prelates and other Divines had been in the late Kings time appointed to alter the Service of the Church and had made some progress in it that this might be brought to its full perfection The fourth That some consideration might be had for the maintenance of the Clergy the first year they came into their Livings in which they were charged with the First-fruits to which they added a desire to know whether they might safely speak their minds about Religion without the danger of any Law For the first of these four Petitions an account of it shall be given hereafter As to the second it was a thing of great consequence and deserves to be farther considered in this place Anciently all the free Men of England The Inferior Clergy desire to be admited to have Representatives in the House of Commons or at least those that held of the Crown in chief came to Parliament and then the inferior Clergy had Writs as well as the Superior and the first of the three Estates of the Kingdom were the Bishops the other Prelates and the Inferior Clergy But when the Parliament was divided into two Houses then the Clergy made likewise a Body of their own and sate in Convocation which was the third Estate But the Bishops having a double capacity the one of Ecclesiastical Prelature the other of being the Kings Barons they had a Right to sit with the Lords as a part of their Estate as well as in the Convocation And though by parity of reason it might seem that the rest of the Clergy being Freeholders as well as Clarks had an equal Right to choose or be chosen into the House of Commons yet whether they were ever in possession of it or whether according to the Clause Premonentes in the Bishops Writ they were ever a part of the House of Commons is a just doubt For besides this assertion in the Petition that was mentioned and a more large one in the second Petition which they presented to the same purpose which is likewise in the Collection Number 17. I have never met with any good reason to satisfie me in it There was a general Tradition in Queen Elizabeths Reign that the Inferior Clergy departed from their Right of being in the House of Commons when they were all brought into the Praemunire upon Cardinal Wolsey's Legatine Power and made their submission to the King But that is not credible for as there is no footstep of it which in a time of so much writing and printing must have remained if so great a change had been then made so it cannot be thought that those who made this Address but 17 years after that Submission many being alive in this who were of that Convocation Polidore Virgil in particular a curious observer since he was maintained here to write the History of England none of them should have remembred a thing that was so fresh but have appealed to Writs and ancient Practises But though this design of bringing the Inferior Clergy into the House of Commons did not take at this time yet it was again set on foot in the end of Queen Elizabeths Reign and Reasons were offered to perswade her to set it forward Which not being then successful these same Reasons were again offered to King James to induce him to endeavour it The Paper that discovers this was communicated to me by Dr. Borlace the Worthy Author of the History of the Irish Rebellion It is corrected in many places by the Hand of Bishop Ravis then Bishop of London a Man of great Worth This for the affinity of the matter and the curiosity of the thing I have put into the Collection Number 18. with a large Marginal Note as it was designed to be transcribed for King James But whether this Matter was ever much considered or lightly laid aside as a thing unfit and unpracticable does not appear certain it is that it came to nothing Upon the whole matter it is not certain what was the Power or Right of these Proctors of the Clergy in former times Some are of opinion that they were only assistants to the Bishops Coke 4. Inst 3.4 but had no Voice in either House of Parliament This is much confirmed by an Act pass'd in the Parliament of Ireland in the 28th Year of the former Reign which sets forth in the Preamble That though the Proctors of the Clergy were always summoned to Parliament yet they were no part of it nor had they any right to Vote in it but were only Assistants in case Matters of Controversie or Learning came before them as the Convocation was in England which had been determined by the Judges of England after much enquiry made about it But the Proctors were then pretending to so high an Authority that nothing could pass without their consents and it was presumed they were set on to it by the Bishops whose Chaplains they were for the most part Therefore they were by that Act declared to have no right to Vote From this some infer they were no other in England and that they were only the Bishops Assistants and Council But as the Clause Premonentes in the Writ seems to make them a part of the Parliament so these Petitions suppose that they sate in the House of Commons anciently where it cannot be imagined they could sit if they came only to be Assistants to the Bishops for then they must have sate in the House of Lords rather as the Judges the Masters of Chancery and the Kings Council do Nor is it reasonable to think they had no Voice for then their sitting in Parliament had been so insignificant a thing that it is not likely they would have used such endeavours to be restored to it since their coming to Parliament upon such an account must have been only a charge to them There is against this Opinion an
Objection of great force from the Acts pass'd in the 21st Year of Richard the second 's Reign In the second Act of that Parliament it is said That it was first prayed by the Commons and that the Lords Spiritual and the Proctors of the Clergy did assent to it upon which the King by the assent of all the Lords and Commons did enact it The 12th Act of that Parliament was a Repeal of the whole Parliament that was held in the 11th Year of that Reign and concerning it it is expressed That the Lords Spiritual and Temporal the Proctors of the Clergy and the Commons being severally examined did all agree to it From hence it appears that these Proctors were then not only a part of the Parliament but were a distinct Body of Men that did severally from all the rest deliver their Opinions It may seem strange that if they were then considered as a part of either House of Parliament this should be the only time in which they should be mentioned as bearing their share in the Legislative Power In a matter that is so perplexed and dark I shall presume to offer a Conjecture which will not appear perhaps improbable In the 129th Page of the former part I gave the Reasons that made me think the lower House of Convocation consisted at first only of the Proctors of the Clergy So that by the Proctors of the Clergy both in the Statute of Ireland and in those made by Richard the second is perhaps to be understood the lower House of Convocation and it is not unreasonable to think that upon so great an occasion as the annulling a whole Parliament to make it pass the better in an Age in which the People payed so blind a Submission to the Clergy the concurrence of the whole Representative of the Church might have been thought necessary It is generally believed that the whole Parliament sate together in one House before Edward the thirds time and then the Inferior Clergy were a part of that Body without question But when the Lords and Commons sate a-part the Clergy likewise sate in two Houses and granted Subsidies as well as the Temporalty It may pass for no unlikely conjecture that the Clause Premonentes was first put in the Bishops Writ for the summoning of the lower House of Convocation consisting of these Proctors and afterwards though there was a special Writ for the Convocation yet this might at first have been continued in the Bishops Writ by the neglect of a Clark and from thence be still used So that it seems to me most probable that the Proctors of the Clergy were both in England and Ireland the lower House of Convocation Now before the Submission which the Clergy made to King Henry as the Convocation gave the King great Subsidies so the whole business of Religion lay within their Sphere But after the Submission they were cut off from medling with it except as they were authorized by the King So that having now so little power left them it is no wonder they desired to be put in the state they had been in before the Convocation was separated from the Parliament or at least that Matters of Religion should not be determined till they had been consulted and had reported their Opinions and Reasons The Extreme of raising the Ecclesiastical Power too high in the Times of Popery had now produced another of depressing it too much For seldom is the Counterpoise so justly ballanced that Extremes are reduced to a well-tempered Mediocrity For the third Petition it was resolved that many Bishops and Divines should be sent to Windsor to labour in the Matter of the Church-Service But that required so much consideration that they could not enter on it during a Session of Parliament And for the fourth what Answer was given to it doth not appear On the 29th of November a Declaration was sent down from the Bishops concerning the Sacraments being to be received in both kinds To which Jo. Tyler the Prolocutor and several others set their Hands and being again brought before them it was agreed to by all without a contradictory Vote 64 being present among whom I find Polidore Virgil was one And on the 17th of December the Proposition concerning the Marriage of the Clergy was also sent to them and subscribed by 35 affirmatively and by 14 negatively so it was ordered that a Bill should be drawn concerning it I shall not here digress to give an account of what was alledged for or against this reserving that to its proper place when the thing was finally setled And this is all the account I could recover of this Convocation I have chiefly gathered it from some Notes and other Papers of the then Dr. Parker afterwards Arch-bishop of Canterbury which are carefully preserved with his other MSS. in Corpus Christi Colledge Library at Cambridge To which Library I had free access by the favour of the most learned Master Dr. Spencer with the other Worthy Fellows of that House and from thence I collected many remarkable things in this History The Parliament being brought to so good a Conclusion the Protector took out a new Commission in which all the Addition that is made to that Authority he formerly had is that in his absence he is empow'red to substitute another to whom he might delegate his Power The state of Affairs in Germany And thus this Year ended in England but as they were carrying on the Reformation here it was declining apace in Germany The Duke of Saxe and the Landgrave were this Year to command their Armies apart The Duke of Saxe kept within his own Country but having there unfortunately divided his Forces the Emperor overtook him near the Alb at Mulberg where the Emperors Soldiers crossing the River and pursuing him with great fury after some resistance in which he himself performed all that could be expected from so great a Captain was taken Prisoner 1547. Apr. 24. Duke of Saxe taken and his Country all possessed by Maurice who was now to be invested with the Electoral Dignity He bore his misfortunes with a greatness and equality of mind that is scarce to be parallel'd in History Neither could the insolence with which the Emperor treated him nor the fears of death to which he adjudged him nor that tedious imprisonment which he suffered so long ever shake or disorder a Mind that was raised so far above the inconstancies of Humane Affairs And though he was forced to submit to the hardest Conditions possible of renouncing his Dignity and Dominions some few Places being only reserved for his Family yet no Entreaties nor Fears could ever bring him to yield any thing in Matters of Religion He made the Bible his chief Companion and Comfort in his sharp Afflictions which he bore so as if he had been raised up to that end to let the World see how much he was above it It seemed unimitable and therefore engaged Thuanus with the other
Dutchess of Somerset should be so foolish as to think that she ought to have the precedence of the Queen Dowager Therefore I look upon this Story as a meer Fiction though it is probable enough there might upon some other accounts have been some Animosities between the two high-spirited Ladies which might have afterwards be thought to have occasioned their Husbands quarrel It is plain in the whole thread of this Affair that the Protector was at first very easie to be reconciled to his Brother and was only assaulted by him but bore the trouble he gave him with much patience for a great while though in the end seeing his factious temper was incurable he laid off Nature too much when he consented to his Execution Yet all along till then he had rather too much encouraged his Brother to go on by his readiness to be after every breach reconciled to him When the Protector was in Scotland the Admiral then began to act more avowedly and was making a Party for himself of which Paget took notice and charged him with it in plain terms He asked him why he would go about to reverse that which himself and others had consented to under their Hands Their Family was now so great that nothing but their mutual quarrelling could do them any prejudice But there would not be wanting officious Men to inflame them if they once divided among themselves and the Breaches among near Friends commonly turn to the most irreconcilable Quarrels Yet all was ineffectual for the Admiral was resolved to go on and either get himself advanced higher or to perish in the Attempt It was the knowledge of this which forced the Protector to return from Scotland so abruptly and disadvantageously for the securing of his Interest with the King on whom his Brothers Artifices had made some impression Whether there was any reconciliation made between them before the Parliament met is not certain But during the Session the Admiral got the King to write with his own Hand a Message to the House of Commons for the making of him the Governour of his Person and he intended to have gone with it to the House and had a Party there by whose means he was confident to have carried his business He dealt also with many of the Lords and Counsellors to assist him in it When this was known before he had gone with it to the House some were sent to him in his Brothers Name to see if they could prevail with him to proceed no further He refused to hearken to them and said That if he were cross'd in his attempt he would make this the blackest Parliament that ever was in England Upon that he was sent for by Order from the Council but refused to come Then they threatned him severely and told him the Kings Writing was nothing in Law but that he who had procured it was punishable for doing an Act of such a nature to the disturbance of the Government and for engaging the young King in it So they resolved to have sent him to the Tower and to have turned him out of all his Offices But he submitted himself to the Protector and Council and his Brother and he seemed to be perfectly reconciled Yet as the Protector had reason to have a watchful Eye over him so it was too soon visible that he had not laid down but only put off his high Projects till a fitter conjuncture For he began the next Christmas to deal Money again among the Kings Servants and was on all occasions infusing into the King a dislike of every thing that was done and did often perswade him to assume the Government himself But the sequel of this Quarrel proved fatal to him as shall be told in its proper place And thus ended the Year 1547. On the 8th of Jan. 1548. Jan. 8. next year Gardiner was brought before the Council Where it was told him that his former Offences being included in the Kings general Pardon he was thereupon discharged a grave admonition was given him to carry himself reverently and obediently and he was desired to declare whether he would receive the Injunctions and Homilies and the Doctrine to be set forth from time to time by the King and Clergy of the Realm He answered he would conform himself as the other Bishops did and only excepted to the Homily of Justification and desired four or five days to consider of it What he did at the end of that time does not appear from the Council-Book no farther mention being made of this matter for the Clerks of Council did not then enter every thing with that exactness that is since used He went home to his Diocess where there still appeared in his whole behaviour great malignity to Cranmer and to all motions for Reformation yet he gave such outward compliance that it was not easie to find any advantage against him especially now since the Councils great Power was so much abridged The Marquess of Northampton sues a Divorce for Adultery In the end of Jan. the Council made an Order concerning the Marquess of Northampton which will oblige me to look back a little for the clear account of it This Lord who was Brother to the Queen Dowager had married Anne Bourchier Daughter to the Earl of Essex the last of that Name But she being convicted of Adultery he was divorced from her which according to the Law of the Ecclesiastical Courts was only a separation from Bed and Board Upon which Divorce it was proposed in King Henry's time to consider what might be done in favour of the Innocent Person when the other was convicted of Adultery So in the beginning of King Edward's Reign on the 7th of May a Commission was granted to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury the Bishops of Duresme and Rochester this was Holbeack who was not then translated to Lincoln to Dr. Ridley and six more ten in all of whom six were a Quorum to try whether the Lady Anne was not by the Word of God so lawfully divorced that she was no more his Wife and whether thereupon he might not marry another Wife This being a new Case and of great importance Cranmer resolved to examine it with his ordinary diligence and searched into the Opinions of the Fathers and Doctors Ex MSS. D. Stillingfleet so copiously that his Collections about it grew into a large Book the Original whereof I have perused the greatest part of it being either written or marked and interlined with his own Hand This required a longer time than the Marquess of Northampton could stay and therefore presuming on his great Power without waiting for Judgment he solemnly married Eliz. Daughter to Brooke Lord Cobham On the 28th of Jan. Information was brought to the Council of this which gave great scandal since his first Marriage stood yet firm in Law So he being put to answer for himself said he thought that by the Word of God he was discharged of his tie to
which he should preach before the King in which he should openly declare how well he was satisfied with his Proceedings yet it is added That in his Sermon where there was a wonderful Audience he did most arrogantly meddle with some Matters that were contrary to an express command given him both by word of Mouth and by Letters and in other Matters used such words as had almost raised a great Tumult in the very time and had spoken very seditiously concerning the Policy of the Kingdom So they saw that Clemency wrought no good effect on him and it seeming necessary to terrifie others by their Proceedings with him he was sent to the Tower and the door of his Closet was sealed up Thus it is entred in the Council-Book Signed E. Somerset T. Cantuarien W. St. Johns J. Russel and T. Cheyney Yet it seems this Order was not Signed when it was made but some years after For the Lord Russel Signed first Bedford but remembring that at the time when this Order was made he had not that Title therefore he dashed it out but so as it still appears and Signed J. Russel Fox's Acts and Monuments The account that Gardiner himself gives of this Business is That being discharged upon the Act of Pardon he was desired to promise that he would set forth the Homilies and a Form was given him to which he should set his Hand but he considering of it a fortnight returned and said he could not subscribe it so he was confined to his House Then Ridley and Mr. Cecil afterwards the great Lord Burleigh Lord Treasurer to Queen Eliz. at that time Secretary to the Protector were sent to him and so prevailed that he did set his Hand to it But upon some Complaints that were made of him he was sent for after Whit-Sunday and accused that he had carried Palms had crept to the Cross and had a Sepulchre on Good-Friday which was contrary to the Kings Proclamations all which he denied and said he had and would still give obedience to what the King should command That of affronting the Kings Preachers was objected to him to which he answered telling matter of fact how it was done but he does not in his Writing set it down Then it was complained that in a Sermon he had said The Apostles came away rejoycing from the Council the Council the Council repeating it thus to make it seem applicable to himself This he denied Then it was objected That he preached the Real Presence in the Sacrament the Word Real not being in Scripture and so it was not the setting forth the pure Word of God He said he had not used the Word Real only he had asserted the Presence of Christ in such words as he had heard the Arch-bishop of Canterbury dispute for it against Lambert that had been burnt He was commanded to tarry in London but he desired that since he was not an Offender he might be at his liberty He complained much of the Songs made of him and of the Books written against him and particularly of one Philpot in Westminster whom he accounted a mad Man Then he relates That Cecil came to him and proposed to him to preach before the King and that he should write his Sermon and also brought him some Notes which he wished him to put in his Sermon he said he was willing to preach but would not write it for that was to preach as an Offender nor would he make use of Notes prepared by other Men. Then he was privately brought to the Protector none but the Lord St. John being present who shewed him a Paper containing the opinion of some Lawyers of the Kings Power and of a Bishops Authority and of the Punishment of disobeying the King but he desired to speak with those Lawyers and said no subscription of theirs should oblige him to preach otherwise than as he was convinced The Protector said he should either do that or do worse Secretary Smith came to him to press him further in some Points but what they were is not mentioned Yet by the other Papers in that Business it appears they related to the Kings Authority when under Age and for justifying the Kings proceedings in what had been done about the Ceremonies and that Auricular Confession was indifferent So the Contest between him and the Protector ended and there was no writing required of him but he left the whole matter to him so that he should treat plainly of those things mentioned to him by Cecil He chose St. Peters day because the Gospel agreed to his purpose Cecil shewed him some Notes written with the Kings Hand of the Sermons preached before him especially what was said of the Duty of a King and warned him that when ever he named the King he should add and his Council To this he made no Answer for though he thought it wisely done of a King to use his Council yet being to speak of the Kings Power according to Scripture he did not think it necessary to add any thing of his Council and hearing by a confused report some secret matter he resolved not to meddle with it Two days before he preached the Protector sent him a Message not to meddle with those Questions about the Sacrament that were yet in controversie among Learned Men and that therefore he was resolved there should be no publick determination made of them before-hand in the Pulpit He said he could not forbear to speak of the Mass for he looked on it as the chief foundation of Christian Religion but he doubted not that he should so speak of it as to give them all content So the day following the Protector writ to him Number 28. as will be found in the Collection requiring him in the Kings Name not to meddle with these Points but to preach concerning the Articles given him and about Obedience and good Life which would afford him matter enough for a long Sermon since the other points were to be reserved to a publick Consultation The Protector added That he held it a great part of his Duty under the King not to suffer wilful Persons to disswade the People from receiving such Truths as should be set forth by others But Gardiner pretended that there was no Controversie about the Presence of Christ And so the next day he took his Text out of the Gospel for the day Thou art Christ Parkers MSS. Ex C. Ch. Col. Cant. He preached before the King c. In his Sermon of which I have seen large Notes he expressed himself very fully concerning the Popes Supremacy as justly abolished and the Suppression of Monasteries and Chantries he approved of the Kings Proceedings he thought Images might have been well used but yet they might be well taken away He approved of the Sacrament in both kinds and the taking away that great number of Masses satisfactory and liked well the new Order for the Communion But he asserted largely the Presence of
Melanchthon thought that the Ceremonies of Popery might be used since they were of their own nature indifferent Others as Amstorfius Illiricus with the greatest part of the Lutherans thought the receiving the Ceremonies would make way for all the errors of Popery and though they were of their own nature indifferent yet they ceased to be so when they were enjoyned as things necessary to Salvation But the Emperor going on resolutely many Divines were driven away some concealed themselves in Germany others fled into Switzerland and some came over into England When the news of the Changes that were made here in England were carried beyond Sea and after Peter Martyr's being with Cranmer were more copiously written by him to his friends Calvin and Mar. Bucer who began to think the Reformation almost opprest in Germany now turned their Eyes more upon England Calvin writ to the Protector Calvin writ to the Protector on the 29th of October encouraging him to go on notwithstanding the Wars as Hezekias had done in his Reformation He lamented the heats of some that professed the Gospel but complained that he heard there were few lively Sermons preached in England and that the Preachers recited their discourses coldly He much approves a set form of Prayers whereby the consent of all the Churches did more manifestly appear But he advises a more compleat Reformation he taxed the Prayers for the Dead the use of Chrisme and Extream Vnction since they were no where recommended in Scripture He had heard that the reason why they went no further was because the Times could not bear it but this was to do the Work of God by Political Maximes which though they ought to take place in other things yet should not be followed in Matters in which the Salvation of Souls was concerned But above all things he complained of the great impieties and vices that were so common in England as Swearing Drinking and Vncleanness and prayed him earnestly that these things might be looked after Bucer writ against Gardiner Martin Bucer writ also a Discourse congratulating the Changes then made in England which was translated into English by Sir Philip Hobbey's Brother In it he answered the Book that Gardiner had written against him which he had formerly delayed to do because King Henry had desired he would let it alone till the English and Germans had conferr'd about Religion That Book did chiefly relate to the Marriage of the Clergy Bucer shewed from many Fathers that they thought every Man had not the Gift of Chastity which Gardiner thought every one might have that pleased He taxed the open lewdness of the Romish Clergy who being much set against Marriage which was Gods Ordinance did gently pass over the impurities which the forbidding it had occasioned among themselves He particularly taxed Gardiner himself that he had his Rents payed him out of Stews He taxed him also for his state and pompous way of living and shewed how indecent it was for a Church-man to be sent in Ambassies and that St. Ambrose though sent to make Peace was ashamed of it and thought it unbecoming the Priesthood Both Fagius and he being forced to leave Germany upon the business of the Interim Cranmer invited them over to England and sent them to Cambridge as he had done Peter Martyr to Oxford But Fagius not agreeing with this Air died soon after a Man greatly learned in the Oriental Tongues and a good Expounder of the Scripture This being the state of Affairs both abroad and at home a Session of Parliament was held in England on the 24th of November Nov. 24. Parliament sits to which day it had been prorogued from the 15th of October by reason of the Plague then in London The first Bill that was finished was that about the Marriage of the Priests It was brought into the House of Commons the 3d of December read the second time on the 5th and the third time the 6th But this Bill being only that married Men might be made Priests a new Bill was framed that besides the former Provision Priests might marry This was read the first time the 7th the second time the 10th and was fully argued on the 11th and agreed on the 12th and sent up to the Lords on the 13th of December In that House it stuck as long as it had been soon dispatched by the Commons It lay on the Table till the 9th of February Then it was read the first time and the 11th the second time on the 16th it was committed to the Bishops of Ely and Westminster the Lord Chief-Justice and the Attorney-General and on the 19th of Feb. it was agreed to the Bishops of London Duresme Norwich Carlisle Hereford Worcester Bristol Chichester and Landaff and the Lords Morley Dacres Windsor and Wharton dissenting It had the Royal Assent and so became a Law The Preamble sets forth An Act about the Marriage of the Clergy That it were better for Priests and other Ministers of the Church to live chast and without Marriage whereby they might better attend to the Ministry of the Gospel and be less distracted with secular cares so that it were much to be wished that they would of themselves abstain But great filthiness of living with other inconveniencies had followed on the Laws that compelled Chastity and prohibited Marriage so that it was better they should be suffered to marry than be so restrained Therefore all Laws and Canons that had been made against it being only made by humane Authority are repealed So that all Spiritual Persons of what degree soever might lawfully marry providing they married according to the Order of the Church But a Proviso was added that because many Divorces of Priests had been made after the six Articles were enacted and that the Women might have thereupon married again all these Divorces with every thing that had followed on them should be confirmed There was no Law that passed in this Reign with more contradiction and censure than this and therefore the Reader may expect the larger account of this matter The unmarried state of the Clergy had so much to be said for it Which was much enquired into as being a course of life that was more disengaged from secular cares and pleasures that it was cast on the Reformers every where as a foul reproach that they could not restrain their appetites but engaged in a life that drew after it domestick cares with many other distractions This was an Objection so easie to be apprehended that the People had been more prejudiced against the Marriage of the Clergy if they had not felt greater inconveniencies by the debaucheries of Priests who being restrained from Marriage had defiled the Beds and deflow'red the Daughters of their Neighbours into whose Houses they had free and unsuspected access and whom under the Cloak of receiving Confessions they could more easily entice This made them that they were not so much wrought on by the noise of
and indeed all England over the Book was so universally received that the Visitors did return no complaint from any corner of the whole Kingdom All received the new Service except the Lady Mary Only the Lady Mary continued to have Mass said in her House of which the Council being advertised writ to her to conform her self to the Laws and not to cast a reproach on the Kings Government for the nearer she was to him in Blood she was to give the better example to others and her disobedience might encourage others to follow her in that contempt of the Kings Authority So they desired her to send to them her Comptroller and Dr. Hopton her Chaplain by whom she should be more fully advertised of the King and Councils Pleasure Upon this she sent one to the Emperor to interpose for her that she might not be forced to any thing against her Conscience At this time there was a Complaint made at the Emperours Court The Ambassador at the Emperors Court not suffered to use it of the English Ambassador Sir Philip Hobby for using the new Common-Prayer-Book there To which he answered He was to be obedient to the Laws of his own Prince and Country and as the Emperors Ambassador had Mass at his Chappel at London without disturbance though it was contrary to the Law of England so he had the same reason to expect the like liberty But the Emperor espousing the Interest of the Lady Mary both Paget who was sent over Ambassador Extraordinary to him upon his coming into Flanders and Hobby promised in the Kings Name that he should dispense with her for some time as they afterwards declared upon their Honours when the thing was further questioned though the Emperor and his Ministers pretended that without any Qualification it was promised that she should enjoy the free exercise of her Religion The Emperor was now grown so high with his success in Germany A Treaty of Marriage for the Lady Mary and that at a time when a War was coming on with France that it was not thought advisable to give him any offence There was likewise a Proposition sent over by him to the Protector and Council Cotton lib. Galba B. 12. for the Lady Mary to be married to Alphonso Brother to the King of Portugal The Council entertained it and though the late King had left his Daughters but 10000 l. a-piece yet they offered to give with her 100000 Crowns in Money and 20000 Crowns worth of Jewels The Infant of Portugal was about her own Age and offered 20000 Crowns Jointure But this Proposition fell on what hand I do not know She writ to the Council concerning the new Service The Lady Mary writ on the 22d of June to the Council that she could not obey their late Laws and that she did not esteem them Laws as made when the King was not of Age and contrary to those made by her Father which they were all bound by Oath to maintain She excused the not sending her Comptroller Mr. Arundel and her Priest the one did all her business so that she could not well be without him the other was then so ill that he could not travel Upon this the Council sent a peremptory Command to these requiring them to come up and receive their Orders The Lady Mary wrote a second Letter to them on the 27th of June in which she expostulated the matter with the Council She said She was subject to none of them and would obey none of the Laws they made but protested great Obedience and Subjection to the King When her Officers came to Court they were commanded to declare to the Lady Mary that though the King was young in Person yet his Authority was now as great as ever that those who have his Authority and act in his Name are to be obeyed and though they as single Persons were her humble Servants yet when they met in Council they acted in the Kings Name Who required her to obey as other Subjects did and so were to be considered by all the Kings Subjects as if they were the King himself they had indeed sworn to obey the late Kings Laws but that could bind them no longer than they were in force and being now repealed they were no more Laws other Laws being made in their room There was no exception in the Laws all the Kings Subjects were included in them and for a Reformation of Religion made when a King was under Age one of the most perfect that was recorded in Scripture was so carried on when Josiah was much younger than their King was therefore they gave them in charge to perswade her Grace for that was her Title to be a good example of obedience and not to encourage peevish and obstinate Persons by her stiffness But this Business was for some time laid aside And now the Reformation was to be carried on to the establishing of a Form of Doctrine which should contain the chief Points of Religion In order to which there was this Year great enquiry made into many particular Opinions The manner of Christs Presence in the Sacrament examined and chiefly concerning the Presence of Christ in the Sacrament There was no Opinion for which the Priests contended more ignorantly and eagerly and that the People generally believed more blindly and firmly as if a strong Belief were nothing else but winking very hard The Priests because they accounted it the chief support now left of their falling Dominion which being kept up might in time retrieve all the rest For while it was believed that their Character qualified them for so strange and mighty a Performance they must needs be held in great reverence The People because they thought they received the very Flesh of Christ and so notwithstanding our Saviours express Declaration to the contrary that the Flesh profiteth nothing looked on those who went about to perswade them otherwise as Men that intended to rob them of the greatest Priviledge they had And therefore it was thought necessary to open this fully before there should be any change made in the Doctrine of the Church The Lutherans seemed to agree with that which had been the Doctrine of the Greek Church that in the Sacrament there was both the Substance of Bread and Wine and Christs Body likewise Only many of them defended it by an Opinion that was thought a-kin to the Eutychian Heresie that his humane Nature by vertue of the union of the God-head was every where though even in this way it did not appear that there was any special Presence in the Sacrament more than in other things Those of Switzerland had on the other hand taught that the Sacrament was only an Institution to commemorate the Sufferings of Christ This because it was intelligible was thought by many too low and mean a thing and not equal to the high expressions that are in the Scripture of its being the Communion of the Body
lessen the credit of those who had suffered formerly for it was said they saw now that Men of harmless Lives might be put to death for Heresie by the confâ—ssion of the Reformers themselves And in all the Books published in Queen Maries days justifying her severity against the Protestants these Instances were always made use of and no part of Cranmers Life exposed him more than this did This was much censured It was said he had consented both to Lamberts and Anne Askews death in the former Reign who both suffered for Opinions which he himself held now and he had now procured the death of these two Persons and when he was brought to suffer himself afterwards it was called a just retalliation on him One thing was certain that what he did in this matter flowed from no cruelty of temper in him no Man being further from that black disposition of Mind but it was truly the effect of those Principles by which he governed himself Disputes concerning the Baptism of Infants For the other sort of Anabaptists who only denied Infants Baptism I find no severities used to them but several Books were written against them to which they wrote some Answers It was said that Christ allowed little Children to be brought to him and said of such was the Kingdom of Heaven and blessed them Now if they were capable of the Kingdom of Heaven they must be regenerated for Christ said none but such as were born of Water and of the Spirit could enter into it St. Paul had also called the Children of believing Parents Holy which seemed to relate to such a consecration of them as was made in Baptism And Baptism being the Seal of Christians in the room of Circumcision among the Jews it was thought the one was as applicable to Children as the other And one thing was observed that the whole World in that Age having been baptized in their Infancy if that Baptism was nothing then there were none truly baptized in being but all were in the state of meer Nature Now it did not seem reasonable that Men who were not baptized themselves should go and baptize others and therefore the first Heads of that Sect not being rightly baptized themselves seemed not to act with any Authority when they went to baptize others The Practice of the Church so early begun and continued without dispute for so many Ages was at least a certain confirmation of a thing which had to speak moderately so good foundations in Scripture for the lawfulness though not any peremptory but only probable Proof for the practice of it These are all the Errors in Opinion that I find were taken notice of at this time There was another sort of People The Doctrine of Predestination much abused of whom all the good Men in that Age made great complaints Some there were called Gospellers or Readers of the Gospel who were a scandal to the Doctrine they professed In many Sermons I have oft met with severe Expostulations with these and heavy Denunciations of Judgments against them But I do not find any thing objected to them as to their belief save only that the Doctrine of Predestination having been generally taught by the Reformers many of this Sect began to make strange Inferences from it reckoning that since every thing was decreed and the Decrees of God could not be frustrated therefore Men were to leave themselves to be carried by these Decrees This drew some into great impiety of Life and others into desperation The Germans soon saw the ill effects of this Doctrine Luther changed his mind about it and Melancthon openly writ against it and since that time the whole stream of the Lutheran Churches has run the other way But both Calvin and Bucer were still for maintaining the Doctrine of these Decrees only they warned the People not to think much of them since they were Secrets which Men could not penetrate into but they did not so clearly shew how these consequences did not flow from such Opinions Hooper and many other good Writers did often dehort People from entring into these curiosities and a Caveat to that same purpose was put afterwards into the Article of the Church about Predestination One ill effect of the dissoluteness of Peoples manners broke out violently this Summer occasioned by the Inclosing of Lands Tumults in England While the Monasteries stood there were great numbers of People maintained about these Houses their Lands were easily let out and many were relieved by them But now the Numbers of the People encreased much Marriage being universally allowed they also had more time than formerly by the abrogation of many Holy-days and the putting down of Processions and Pilgrimages so that as the Numbers encreased they had more time than they knew how to bestow Those who bought in the Church-Lands as they every where raised their Rents of which old Latimer made great Complaints in one of his Court Sermons so they resolved to enclose their Grounds and turn them to Pasture for Trade was then rising fast and Corn brought not in so much Money as Wooll did Their Flocks also being kept by few Persons in Grounds so enclosed the Landlords themselves enjoyed the profit which formerly the Tenants made out of their Estates and so they intended to force them to serve about them at any such rates as they would allow By this means the Commons of England saw they were like to be reduced to great misery This was much complained of and several little Books were written about it Some proposed a sort of Agrarian Law that none might have Farms above a set value or Flocks above a set number of 2000 Sheep which Proposal I find the young King was much taken with as will appear in one of the Discourses he wrote with his own Hand It was also represented that there was no care taken of the educating of Youth except of those who were bred for Learning and many things were proposed to correct this but in the mean time the Commons saw the Gentry were like to reduce them to a very low condition The Protector seemed much concerned for the Commons and oft spoke against the oppression of Landlords He was naturally just and compassionate and so did heartily espouse the Cause of the poor People which made the Nobility and Gentry hate him much The former year the Commons about Hampton-Court petitioned the Protector and Council complaining that whereas the late King in his Sickness had enclosed a Park there to divert himself with private easie Game the Deer of that Park did overlay the Country and it was a great burden to them and therefore they desired that it might be disparked The Council considering that it was so near Windsor and was not useful to the King but a charge rather ordered it to be disparked and the Deer to be carried to Windsor but with this Proviso that if the King when he came of Age desired to have
the Bishoprick of Duresme Upon this the Protector writ a chiding Letter to him To it he writ an Answer so sutable to what became a Bishop who would put all things to hazard rather than do any thing against his Conscience that I thought it might do no small right to his Memory to put it with the Answer which the Protector writ to him in the Collection Collection Numb 59 60. These with many more I found among his Majesties Papers of State in that Repository of them commonly called the Paper-Office To which I had a free access by a Warrant which was procured to me from the King by the Right Honourable the Earl of Sunderland one of the Principal Secretaries of State who very cheerfully and generously expressed his readiness to assist me in any thing that might compleat the History of our Reformation That Office was first set up by the care of the Earl of Salisbury when he was Secretary of State in King James's time which though it is a copious and certain Repertory for those that are to write our History ever since the Papers of State were laid up there yet for the former times it contains only such Papers as that great Minister could then gather together so that it is not so compleat in the Transactions that fall within the time of which I writ There was also a settlement made of the Controversie concerning the Greek Tongue A contest about pronouncing the Greek There had been in King Henry's time a great Contest raised concerning the Pronunciation of the Greek Vowels That Tongue was but lately come to any perfection in England and so no wonder the Greek was pronounced like English with the same sound and apertures of the Mouth To this Mr. Cheek then Reader of that Tongue in Cambridge opposed himself and taught other Rules of Pronunciation Gardiner was it seems so afraid of every Innovation though ever so much in the right that he contended stifly to have the old Pronunciation retained and Cheek persisting in his Opinion was either put from the Chair or willingly left it to avoid the Indignation of so great and so spiteful a Man as Gardiner was who was then Chancellor of the University Cheek wrote a Book in vindication of his way of pronouncing Greek of which this must be said That it is very strange to see how he could write with so much Learning and Judgment on so bare a Subject Redmayn Poinet and other learned Men were of his side yet more covertly but Sir Tho. Smith now Secretary of State writ three Books on the same Argument and did so evidently confirm Cheeks Opinion that the Dispute was now laid aside and the true way of pronouncing the Greek took place the rather because Gardiner was in disgrace and Cheek and Smith were in such Power and Authority So great an Influence had the Interests of Men in supporting the most speculative and indifferent things Soon after this Bonner fell into new troubles Bonner falls into trouble he continued to oppose every thing as long as it was safe for him to do it while it was under debate and so kept his Interest with the Papists but he complied so obediently with all the Laws and Orders of Council that it was not easie to find any matter against him He executed every Order that was sent him so readily that there was not so much as ground for any Complaint yet it was known he was in his Heart against every thing they did and that he cherished all that were of a contrary mind The Council being informed that upon the Commotions that were in England many in London withdrew from the Service and Communion and frequented Masses which was laid to his charge as being negligent in the execution of the Kings Laws and Injunctions they writ to him on the 23d of July to see to the correcting of these things and that he should give good example himself Upon which on the 26th following he sent about a Charge to execute the Order in this Letter which he said he was most willing and desirous to do Yet it was still observed that whatsoever obedience he gave it was against his Heart And therefore he was called before the Council the 11th of August Injunctions are given him There a Writing was deliver'd to him complaining of his remissness and particularly that whereas he was wont formerly on all high Festivals to officiate himself yet he had seldom or never done it since the New Service was set out as also that Adultery was openly practised in his Diocess which he took no care according to his Pastoral Office to restrain or punish therefore he was strictly charged to see these things reformed He was also ordered to preach on Sunday come three weeks at St. Pauls Cross and that he should preach there once a quarter for the future and be present at every Sermon made there except he were sick that he should officiate at St. Pauls at every high Festival such as were formerly called Majus duplex and give the Communion that he should proceed against all who did not frequent the Common-Prayer nor receive the Sacrament once a year or did go to Mass that he should search out and punish Adulterers that he should take care of the reparation of Churches and paying Tythes in his Diocess and should keep his residence in his House in London As to his Sermon he was required to preach against Rebellion setting out the hainousness of it he was also to shew what was true Religion and that external Ceremonies were nothing in themselves but that in the use of them Men ought to obey the Magistrate and joyn true devotion to them and that the King was no less King and the People no less bound to obey when he was in Minority than when he was of full Age. In his Sermon he did not set forth the King Power under Age as he had been required to do On the first of September being the day appointed for him to preach there was a great Assembly gathered to hear him He touched upon the Points that were enjoyned him excepting that about the Kings Age of which he said not one word But since the manner of Christs Presence in the Sacrament was a thing which he might yet safely speak of he spent most of his Sermon on the asserting the Corporal Presence which he did with many sharp reflections on those who were of another mind There were present among others William Latimer and John Hooper soon after Bishop of Glocester who came and informed against him that as he had wholly omitted that about the Kings Age so he had touched the other Points but slightly and did say many other things which tended to stir up disorder and dissention Upon this there was a Commission issued out to Cranmer and Ridley with the two Secretaries of State Rot. Pat. 11. Par. 3. Reg. and Dr. May Dean of St. Pauls to
Articles which he had not yet answered otherwise they would proceed against him as Contumax and hold him as Confessing But he adhered to his Appeal and so would answer no more New matter was also brought of his going out of St. Pauls in the midst of the Sermon on the 15th of the Month and so giving a publick disturbance and scandal and of his writing next day to the Lord Major not to suffer such Preachers to sow their ill Doctrine This was occasioned by the Preachers speaking against the Corporal Presence of Christ in the Sacrament But he would give the Court no account of that matter so they adjourned to the 27th and from that to the first of October In that time great endeavours were used to perswade him to submit and to behave himself better for the future and upon that condition he was assured he should be gently used But he would yield to nothing So on the first of October when he was brought before them the Arch-bishop told him they had delayed so long being unwilling to proceed to extremities with him and therefore wished him to submit But he read another Writing by which he protested that he was brought before them by force and that otherwise he would not have come since that having appeal'd from them he looked on them as his Judges no more He said that he had also written a Petition to the Lord Chancellor complaining of the Delegates and desiring that his Appeal might be admitted and said by that Appeal it was plain that he esteemed the King to be cloathed with his full Royal Power now that he was under Age since he thus appealed to him Upon which the Arch-bishop the Bishop of Rochester Secretary Smith and the Dean of St. Pauls He is deprived from his Bishoprick gave Sentence against him that since he had not declared the Kings Power while under Age in his Sermon as he was commanded by the Protector and Council therefore the Arch-bishop with the Consent and Assent of his Colleagues did deprive him of the Bishoprick of London Sentence being thus given he appealed again by word of mouth The Court did also order him to be carried to Prison till the King should consider further of it This account of his Trial is drawn from the Register of London where all these Particulars are inserted From thence it was that Fox printed them For Bonner though he was afterward Commissioned by the Queen to deface any Records that made against the Catholick Cause yet did not care to alter any thing in this Register after his re-admission in Queen Maries time It seems he was not displeased with what he found Recorded of himself in this matter Thus was Bonner deprived of his Bishoprick of London Censures past upon it This Judgment as all such things are was much censured It was said it was not Canonical since it was by a Commission from the King and since Secular Men were mixed with Clergy-men in the censure of a Bishop To this it was answered That the Sentence being only of deprivation from the See of London it was not so entirely an Ecclesiastical Censure but was of a mixed nature so that Lay-men might joyn in it and since he had taken a Commission from the King for his Bishoprick by which he held it only during the Kings pleasure he could not complain of this deprivation which was done by the Kings Authority Others who looked further back remembred that Constantine the Emperor had appointed Secular Men to enquire into some things objected to Bishops who were called Cognitores or Triers and such had examined the business of Cecilian Bishop of Carthage even upon an Appeal after it had been tried in several Synods and given Judgment against Donatus and his Party The same Constantine had also by his Authority put Eustathius out of Antioch Athanasius out of Alexandria and Paul out of Constantinople and though the Orthodox Bishops complained of these Particulars as done unjustly at the false suggestion of the Arrians yet they did not deny the Emperors Authority in such Cases Afterwards the Emperors used to have some Bishops attending on them in their Comitatus or Court to whose Judgment they left most Causes who acted only by Commission from the Emperor So Epiphanius was brought to condemn Chrysostome at Constantinople who had no Authority to judge him by the Canons Others objected that it was too severe to deprive Bonner for a defect in his memory and that therefore they should have given him a new Tryal in that Point and not have proceeded to censure him on such an omission since he protested it was not on design but a pure forgetfulness and all People perceived clearly it had been before hand resolved to lay him aside and that therefore they now took him on this disadvantage and so deprived him But it was also well known that all the Papists infused this Notion into the People of the Kings having no Power till he came to be of Age and he being certainly one of them there was reason to conclude that what he said for his defence was only a Pretence and that it was of design that he had omitted the mentioning the Kings Power when under Age. The adding of Imprisonment to his Deprivation was thought by some to be an extream accumulation of Punishments But that was no more than what he drew upon himself by his rude and contemptuous behaviour However it seems that some of these Objections wrought on Secretary Petre for he never sate with the Delegates after the first day and he was now turning about to another Party On the other hand Bonner was little pitied by most that knew him He was a cruel and fierce Man he understood little of Divinity his Learning being chiefly in the Canon Law Besides he was looked on generally as a Man of no Principles All the obedience he gave either to the Laws or the Kings Injunctions was thought a compliance against his Conscience extorted by fear And his undecent carriage during his process had much exposed him to the People so that it was not thought to be hard dealing though the Proceedings against him were summary and severe Nor did his carriage afterward during his imprisonment discover much of a Bishop or a Christian For he was more concerned to have Puddings and Pears sent him than for any thing else This I gather from some original Letters of his to Richard Leechmore Esq in Worcester-shire which were communicated to me by his Heir Lineally descended from him the Worshipful Mr. Leechmore now the Senior Bencher of the Middle-Temple of which I transcribed the latter part of one Collection Number 37. that will be found in the Collection In it he desires a large quantity of Pears and Puddings to be sent him otherwise he gives those to whom he writes an odd sort of Benediction very unlike what became a Man of his Character he gives them to the Devil to the Devil
and to all the Devils if they did not furnish him well with Pears and Puddings It may perhaps be thought indecent to print such Letters being the privacies of friendship which ought not to be made publick but I confess Bonner was so brutish and so bloody a Man that I was not ill pleased to meet with any thing that might set him forth in his natural Colours to the World Forreign Affairs Thus did the Affairs of England go on this Summer within the Kingdom but it will be now necessary to consider the state of our Affairs in Forreign Parts The King of France finding it was very chargeable to carry on the War wholly in Scotland resolved this year to lessen that Expence and to make War directly with England both at Sea and Land So he came in person with a great Army and fell into the Country of Bulloigne The French take many Places about Bulloigne where he took many little Castles about the Town as Sellaque Blackness Hambletue Newhaven and some lesser ones The English Writers say those were ill provided which made them be so easily lost but Thuanus says they were all very well stored In the night they assaulted Bullingberg but were beat off then they designed to burn the Ships that were in the Harbour and had prepared Wild-fire with other combustible Matter but were driven away by the English At the same time the French Fleet met the English Fleet at Jersey but as King Edward writes in his Diary they were beat off with the loss of 1000 Men though Thuanus puts the loss wholly on the English side The French King sate down before Bulloigne in September hoping that the disorders then in England would make that Place be ill supplied and easily yielded the English finding Bullingberg was not tenable razed it and retired into the Town but the Plague broke into the French Camp so the King left it under the command of Chastilion He endeavoured chiefly to take the Pierre and so to cut off the Town from the Sea and from all communication with England and after a long Battery he gave the Assault upon it but was beat off There followed many Skirmishes between him and the Garrison and he made many attempts to close up the Channel and thought to have sunk a Galley full of Stones and Gravel in it but in all these he was still unsuccessful And therefore Winter coming on the Siege was raised only the Forts about the Town which the French had taken were strongly garrisoned so that Bulloigne was in danger of being lost the next year In Scotland also the English Affairs declined much this year Thermes The English insuccessful in Scotland before the Winter was ended had taken Broughty Castle and destroyed almost the whole Garrison In the Southern Parts there was a change made of the Lords Wardens of the English Marches Sir Robert Bowes was complained of as negligent in relieving Hadingtoun the former year so the Lord Dacres was put in his room And the Lord Gray who lost the great advantage he had when the French raised the Siege of Hadingtoun was removed and the Earl of Rutland was sent to command The Earl made an Inroad into Scotland and supplied Hadingtoun plentifully with all sorts of Provisions necessary for a Siege He had some Germans and Spaniards with him but a Party of Scotch Horse surprised the Germans Baggage and Romero with the Spanish Troop was also fallen on and taken and almost all his Men were cut off The Earl of Warwick was to have marched with a more considerable Army this Summer into Scotland had not the disorders in England diverted him as it has been already shewn Thermes did not much more this Year He intended once to have renewed the Siege of Hadingtoun but when he understood how well they were furnished he gave it over But the English Council finding how great a charge the keeping of it was and the Country all about it being destroyed so that no Provisions could be had but what were brought from England from which it was 28 Miles distant resolved to withdraw their Garrison and quit it which was done on the first of October So that the English having now no Garrison within Scotland but Lauder Thermes sate down before that and pressed it so that had not the Peace been made up with France it had fallen into his Hands Things being in this disorder both at home and abroad the Protector had nothing to depend on but the Emperors Aid and he was so ill satisfied with the Changes that had been made in Religion that much was not to be expected from him The confusions this year occasioned that Change to be made in the Office of the daily Prayers where the Answer to the Petition Give Peace in our time O Lord which was formerly and is still continued was now made Because there is none other that fighteth for us but only thou O God The state of Germany For now the Emperor having reduced all the Princes and most of the Cities of Germany to his obedience none but Magdeburg and Breame standing out did by a mistake incident to great Conquerors neglect those advantages which were then in his hands and did not prosecute his Victories but leaving Germany came this Summer into the Netherlands whither he had ordered his Son Prince Philip to come from Spain to him thorough Italy and Germany that he might put him into possession of these Provinces and make them swear Homage to him Whether at this time the Emperor was beginning to form the design of retiring or whether he did this only to prevent the Mutinies and Revolts that might fall out upon his death if his Son were not in actual possession of them is not so certain One thing is memorable in that Transaction that was called the Laetus Introitus or the terms upon which he was received Prince of Brabant to which the other Provinces had been formerly united into one Principality after many Rules and Limitations of Government in the matter of Taxes and publick Assemblies Cott. Library Galba B. 12. the not keeping up of Forces and governing them not by Strangers but by Natives it was added That if he broke these Conditions it should be free for them not to obey him or acknowledge him any longer till he returned to govern according to their Laws This was afterwards the chief ground on which they justified their shaking off the Spanish Yoke all these Conditions being publickly violated Jealousies arise in the Emperors Family At this time there were great jealousies in the Emperors Family For as he intended to have had his Brother resign his Election to be King of the Romans that it might be transferred on his own Son so there were designs in Flanders which the French cherished much to have Maximilian Ferdinands Son the most accomplish'd and vertuous Prince that had been for many Ages to be made their Prince The
Son about the Towns in Flanders and Brabant with the many Ceremonies and Entertainments that followed it made it not easie for him to consider of Matters that required such deep consultation He put him off from Brussels to Gaunt and from Gaunt to Bruges But Paget growing impatient of such delays since the French were marched into the Bulloignese the Bishop of Arras Son to Granvell that had been long the Emperors chief Minister who was now like to succeed in his Fathers room that was old and infirm and the two Presidents of the Emperors Councils St. Maurice and Viglius came to Sir William Paget and had a long communication with him and Hobbey Collection Number 39. an account whereof will be found in the Collection in a Dispatch from them to the Protector He meets with the Emperors Ministers They first treated of an explanation of some ambiguous words in the Treaty to which the Emperors Ministers promised to bring them an Answer Then they talked long of the Matters of the Admiralty the Emperors Ministers said no justice was done in England upon the Merchants complaints Paget said every Mariner came to the Protector and if he would not sollicite their business they run away with a Complaint that there was no Justice whereas he thought that as they medled with no private matters so the Protector ought to turn all these over upon the Courts that were the competent Judges But the Bishop of Arras said There was no Justice to be had in the Admiralty Courts who were indeed Parties in all these Matters Paget said There was as much Justice in the English Admiralty Courts as was in theirs and the Bishop confessed there were great corruptions in all these Courts So Paget proposed that the Emperor should appoint two of his Council to hear and determine all such Complaints in a Summary way and the King should do the like in England For the Confirmation of the Treaty the Bishop said the Emperor was willing his Son should confirm it but that he would never sue to his Subjects to confirm his Treaties and he said when it was objected that the Treaty with France was confirmed by the three Estates that the Prerogative of the French Crown was so restrained that the King could alienate nothing of his Patrimony without the Parliament of Paris and his three Estates He believed the King of England had a greater Prerogative he was sure the Emperor was not so bound up he had fifteen or sixteen several Parliaments and what work must he be at if all these must descant on his Transactions When this general discourse was over the two Presidents went away but the Bishop of Arras staid with him in private Paget proposed the Business of Bulloigne but the Bishop having given him many good words in the general excepted much to it as dishonourable to the Emperor since Bulloigne was not taken when the League was concluded between the Emperor and England so that if he should now include it in the League it would be a breach of Faith and Treaties with France and he stood much on the Honour and Conscience of observing these Treaties inviolably So this Conversation ended in which the most remarkable Passage is that concerning the Limitations on the French Crown and the Freedoms of the English for at that time the Kings Prerogative in England was judged of that extent that I find in a Letter written from Scotland one of the main Objections made to the marrying their Queen to the King of England was That an Union with England would much alter the constitution of their Government the Prerogatives of the Kings of England being of a far larger extent than those in Scotland Two or three days after the former Conversation the Emperors Ministers returned to Pagets Lodging with answer to the Propositions which the English Ambassadors had made of which a full account will be found in the Collection in the Letter which the Ambassadors writ upon it into England Collection Number 40. The Emperor gave a good answer to some of the Particulars which were ambiguous in former Treaties For the Confirmation of the Treaty he offered that the Prince should joyn in it but since the King of England was under Age he thought it more necessary that the Parliament of England should confirm it To which Paget answered That their Kings as to the Regal Power were the same in all the Conditions of Life and therefore when the Great Seal was put to any agreement the King was absolutely bound by it If his Ministers engaged him in ill Treaties they were to answer for it at their Perils but howsoever the King was tied by it They discoursed long about the Administration of Justice but ended in nothing And as for the main business about Bulloigne the Emperor stood on his Treaties with the French which he could not break upon which Paget said to the Bishop that his Father had told him they had so many Grounds to quarrel with France that he had his Sleeve full of them to produce when there should be occasion to make use of them But finding the Bishops Answers were cold and that he only gave good words he told him that England would then see to their own security and so he took that for the Emperors final Answer and thereupon resolved to take his leave which he did soon after and came back into England But at home the Councils were much divided of which the sad Effects broke out soon afterward It was proposed in Council that the War with Scotland should be ended For it having been begun and carried on Debates in Council concerning Peace only on design to obtain the Marriage since the hopes of that were now so far gone that it was not in the power of the Scots themselves to retrieve them it was a vain and needless expence both of Blood and Money to keep it up and since Bulloigne was by the Treaty after a few more years to be delivered up to the French it seemed a very unreasonable thing in the low state to which the Kings Affairs were driven to enter on a War in which they had little reason to doubt but they should lose Bulloigne after the new expence of a Siege and another years War The Protector had now many Enemies who laid hold on this conjuncture to throw him out of the Government The Earl of Southampton was brought into the Council but had not laid down his secret hatred of the Protector and did all he could to make a Party against him The Earl of Warwick was the fittest Man to work on him therefore he gained over to his side and having formed a confidence in him he shewed him that he had really got all these Victories for which the Protector triumphed he had won the Field of Pinkey near Musselburgh and had subdued the Rebels of Norfolk and as he had before defeated the French so if he were sent over thither new
the Earl of Shrewsbury Sir Tho. Cheyney Sir John Gage Sir Ralph Sadler and the Lord Chief-Justice Montague joyned with them Then they wrote to the King a Letter Collection Number 41. which is in the Collection full of expressions of their duty and care of his Person complaining of the Duke of Somerset's not listening to their Councils and of his gathering a Force about him for maintaining his wilful doings they owned that they had caused Secretary Petre to stay with them and in it they endeavoured to perswade the King that they were careful of nothing so much as of his preservation They also wrote to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury and to Sir William Paget to see to the Kings Person and that his own Servants should attend on him and not those that belonged to the Duke of Somerset But the Protector hearing of this disorder had removed the King to Windsor in all hast and had taken down all the Armour that was either there or at Hampton-Court and had armed such as he could gather about him for his preservation The Council at London complained much of this that the King should be carried to a Place where there were no Provisions fit for him So they ordered all things that he might need to be sent to him from London And on the 8th of October they went to Guild-hall when they gave an account of their Proceedings to the Common-Council of the City and assured them they had no thoughts of altering the Religion as was given out by their Enemies but intended only the safety of the King and the Peace of the Kingdom and for these ends desired their assistance The City of London joyns with them The whole Common-Council with one Voice declared they thanked God for the good intentions they had expressed and assured them they would stand by them with their Lives and Goods At Windsor when the Protector understood that not only the City but the Lieutenant of the Tower of whom he had held himself assured had forsaken him he resolved to struggle no longer and though it is not improbable that he who was chiefly accused for his protecting the Commons might have easily gathered a great Body of Men for his own preservation yet he resolved rather to give way to the Tide that was now against him So he protested before the King and the few Councellors then about him that he had no design against any of the Lords and that the Force he had gathered was only to preserve himself from any violent attempt that might be made on his Person he declared that he was willing to submit himself The Protector offers to treat and submit and therefore proposed that two of those Lords should be sent from London and they with two of those that were yet about the King should consider what might be done in whose determination he would acquiesce and desired that whatsoever was agreed on should be confirmed in Parliament Hereupon there was sent to London a Warrant under the Kings Hand for any two of the Lords of the Council that were there to come to Windsor with twenty Servants a-piece who had the Kings Faith for their safety in coming and going and Cranmer Paget and Smith wrote to them to dispose them to end the matter peaceably and not follow cruel Councils nor to be misled by them who meant otherwise than they professed of which they knew more than they would then mention This seemed to point at the Earl of Southampton On the 9th of October the Council at London encreased by the accession of the Lord Russel the Lord Wentworth Sir Anthony Brown Sir Ant. Wingfield and Sir John Baker the Speaker of the House of Commons For now those who had stood off a while seeing the Protector was resolved to yield came and united themselves with the prevailing Party so that they were in all two and twenty They were informed that the Protector had said that if they intended to put him to death the King should die first and if they would famish him they should famish the King first and that he had armed his own Men and set them next to the Kings Person and was designing to carry him out of Windsor and as some reported out of the Kingdom upon which they concluded that he was no more fit to be Protector But of those words no proofs being mentioned in the Council-Books they look like the forgeries of his Enemies to make him odious to the People The Council ordered a Proclamation of their Proceedings to be printed and writ to the Lady Mary and the Lady Elizabeth acquainting them with what they had done They also wrote to the King as will be found in the Collection acknowledging the many bonds that lay on them in gratitude both for his Fathers goodness to them and his own to take care of him Collection Number 4â— They desired he would consider they were his whole Council except one or two and were those whom his Father had trusted with the Government that the Protector was not raised to that Power by his Fathers Will but by their choice with that condition that he should do all things by their advice which he had not observed so that they now judged him most unworthy of these Honours therefore they earnestly desired they might be admitted to the Kings Presence to do their duties about him and that the Forces gathered about his Person might be sent away and the Duke of Somerset might submit himself to the Order of Council They also wrote to the Arch-bishop and Sir William Paget which is in the Collection charging them as they would answer it Collection Number 43. that the Kings Person might be well looked to that he should not be removed from Windsor and that he should be no longer guarded by the Duke of Somersets Men as they said he had been of which they complained severely but by his own sworn Servants and they required them to concur in advancing the desire they had signified by their Letter to the King protesting that they would do with the Duke of Somerset as they would desire to be done by and with as much moderation and favour as in honour they could so that there was no reason to apprehend from them such cruelty as they had mentioned in their Letters These were sent by Sir Philip Hobbey who was returned from Flanders and had been sent by the King to London on the day before Upon this Cranmer and Paget as is entred in the Council-Book perswaded both the King and the Protector to grant their desire The Protectors Servants were dismissed and the Kings were set about his Person And Cranmer Paget and Smith wrote to the Council at London that all they had proposed should be granted They desired to know whether the King should be brought to London or stay at Windsor and that three of the Lords might be sent thither who should see all things done according to their
de Hopero ad me scribis non potuerunt non videri mira Certè illis auditis obstupui Sed bene habet quid Episcopi Literas meas viderunt unde invidia ego quidem sum liberatus Ecce illius causa sic jacet ut melioribus pijs nequaquam probetur Dolet dolet idque mihi gravissimè talia inter Evangelij professores contingere Ille toto hoc tempore cum illi sit interdicta concio non videtur posse quiescere suae fidei confessionem edidit qua rursus multorum animos exacerbavit deinde queritur de Consiliarijs fortasse quod mihi non refert de nobis Deus foelicem Catastrophen non laetis actibus imponat In English What you wrote to me about Hooper could not but seem wonderful to me when I heard it I was struck with it It was well that the Bishops saw my Letters by which I am freed from their displeasure His business is now at that pass that the best and most pious disprove of it I am grieved and sadly grieved that such things should fall out among the Professors of the Gospel All this while in which he is suspended from preaching he cannot be at rest he has set out a profession of his Faith by which he has provoked many he complains of the Privy-Councellors and perhaps of us too of which he says nothing to me God give an happy issue to these uncomfortable beginnings This I set down more fully that it may appear how far either of these Divines were from cherishing such stiffness in Hooper He had been Chaplain to the Duke of Somerset as appear'd by his defence of himself in Bonners Process yet he obtained so much favour of the Earl of Warwick that he writ earnestly in his behalf to the Arch-bishop to dispence with the use of the Garments and the Oath of Canonical Obedience at his Consecration Cranmer wrote back That he could not do it without incurring a Praemunire So the King was moved to write to him warranting him to do it without any danger which the Law could bring on him for such an omission But though this was was done on the 4th of August yet he was not consecrated till March next year and in the mean while it appears by Peter Martyrs Letters that he was suspended from Preaching A Congregation of Germans in London This Summer John a Lasco with a Congregation of Germans that fled from their Country upon the persecution raised there for not receiving the Interim was allowed to hold his Assembly at St. Austins in London The Congregation was erected into a Corporation John a Lasco was to be Superintendent and there were four other Ministers associated with him For the curiosity of the thing I have put the Patents in the Collection Collection Number 51. There were also 380 of the Congregation made Denizens of England as appears by the Records of their Patents But a Lasco did not carry himself with that decency that became a Stranger who was so kindly received for he wrote against the Orders of this Church both in the matter of the Habits and about the Posture in the Sacrament being for sitting rather than kneeling Polidore Virgil leaves England This Year Polidore Virgil who had been now almost forty years in England growing old desired leave to go nearer the Sun It was granted him on the second of June and in consideration of the publick Service he was thought to have done the Nation by his History Rot. Pat. 4 Ed. 6. 2. Part. he was permitted to hold his Archdeaconry of Wells and his Prebend of Nonnington notwithstanding his absence out of the Kingdom On the 26th of June Poinet was declared Bishop of Rochester and Coverdale was made Coadjutor to Veysy Bishop of Exeter About the end of this Year or the beginning of the next A Review of the Common-Prayer-Book there was a review made of the Common-Prayer-Book Several things had been continued in it either to draw in some of the Bishops who by such yielding might be prevailed on to concurre in it or in compliance with the People who were fond of their old Superstitions So now a review of it was set about Martin Bucer was consulted in it and Aleffe the Scotch Divine mentioned in the former part translated it into Latin for his use Upon which Bucer writ his Opinion which he finished Bucers Advice concerning it the fifth of January in the Year following The Substance of it was That he found all things in the Common-Service and daily Prayers were clearly according to the Scriptures He advised that in Cathedrals the Quire might not be too far separated from the Congregation since in some Places the People could not hear them read Prayers He wished there were a strict discipline to exclude scandalous Livers from the Sacrament He wished the old Habits might be laid aside since some used them superstitiously and others contended much about them He did not like the half Office of Communion or Second-Service to be said at the Altar when there was no Sacrament He was offended with the requiring the People to receive at least once a year and would have them press'd to it much more frequently He disliked that the Priests generally read Prayers with no devotion and in such a Voice that the People understood not what they said He would have the Sacrament delivered into the Hands and not put into the Mouths of the People He censured praying for the dead of which no mention is made in the Scripture nor by Justin Martyr an Age after He thought that the Prayer that the Elements might be to us the Body and Blood of Christ favoured Transubstantiation too much a small variation might bring it nearer to a Scripture Form He complained that Baptism was generally in Houses which being the receiving Infants into the Church ought to be done more publickly The Hallowing of the Water the Chrisme and the White Garment he censured as being too Scenical He excepted to the exorcising the Devil and would have it turned to a Prayer to God that authoritative way of saying I adjure not being so decent He thought the God-fathers answering in the Childs Name not so well as to answer in their own that they should take care in these things all they could He would not have Confirmation given upon a bare recital of the Catechisme but would have it delayed till the Persons did really desire to renew the Baptismal Vow He would have Catechising every Holy-day and not every sixth Sunday and that People should be still Catechized after they were Confirmed to preserve them from ignorance He would have all Marriages to be made in the full Congregation He would have the giving Unction to the Sick and praying for the Dead to be quite laid aside as also the offering the Chrisomes at the Churching of Women He advised that the Communion should be celebrated four times a year He sadly lamented
Addition was also made upon good consideration in the Office of the Communion to which the People were observed to come without due seriousness or preparation therefore for awakening their Consciences more feelingly it was ordered that the Office of the Communion should begin with a solemn pronouncing of the Ten Commandments all the Congregation being on their Knees as if they were hearing that Law a-new and a stop to be made at every Commandment for the Peoples devotion of imploring mercy for their past offences and Grace to observe it for the time to come This seemed as effectual a Mean as they could devise till Church-penitence were again set up to beget in Men deep reflections on their sins and to prepare them thereby to receive that Holy Sacrament worthily The other Changes were the removing of some Rites which had been retained in the former Book such as the use of Oyl in Confirmation and Extream Unction the Prayers for Souls departed both in the Communion-Service and in the Office of Burial the leaving out some Passages in the Consecration of the Eucharist that seemed to favour the Belief of the Corporal Presence with the use of the Cross in it and in Confirmation with some smaller variations And indeed they brought the whole Liturgy to the same Form in which it is now except some inconsiderable variations that have been since made for the clearing of some Ambiguities An Aâ—count of kneeling in the Communion In the Office of the Communion they added a Rubrick concerning the posture of kneeling which was appointed to be still the gesture of Communicants It was hereby declared that that gesture was kept up as a most reverent and humble way of expressing our great sense of the Mercies of God in the death of Christ there communicated to us but that thereby there was no adoration intended to the Bread and Wine which were gross Idolatry nor did they think the very Flesh and Blood of Christ were there present since his Body according to the nature of all other Bodies could be only in one place at once and so he being now in Heaven could not be corporally present in the Sacrament This was by Queen Elizabeth ordered to be left out of the Common-Prayer-Book since it might have given offence to some otherwise inclinable to the Communion of the Church who yet retained the belief the Corporal Presence But since his present Majesties Restoration many having excepted to the Posture as apprehending some thing like Idolatry or Superstition might lie under it if it were not rightly explained that Explication which was given in King Edwards time was again inserted in the Common-Prayer-Book For the Posture it is most likely that the first Institution was in the Table-gesture which was lying along on one side But it was apparent in our Saviours Practice that the Jewish Church had changed the Posture of that Institution of the Passover in whose room the Eucharist came For though Moses had appointed the Jews to eat their Paschal Lamb standing with their Loins girt with Staves in their Hands and Shooes on their Feet yet the Jews did afterwards change this into the Common-Table-Posture of which change though there is no mention in the Old Testament yet we see it was so in our Saviours time and since he complied with the common Custom we are sure that Change was not criminal It seemed reasonable to allow the Christian Church the like Power in such things with the Jewish and as the Jews thought their coming into the Promised Land might be a Warrant to lay aside the Posture appointed by Moses which became Travellers best so Christ being now exalted it seemed fit to receive this Sacrament with higher Marks of outward respect than had been proper in the first Institution when he was in the state of Humiliation and his Divine Glory not yet so fully revealed Therefore in the Primitive Church they received standing and bending their Body in a posture of Adoration But how soon that Gesture of kneeling came in is not so exactly observed nor is it needful to know But surely there is a great want of ingenuity in them that are pleased to apply these Orders of some later Popes for kneeling at the Elevation to our kneeling when ours is not at one such part which might be more liable to exception but during the whole Office by which it is one continued Act of Worship and the Communicants kneel all the while But of this no more needs to be said than is exprest in the Rubrick which occasioned this Digression Thus were the Reformations both of Doctrine and Worship prepared To which all I can add of this Year is Some Orders given to the Kings Chaplains that there were six eminent Preachers chosen out to be the Kings Chaplains in Ordinary two of those were always to attend at Court and four to be sent over England to preach and instruct the People In the first year two of these were to go into Wales and the other two into Lancashire the next year two into the Marches of Scotland and two into York-shire the third year two into Devon-shire and two into Hamp-shire and the fourth year two into Norfolk and two into Kent and Sussex These were Bill Harle Pern Grindal Bradford the Name of the sixth is so dashed in the Kings Journal that it cannot be read These it seems were accounted the most zealous and readiest Preachers of that time who were thus sent about as Itinerants to supply the defects of the greatest part of the Clergy who were generally very faulty The Business of the Lady Mary was now taken up with more heat than formerly The Emperors earnest sute The Lady Mary continued to have Mass said in her Chappel that she might have Mass in her House was long rejected for it was said that as the King did not interpose in the matters of the Emperors Government so there was no reason for the Emperor to meddle in his Affairs Yet the state of England making his friendship at that time necessary to the King and he refusing to continue in his League unless his Kinswoman obtained that favour it was promised that for some time in hope she would reform there should be a forbearance granted The Emperors Ambassadors pressed to have a License for it under the Great Seal It was answered That being against Law it could not be done Then they desired to have it certified under the Kings Hand in a Letter to the Emperor but even that was refused So that they only gave a Promise for some time by word of mouth and Paget and Hobby who had been the Ambassadors with the Emperor declared they had spoke of it to him with the same limitations But the Emperor who was accustomed to take for absolute what was promised only under conditions writ to the Lady Mary that he had an absolute Promise for the free exercise of her Religion and so she pretended this when she
Servants and to return with an answer In August they came back and said she was much indisposed and received the Message very grievously She said she would obey the King in all things except where her Conscience was touched but she charged them to deliver none of their Message to the rest of her Family in which they being her Servants could not disobey her especially when they thought it might prejudice her health Upon this And sent some to her they were sent to the Tower The Lord Chancellor Sir Ant. Wingfield and Sir William Petre were next sent to her with a Letter from the King and Instructions from the Council for the charge they were to give to her and her Servants They came to her House of Copthall in Essex The Lord Chancellor gave her the Kings Letter which she received on her Knees and said she payed that respect to the Kings Hand and not to the matter of the Letter which she knew proceeded from the Council and when she read it she said Ah! Mr. Cecil took much pains here he was then Secretary of State in Dr. Wottons room So she turned to the Counsellors and bid them deliver their Message to her She wished them to be short for she was not well at ease and would give them a short answer having writ her mind plainly to the King with her own Hand The Lord Chancellor told her that all the Council were of one mind that she must be no longer suffered to have private Mass or a Form of Religion different from what was established by Law He went to read the Names of those who were of that mind but she desired him to spare his pains she knew they were all of a sort They next told her they had order to require her Chaplains to use no other Service and her Servants to be present at no other than what was according to Law She answered She was the Kings most obedient Subject and Sister and would obey him in every thing but where her Conscience held her and would willingly suffer death to do him service but she would lay her Head on a Block rather than use any other Form of Service But she was Intractable than what had been at her Fathers death only she thought she was not worthy to suffer death on so good an account When the King came to be of Age so that he could order these things himself she would obey his Commands in Religion for although he Good sweet King these were her words had more knowledge than any of his years yet he was not a fit Judge in these matters for if Ships were to be set to Sea or any matter of Policy to be determined they would not think him fit for it much less could he be able to resolve Points of Divinity As for her Chaplains if they would say no Mass she could hear none and for her Servants she knew they all desired to hear Mass her Chaplains might do what they would it was but a whiles Imprisonment but for the new Service it should never be said in her House and if any were forced to say it she would stay no longer in the House When the Counsellors spake of Rochester Inglefield and Walgrave who had not fully executed their charge she said it was not the wisest Counsel to order her Servants to controul her in her own House and they were the honester Men not to do such a thing against their Consciences She insisted on the Promise made to the Emperor which she had under his Hand whom she believed better than them all they ought to use her better for her Fathers sake who had raised them all almost out of nothing But though the Emperor were dead or would bid her obey them she would not change her mind and she would let his Ambassador know how they used her To this they answered clearing the mistake about the Promise to which she gave little heed They told her they had brought one down to serve as her Comptroller in Rochesters room She said she would choose her own Servants and if they went to impose any on her she would leave the House She was sick but would do all she could to live but if she died she would protest they were the causes of it they gave her good words but their deeds were evil Then she took a Ring from her Finger and on her Knees gave it to the Lord Chancellor to give to the King as a Token from her with her humble Commendations and protested much of her duty to him but she said this will never be told him The Counsellors went from her to her Chaplains and delivered their Message to them who promised they would obey Then they charged the rest of the Servants in like manner and also commanded them to give notice if those Orders were broken And so they went to go away But as they were in the Court the Lady Mary called to them from her Window to send her Comptroller to her for she said that now she her self received the accounts of her House and knew how many Loaves were made of a Bushel of Meal to which she had never been bred and so was weary of that Office but if they would needs send him to Prison she said I beshrew him if he go not to it merrily and with a good Will and concluded I pray God to send you to do well in your Souls and Bodies for some of you have but weak Bodies This is the substance of the Report these Counsellors gave when they returned back to the Court on the 29th of August By which they were now out of all hopes of prevailing with her by perswasions or Authority So it was next considered whether it was fit to go to further extremities with her How the matter was determined I do not clearly find it is certain the Lady Mary would never admit of the new Service and so I believe she continued to keep her Priests and have Mass but so secretly that there was no ground for any publick complaint For I find no further mention of that matter than what is made by Ridley of a Passage that befel him in September next year He went to wait on her she-living then at Hunsden Nor would she hear Bishop Ridley preach where she received him at first civilly and told him she remembred of him in her Fathers time and at Dinner sent him to dine with her Officers after Dinner he told her he came not only to do his Duty to her but to offer to Preach before her next Sunday She blushed and once or twice desired him to make the Answer to that himself But when he pressed her further she said the Parish-Church would be open to him if he had a mind to preach in it but neither she nor any of her Family should hear him He said he hoped she would not refuse to hear Gods Word She said She did not know what they called
that Hammond knew of it But whether this was devised to alienate the King wholly from him or whether it was true I can give no assurance But though it was true it was Felony in Bartuile if he were the Kings Servant but not in the Duke who was a Peer Yet no doubt this gave the King a very ill opinion of his Unkle and so made him more easily consent to his execution See the Indictment Cokes Entries fol. 482. since all such Conspiracies are things of that inhumane and barbarous cruelty that it is scarce possible to punish them too severely But it is certain that there was no Evidence at all of any design to kill the Duke of Northumberland otherwise the Indictment had not been laid against him only for designing to seize on and imprison him as it was the conspiring to kill him not being so much as mentioned in the Indictment but it was maliciously given out to possess the World and chiefly the King against him The King also in his Letter to Barnaby Fitz-Patrick who was like to be his favourite and was then sent over for his breeding into France writ that the Duke seemed to have acknowledged the Felony and that after Sentence he had confessed it though he had formerly vehemently sworn the contrary From whence it is plain that the King was perswaded of his being guilty Sir Michael Stanhop Sir Tho. Arundel Sir Ralph Vane Some of his Friends also condemned and Sir Miles Partridge were next brought to their Trials The first and the last of these were little pitied For as all great Men have People about them who make use of their greatness only for their own ends without regarding their Masters Honour or true Interest so they were the Persons upon whom the ill things which had been done by the Duke of Somerset were chiefly cast But Sir Tho. Arundel was much pitied and had hard measure in his Trial which began at seven a Clock in the Morning and continued till Noon Then the Jury went aside and they did not agree on their Verdict till next morning when those who thought him not guilty yet for preserving their own Lives were willing to yield to the fierceness of those who were resolved to have him found guilty Sir Ralph Vane was the most lamented of them all He had done great Services in the Wars and was esteemed one of the bravest Gentlemen of the Nation He pleaded for himself that he had done his Country considerable Service during the Wars though now in time of Peace the Coward and the Couragious were equally esteemed He scorned to make any submissions for Life But this height of mind in him did certainly set forward his condemnation and to add more infamy to him in the manner of his Death he and Partridge were hanged whereas the other two were beheaded The Seals are taken from the Lord Rich The Duke of Somerset was using means to have the King better informed and disposed towards him and engaged the Lord Chancellor to be his Friend who thereupon sent him an Advertisement of somewhat designed against him by the Council and being in hast writ only on the back of his Letter To the Duke and bid one of his Servants carry it to the Tower without giving him particular directions to the Duke of Somerset But his Servant having known of the familiarities between his Master and the Duke of Norfolk who was still in the Tower and knowing none between him and the other Duke carried the Letter to the Duke of Norfolk When the Lord Chancellor found the mistake at night he knew the Duke of Norfolk to make Northumberland his Friend would certainly discover him so he went in all hast to the King and desired to be discharged of his Office and thereby prevented the malice of his Enemies and upon this he fell sick either pretending he was ill that it might raise the more pity for him or perhaps the fright in which he was did really cast him into sickness So the Seal was sent for by the Marquess of Winchester the Duke of Northumberland and the Lord Darcy on the 21st of December and put into the Hands of the Bishop of Ely And given to the Bishop of Ely who was made Keeper during pleasure And when the Session of Parliament came on he was made Lord Chancellor But this was much censured When the Reformation was first preached in England Tindal Barns and Latimer took an occasion from the great Pomp and Luxury of Cardinal Wolsey and the Secular Imployments of the other Bishops and Clergy-men to represent them as a sort of Men that had wholly neglected the care of Souls and those Spiritual Studies and Exercises that disposed Men to such Functions and only carried the Names of Bishops and Church-men to be a Colour to serve their Ambition and Covetousness And this had raised great prejudices in the Minds of the People against those who were called their Pastors when they saw them fill their Heads with cares that were at least impertinent to their Callings if not inconsistent with the Duties that belonged to them So now upon Goodrick's being made Lord Chancellor that was a Reformed Bishop it was said by their Adversaries these Men only condemned Secular Imployments in the Hands of Church-men because their Enemies had them but changed their mind as soon as any of their own Party came to be advanced to them But as Goodrick was raised by the Popish Interest in opposition to the Duke of Somerset and to Cranmer that was his firm Friend so it appeared in the beginning of Queen Maries Reign that he was ready to turn with every Tide and that whether he joyned in the Reformation only in Compliance to the time or was perswaded in his mind concerning it yet he had not that sense of it that became a Bishop and was one of these who resolved to make as much advantage by it as he could but would suffer nothing for it So his practise in this matter is neither a Precedent to justifie the like in others nor can it cast a scandal on those to whom he joyned himself Christ being spoke to to divide an Inheritance between two Brethren said Who made me a Judge or a Divider St. Paul speaking of Church-men says No Man that warreth intangleth himself with the Affairs of this Life which was understood by St. Cyprian as a perpetual Rule against the Secular Imployments of the Clergy There are three of the Apostolical Canons against it and Cyprian reckoning up the sins of his time that had provoked God to send a Persecution on the Church names this that many Bishops forsaking their Sees undertook Secular Cares In which he was so strict that he thought the being Tutor to Orphans was a distraction unsutable to their Character so that one Priest leaving another Tutor to his Children because by the Roman Law he to whom this was left was obliged to undergo it the Priests
them but if their Divines had any scruple in which they desired satisfaction with a humble and obedient mind they should be heard And for a safe Conduct he thought it was a distrusting the Council to ask any other than what was already granted Soon after this there arrived Ambassadors from Strasburg and from other five Cities and those sent from the Duke of Saxe were on their Journey so the Emperor ordered his Ambassadors to study to gain time till they came and then an effectual course must be taken for compassing that about which he had laboured so long in vain to bring it to a happy conclusion And thus this Year ended The Parliament was opened on the 23d of January 1552. A Session of Parliament and sate till the 15th of April So I shall begin this Year with the account of the Proceedings in it The first Act that was put into the House of Lords was for an Order to bring Men to Divine Service which was agreed to on the 26th and sent down to the Commons who kept it long before they sent it back On the 6th of April when it was agreed to the Earl of Darby the Bishops of Carlisle and Norwich and the Lords Sturton and Windsor dissented The Lords afterwards brought in another Bill for authorizing a new Common-Prayer-Book according to the Alterations which had been agreed on the former Year This the Commons joyned to the former and so put both in one Act. By it was first set forth That an Order of Divine Service being published An Act authorizing the new Common-Prayer-Book many did wilfully abstain from it and refused to come to their Parish-Churches therefore all are required after the Feast of All-hallows next to come every Sunday and Holy-day to Common-Prayers under pain of the Censures of the Church And the King the Lords Temporal and the Commons did in Gods Name require all Arch-bishops Bishops and other Ordinaries to endeavour the due execution of that Act as they would answer before God for such Evils and Plagues with which he might justly punish them for neglecting that good and wholesome Law and they were fully authorized to execute the Censures of the Church on all that should offend against this Law To which is added That there had been divers doubts raised about the manner of the Ministration of the Service rather by the curiosity of the Ministers and Mistakers than of any other worthy Cause and that for the better explanation of that and for the greater perfection of the Service in some places where it was fit to make the Prayer and fashion of Service more earnest and fit to stir Christian People to the true honouring of Almighty God therefore it had been by the Command of the King and Parliament perused explained and made more perfect They also annexed to it the Form of making Bishops Priests and Deacons and so appointed this new Book of Service to be every where received after the Feast of All-Saints next under the same Penalties that had been enacted three years before when the former Book was set out Which was much censured It was upon this Act said by the Papists That the Reformation was like to change as oft as the Fashion did since they seemed never to be at a Point in any thing but new Models were thus continually framing To which it was answered That it was no wonder that the corruptions which they had been introducing for above a thousand years were not all discovered or thrown out at once but now the business was brought to a fuller perfection and they were not like to see any more material Changes Besides any that would take the pains to compare the Offices that had been among the Papists would clearly perceive that in every Age there was such an encrease of additional Rites and Ceremonies that though the old ones were still retained yet it seemed there would be no end of new improvements and additions Others wondred why the execution of this Law was put off so long as till the end of the Year All the account I can give of this is that it was expected that by that time the new Body of the Ecclesiastical Laws which was now preparing should be finished and therefore since this Act was to be executed by the Clergy the day in which it was to be in force was so long delayed till that Reformation of their Laws were concluded An Act concerning Treasons On the 8th of February a Bill of Treasons was put in and agreed to by all the Lords except the Lord Wentworth It was sent down to the Commons where it was long disputed and many sharp things were said of those who now bore the sway that whereas they who governed in the beginning of this Reign had put in a Bill for lessening the number of such offences now they saw the change of Councils when severer Laws were proposed The Commons at last rejected the Bill and then drew a new one which was passed By it they Enacted That if any should call the King or any of his Heirs named in the Statute of the 35th of his Fathers Reign Heretick Schismatick Tyrant Infidel or Usurper of the Crown for the first offence they should forfeit their Goods and Chattels and be imprisoned during pleasure for the second should be in a Praemunire for the third should be attainted of Treason but any who should advisedly set that out in printing or writing was for the first offence to be held a Traitor And that those who should keep any of the Kings Castles Artillery or Ships six days after they were lawfully required to deliver them up should be guilty of Treason that Men might be proceeded against for Treasons committed out of the Kingdom as well as in it They added a Proviso That none should be Attainted of Treason on this Act unless two Witnesses should come and to their face averr the Fact for which they were to be tried except such as without any violence should confess it and that none should be questioned for any thing said or written but within three Months after it was done This Proviso seems clearly to have been made with relation to the Proceeding against the Duke of Somerset in which the Witnesses were not brought to averr the Evidence to his Face and by that means he was deprived of all the benefit and advantage which he might have had by cross examining them It is certain that though some false Witnesses have practised the Trade so much that they seem to have laid off all shame and have a brow that cannot be daunted yet for the greatest part a bright serenity and cheerfulness attends Innocence and a lowring dejection betrays the Guilty when the Innocent and they are confronted together On the 3d of March a Bill was brought into the Lords for Holy-days and Fasting days and sent down to the Commons on the 15th of March An Act about Fasts and Holy-days by
Religion which he thought he might with a good Conscience submit to and obey though he could not consent to them Only in the matter of the Corporal Presence he was still of the old Perswasion and writ about it But the Latine Stile of his Book is much better than the Divinity and Reasonings in it So what he would have done if he had been required to subscribe the Articles that were now agreed on did not appear for he was all this while Prisoner There was a constant good correspondence between Cranmer and him Though in many things they differed in opinion yet Tonstall was both a Man of candor and of great moderation which agreed so well with Cranmers temper that no wonder they lived always in good terms So when the Bill for Attainting him as guilty of Misprision of Treason was passed in the House of Lords on the 31st of March being put in on the 28th Cranmer spake so freely against it that the Duke of Northumberland and he were never after that in friendship together What his Arguments were I could not recover but when he could do no more he protested against it being seconded only by the Lord Stourton How it came to pass that the other Popish Lords and Bishops that protested against the other Acts of this Parliament did not joyn in this I cannot imagine unless it was that they were the less concerned for Tonstall because Cranmer had appeared to be so much his friend or were awed by their fear of offending the Duke of Northumberland But when the Bill was carried down to the Commons with the Evidences against him which were some Depositions that had been taken and brought to the Lords they who were resolved to condemn that practise for the future would not proceed upon it now So on the fifth of April they ordered the Privy-Counsellors of their House to move the Lords that his Accusers and he might be heard face to face and that not being done they went no further in the Bill By these Indications the Duke of Northumberland saw how little kindness the House of Commons had for him The Parliament is Dissolved The Parliament had now sate almost five years and being called by the Duke of Somerset his Friends had been generally chose to be of it So that it was no wonder if upon his Fall they were not easie to those who had destroyed him nor was there any motion made for their giving the King a Supply Therefore the Duke of Northumberland thought it necessary for his Interest to call a new Parliament And accordingly on the 15th of April the Parliament was dissolved and it was resolved to spend this Summer in making Friends all over England and to have a new Parliament in the opening of the next Year The Convocation at this time agreed to the Articles of Religion that were prepared the last Year which though they have been often printed yet since they are but short and of so great consequence to this History I have put them into the Collection as was formerly told Thus the Reformation of Doctrine and Worship were brought to their perfection and were not after this in a tittle mended or altered in this Reign nor much afterwards only some of the Articles were put in more general words under Queen Elizabeth Another part of the Reformation was yet unfinished A Reformation of Ecclesiastical Courts considered and it was the chief work of this year that was the giving Rules to the Ecclesiastical Courts and for all things relating to the Government of the Church and the exercise of the several Functions in it In the former Volume it was told that an Act had passed for this effect yet it had not taken effect but a Commission was made upon it and these appointed by King Henry had met and consulted about it and had made some progress in it as appears by an Original Letter of Cranmers to that King in the Year 1545. in which he speaks of it as a thing then almost forgotten and quite lâ—id aside for from the time of the six Articles till then the design of the Reformation had been going backward At that time the King began to re-assume the thoughts of it and was resolved to remove some Ceremonies such as the creeping to the Cross the ringing of Bells on St. Andrews Eve with other superstitious Practises for which Cranmer sent him the draught of a Letter to be written in the Kings Name to the two Arch-bishops and to be by them communicated to the rest of the Clergy In the Postscript of his Letter he complains much of the sacrilegious wast of the Cathedral Church of Canterbury where the Dean and Prebendaries had been made to alienate many of their Mannours upon Letters obtained by Courtiers from the King as if the Lands had been desired for the Kings use upon which they had surrendred those Lands which were thereupon disposed of to the Courtiers that had an Eye upon them This Letter should have come in in the former Volume but I had not seen it then so I took hold on this Occasion to direct the Reader to it in the Collection Collection Number 61. It was also formerly told that an Act had passed in this Reign to empower thirty two Persons who should be named by the King to make a Reformation of the Ecclesiastical Laws which was to be finished within three years But the revolutions of Affairs and the other more pressing things that were still uncompleated had kept them hitherto from setting to that work On the first of November last year a Commission was given to eight Persons to prepare the matter for the review of the two and thirty that so it might be more easily compiled being in a few hands than could well be done if so many had been to set about it These eight were the Arch bishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of Ely Dr. Cox and Peter Martyr two Divines Dr. May and Dr. Taylor two Doctors of the Law and John Lucas and Richard Goodrick two Common Lawyers But on the 14th of November the Commission was renewed and the Bishop of London was named in the room of the Bishop of Ely one Traheron in the room of May and Gosnald in Goodrick's room These it seems desiring more time than one year to finish it in for two of the years were now lapsed in the last Session of the Parliament they had three years more time offered them But it seems the Work was believed to be in such a forwardness that this continuation was not judged necessary for the Royal Assent was not given to that Act. After the Parliament was ended they made hast with it But I find it said in the Preface to the Book as it was printed in Queen Elizabeths Reign that Cranmer did the whole Work almost himself which will justifie the Character some give of him that he was the greatest Canonist then in England Dr. Haddon that was
the best and perfectest Pieces of that nature that I have seen The Original is yet extant under his own Hand in Scotland a Copy of it was shewed me by one descended from him from which I shall discover many considerable Passages though the Affairs in which he was most employed were something later than the time of which I am to write But to return to Ireland Upon the Peace made with France and Scotland things were quieted there and Sir Ant. St. Leiger was in August 1550. again sent over to be Deputy there For the Reformation it made but a small progress in that Kingdom It was received among the English but I do not find any endeavours were used to bring it in among the Irish This Year Bale was sent into Ireland He had been a busie Writer upon all occasions and had a great deal of Learning but wanted Temper and did not write with the decency that became a Divine or was sutable to such matters which it seems made those who recommended Men to preferment in this Church not think him so fit a Person to be employed here in England But the Bishoprick of Ossery being void the King proposed him to be sent thither So in August this Year Dr. Goodaker was sent over to be Bishop of Armagh and Bale to be Bishop of Ossery There were also two other who were Irish Men to be promoted When they came thither the Arch-bishop of Dublin intended to have consecrated them according to the old Pontifical for the new Book of Ordination had not been yet used among them Goodaker and the two others were easily perswaded to it but Bale absolutely refused to consent to it who being assisted by the Lord Chancellor it was carried that they should be ordained according to the new Book When Bale went into his Diocess he found all things there in dark Popery but before he could make any Reformation there King Edwards death put an end to his and all such designs In England nothing else that had any relation to the Reformation passed this Year A Change made in the Order of the Garter unless what belongs to the change made in the Order of the Garter may be thought to relate to it On the 23d of April the former Year being St. George's day a Proposition was made to consider the Order and Statutes since there was thought to be a great deal of superstition in them and the Story upon which the Order was founded concerning St. George's fighting with the Dragon looked like a Legend formed in the darker Ages to support the humour of Chivalry that was then very high in the World And as the Story had no great credibility in it self so it was delivered by no Ancient Author Nor was it found that there had been any such Saint there being among Ancient Writers none mentioned of that Name but George of Alexandria the Arrian Bishop that was put in when Athanasius was banished Upon this motion in the former Year the Duke of Somerset the Marquess of Northampton and the Earls of Wilt-shire and Warwick were appointed to review the Statutes of the Order So this Year the whole Order was changed and the Earl of Westmorland and Sir Andrew Dudley who were now to be installed were the first that were received according to the new Model which the Reader will find in the Collection King Edwards Remains Number 23. as it was translated into Latin out of the English by the King himself written all with his own Hand and it is the third Paper after his Journal The Preamble of it sets forth the noble design of the Order to animate great Men to gallant Actions and to associate them into a Fraternity for their better encouragement and assistance but says it had been much corrupted by superstition therefore the Statutes of it were hereafter to be these It was no more to be called the Order of St. George nor was he to be esteemed the Patron of it but it was to be called the Order of the Garter The Knights of this Order were to wear the Blew Ribond or Garter as formerly but at the Collar in stead of a George there was to be on one side of the Jewel a Knight carrying a Book upon a Sword point on the Sword to be written Protectio on the Book Verbum Dei on the Reverse a Shield on which should be written Fides to express their resolution both with offensive and defensive Weapons to maintain the Word of God For the rest of the Statutes I shall refer the Reader to the Paper I mentioned But this was repealed by Queen Mary and so the old Rules took place again and do so still This design seems to have been chiefly intended that none but those of the Reformed Religion might be capable of it since the adhering to and standing for the Scriptures was then taken to be the distinguishing Character between the Papists and the Reformers This is the sum of what was either done or designed this Year with relation to Religion As for the State there was a strict enquiry made of all who had cheated the King in the suppression of Chantries or in any other thing that related to Churches from which the Visitors were believed to have embezeled much to their own uses and there were many Sutes in the Star-Chamber about it Most of all these Persons had been the Friends or Creatures of the Duke of Somerset and the enquiry after these things seems to have been more out of hatred to him than out of any design to make the King the richer by what should be recovered for his use But on none did the Storm break more severely than on the Lord Paget Paget degraded from being a Knight of the Garter He had been Chancellor of the Dutchy of Lancaster and was charged with many misdemeanours in that Office for which he was fined in 6000 l. But that which was most severe was that on St. George's Eve he was degraded from the Order of the Garter for divers offences but chiefly because he was no Gentleman neither by Fathers side nor Mothers side His chief offence was his greatest Vertue He had been on all occasions a constant Friend to the Duke of Somerset for which the Duke of Northumberland hated him mortally and so got him to be degraded to make way for his own Son This was much censured as a barbarous Action that a Man who had so long served the Crown in such publick Negotiations and was now of no meaner Blood than he was when King Henry first gave him the Order should be so dishonoured being guilty of no other fault but what is common to most Courtiers of enriching himself at his Masters cost for which his Fine was severe enough for the expiation But the Duke of Northumberland was a Person so given up to violence and revenge that an ordinary disgrace did not satisfie his hatred Sir Ant. St. Leiger another Knight of the Order
to search into the matter they upon a slight enquiry agreed that the Statute of Edw. the 6th was in force by that Repeal but the Chief Baron and the other Judges searching the matter more carefully found that the Statute had been in effect repealed by the first of Eliz. Ch. 1. where the Act of the 25 Hen. 8. Coke 2. Inst P 684 685. concerning the Election and Jurisdiction of Bishops as formerly they had exercised it was revived so that being in full force the Act of Edw. the 6th that repealed it was thereby repealed To this all the Learned Men of the Law did then agree so that it was not thought so much as necessary to make an explanatory Law about it the thing being indeed so clear that it did not admit of any ambiguity In May this Year the King by his Letters Patents authorized all School-masters to teach a new and fuller Catechisme compiled as is believed by Poinet These are all the Passages in which the Church is concerned this Year The Forreign Negotiations were important For now the ballance began to turn to the French side therefore the Council resolved to mediate a Peace between the French and the Emperor The Emperor had sent over an Ambassador in September last year to desire the King would consider the danger in which Flanders was now by the French Kings having Metz with the other Towns in Lorrain which did in a great measure divide it from the assistance of the Empire and therefore moved that according to the ancient League between England and the House of Burgundy they would enter into a new League with him Upon this occasion the Reader will find how the Secretaries of State bred the King to the understanding of business with relation to the Studies he was then about for Secretary Cecil set down all the Arguments for and against that League with little Notes on the Margent relating to such Topicks from whence he brought them King Edwards Remains Number 5. by which it seems the King was then learning Logick It is the fifth of those Papers after his Journal It was resolved on to send Sir John Morison A Treaty with the Emperor with Instructions to complement the Emperor upon his coming into Flanders and to make an offer of the Kings assistance against the Turks who had made great Depredations that year both in Hungary Italy and Sicily If the Emperor should upon that complain of the French King and say that he had brought in the Turks and should have asked assistance against him he was to move the Emperor to send over an Ambassador to treat about it since he that was then Resident in England was not very acceptable These Instructions which are in the Collection were Signed in September Collection Number 57. but not made use of till January this year And then new Orders were sent to propose the King to be a Mediator between France and the Emperor Upon which the Bishop of Norwich and Sir Phil. Hobbey were sent over to joyn with Sir John Morison and Sir William Pickering and Sir Tho. Chaloner were sent into France In May the Emperor fell sick and the English Ambassadors could learn nothing certainly concerning him but then the Queen of Hungary and the Bishop of Arras treated with them The Bishop of Arras complained that the French had begun the War had taken the Emperors Ships at Barcelona had robbed his Subjects at Sea had stirred up the Princes of Germany against him had taken some of the Towns of the Empire from him while the French Ambassadors were all the while swearing to the Emperor that their Master intended nothing so much as to preserve the Peace so that now although the French were making several Overtures for Peace they could give no credit to any thing that came from them In fine the Queen and Bishop of Arras promised the English Ambassadors to let the Emperor know of the Kings offering himself to mediate and afterwards told them that the Emperor delayed giving answer till he were well enough to do it himself On the 26th of May the Ambassadors writ over that there was a Project sent them out of Germany of an Alliance between the Emperor Ferdinand King of the Romans the King of England and the Princes of the Empire They did not desire that the King should offer to come into it of his own accord but John Frederick of Saxe would move Ferdinand to invite the King into it This way they thought would give least jealousie They hoped the Emperor would easily agree to the Conditions that related to the Peace of Germany since he was now out of all hopes of making himself Master of it The Princes neither loved nor trusted him but loved his Brother and relied much on England But the Emperor having proposed that the Netherlands should be included in the perpetual League of the Empire they would not agree to that unless the Quota's of their Contribution were much changed for these Provinces were like to be the Seats of Wars therefore they would not engage for their defence but upon reciprocal advantages and easie terms When the English Ambassadors in the Court of France desired to know on what terms a Peace might be mediated they found they were much exalted with their success so that as they writ over on the first of May they demanded the restitution of Millan and the Kingdoms of Sicily Naples and Navarre the Sovereignty of Flanders Artois and the Town of Tournay they would also have Siena to be restored to its liberty and Metz Toul and Verdun to continue under the Protection of France These terms the Council thought so unreasonable that though they writ them over as News to their Ambassadors in Flandars yet they charged them not to propose them But the Queen of Hungary asked them what Propositions they had for a Peace knowing already what they were and from thence studied to inflame the Ambassadors since it appeared how little the French regarded their Mediation or the Peace of Christendome when they asked such high and extravagant things upon a little success On the 9th of June the Emperor ordered the Ambassadors to be brought into his Bed-Chamber whither they were carried by the Queen of Hungary He looked pale and lean but his Eyes were lively and his Speech clear They made him a Complement upon his Sickness which he returned with another for their long attendance Upon the matter of their Embassy he said the King of France had begun the War and must likewise begin the Propositions of Peace But he accepted of the Kings Offer very kindly and said They should always find in him great inclinations to a just Peace On the first of July the Council writ to their Ambassadors First assuring them that the King was still alive and they hoped he should recover they told them they did not find that the French would offer any other terms than those formerly made and
present and he somewhat sharply asked them Why they had not prepared the Book as he had ordered them They answered That what ever they did would be of no force without a Parliament The King said He intended to have one shortly Then Mountague proposed that it might be delayed till the Parliament met But the King said He would have it first done and then ratified in Parliament and therefore he required them on their Allegiance to go about it and some Counsellors told them if they refused to obey that they were Traitors This put them in a great consternation and old Mountague thinking it could not be Treason what ever they did in this matter while the King lived and at worst that a Pardon under the Great Seal would secure him consented to set about it if he might have a Commission requiring him to do it and a Pardon under the Great Seal when it was done Both these being granted him he was satisfied The other Judges But through fear all yielded except Judge Hales being asked if they would concur did all agree being overcome with fear except Gosnald who still refused to do it But he also being sorely threatned both by the Duke of Northumberland and the Earl of Shrewsbury consented to it the next day So they put the Entail of the Crown in Form of Law and brought it to the Lord Chancellor to put the Seal to it They were all required to set their Hands to it but both Gosnald and Hales refused Yet the former was wrought on to do it but the latter though a most steady and zealous Man for the Reformation would upon no consideration yield to it After that the Lord Chancellor for his Security desired that all the Counsellors might set their Hands to it which was done on the 21st of June by thirty three of them it is like including the Judges in the Number But Cranmer as he came seldom to Council after the Duke of Somersets Fall so he was that day absent on design Cecil in a Relation which he made one write of this Transaction for clearing himself afterwards says That when he had heard Gosnald and Hales declare how much it was against Law he refused to set his Hand to it as a Counsellor and that he only Signed as a Witness to the Kings Subscription But Cranmer still refused to do it after they had all Signed it and said he would never consent to the disinheriting of the Daughters of his late Master Many Consultations were had to perswade him to it Cranmer was very hardly brought to consent to it But he could not be prevailed on till the King himself set on him who used many Arguments from the danger Religion would otherwise be in together with other Perswasions so that by his Reasons or rather Importunities at last he brought him to it But whether he also used that distinction of Cecils that he did it as a Witness and not as a Counsellor I do not know but it seems probable that if that liberty was allowed the one it would not be denied the other The Kings sickness becomes desperate But though the setling this business gave the King great content in his mind yet his Distemper rather encreased than abated so that the Physicians had no hope of his recovery Upon which a confident Woman came and undertook his Cure if he might be put into her Hands This was done and the Physicians were put from him upon this pretence that they having no hopes of his recovery in a desperate Case desperate Remedies were to be used This was said to be the Duke of Northumberlands advice in particular and it encreased the Peoples jealousie of him when they saw the King grow very sensibly worse every day after he came under the Womans care which becoming so plain she was put from him and the Physicians were again sent for and took him into their charge But if they had small hopes before they had none at all now Death thus hastening on him the Duke of Northumberland who knew he had done but half his work except he had the Kings Sisters in his Hands got the Council to write to them in the Kings Name inviting them to come and keep him company in his sickness But as they were on the way on the sixth of July his Spirits and Body were so sunk that he found death approaching and so he composed himself to die in a most devout manner His whole exercise was in short Prayers and Ejaculations The last that he was heard to use was in these words Lord God deliver me out of this miserable and wretched Life His last Prayer and take me among thy Chosen Howbeit not my Will but thine be done Lord I commit my Spirit to thee O Lord thou knowest how happy it were for me to be with thee yet for thy Chosens sake send me Life and Health that I may truly serve thee O my Lord God bless my People and save thine Inheritance O Lord God save thy chosen People of England O Lord God defend this Realm from Papistry and maintain thy true Religion that I and my People may praise thy Holy Name for Jesus Christ his sake Seeing some about him he seemed troubled that they were so near and had heard him but with a pleasant countenance he said he had been praying to God And soon after the Pangs of death coming on him he said to Sir Henry Sidney who was holding him in his Arms I am faint Lord have mercy on me and receive my Spirit and so he breathed out his Innocent Soul The Duke of Northumberland according to Cecils Relation intended to have concealed his death for a fortnight but it could not be done His Death and Character Thus died King Edward the sixth that incomparable young Prince He was then in the sixteenth Year of his Age and was counted the wonder of that Time He was not only learned in the Tongues and other Liberal Sciences but knew well the State of his Kingdom He kept a Book in which he writ the Characters that were given him of all the chief Men of the Nation all the Judges Lord-Lieutenants and Justices of the Peace over England in it he had marked down their way of living and their zeal for Religion He had studied the matter of the Mint with the Exchange and value of Money so that he understood it well as appears by his Journal He also understood Fortification and designed well He knew all the Harbours and Ports both of his own Dominions and of France and Scotland and how much Water they had and what was the way of coming in to them He had acquired great knowledge in Forreign Affairs so that he talked with the Ambassadors about them in such a manner that they filled all the World with the highest opinion of him that was possible which appears in most of the Histories of that Age. He had great quickness of apprehension and
being mistrustful of his memory used to take Notes of almost every thing he heard he writ these first in Greek Characters that those about him might not understand them and afterwards writ them out in his Journal He had a Copy brought him of every thing that passed in Council which he put in a Chest and kept the Key of that always himself In a word the natural and acquired perfections of his mind were wonderful but his Vertues and true Piety were yet more extraordinary He was such a Friend to Justice that though he loved his Unkle the Duke of Somerset much yet when he was possessed of a belief of his designing to murder his Fellow-Councellors he was alienated from him and being then but fourteen it was no wonder if that was too easily infused in him His chief Favourite was Barnaby Fitz-Patrick to whom he writ many Letters and Instructions when he sent him to be bred in France In one of his Letters to him he writ That he must not think to live like an Ambassador but like a private Gentleman who was to be advanced as he should deserve it He allowed him to keep but four Servants he charged him to follow the company of Gentlemen rather than of Ladies that he should not be superfluous in his Apparel that he should go to the Campagne and observe well the Conduct of Armies and the Fortification of strong Places and let the King know always when he needed Money and he would supply him All these with many other directions the King writ with his own Hand and at his return to let him see he intended to raise him by degrees he gave him a Pension only of 150 Pound This Fitz-Patrick did afterwards fully answer the opinion this young King had of him He was bred up with him in his Learning and as it is said had been his whipping Boy who according to the Rule of educating our Princes was always to be whipt for the Kings faults He was afterwards made by Queen Elizabeth Baron of Upper Ossory in Ireland which was his Native Country King Edward was tender and compassionate in a high measure so that he was much against the taking away the Lives of Hereticks and therefore said to Cranmer when he perswaded him to Sign the Warrant for the burning of Joan of Kent that he was not willing to do it because he thought that was to send her quick to Hell He expressed great tenderness to the miseries of the Poor in his sickness as hath been already shewn He took particular care of the Sutes of all poor Persons and gave Dr. Cox special charge to see that their Petitions were speedily answered and used oft to consult with him how to get their matters set forward He was an exact keeper of his word and therefore as appears by his Journal was most careful to pay his Debts and to keep his credit knowing that to be the chief Nerve of Government since a Prince that breaks his Faith and loses his Credit has thrown up that which he can never recover and made himself liable to perpetual distrusts and extream contempt He had above all things a great regard to Religion He took Notes of such things as he heard in Sermons which more specially concerned himself and made his measures of all Men by their zeal in that matter This made him so set on bringing over his Sister Mary to the same Perswasions with himself that when he was pressed to give way to her having Mass he said That he would not only hazard the loss of the Emperors friendship but of his Life and all he had in the World rather than consent to what he knew was a sin and he cited some Passages of Scripture that obliged Kings to root out Idolatry by which he said he was bound in Conscience not to consent to her Mass since he believed it was Idolatry and did argue the matter so learnedly with the Bishops that they left him being amazed at his knowledge in Divinity So that Cranmer took Cheek by the Hand upon it and said He had reason all the days of his Life to rejoyce that God had honoured him to breed such a Scholar All Men who saw and observed these qualities in him looked on him as one raised by God for most extraordinary ends and when he died concluded that the sins of England must needs be very great that had provoked God to take from them a Prince under whose Government they were like to have seen such blessed times He was so affable and sweet natured that all had free access to him at all times by which he came to be most universally beloved and all the high things that could be devised were said by the People to express their esteem of him The Fable of the Phoenix pleased most so they made his Mother one Phoenix and him another rising out of her Ashes But graver Men compared him to Josiah and long after his death I find both in Letters and Printed Books they commonly named him Our Josias others called him Edward the Saint A Prince of such qualities so much esteemed and loved could not but be much lamented at his death and this made those of the Reformation abhor the Duke of Northumberland who they suspected had hastened him to such an untimely end which contributed as much as any thing to the establishing of Queen Mary on the Throne for the People reckoned none could be so unworthy to govern as those who had poisoned so worthy a Prince and so kind a Master I find nothing of opening his Body for giving satisfaction about that which brought him to his end though his lying unburied till the eighth of August makes it probable that he was opened But indeed the sins of England did at this time call down from Heaven heavy Curses on the Land They are sadly expressed in a Discourse that Ridley writ soon after under the Title of the Lamentation of England he says Lechery Oppression Pride Covetousness and a hatred and scorn of Religion were generally spread among all People chiefly those of the higher Rank Cranmer and he had been much disliked the former for delivering his Conscience so freely on the Duke of Somersets death and both of them for opposing so much the rapine and spoil of the Goods of the Church which was done without Law or Order Nor could they engage any to take care of relieving the Poor except only Dobbs who was then Lord Major of London These sins were openly preached against by Latimer Lever Bradford and Knox who did it more severely and by others who did it plainly though more softly One of the main causes Ridley gives of all these evils was that many of the Bishops and most of the Clergy being all the while Papists in Heart who had only complied to preserve their Benefices took no care of their Parishes and were rather well pleased that things were ill managed And of this that good Bishop
had been long very apprehensive when he considered the sins then prevailing and the Judgments which they had reason to look for as will appear by an excellent Letter which he sent about to his Clergy to set them on to such Duties as so sad a Prospect required It will be found in the Collection Collection Number 58. and though it belongs to the former Year yet I choose rather to bring it in on this occasion These things having been fully laid open in the former parts of this Work I shall not insist on them here having mentioned them only for this cause that the Reader may from hence gather what we may still expect if we continue guilty of the same or worse sins after all that illumination and knowledge with which we have been so long blest in these Kingdoms The END of the First BOOK MARIA ANGLIAE HISPANIAE ct REGINA R. White sculp Nata 18 Feb 1516 Regnare cepit 6. to HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE Julij 1553. Obijt 17.mo Novemb 1558 Printed for Richard Chiswell at the Rose and Crowne in S. t Pauls Church yard BOOK II. THE LJFE AND REIGN OF Queen MARY UPon the Death of King Edward the Crown devolved 1553. Q. Mary succeeds but is in great danger according to King Henry's Will and the Act of Parliament made in the 35th Year of his Reign on his Eldest Sister the now Queen Mary She was on her way to London in obedience to the Letters that had been writ to her to come and comfort her Brother in his Sickness and was come within half a days Journey of the Court when she received an Advertisement from the Earl of Arundel that her Brother was dead together with an account of what was done about the Succession The Earl also informed her that the King's Death was concealed on design to entrap her before she knew of it and therefore he advised her to retire Upon this she knowing that the Duke of Northumberland was much hated in Norfolk for the great slaughter he had made of the Rebels when he subdued them in the third Year of the last Reign And retires to Suffolk therefore chose to go that way to the Castle of Framlingham in Suffolk Which Place being near the Sea she might if her Designs should miscarry have an opportunity from thence to fly over to the Emperor that was then in Flanders At London it seems the whole Business of setting up the Lady Jane had been carried very secretly since if Queen Mary had heard any hint of it she had certainly kept out of the way and not adventured to have come so near the Town It was an unaccountable Error in the Party for the Lady Jane that they had not immediately after the Seal was put to the Letters Patents or at furthest presently after the King's Death sent some to make sure of the King's Sisters instead of which they thus lingred hoping they would have come into their Toils in an easier and less violent way On the 8th of July they writ to the English Ambassadors at Brussels the news of the King's Death but said nothing of the Succession On the 9th of July they perceived the King's Death was known for Queen Mary writ to to them She writes to the Council from Kenning-Hall that she understood the King her Brother was dead which how sorrowful it was to her God only knew to whose Will she did humbly submit her Will. The Provision of the Crown to her after his Death she said was well known to them all but she thought it strange that he being three days dead she had not been advertised of it by them She knew what Consultations were against her and what Engagements they had entred into but was willing to take all their Doings in good part and therefore did give Pardon for all that was past to such as would accept of it and required them to proclaim her Title to the Crown in London Upon this Letter they saw the death of the King could no longer be concealed so the Duke of Suffolk and the Duke of Northumberland went to Durham-House where the Lady Jane lay to give her notice of her being to succeed to the Crown in the room of the deceased King She received the News with great sorrow for King Edward's Death Who declare for the Lady Jane which was not at all lessened but rather encreased by that other part of their Message concerning her being to succeed him Lady Jane's Character She was a Lady that seemed indeed born for a great Fortune for as she was a beautiful and graceful Person so she had great Parts and greater Vertues Her Tutor was Dr. Elmer believed to be the same that was afterwards made Bishop of London by Queen Elizabeth She had learned from him the Latin and Greek Tongues to great â—erfection so that being of the same Age with the late King she seeâ—ed superior to him in those Languages And having acquired the helps of Knowledg she spent her time much in the study of it Roger Ascham Tutor to the Lady Elizabeth coming once to wait on her at her Father's House in Leicestershire found her reading Plato's Works in Greek when all the rest of the Family were hunting in the Park He asked her How she could be absent from such pleasant Diversions She answered The Pastimes in the Park were but a shadow to the delight she had in reading Plato's Phedon which then lay open before her and added That she esteemed it one of the greatest Blessings that God ever gave her that she had sharp Parents and a gentle School-master which made her take delight in nothing so much as in her Study She read the Scriptures much and had attained great knowledg in Divinity But with all these Advantages of Birth and Parts she was so humble so gentle and pious that all People both admired and loved her and none more than the late King She had a Mind wonderfully raised above the World and at the Age wherein others are but imbibing the Notions of Philosophy she had attained to the practice of the highest Precepts of it She was neither lifted up with the hope of a Crown nor cast down when she saw her Palace made afterwards her Prison but carried her self with an equal temper of Mind in those great inequalities of Fortune that so suddenly exalted and depressed her All the Passion she expressed in it was that which is of the noblest sort and is the indication of tender and generous Natures being much affected with the Troubles her Father and Husband fell in on her account The mention of the Crown when her Father with her Father-in-Law saluted her Queen did rather heighten her disorder upon the King's Death She said She knew by the Laws of the Kingdom Her unwillingness to accept of the Crown and by natural Right the Crown was to go to the King's Sisters so that she was
afraid of burdening her Conscience by assuming that which belonged to them and that she was unwilling to enrich her self by the spoils of others But they told her all that had been done was according to the Law to which all the Judges and Counsellors had set their Hands This joined with their Persuasions and the Importunities of her Husband who had more of his Fathers temper than of her Philosophy in him at length prevailed with her to submit to it Of which her Father-in-Law did afterwards say in Council She was rather by enticement of the Counsellors and force made to accept of the Crown then came to it by her own seeking and request Upon this order was given for proclaiming her Queen the next day And an Answer was writ to Queen Mary signed by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the Lord Chancellor the Dukes of Suffolk and Northumberland the Marquesses of Winchester and Northampton the Earls of Arundel Shrewsbury Huntington Bedford and Pembrook the Lords Cobham and Darcy Sir Thomas Cheyney Sir Robert Cotton Sir William Petre Sir William Cecil Sir John Cheek Sir John Mason Sir Edward North and Sir Robert Bowes in all one and twenty Council writes to Q. Mary letting her know That Queen Jane was now their Soveraign according to the Ancient Laws of the Land and the late King's Letters Patents to whom they were now bound by their Allegiance They told her That the Marriage between her Father and Mother was dissolved by the Ecclesiastical Courts according to the Laws of God and of the Land That many noble Universities in Christendom had consented to it That the Sentence had been confirmed in Parliaments and she had been declared illegitimate and uninheritable to the Crown They therefore required her to give over her Pretences and not to disturb the Government and promised that if she shewed her self Obedient she should find them all ready to do her any Service which in Duty they could The day following they proclaimed Queen Jane Lady Jane proclaimed Queen Collection Number 1. The Proclamation will be found in the Collection It sets forth That the late King had by his Letters Patents limited the Crown that it should not descend to his two Sisters since they were both illegitimated by Sentences in the Spiritual Courts and Acts of Parliament and were only his Sisters by the Half-Blood who though it were granted they had been legitimate are not inheritable by the Law of England It was added That there was also great cause to fear that the King's Sisters might marry Strangers and so change the Laws of the Kingdom and subject it to the Tyranny of the Bishops of Rome and other Forreign Laws For these Reasons they were excluded from the Succession and the Lady Frances Dutchess of Suffolk being next the Crown it was provided that if she had no Sons at the death of the King the Crown should devolve immediately on her eldest Daughter Jane and after her and her Issue to her Sisters since she was born within the Kingdom and already married in it Therefore she was proclaimed Queen promising to be most benign and gracious to all her People to maintain God's Holy Word and the Laws of the Land requiring all the Subjects to obey and acknowledg her When this was proclaimed great multitudes were gathered to hear it but there were very few that shouted with the Acclamations ordinary on such Occasions And whereas a Vintner's Boy did some-way express his scorn at that which was done it was ordered that he should be made an Example the next day by being set on a Pillory and having his Ears nail'd to it and cut off from his Head which was accordingly done a Herauld in his Coat reading to the multitude that was called together by sound of Trumpet the nature of his Offence Censures past upon it Upon this all People were in great distraction The Proclamation opening the new Queen's Title came to be variously descanted on Some who thought the Crown descended by right of Blood and that it could not be limited by Parliament argued that the King having his Power from God it was only to descend in the natural way of Inheritance therefore they thought the next Heir was to succeed And whereas the King 's two Sisters were both by several Sentences and Acts of Parliament declared Bastards and whether that was well judged or not they were to be reputed such as the Law declared them to be so long as it stood in force therefore they held that the Queen of Scotland was to succeed who though she pretended this upon Queen Mary's Death yet did not claim now because by the Papal Law the Sentence against Queen Mary was declared Null Others argued that though a Prince were named by an immediate appointment from Heaven yet he might change the course of Succession as David did preferring Solomon before Adonijah But this it was said did not belong to the King 's of England whose right to the Crown with the extent of their Prerogative did not come from any Divine Designation but from a long Possession and the Laws of the Land and that therefore the King might by Law limit the Succession as well as he and other Kings had in some Points limited the Prerogative which was clearly Sir Thomas More 's Opinion and that therefore the Act of Parliament for the Succession of the King's Sisters was still strong in Law It was also said That if the Kinâ—'â— Sisters were to be excluded for Bastardy all Charles Brandon's Issue were in the same predicament since he was not lawfully married to the French Queen his former Wife Mortimer being then alive and his Marriage with her was never dissolved for though some English Writers say they were divorced yet those who wrote for the Queen of Scots Title in the next Reign denied it But in this the difference was great between them since the King's Sisters were declared Bastards in Law whereas this against Charles Brandon's Issue was only a Surmise Others objected That if the Blood gave an Indefeasible Title How came it that the L. Jane's Mother did not Reign It is true Maud the Empress and Margaret Countess of Richmond were satisfied that their Sons Henry the Second and Henry the Seventh should reign in their Rights but it had never been heard of that a Mother had resigned to her Daughter especially when she was yet under Age. But this was imputed to the Duke of Suffolk's weakness and the Ambition of the Duke of Northumberland That Objection concerning the Half-Blood being a Rule of Common Law in the Families of Subjects to cut off from Step-Mothers the Inclinations and Advantages of destroying their Husbands Children was not thought applicable to the Crown Nor was that of Ones being born out of the Kingdom which was hinted at to exclude the Queen of Scotland thought pertinent to this Case since there was an Exception made in the Law for the King's Children which was thought to
time To those Sir Thomas Cheney Warden of the Cinque-Ports and Sir John Mason with the two Secretaries came over It was said that the French and Spanish Ambassadors had desired an Audience in some Place in the City and it was proposed to give it in the Earl of Pembrooks House who being the least suspected it was agreed to by the Duke of Suffolk that they should be suffered to go from the Tower thither They also pretended that since the Duke of Northumberland had writ so earnestly for new Forces they must go and treat with my Lord Mayor and the City of London about it But as soon as they were got out the Earl of Arundel pressed them to declare for Queen Mary And to perswade them to it he laid open all the Cruelty of Northumberland under whose Tyranny they must resolve to be enslaved if they would not now shake it off The other consenting readily to it they sent for the Lord Mayor with the Recorder and the Aldermen and having declared their Resolutions to them they rode together into Cheapside And proclaimed her Queen and there proclaimed Queen Mary on the 19th of July From thence they went to Saint Pauls where Te Deum was sung An Order was sent to the Tower to require the Duke of Suffolk to deliver up that Place and to acknowledg Queen Mary and that the Lady Jane should lay down the Title of Queen To this as her Father submitted tamely so she expressed no sort of Concern in losing that imaginary Glory which now had for nine days been rather a Burden than any Matter of Joy to her They also sent Orders to the Duke of Northumberland to disband his Forces and to carry himself as became an Obedient Subject to the Queen And the Earl of Arundel with the Lord Paget were sent to give her an account of it who continued still at Framingham in Suffolk The Duke of Northumberland had retired back to Cambridg The Duke of Northumberland submits and is taken to stay for new Men from London but hearing how Matters went there before ever the Councils Orders came to him he dismist his Forces and went to the Market-place and proclaimed the Queen flinging up his own Hat for joy and crying God save Queen Mary But the Earl of Arundel being sent by the Queen to apprehend him it is said That when he saw him he fell abjectly at his Feet to beg his favour This was like him it being not more unusual for such Insolent Persons to be most basely sunk with their Misfortunes than to be out of measure blown up with success He was on the 25th of July sent to the Tower with the Earl of Warwick his eldest Son With many more Prisoners who were sent to the Tower of London Ambrose and Henry two of his other Sons Some other of his Friends were made Prisoners among whom was Sir Thomas Palmer the wicked Instrument of the Duke of Somerset's fall who was become his most intimate Confident and Dr. Sands the Vicechancellor of Cambridg Now did all People go to the Queen to implore her Mercy She received them all very favourably except the Marquess of Northampton Dr Ridley and Lord Robert Dudley The first of these had been a submissive fawner on the Duke of Northumberland the second had incurred her displeasure by his Sermon and she gladly laid hold on any colour to be more severe to him that way might be made for bringing Bonner to London again the third had followed his Father's Fortunes On the 27th the Lords Chief Justices Cholmley and Montague were sent to the Tower and the day after the Duke of Suffolk and Sir John Cheek went after them the Lady Jane and her Husband being still detained in the Tower Three days after an Order came to set the Duke of Suffolk at liberty upon engagement to return to Prison when the Queen required it for it was generally known that he had been driven on by Dudley and as it was believed that he had not been faulty out of Malice so his great weakness made them little apprehensive of any Dangers from him and therefore the Queen being willing to express a signal Act of Clemency at her first coming to the Crown it was thought best to let it fall on him Now did the Queen come towards London being met on the way by her Sister Elizabeth The Queen enters London with a thousand Horse who had gathered about her to shew their Zeal to maintain both their Titles which in this late contest had been linked together She made her entry to London on the third of August with great solemnity and pomp When she came to the Tower the Duke of Norfolk who had been almost seven Years in it Gardiner the Bishop of Winchester that had been five Years there the Dutchess of Somerset that had been kept there near two Years and the Lord Courtney whom she made afterwards Earl of Devonshire that was Son to the Marquess of Exeter and had been kept there ever since his Father was Attainted had their Liberty granted them So now she was peaceably setled in the Throne without any effusion of Blood having broke through a Confederacy against her which seemed to be so strong that if he that was the Head of it had not been universally odious to the Nation it could not have been so easily dissipated She was naturally pious and devout even to superstition had a generous disposition of Mind but much corrupted by Melancholy which was partly natural in her but much increased by the cross Accidents of her Life both before and after her Advancement so that she was very peevish and splenetick towards the end of her Life When the Differences became irreconcilable between her Father and Mother She had been in danger in her Father's Time she followed her Mothers Interests they being indeed her own and for a great while could not be perswaded to submit to the King who being impatient of contradiction from any but especially from his own Child was resolved to strike a terror in all his People by putting her openly to death Which her Mother coming to know writ her a Letter of a very devout strain which will be found in the Collections Coll. Numb 2. In which She encouraged her to suffer chearfully to trust to God and keep her heart clean She charged her in all things to obey the King's Commands except in the Matters of Religion She sent her two Latin Books the one of the Life of Christ which was perhaps the famous Book of Thomas a Kempis and the other St. Jerom's Letter She bid her divert her self at the Virginals or Lute but above all things to keep her self pure and to enter into no treaty of Marriage till these ill times should pass over of which her Mother seemed to retain still good hopes This Letter should have been in my former Volumn if I had then seen it but it is no improper
Place to mention it here At Court many were afraid to move the King for her both the Duke of Norfolk and Gardiner look'd on and were unwilling to hazard their own Interests to preserve her But as it was now printed And was preserv'd by Cranmer's means and both these appealed to Cranmer was the only Person that would adventure on it In his gentle way he told the King that she was young and indiscreet and therefore it was no wonder if she obstinately adhered to that which her Mother and all about her had been infusing into her for many Years but that it would appear strange if he should for this Cause so far forget he was a Father as to proceed to Extremities with his own Child that if she were separated from her Mother and her People in a little time there might be ground gained on her but to take away her Life would raise horror through all Europe against him By these means he preserved her at that time After her Mother's Death in June following she changed her note She submitted to her Father for besides the Declaration she then signed which was inserted in the former part of this Work she writ Letters of such submission as shew how expert she was at dissembling Three of these to her Father and one to Cromwell I have put in the Collection in which she Collect. Numb 3 4 5 6. with the most studied Expressions declaring her sorrow for her past stubbornness and disobedience to his most just and vertuous Laws implores his Pardon as lying prostrate at his Feet and considering his great Learning and Knowledg she puts her Soul in his Hand resolving that he should for ever thereafter direct her Conscience from which she vows she would never vary This she repeats in such tender words that it shews she could command her self to say any thing that she thought fit for her ends And when Cromwell writ to her to know what her Opinion was about Pilgrimages Purgatory and Reliques she assures him she had no Opinion at all but such as she should receive from the King who had her whole Heart in his keeping and he should imprint upon it in these and all other Matters whatever his inestimable Vertue high Wisdom and excellent Learning should think convenient for her So perfectly had she learned that stile that she knew was most acceptable to him Having copied these from the Originals I thought it not unfit to insert them that it may appear how far those of that Religion can comply when their Interest leads them to it From that time this Princess had been in all Points most exactly compliant to every thing her Father did And after his Death she never pretended to be of any other Religion than that which was established by him So that all that she pleaded for in her Brother's Reign was only the continuance of that way of Worship that was in use at her Father's Death But now being come to the Crown that would not content her yet when she thought where to fix she was distracted between two different Schemes that were presented to her On the one hand Gardiner and all that Party were for bringing Religion back to what it had been at King Henry's Death and afterward The Designs for changing Religion by slow degrees to raise it up to what it had been before his breach with the Papacy On the other hand the Queen of her own Inclination was much disposed to return immediately to the Union of the Catholick Church as she called it and it was necessary for her to do it since it was only by the Papal Authority that her Illegitimation was removed To this it was answered that all these Acts and Sentences that had passed against her might be annulled without taking any notice of the Pope Gardiner's Policy Gardiner finding these things had not such weight with her as he desired for she looked on him as a crafty temporizing Man sent over to the Emperor on whom she depended much to assure him that if he would perswade her to make him Chancellor and to put Affairs into his Hands he should order them so that every thing she had a mind to should be carried in time But Gardiner understood she had sent for Cardinal Pool so he writ to the Emperor that he knew his Zeal for the Exaltation of the Popedom would undo all therefore he pressed him to write to the Queen for moderating her heat and to stop the Cardinal 's coming over He said that Pool stood Attainted by Law so that his coming into England would allarm the Nation He observed that upon a double account they were averse to the Papacy The one was for the Church Lands which they had generally bought from the Crown on very easie terms and they would not easily part with them The other was The fear they had of Papal Dominion and Power which had been now for about 25 Years set out to the People as the most intollerable Tyranny that ever was Therefore he said it was necessary to give them some time to wear out these Prejudices and the precipitating of Councils might ruin all He gave the Emperor also secret Assurances of serving him in all his Interests All this Gardiner did the more warily because he understood that Cardinal Pool hated him as a false and deceitful Man Upon this the Emperor writ to the Queen several Letters with his own hand which is so hardly legible that it was not possible for me or some others to whom I shewed them to read them so well as to copy them out and one that was written by his Sister the Queen of Hungary and signed by him is no better but from many half Sentences I find that all was with a design to temper her that she should not make too much hast nor be too much led by Italian Counsels Upon the return of this Message the Seal which had been taken from Goodrick Bishop of Ely and put for some days in the keeping of Hare Master of the Rolls was on the 13th of August given to Gardiner who was declared Lord Chancellor of England He is made Chancellor and the conduct of Affairs was chiefly put in his hands So that now the measure of the Queen's Councils was to do every thing slowly and by such sure steps as might put them less in hazard The Duke of Northumb. and others Tried The first thing that was done was the bringing the Duke of Northumberland to his Trial. The old Duke of Norfolk was made Lord High Steward the Queen thinking it fit to put the first Character of honour on him who had suffered so much for being the Head of the Popish Party And here a subtle thing was started which had been kept a great Secret hitherto It was said the Duke of Norfolk had never been truly attainted and that the Act against him was not a true Act of Parliament so that without
any Pardon or restitution in Blood he was still Duke of Norfolk This he had never mentioned all the last Reign lest that should have procured an Act to confirm his Attainder So he came now in upon his former Right by which all the Grants that had been given of his Estate were to be declared void by Common Law The Duke of Northumberland with the Marquess of Northampton and the Earl of Warwick were brought to their Trials The Duke desired two Points might be first answered by the Judges in matter of Law The one Whether a Man acting by the Authority of the Great Seal and the Order of the Privy Council could become thereby guilty of Treason The other was Whether those who had been equally guilty with him and by whose Direction and Commands he had acted could sit his Judges To these the Judges made answer That the Great Seal of one that was not lawful Queen could give no Authority nor Indempnity to those that acted on such a Warrant and that any Peer that was not by an Attainder upon Record convicted of such accession to his Crime might sit his Judg and was not to be challenged upon a Surmise or Report So these Points by which only he could hope to have defended himself And condemned being thus determined against him he confessed he was guilty and submitted to the Queen's Mercy So did the Marquess of Northampton and the Duke's Son the Earl of Warwick who it seems by this Trial had a Writ for sitting in the House of Peers they were all three found guilty Judgment also passed next day in a Jury of Commoners against St. John Gates and his Brother Sir Humphrey Sir Andrew Dudley and Sir Thomas Palmer confessing their Indictments But of all these it was resolved that only the Duke of Northumberlrnd and Sir John Gates and Sir Thomas Palmer should be made Examples Heath Bishop of Worcester was employed to instruct the Duke and to prepare him for his Death At his Death he professes he had been always a Papist Whether he had been always in heart what he then professed or whether he only pretended it hoping that it might procure him favour is variously reported but certain it is that he said he had been always a Catholick in his Heart yet this could not save him He was known to be a Man of that temper so given both to revenge and dissimulation that his Enemies saw it was necessary to put him out of the way lest if he had lived he might have insinuated himself into the Queen's favour and then turn'd the danger upon them So the Earl of Arundel now made Lord Steward of the Houshold with others easily obtained that his Head should be cut off together with Sir John Gates's and Sir Thomas Palmers On the 22d of August he was carried to the Place of Execution On the way there was some expostulation between Gates and him They as is ordinary for Complices in ill Actions laying the blame of their Miseries on one another Yet they professed they did mutually forgive and so died in Charity together It is said that he made a long Speech accusing his former ill Life and confessing his Treasons But that part of it which concerned Religion is only preseved In it he exhorted the People to stand to the Religion of their Ancestors and to reject that of latter date which had occasioned all the misery of the foregoing thirty Years and desired as they would prevent the like for the future that they would drive out of the Nation these Trumpets of Sedition the new Preachers that for himself what-ever he had otherwise pretended he believed no other Religion than that of his fore-fathers in which he appealed to his Ghostly Father the Bishop of Worcester then present with him but being blinded with Ambition he had made wreck of his Conscience by temporising for which he professed himself sincerely penitent So did he and the other two end their days Palmer was little pittied as being believed a treacherous Conspirator against his former Master and Friend the Duke of Somerset His Character Thus died the ambitious Duke of Northumberland He had been in the former parts of his Life a great Captain and had the reputation of a wise Man He was generally successful and they that are so are always esteemed wise He was an extraordinary Man in a lower size but had forgot himself much when he was raised higher in which his Mind seemed more exalted than his Fortunes But as he was transported by his Rage and Revenge out of measure so he was as servile and mean in his Submissions Fox it seems was informed that he had hopes given him of his Life if he should declare himself to be of the Popish Religion even though his Head were laid on the Block but which way soever he made that Declaration either to get his Life by it or that he had really been always what he now professed it argued that he regarded Religion very little either in his Life or at his Death But whether he did any thing to hasten the late King's Death I do not find it was at all enquired after Only those who considered how much Guilt disorders all People and that they have a black Cloud over their Minds which appears either in the violence of Rage or the abjectness of Fear did find so great a change in his deportment in these last Passages of his Life from what was in the former parts of it that they could not but think there was some extraordinary thing within him from whence it flowed King Edwards Funeral And for King Edward's Death those who had Affairs now in their Hands were so little careful of his Memory and indeed so glad of his Death that it is no wonder they made little search about it It is rather strange that they allowed him such Funeral Rites For the Queen kept a solemn Exequie with all the other Remembrances of the Dead and Masses for him used in the Roman Church at the Tower on the 8th of August the same day that he was buried at Westminster the Lord Treasurer who was the Marquess of Winchester still continued in that Trust the Earls of Shrewsbury and Pembrook being the principal Mourners Day that was now to be restored to his See of Chichester was appointed to preach the Funeral Sermon In which he commended and excused the King but loaded his Government severely and extolled the Queen much under vvhom he promised the People happy days It was intended that all the Burial Rites should have been according to the old Forms that were before the Reformation But Cranmer opposed this vigorously and insisted upon it That as the King himself had been a zealous promoter of that Reformation so the English Service was then established by Law upon this he stoutly hindred any other way of officiating and himself performed all the Offices of the Burial to which he joined the solemnity
the hope of that relief and comfort that Soul-Masses might bring them in Purgatory would prevail with many of them to make at least great if not entire Restitutions This Point being carried by those who did not understand what future danger their Estates were in but considered the present Confirmation and the other Advantages which they were to have for consenting to this Act all the rest passed with no opposition The Act about the proceeding against Hereticks passed more easily than any thing that had been proposed So it seems the opposition that was made to other Acts came not from any that favoured the Reformation otherwise this would have found some resistance But now it was the only way to the Queen's Favour and to Preferment to run down that which was called Heresy Consultations about the way of dealing with Hereticks After the Dissolution of the Parliament the first thing taken into consideration was what way to proceed against the Hereticks Cardinal Pool had been suspected to favour the Protestants but seemed now to be much alienated from them and therefore when Tremellius who had declared himself a Protestant came to him at Brussels he would not see him though he was his God-father He came over into England much changed from that freedom of Conversation he had formerly practised he was in reserves to all People spoke little and had put on an Italian Temper as well as behaviour he brought over two Italians Priuli and Ormaneto who were his only Confidents He was a Man of a generous and good disposition but knew how jealous the Court of Rome would be of him if he seemed to favour Hereticks therefore he expressed great detestation of them Nor did he converse much with any that had been of that Party but the late Secretary Cecil who though he lived for the most part privatly at his House near Stamford where he afterwards built a most sumptuous House and was known to favour the Reformation still in his Heart yet in many things he complied with the Time and came to have more of his confidence than any English Man The Cardinal professed himself an Enemy to extream Proceedings The Cardinal is for moderate Courses He said Pastors ought to have Bowels even to their straying Sheep Bishops were Fathers and ought to look on those that erred as their sick Children and not for that to kill them He had seen that severe Proceedings did rather inflame than cure that Disease There was a great difference to be made between a Nation uninfected where some few Teachers came to spread Errors and a Nation that had been over-run with them both Clergy and Laity The People were not so violently to be drawn back but were to have time given them to recover out of those Errors into which they had been led by the Compliance and Writings of their Prelats Therefore he proposed that there should be a strict Reformation of the Manners of the Clergy carried on He had observed in every Country of Christendom that all the best and wisest Men acknowledged that the Scandals and Ignorance of the Clergy had given the entrance to Heresy So he moved that there might be a reviving of the Rules of the Primitive Church and then within a little time Men might by degrees be brought over I have not found that he proposed the receiving the Council of Trent which is the more strange since he had been himself one of the Legats at the first Session of it but it seems it was not thought seasonable to propose it till the Council were first ended and dissolved On the other hand Gardiner But Gardiner is for violent ones who had no great sense of Ecclesiastical Matters but as they served Intrigues of State and being himself of such a temper that severe Proceedings wrought much on him judged that the executing the Laws against the Lollards was that in which they were chiefly to trust He was confident the Preachers then in Prison were Men of such tempers that if they saw they were to be burnt they would comply or if they stood out and were burnt that would so terrify the rest that the whole Nation would soon change He remembred well how the Lollards grew in England only upon Cardinal Wolsey's slackning the execution of the Laws against them And upon the passing of the Statute of the Six Articles many submitted so that if King Henry had not discouraged the vigorous execution of that Act all had turned He did not deny but a Reformation of the Clergy was a good and fit mean but said that all Times could not bear such things and if they went to reform their Manners the Hereticks would from thence take advantage of raising clamours against a scandalous Clergy which would encrease rather than lessen the aversion the People had to their Pastors So Gardiner complained that Pool by his intention of coming over too hastily had almost precipitated all things and now by his gentle proceedings would as much prejudice them another way All these Reasonings were such as became a Man of Gardiner's temper which being servile and abject made him measure others by himself He was also at this time highly provoked by the reprinting of his Books of True Obedience which he had writ in the Time of King Henry and to which Bonner had made the Preface In these Books Gardiner had not only argued against the Pope's Supremacy and for the Kings but had condemned the King's Marriage with Queen Katherine calling it often incestuous and unlawful and had justified the King's Divorcing her and marrying his most godly and vertuous Wife Queen Ann. This being reprinted in Strasburg was now conveighed into England and it was acknowledged to be a handsome piece of Spite in the reformed thus to expose him to the World But though this netled him much yet he was confident enough and excused himself that he had erred through fear and weakness as St. Peter had done though it was an unreasonable thing to compare an Error of near thirty Years continuance to the sudden denial of St. Peter that was presently expiated with so true and sincere a Repentance To which the Queen inclined Between these two Councils the Queen would have a mean way taken to follow both in part She encouraged Pool to go on in the correcting the Manners of the Clergy and likewise pressed Gardiner to proceed against the Hereticks She also sent Ambassadors to Rome who were the Viscount Montacute the Bishop of Ely and Sir Edward Carn one to represent every State of the Kingdom to make her Obedience to the Pope and to obtain a Confirmation of all those Graces Cardinal Pool had granted in his Name 1555. On the 23d of January all the Bishops went to Lambeth to receive the Cardinal's Blessing and Directions He wished them to return to their Cures and treat their Flocks with all gentleness and to endeavour rather to gain them that way than to use
delivery of it This being put on Pool he went into the Pulpit and made a cold Sermon about the Beginning the Use and the Matter of the Pall without either Learning or Eloquence The Subject could admit of no Learning and for Eloquence though in his younger days when he writ against King Henry his Stile was too luxuriant and florid yet being afterwards sensible of his excess that way he turned as much to the other Extream and cutting off all the Ornaments of Speech he brought his Stile to a flatness that had neither life nor beauty in it Some more Religious Houses endowed All the Business of England this Year was the raising of Religious Houses Greenwich was begun with last Year The Queen also built a House for the Dominicans in Smithfield and another for the Franciscans and they being Begging Orders these Endowments did not cost much At Sion near Brainford there had been a Religious House of Women of the Order of St. Bridget That House was among the first that had been dissolved by King Henry the eighth as having harboured the Kings Enemies and been Complices to the Business of the Maid of Kent The Queen a-new Founded a Nunnery there She also Founded a House for the Carthusians at Sheen near Richmond in gratitude to that Order for their Sufferings upon her Mothers account From these she went to a greater Foundation but that which cost her less for she suppressed the Deanry and the Cathedral of Westminster and in September this Year turned it into a Monastery and made Fecknam Dean of Pauls the first Abbot of it I have not met with her Foundation of it which perhaps was razed out of the Records in the beginning of Queen Elizabeths Reign for it is not enrolled among the other Patents of this Year But on the 23d of September she gave Warrants for Pensions to be paid to the Prebends of Westminster till they were otherwise provided and about that time Fecknam was declared Abbot though the solemn Installment of him and fourteen other Monks with him was not done till the 21st of November There had been many Searches and Discoveries made in the former Reign of great disorders in these Houses All the former Records concerning them are razed and at the dissolution of them many had made Confession of their ill Lives and gross Superstition all which were laid up and Recorded in the Augmentation Office There had been also in that state of things which they now called The late Schism many Professions made by the Bishops and Abbots and other Religious Men of their renouncing the Popes Authority and acknowledging the Kings Supremacy therefore it was moved that all these should be gathered together and destroyed So on the 23d of September theâ—e was a Commission granted to Bonner and Cole the new Dean of Pauls in Fecknams room and Dr. Martin to search all Registers to find out both the Professions made against the Pope and the Scrutinies made in Abbies which as the Commission that is in the Collection Collection Number 29. sets forth tended to the subversion of all good Religion and Religious Houses These they were to gather and carry to the Cardinal that they might be disposed of as the Queen should give order It is not upon Record how they executed this Commission but the effects of it appear in the great defectiveness of the Records in many things of consequence which are razed and lost This was a new sort of Expurgation by which they intended to leave as few foot-steps to Posterity as â—hey could of what had been formerly done Their care of their own credits led them to endeavour to suppress the many Declarations themselves had formerly made both against the See of Rome the Monastick Orders and many of the old Corruptions which they had disclaimed But many things escaped their diligence as may appear by what I have already Collected and considering the pains they were at in vitiating Registers and destroying Records I hope the Reader will not think it strange if he meets with many defects in this Work In this Search they not only took away what concerned themselves but every collateral thing that might inform or direct the following Ages how to imitate those Precedents and therefore among other Writings the Commission that Cromwell had to be Vice-gerent was destroyed but I have since that time met with it in a Copy that was in the Cotton Library which I have put in the Collection Collection Number 30. How far this resembled the endeavours that the Heathens used in the last and hotest Persecution to burn all the Registers of the Church I leave to the Reader The Abbey of Westminster being thus set up some of the Monks of Glassenbury who were yet alive were put into it And all the rest of the old Monks that had been turned out of Glaslenbury Endeavours to raise the Abbey of Glassenbury and who had not married since were invited to return to this Monastery They began to contrive how to raise their Abbey again which was held the Ancientest and was certainly the richest in England and therefore they moved the Queen and the Cardinal that they might have the House and Site restored and repaired and they would by Labour and Husbandry maintain themselves not doubting but the People of the Country would be ready to contribute liberally to their subsistence The Queen and Cardinal liked the Proposition well so the Monks wrote to the Lord Hastings then Lord Chamberlain to put the Queen in mind of it and to follow the Business till it were brought to a good Issue which would be a great Honour to the Memory of Joseph of Arimathea who lay there whom they did heartily beseech to pray to Christ for good success to his Lordship This Letter I have put in the Collection Collection Number 31. copied from the Original What followed upon it I cannot find It is probable the Monks of other Houses made the like endeavours and every one of them could find some rare thing belonging to their House which seemed to make it the more necessary to raise it speedily These of St. Albans could say the first Martyr of England lay in their Abbey those of St. Edmundbury had a King that was Martyred by the Heathen Danes those of Battel could say they were Founded for the remembrance of William the Conquerors Victory from whence the Queen derived her Crown and those of St. Austins in Canterbury had the Apostle of England laid in their Church In short they were all in hopes to be speedily restored And though they were but few in Number and to begin upon a small Revenue yet as soon as the belief of Purgatory was revived they knew how to set up the old Trade a-new which they could drive with the greater advantage since they were to deal with the People by a new Motive besides the old ones formerly used that it was Sacriledge to possess the
Goods of the Church of which it had been robbed by their Ancestors But â—n this it was necessary to advance slowly since the Nobility and Gentry were much allarumed at it and at the last Parliament many had laid their Hands to their Swords in the House of Commons and said theâ— would not part with their Estates but would defend them yet some that hoped to gain more favour from the Queen by such compliance did Found Chantries for Masses for their Souls In the Records of the last Years of Queen Maries Reign there are many Warrants granted by her for such Endowments for though the Statute of Mortmain was repealed yet for greater security it was thought fit to take out such Licenses This is all I find of our home Affairs this Year Forreign Affairs Forreign Affairs were brought to a quieter state For by the Mediation of England a Truce for five Years was concluded between France and Spain and the new King of Spain was inclined to observe it faithfully that so he might be well setled in his Kingdoms before he engaged in War but the violent Pope broke all this He was much offended with the Decree made at Ausburg for the liberty of Religion and with Ferdinand for ordering the Chalice to be given to his Subjects and chiefly for his assuming the Title of Emperor without his approbation Upon this last provocation the Pope sent him word that he would let him know to his grief how he had offended him He came to talk in as haughty a Stile as any of all his Predecessors had ever done that he would change Kingdoms at his pleasure He boasted that he had made Ireland a Kingdom The Pope is extravagantly insolent that all Princes were under his Feet and as he said that he used to tread with his Feet against the ground and he would allow no Prince to be his Companion nor be too familiar with him nay rather than be driven to a mean Action he would set the whole World on fire But to pretend to do somewhat for a Reformation he appointed a Congregation to gather some Rules for the condemning of Simony These he published and said having now reformed his own Court he would next reform the Courts of Princes and because they had complained much of the corruptions of the Clergy and Court of Rome he resolved to turn the matter on them and said he would gather all the abuses that were in their Courts and reform them But he was much provoked by an Embassy that came from Poland to desire of him that they might have the Mass in their own Tongue and the Communion in both kinds that their Priests might be allowed to marry that they might pay Annates no more to Rome and call a National Council in their own Kingdom These things put him out of all patience and with all the bitterness he could use he expressed how detestable they were to him He then said he would hold a Council not that he needed one for himself was above all but it should never meet in Trent to which it had been a vain thing to send about sixty Bishops of the least able and forty Doctors of the most insufficient as had been twice done already that he would hold it in the Lateran as many of his Predecessors had done he gave notice of this to the Ambassadors of all Princes he said he did that only in curtesie not intending to ask their advice or consent for he would be obeyed by them all He intended in this Council to reform them and their Courts and to discharge all Impositions which they had laid on the Clergy and therefore he would call it whether they would or not and if they sent no Prelates to it he would hold it with those of his own Court and would let the World see what the Authority of that See was when it had a Pope of courage to govern it But after all these Imperious humors of his He breaks the Truce between France and Spain absolving the French King from his Oath which sometimes carried him to excesses that seemed not much different from madness he was heartily troubled at the Truce between the French and the Spaniards He hates the Spaniards most because they supported the Colonesi whom he designed to ruine And therefore he sent his Nephew into France with a Sword and Hat which he had Consecrated to perswade the King to break the Truce offering his assistance for the Conquest of the Kingdom of Naples to the use of one of the younger Sons of France though it was believed he designed it for his own Nephew He also sent the French King an Absolution from his Oath that he had sworn for the maintaining of the Truce and promised to create what Cardinals he pleased that so he might be sure of a Creature of his own to succeed in the Popedom Yet the Pope dissembled his design in this so closely that he perswaded Sir Edward Caru that was then the Queens Ambassador at Rome that he desired nothing so much as a general Peace and he hoped as the Queen had mediated in the Truce she would continue her endeavours till a perfect Peace were made He said he had sent two Legates to procure it and since he was the Common Father of Christendome God would impute to him even his silence in that matter if he did not all he could to obtain it He complained much of the growth of Heresie in Poland and in the King of the Romans's Dominions For the repressing of it he said he intended to have a General Council and in order to that it was necessary there should be a Peace since a Truce would not give sufficient encouragement to those who ought to come to the Council He said he intended to be present at it himself and to hold it in the Church of St. John in the Lateran for he thought Rome being the Common Country of all the World was the meetest Place for such an Assembly and he being so very old could go no where out of Rome therefore he was resolved to hold it there But he said he relied chiefly on the assistance of the Queen whom he called That Blessed Queen and his most Gracious and loving Daughter and holding her Letters in his Hand he said they were so full of respect and kindness to him that he would have them read in the Consistory and made a Cross over her Subscription It was no wonder such discourses with that way of deportment deceived so honest and plain-hearted a Man as Caru was as it will appear from the Letter that he writ over upon this occasion to the Queen Collection Number 32. which I have put in the Collection But it soon appeared on what design he had sent his Legate to France for he pressed that King vehemently to break the Truce and renew the War To this the French King being perswaded by the Cardinal of Lorrain and Duke of
a mistake in the way of it they fell in some disorder The Spaniards upon that falling on them did with the loss only of fifty of their Men gain an entire Victory 2500 were killed on the Place the whole Army was dispersed many of the first Quality were killed the Constable with many others were taken Prisoners The French King was in such a consternation upon it that he knew not which way to turn himself Now all the French cursed the Popes Counsels for he had perswaded their King to begin this War and that with a manifest breach of his Faith This Action lost the Constable that great reputation which he had acquired and preserved in a course of much success and raised the credit of the Duke of Guise who was now sent for in all hast to come with his Army out of Italy for the preservation of his own Country France indeed was never in greater danger than at that time For if King Philip had known how to have used his Success and marched on to Paris he could have met with no resistance But he sate down before St. Quintins which Coligny kept out so long till the first terror was over that so great a Victory had raised and then as the French took Heart again so the Spaniards grew less as well in strength as reputation and the English finding themselves not well used returned home into their Country As soon as the Pope heard that England had made War upon France he was not a little inflamed with it and his wrath was much heightned when he heard of the defeat at St. Quintins and that the Duke of Guise Army was recalled out of Italy by which he was exposed to the mercy of the Spaniards He now said openly they might see how little Cardinal Pool The Pope is offended with Cadrinal Pool regarded the Apostolick See when he suffered the Queen to assist their Enemies against their Friends The Pope being thus incens'd against Pool sought all ways to be revenged of him At first he made a Decree in May this Year for a General Revocation of all Legates and Nuntio's in the King of Spains Dominions and among these Cardinal Pool was mentioned with the rest But Carne understanding this went first to the Cardinals and informed them what a prejudice it would be to their Religion to recall the Cardinal while things were yet in so unsetled a state in England Of this they were all very sensible and desired him to speak to the Pope about it So in an Audience he had of him he desired a Suspension might be made of that Revocation The Pope pretended he did it in General in all the Spanish Dominions yet he promised Carne to propose it to the Congregation of the Inquisition but he was resolved not to recall it and said it did not consist with the Majesty of the Place he sate in to revoke any part of a Decree which he had solemnly given In the Congregation the Pope endeavoured to have got the Concurrence of the Cardinals but they were unwilling to joyn in it So he told Carne that though he would recall no part of his Decree yet he would give Orders that there should be no Intimation made of it to Cardinal Pool and that if the Queen writ to him to desire his Continuance in England it might be granted He also let fall some words to Carne of his willingness to make Peace with King Philip and indeed at that time he was much distasted with the French Of this Carne advertised the King though he was then so much better acquainted with the Popes dissimulation than formerly that he did not lay much weight on what he said to him as will appear by the dispatch he made upon this occasion which is in the Collection Whether the Queen did upon this write to the Pope or not Collection Number 35. I do not know It is probable she did for this matter lay asleep till September and then the Pope did not only recall Pool but intended to destroy him He did not know where to find a Person to set up against the Cardinal since Gardiner was dead and none of the other Bishops in England were great enough or sure enough to him to be raised to so high a Dignity Peito the Franciscan Friar seemed a Man of his own temper because he had railed against King Henry so boldly to his face and he being chosen by the Queen to be her Confessor was looked on as the fittest to be advanced So the Pope wrote for him into England and when he came to Rome made him a Cardinal and sent over his Bulls declaring that he recalled Pools Legatine Power And recalls his Legatine Power and required him to come to Rome to answer for some Accusations he had received of him as a favourer of Hereticks This might have perhaps been grounded on his discharging that Year so many delated of Heresie upon so ambiguous a submission as they had made The Pope also wrote to the Queen that he was to send over Cardinal Peito with full power requiring her to receive him as the Legate of the Apostolick See The Queen called for the Bulls and according to the way formerly practised in England and still continued in Spain when Bulls that were unacceptable were sent over she ordered them to be laid up without opening them It has been shewn in the former part how Arch-bishop Chicheley when he was so proceeded against by Pope Martin appealed to the next General Council and some that desired to see the Form of such Appeals in those Ages have thought it an Omission in me that I had not published his Appeal in the Collection of Records at the end of that Work therefore upon this occasion I shall refer the Reader to it which he will find in the Collection But now Collection Number 36. Cardinal Pool resolved to behave himself with more submission For though the Queen had ordered the Popes Breve to him not to be delivered yet of himself he laid down the Ensigns of his Legatine Power and sent Ormaneto who had the Title of the Popes Datary and was his Friend and Confident to give an account of his whole behaviour in England and to clear him of these Imputations of Heresie This he did with so much submission that he mollified the Pope only he said that Pool ought not to have consented to the Queens joyning in War with the Enemies of the Holy See The Queen refuses to admit of Cardinal Peito the new Legate Peito had begun his Journey to England but the Queen sent him word not to come over otherwise she would bring him and all that owned his Authority within the Praemunire So he stopt in his Journey and dying in April following enjoyed but a short while his new Dignity together with the Bishoprick of Salisbury to which the Pope had advanced him clearly contrary to the old Law then in force against Provisions
that would be too little if the Danes and Swedes which they were afraid of should joyn against them There was also great want of Ammunition and Ordnance of which they had lost vast quantities in Calais and Guisnes All this would rise to above 520000 l. and they doubted much whether the People would endure such Impositions who were now grown stubborn and talked very loosely So they did not see how they could possibly enter into any Action this Year One Reason among the rest was suggested by the Bishops they saw a War would oblige them to a greater moderation in their Proceedings at home they had not done their Work which they hoped a little more time would perfect whereas a slack'ning in that would raise the drooping Spirits of those whom they were now pursuing So they desired another Year to prosecute them in which time they hoped so to clear the Kingdom of them that with less danger they might engage in a War the Year after Nor did they think it would be easie to bring new raised Men to the hardships of so early a Campagne and they thought the French would certainly work so hard in repairing the breaches that they would be in a good condition to endure a strait and long Siege All this they wrote over to the King on the first of February as appears from their Letter which will be found in the Collection Collection Number 37. A Parliament is called The Parliament was opened on the 20th of January where the Convocation to be a good Example to the two Houses granted a Subsidy of eight Shillings in the Pound to be paid in four Years In the House of Peers the Abbot of Westminster and the Prior of St. John of Jerusalem took their Places according to their Writs Tresham that had given great assistance to the Queen upon her first coming to the Crown was now made Prior. But how much was done towards the endowing of that House which had been formerly among the richest of England I do not know On the 24th of January the Lords sent a Message to the Commons desiring that the Speaker with ten or twelve of that House should meet with a Committeâ— of the Lords which being granted the Lords proposed that the Commons would consider of the defence of the Kingdom What was at first demanded does not appear but after several days arguing about it they agreed to give one Subsidy a Fifteenth and a Tenth and ordered the Speaker to let the Queen know what they had concluded who sent them her hearty Thanks for it Then Complaints being made of some French-men that were not Denizens it was carried that they should go out of the Kingdom and not return during the War The Abbot of Westminster finding the Revenues of his House were much impaired thought that if the old Priviledges of the Sanctuary were confirmed it would bring him in a good Revenue from those that fled to it so he pressed for an Act to confirm it He brought a great many ancient Grants of the Kings of England which the Queen had confirmed by her Letters Patents but they did not prevail with the House who proceeded no further in it In this Parliament the Procurers of wilful Murder were denied the Benefit of Clergy which was carried in the House of Lords by the greater number as it is in their Journals The Bishops did certainly oppose it though none of them entred their dissent Sir Ambrose and Sir Robert Dudley two Sons of the late Duke of Northumberland were restored in Blood The Countess of Sussex's Joynture was taken from her for her living in Adultery so publickly as was formerly mentioned In the end of the Session a Bill was put in for the confirming of the Queens Letters Patents It was designed chiefly for confirming the Religious Foundations she had made As this went through the House of Commons one Coxley said He did not approve such a general Confirmation of those she had given or might give lest this might be a colour for her to dispose of the Crown from the right Inheritors The House was much offended at this and expressed such dislike at the imagination that the Queen would alienate the Crown that they both shewed their esteem for the Queen and their resolution to have the Crown descend after her death to her Sister Coxley was made to withdraw and voted guilty of great irreverence to the Queen He asked pardon and desired it might be imputed to his youth yet he was kept in the Serjeants Hands till they had sent to the Queen to desire her to forgive his offence She sent them word that at their sute she forgave it but wished them to examine him from whence that motion sprung There is no more entred about it in the Journal so that it seems to have been let fall The Parliament was on the seventh of March prorogued to the seventh of November Soon after this the King of Sweden sent a Message secretly to the Lady Elizabeth The King of Sweden treats a Marriage with the Lady Elizabeth who was then at Hatfield to propose Marriage to her King Philip had once designed to marry her to the Duke of Savoy when he was in hope of Children by the Queen but that hope vanishing he broke it off and intended to reserve her for himself How far she entertained that motion I do not know but for this from Sweden she rejected it since it came not to her by the Queens direction But to that it was answered the King of Sweden would have them begin with her self judging that fit for him as he was a Gentleman and her good liking being obtained he would next as a King address himself to the Queen But she said as she was to entertain no such Propositions unless the Queen sent them to her so if she were left to her self she assured them she would not change her state of Life Upon this the Queen sent Sir Tho. Pope to her in April to let her know how well she approved of the Answer she had made to them but they had now delivered their Letters and made the Proposition to her in which she desired to know her mind She thanked the Queen for her favour to her but bade Pope tell her that there had been one or two noble Propositions made for her in her Brother King Edwards time and she had then desired to continue in the state she was in which of all others pleased her best and she thought there was no state of Life comparable to it She had never before heard of that King and she desired never to hear of that Motion more She would see his Messenger no more since he had presumed to come to her without the Queens leave Then Pope said he did believe if the Queen offered her some Honourable Marriage she would not be averse to it She answered What she might do afterwards she did not know but protested solemnly that as
she was then inclined if she could have the greatest Prince in Christendome she would not accept of him though perhaps the Queen might think this flowed rather from a Maids modesty Which is rejected by her than any setled determination in her This I take from a Letter Pope wrote about it which is in the Collection Yet her Life at this time was Collection Number 38. neither so pleasant nor so well secured but that if her aversion to a married state had not been very much rooted in her it is not unlikely she would have been glad to be out of the Hands of her unkind Keepers who grew the more apprehensive of her the more they observed her Sister to decay and as the Bishops did apprehend she would overthrow all that they had been building and cementing with so much Blood so some of them did not spare to suggest the putting of her out of the way and now that she is so near the Throne in the Course of this History I shall look back through this Reign to give account of what befel her in it She was hardly used all this Reign When she was suspected to be accessory to Wiats Conspiracy the day after his breaking out the Lord Hastings Sir Tho. Cornwallis and Sir Richard Southwell were sent for her to come to Court She then lay sick at her House at Ashridge but that excuse not being accepted she was forced to go so being still ill she came by slow Journeys to the Queen She was kept shut up in private at Court from the fourth of March to the 16th and then Gardiner with nineteen of the Council came to examine her about Wiats Rebellion She positively denied she knew any thing of it or of Sir Peter Carew's designs in the West which they also objected to her In conclusion they told her the Queen had ordered her to be sent to the Tower till the Matter should be further enquired into and though she made great Protestations of her Innocence yet she was carried thither and led in by the Traitors Gate all her own Servants being put from her Three Men and as many Women of the Queens Servants were appointed to attend on her and no Person was suffered to have access to her Sir John Gage who was the Lieutenant of the Tower treated her very severely kept her closely shut up without leave to walk either in the Galleries or on the Leads nor would he permit her Servants to carry in her Meat to her but he did that by his own Servants The other Prisoners were often examined about her and some were put to the Rack to try if they could be brought any way to accuse her but though Wiat had done it when he hoped to have saved his own Life by so base an Action yet he afterwards denied that she knew any of their designs and lest those denials he made at his Examinations might have been suppressed and his former Depositions be made use of against her he declared it openly on the Scaffold at his death After some days close Imprisonment upon great intercession made by the Lord Chandois then Constable of the Tower it was granted that she might sometimes walk in the Queens Rooms in the presence of the Constable the Lieutenant and three Women the Windows being all shut Then she got leave to walk in a little Garden for some Air but all the Windows that opened to it were to be kept shut when she took her Walk and so jealous were they of her that a Boy of four years old was severely threatned and his Father sent for and chid for his carrying Flowers to her The Lord Chandois was observed to treat her with too much respect so he was not any more trusted with the charge of her which was committed to Sir Hen. Benefield About the middle of May she was sent under the Guard of the Lord Williams and Benefield to Woodstock She was so straitly kept and Benefield was so sullen to her that she believed they intended to put her privately to death The Lord Williams treated her nobly at his House on the way at which Benefield was much disgusted When she was at Woodstock she was still kept under Guards and but seldom allowed to walk in the Gardens none being suffered to come near her After many Months Imprisonment she obtained leave to write to the Queen Benefield being to see all she wrote It was believed that some were sent secretly to kill her but the Orders were given so strictly that none of them could come near her without a Special Warrant and so she escaped at that time But after King Philip understood the whole Case he broke all those designs as was formerly shewn and prevailed to have her sent for to Court When she came to Hampton-Court she was kept still a Prisoner Many of the Council Gardiner in particular dealt often with her to confess her offences and submit to the Queens mercy She said she had never offended her not so much as in her thoughts and she would never betray her own Innocency by such a Confession One night when it was late she was sent for by the Queen before whom she kneeled down and protested she was and ever had been a most faithful Subject to her The Queen seemed still to suspect her and wished her to confess her guilt otherwise she must think she had been unjustly dealt with She answered That she was not to complain but to bear her burden only she begged her to conceive a good opinion of her So they parted fairly which King Philip had perswaded the Queen to and being afraid that the sowrness of the Queens temper might lead her into passion he was secretly in a corner of the Room to prevent any further breach in case she should have been transported into new heats but there was no occasion given for it Soon after that she was discharged of her Guards and suffered to retire into the Country but there were always many Spies about her and she to avoid all suspition medled in no sort of business but gave her self wholly to Study And thus she passed these five years under no small fears and apprehensions which was perhaps a necessary preparation for that high degree to which she was soon after advanced and which she held in the greatest and longest course of Prosperity and Glory that ever any of her Sex attained to The Bishops when the Parliament was sitting The Progress of the Persecution did always intermit their cruelties but as soon as it was over they fell to them afresh On the 28th of March Cuthbert Simpson that was in Deacons Orders with two others were burnt in Smithfield Simpson had been taken with Rough that suffered the Year before this He was put to much torture he lay three hours on the Rack besides two other Inventions of Torture were made use of to make him discover all those in London who met with them in
accidents that struck terror in them In July Thunder broke near Nottingham with such violence that it beat down two little Towns with all the Houses and Churches in them the Bells were carried a good way from the Steeples and the Lead that covered the Churches was cast 400 Foot from them strangely wreathed The River of Trent as it is apt upon Deluges of Rain to swell and over-run the Country so it broke out this Year with extraordinary violence many Trees were plucked up by the Roots and with it there was such a Wind that carried several Men and Children a great way and dashed them against Trees or Houses so that they died Hail-stones fell that were fifteen Inches about in other Places and which was much more terrible a contagious intermitting Feaver not unlike the Plague raged every where so that three parts of four of the whole Nation were infected with it So many Priests died of it that in many Places there were none to be had for the performing of the Offices Many Bishops died also of it so that there were many vacancies made by the Hand of Heaven against Queen Elizabeth came to the Crown and it spreading most violently in August there were not Men enough in many Counties to reap the Harvest so that much Corn was lost All these Symptoms concurred to encrease the aversion the People had to the Government which made the Queen very willing to consent to a Treaty of Peace that was opened at Cambray in October to which she sent the Earl of Arundel the Bishop of Ely and Dr. Wotton as her Plenipotentiaries A Treaty of Peace between England France and Spain The occasion of the Peace was from a meeting that the Bishop of Arras had with the Cardinal of Lorrain at Peronne in which he proposed to him how much Philip was troubled at the continuance of the War their Forces being so much engaged in it that they could make no resistance to the Turk and the mean while Heresie encreasing and spreading in their own Dominions while they were so taken up that they could not look carefully to their Affairs at home but must connive at many things therefore he pressed the Cardinal to perswade the King of France to an Accommodation The Cardinal was easily induced to this since besides his own zeal for Religion he saw that he might thereby bear down the Constables greatness whose Friends chiefly his two Nephews the Admiral and Dandelot who went then among the best Captains in France were both suspect of being Protestants upon which the latter was shortly after put in Prison so he used all his endeavours to draw the King to consent to it in which he had the less opposition since the Court was now filled with his Dependants and his four Brothers who had got all the great Officers of France into their Hands and the Constable and Admiral being Prisoners there was none to oppose their Councils The King thinking that by the recovery of Calais and the Places about it he had gained enough to ballance the loss of St. Quintin was very willing to hearken to a Treaty and he was in an ill state to continue the War being much weakned both by the loss he suffered last Year and the blow that he received in July last The Battel of Graveling the Marshal de Thermes being enclosed by the Count of Egmont near Graveling where the French Army being set on by the Count and galled with the English Ordnance from their Ships that lay near the Land was defeated 5000 killed the Marshal and the other chief Officers being taken Prisoners These losses made him sensible that his Affairs were in so ill a condition that he could not gain much by the War The Number of the Protestants growing in France The Cardinal was the more earnest to bring on a Peace because the Protestants did not only encrease in their Numbers but they came so openly to avow their Religion that in the publick Walks without the Suburbs of St. Germain they began to sing Davids Psalms in French Verse The newness of the thing amused many the devotion of it wrought on others the Musick drew in the rest so that the Multitudes that used to divert themselves in those Fields in stead of their ordinary sports did now nothing for many nights but go about singing Psalms and that which made it more remarkable was that the King and Queen of Navarre came and joyned with them That King besides the Honour of a Crowned Head with the small part of that Kingdom that was yet left in their Hands was the first Prince of the Blood He was a soft and weak Man but his Queen in whose right he had that Title was one of the most extraordinary Women that any Age hath produced both for knowledge far above her Sex for a great judgment in Affairs an Heroical Greatness of Mind and all other Vertues joyned to a high measure of Devotion and true Piety all which except the last she derived to her Son Henry the Great When the King of France heard of this Psalmody he made an Edict against it and ordered the doers of it to be punished but the Numbers of them and the respect to those Crowned Heads made the business to go no further On the 24th of April was the Dolphin married to the Queen of Scotland The Dolphin marries the Queen of Scotland Four Cardinals Bourbon Lorrain Chastilion and Bertrand with many of the Princes of the Blood and the other great Men of France and the Commissioners sent from Scotland were present But scarce any thing adorned it more than the Epithalamium written upon it by Buchanan which was accounted one of the perfectest Pieces of Latin Poetry After the Marriage was over the Scotch Commissioners were desired to offer the Dolphin the Ensigns of the Regality of Scotland and to acknowledge him their King but they excused themselves since that was beyond their Commission which only empow'red them to treat concerning the Articles of the Marriage and to carry an account back to those that sent them Then it was desired that they would promote the business at their return to their Country but some of them had expressed their aversion to those Propositions so plainly that it was believed they were poisoned by the Brethren of the House of Guise Four of them died in France the Bishop of Orkney and the Earls of Rothes and Cassils and the Lord Fleeming The Prior of St. Andrews was also very sick and though he recovered at that time yet he had never any perfect health after it When the other four returned into Scotland a Convention of the Estates was called to consult about the Propositions they brought This Assembly consists of all those Members that make up a Parliament who were then the Bishops and Abbots and Priors A Convention of Estates in Scotland who made the first Estate the Noblemen that were the second Estate and the
death and of her being proclaimed Queen she came from thence to London On the 19th at Highgate all the Bishops met her whom she received civilly except Bonner on whom she looked as defiled with so much Blood that she could not think it fit to bestow any mark of her favour on him She was received into the City with Throngs much greater than even such Occasions used to draw together and followed with the loudest shouts of Joy that they could raise She lay that night at the Duke of Norfolk's House in the Charter-house and next day went to the Tower There at her Entry she kneeled down and offered up thanks to God for that great change in her Condition that whereas she had been formerly a Prisoner in that Place every hour in fear of her Life she was now raised to so high a Dignity She soon cleared all Peoples apprehensions as to the hardships she had formerly met with and shewed she had absolutely forgot from whom she had received them even Benefield himself not excepted who had been the chief Instrument of her Sufferings But she called him always her Goaler which though she did in a way of Raillery yet it was so sharp that he avoided coming any more to the Court. She presently dispatched Messengers to all the Princes of Christendome giving notice of her Sisters death and her Succession She writ in particular to King Philip a large acknowledgment of his kindness to her to whom she held her self much bound for his interposing so effectually with her Sister for her Preservation She sends a Dispatch to Rome She also sent to Sir Edward Karn that had been her Sisters Resident at Rome to give the Pope the news of her Succession The haughty Pope received it in his ordinary Stile declaring That England was held in Fee of the Apostolick See that she could not succeed being Illegitimate nor could he contradict the Declarations made in that matter by his Predecessors Clement the seventh and Paul the third He said it was great boldness in her to assume the Crown without his consent for which in reason she deserved no favour at his hands yet if she would renounce her Pretensions and refer her self wholly to him he would shew a fatherly affection to her and do every thing for her that could consist with the Dignity of the Apostolick See But to no effect When she heard of this she was not much concerned at it for she had written to Karn as she did to her other Ministers and had renewed his Powers upon her first coming to the Crown being unwilling in the beginning of her Reign to provoke any Party against her But hearing how the Pope received this Address she recalled Karns Powers and commanded him to come home The Pope on the other hand required him not to go out of Rome but to stay and take the care of an Hospital over which he set him which it was thought that Karn procured to himself because he was unwilling to return into England apprehending the change of Religion that might follow for he was himself zealously addicted to the See of Rome As soon as Philip heard the news he ordered the Duke of Feria King Philip courts her in Marriage whom he had sent over in his Name to comfort the late Queen in her sickness to Congratulate the new Queen and in secret to propose Marriage to her and to assure her he should procure a Dispensation from Rome and at the same time he sent thither to obtain it But the Queen though very sensible of her Obligation to him had no mind to the Marriage It appeared by what hath been said in the former Book and by the Sequel of her whole Life that though upon some occasions when her Affairs required it she treated about her Marriage yet she was firmly resolved never to marry Besides this she saw her People were generally averse to any Forreigner and particularly to a Spaniard and she made it the steady Maxime of her whole Reign from which she never departed to rule in their affections as well as over their Persons Nor did she look on the Popes Dispensation as a thing of any force to warrant what was otherwise forbidden by God And the Relation between King Philip and her being the Reverse of that which was between her Father and Queen Katharine it seeming to be equally unlawful for one Man to marry two Sisters as it was for one Woman to be married to two Brothers she could not consent to this Marriage without approving King Henry's with Queen Katharine and if that were a good Marriage then she must be Illegitimate as being born of a Marriage which only the unlawfulness of that could justifie So Inclination Interest and Conscience all concurred to make her reject King Philip's motion Yet she did it in terms so full of Esteem and Kindness for him that he still insisted in the Proposition in which she was not willing to undeceive him so entirely as to put him out of all hopes while the Treaty of Cambray was in dependance that so she might tie him more closely to her Interests The French hearing of Queen Maries Death The Queen of Scots pretends to the Crown of England and being allarum'd at Philips design upon the new Queen sent to Rome to engage the Pope to deny the Dispensation and to make him declare the Queen of Scotland to be the right Heir to the Crown of England and the pretended Queen to be Illegitimate The Cardinal of Lorrain prevailed also with the French King to order his Daughter-in-law to assume that Title and to put the Arms of England on all her Furniture But now to return to England The Queens Council Queen Elizabeth continued to employ some of the same Counsellors that had served Queen Mary namely Heath the Lord Chancellor the Marquess of Winchester Lord Treasurer the Earls of Arundel Shrewsbury Derby and Pembroke the Lords Clinton and Howard Sir Thomas Cheyney Sir William Petre Sir John Mason Sir Richard Sackvile and Dr. Wotton Dean of Canterbury and York Most of these had complied with all the Changes that had been made in Religion backward and forward since the latter end of King Henry's Reign and were so dexterous at it that they were still employed in every new Revolution To them who were all Papists the Queen added the Marquess of Northampton the Earl of Bedford Sir Thomas Parre Sir Edward Rogers Sir Ambrose Cave Sir Francis Knolles and Sir William Cecil whom she made Secretary of State and soon after she sent for Sir Nicolas Bacon who were all of the Reformed Religion She renewed all the Commissions to those formerly intrusted and ordered that such as were imprisoned on the account of Religion should be set at liberty After this a Man that used to talk pleasantly said to her that he came to supplicate in behalf of some Prisoners not yet set at liberty She asked who they were
being so meanly qualified that he could not serve her in that high station but in any other inferiour Office he should be ready to discharge his Duty to her in such a Place as was suitable to his infirmity But in the conclusion he submitted himself to Her pleasure In the end he was with great difficulty brought to accept of it So on the 8th day of July the Conge d' Elire was sent to Canterbury and upon that on the 22d of July a Chapter was summoned to meet the first of August where the Dean and Prebendaries meeting they according to a method often used in their Elections did by a Compromise refer it to the Dean to name whom he pleased and he naming Doctor Parker according to the Queen's Letter they all confirmed it and published their Election singing Te Deum upon it On the 9th of September the Great Seal was put to a Warrant for his Consecration directed to the Bishops of Duresm Bath and Wells Peterborough Landaff and to Barlow and Scory stiled only Bishops not being then elected to any Sees requiring them to Consecrate him From this it appears that neither Tonstal Bourn nor Pool were at that time turned out It seems there was some hope of gaining them to obey the Laws and so to continue in thâ—ir Sees EFFIGIES MATTHAEI PARKERI ARCHIEPISCOPI CANTUARIENSIS R. White sculp Natus Nordorici 1504 August 6. Decanê° Lincoln sub Edrardo VI. Consecr Archiep. Cantuariensis 1559 Dec. 17. Obijt 1575. Maij 17. Printed for Richard Chiswell at the Rose and Crowne in St. Pauls Church yard I have given the more distinct Account of these Promotions The Fable of the Nags-head confuted because of a most malicious Slander with which they were asperst in after-times It was not thought on for forty years after this But then it was forged and publish'd and spread over the World with great confidence That Parker himself was not legally nor truly Consecrated The Author of it was said to be one Neale that had been sometime one of Bonner's Chaplains The Contrivance was that the Bishop of Landaff being required by Bonner not to Consecrate Parker or to give Orders in his Diocess did thereupon refuse it Upon that the Bishops Elect being met in Cheapside at the Nags-head-Tavern Neale that had watch'd them thither peep'd in through an hole of the Door and saw them in great disorder finding the Bishop of Landaff was intractable But as the Tale goes on Scory bids them all kneel and he laid the Bible upon every one of their Heads or Shoulders and said Take thou Authority to Preach the Word of God sincerely and so they rose up all Bishops This Tale came so late into the World that Sanders and all the other Writers in Queen Elizabeth's time had never heard of it otherwise we may be sure they would not have concealed it And if the thing had been true or if Neale had but pretended that he had seen any such thing there is no reason to think he would have suppressed it But when it might be presumed that all those persons were dead that had been present at Parker's Consecration then was the time to invent such a Story for then it might be hoped that none could contradict it And who could tell but that some who had seen Bishops go from Bow-Church to dine at that Tavern with their Civilians as some have done after their Confirmation might imagine that then was the time of this Nags-head-Consecration If it were boldly said one or other might think he remembred it But as it pleased God there was one then living that remembred the contrary The old Earl of Nottingham who had been at the Consecration declared it was at Lambeth and described all the Circumstances of it and satisfied all reasonable men that it was according to the Form of the Church of England The Registers both of the See of Canterbury and of the Records of the Crown do all fully agree with his Relation For as Parker's Conge d' Elire with the Queen's Assent to his Election and the Warrant for his Consecration are all under the Great Seal So upon the Certificate made by those who Consecrated him the Temporalties were restored by another Warrant also enrolled which was to be shewed in the House of Lords when he took his Place there Besides that the Consecrations of all the other Bishops made by him shew that he alone was first Consecrated without any other And above all other Testimonies the Original Instrument of Archbishop Parker's Consecration lies still among his other Papers in the Library of Corpus Christi College at Cambridge which I saw and read It is as manifestly an Original Writing Coll. Numb 9. as any that I ever had in my hands I have put it in the Collection for the more full discovery of the Impudence of that Fiction But it served those ends for which it was designed Weak people hearing it so positively told by their Priests came to believe it and I have my self met with many that seemed still to give some credit to it after all that clear Confutation of it made by the most Ingenious and Learned Bishop Bramhall the late Primat of Ireland Therefore I thought it necessary to be the larger in the Account of this Consecration and the rather because of the influence it hath into all the Ordinations that have been since that time derived down in this Church Some excepted against the Canonicalness of it because it was not done by all the Bishops of the Province and three of the Bishops had no Sees when they did it and the fourth was only a Suffragan-Bishop But to all this it was said That after a Church had been over-run with Heresy those Rules which were to be observed in its more setled state were always superseded as appears particularly when the Arrian Bishops were turned out of some great Sees for the Orthodox Bishops did then ordain others to succeed them without judging themselves bound by the Canons in such Cases And Bishops that had been rightly Consecrated could certainly derive their own Character to others whether they were actually in Sees or not And a Suffragan-Bishop being Consecrated in the same manner that other Bishops were tho he had a limited Jurisdiction yet was of the same Order with them All these things were made out with a great deal of Learning by Mason who upon the publishing of that Fiction wrote in Vindication of the English Ministry Thus were the Sees filled the Worship Reformed and the Queen's Injunctions sent over England Three things remained yet to be done The first was To set out the Doctrine of the Church as it had been done in King Edward's Time The second was To Translate the Bible and publish it with short Notes And the third was To regulate the Ecclesiastical Courts The Bishops therefore set about these And for the first Though they could not by publick Authority set out the Articles of
the Government in his own Name but put it into the hands of his Mother the Cardinal of Lorrain and the Duke of Guise The Constable was put from the Court the Princes of the Blood were not regarded but all things were carried by the Cardinal and his Brother between whom and the Queen-Mother there arose great misunderstandings which proved fatal to the Queen of Scotland for she being much engaged with her Uncles and having an Ascendant over her Husband did so divide him from his Mother that before he died she had only the shadow of the Government This she remembred ever after against her Daughter-in-Law and took no care of her afterwards in all her Miseries But the Prince of Conde with the Admiral and many others resolving to have the Government in their Hands engaged some Lawyers to examine the point of the King's Majority These writ several Books on that Subject to prove that two and twenty was the soonest that any King had been ever held to be of Age to assume the Government and that no Strangers nor Women might be admitted to it by the Law of France but that it belonged to the Princes of the Blood during the King's Minority who were to manage it by the Advice of the Courts of Parliament and the three Estates So that the Design now concerted between these great Lords to take the King out of their hands who disposed of him was grounded on their Laws Yet as this Design was laying all over France Papists and Protestants concurring in it it was discovered by a Protestant who thought himself bound in Conscience to reveal it Upon this the Prince of Conde and many others were seized on and had not the King's Death in the beginning of December 1560 saved him the Prince himself and all the Heads of that Party had suffered for it But upon his Death Charles the Ninth that succeeded him being but eleven Years Old the King of Navarre was declared Regent and the Queen Mother who then hated the Cardinal of Lorrain united her self to him and the Constable and drew the weak Regent into her Interests Upon this some Lawyers examining the Power of the Regents found that the other Princes of the Blood were to have their share of the Government with him and that he might be checkt by the Courts of Parliament and was subject to an Assembly of the three Estates In July the next Year there was a severe Edict passed against the Protestants to put down all their Meetings and banish all their Preachers The Execution of it was put into the hands of the Bishops but the greater part of the Nation would not bear it So in January thereafter another Edict passed in a great Assembly of the Princes of the Blood the Privy Counsellors and eight Courts of Parliament for the free exercise of that Religion requiring the Magistrates to punish those who should hinder or disturb their Meetings Soon after this the Duke of Guise and his Brother reconciled themselves to the Queen Mother and resolved to break that Edict This was begun by the Duke of Vassy where a Meeting of the Protestants being gathered his Servants disturbed them they began with reproachful Words from these it went to Blows and throwing of Stones and by one of them the Duke was wounded for which his Men took a severe Revenge for they killed sixty of them and wounded two hundred sparing neither Age now Sex After this the Edict was every-where broken Many Lawyers were of Opinion that the Regent could not do it and that the People might lawfully follow the next Prince of the Blood in defence of the Edict Upon this his Brother the Prince of Conde gathered an Army In the beginning of the War the King of Navarre was killed at the Siege of Roan so that by the Law the Prince of Conde ought to have succeeded him in the Regency and thus the Wars that followed after this could not be called Rebellion since the Protestants had the Law and the first Prince of the Blood of their side to whom the Government did of right belong Thus began the Civil Wars of France which lasted above thirty Years in all which time the Queen of England by the Assistance she sent them sometimes of Men but for the most part of Mony and Ammunition did support the Protestant Interest with no great Charge to her self And by that she was not only secured from all the Mischief which so powerful a Neighbour could do her but had almost the half of that Kingdom depending on her The Wars of the Netherlands The State of the Netherlands afforded the like Advantages in those Provinces where the King of Spain finding the Proceedings of the Bishops were not effectual for the Extirpation of Heresy their Sees being so large intended to have founded more Bishopricks and to have set up the Courts of Inquisition in those Parts and apprehending some opposition from the Natives he kept Garrisons of Spaniards among them with many other things contrary to the Laetus Introâ—â—us that had been agreed to when he was received to be their Prince The People finding all Terms broken with them and that by that Agreement they were disengaged from their Obedience if he broke those Conditions did shake off his Yoke Upon which followed the Civil Wars of the Netherlands that lasted likewise above thirty Years To them the Queen gave assistance at first more secretly but afterwards more openly and as both they and the French Protestants were assisted with Men out of Germany which were generally led by the brave but seldom fortunate Casimir Brother to the Elector Palatine so the mony that payed them was for most part furnished from England And thus was Queen Elizabeth the Arbiter of all the Neighbouring parts of Christendom She at Home brought the Coin to a true Standard Navigation prospered Trade spread both in the Northern Seas to Arch-Angel and to the East and West Indies and in her long Wars with Spain she was always Victorious That great Armada set out with such assurance of Conquest was what by the Hand of Heaven in a Storm what by the unweildiness of their Ships and the nimbleness of Ours so shattered and sunk that the few remainders of it returned with irrecoverable shame and loss to Spain again She reigned in the Affections of her People and was admired for her Knowledg Vertues and Wisdom by all the World She always ordered her Councils so that all her Parliaments were ever ready to comply with them for in every thing she followed the true Interest of the Nation She never asked Subsidies but when the necessity was visible and when the Occasions that made her demand any vanished she discharged them She was admired even in Rome it self where Sixtus the Fifth used to speak of her and the King of Navarre Vita de Sisto 5. as the only Princess that understood what it was to Govern and profanely wished he might enjoy her
Reformation from its first and small beginnings in England till it came to a compleat settlement in the time of this Queen Of whose Reign if I have adventured to give any Account it was not intended so much for a full Character of Her and her Councils as to set out the great and vissible Blessings of God that attended on her the many Preservations she had and that by such signal Discoveries as both sav'd her Life and secured her Government and the unusual happiness of her whole Reign which raised her to the Esteem and Envy of that Age and the Wonder of all Posterity It was wonderful indeed that a Virgin Queen could rule such a Kingdom for above 44 Years with such constant success in so great tranquility at Home with a vast encrease of Wealth and with such Glory abroad All which may justly be esteem-to have been the Rewards of Heaven crowning that Reign with so much Honour and Triumph that was begun with the Reformation of Religion The end of the third Book and of the History of the Reformation of the Church of England THE TABLE OF THE CONTENTS Of the Second Part of the History of the Reformation of the CHURCH of England BOOK I. Of the Life and Reign of King Edward the Sixth 1547. K. Edward's Birth and Baptism pag. 1 His Education and Temper pag. 2 Cardan's Character of him ibid. A design to create him Prince of Wales pag. 3 King Henry dies and he succeeds ibid. King Henry's Will ibid. Debate about choosing a Protector pag. 4 The Earl of Hartford is chosen pag. 5 It is declared in Council ibid. The Bishops take out Commissions pag. 6 Reasons for a Creation of Peers ibid. Affairs of Scotland pag. 8 Lay men in Ecclesiastical Dignities ibid. Images taken away in a Church in London pag. 9 The progress of Image-Worship ibid. Many pull down Images pag. 11 Gardiner is offended at it ibid. The Protector writes about it ibid. Gardiner writes to Ridley about them pag. 12 Commissions to the Justices of Peace pag. 13 The form of Coronation changed ibid. King Henry's Burial ibid. Soul-Masses examined pag. 14 A Creation of Peers pag. 15 The King is crowned ibid. The Lord Chancellor is turned out ibid. The Protector made by Patent pag. 17 The Affairs of Germany pag. 19 Ferdinand made K. of the Romans ibid. The Diet at Spire ibid Emperor makes Peace with France and with the Turk pag. 20 And sets about the ruin of the Protest ibid. Protestant Princes meet at Frankfort pag. 21 D. of Sax and Land of Hesse Arm pag. 22 Peace between England and France pag. 23 Francis the first dies ibid. A Reformation set about in England pag. 24 A Visitation resolved on pag. 26 Some Homilies compiled pag. 27 Injunctions for the Visitation pag. 28 Injunctions for the Bishops pag. 29 Censures passed upon them ibid. Protector goes into Scotland pag. 31 Scotland said to be Subject to England ib. Protector enters Scotland pag. 33 Makes Offers to the Scots ibid. The Scots Defeat at Musselburgh pag. 34 Protector returns to England pag. 35 The Visitors execute the Injunctions pag. 36 Bonner Protests and Recants ibid. Gardiner would not obey ibid. His Reasons against them ibid. He complains to the Protector pag. 38 The Lady Mary complains also pag. 39 The Protector writes to her ibid. The Parliament meets ibid. An Act repealing severe Laws pag. 40 An Act about the Communion pag. 41 Communion in both kinds ibid. Private Masses put down pag. 42 An Act about the admission of Bishops pag. 43 Ancient ways of electing Bishops ibid. An Act against Vagabonds pag. 45 Chauntries given to the King ibid. Acts proposed but not passed pag. 46 The Convocation meets pag. 47 And makes some Petitions ibid. The Clergie desire to have Representatives in the House of Commons ibid. The Grounds of that pag. 48 The Affairs of Germany pag. 50 Duke of Saxe taken ibid. The Archbishop of Colen resigns pag. 51 A Decree made in the Diet pag. 52 Proceedings at Trent ibid. The Council removed to Boloign pag. 53 The French quarrel about Buloign ibid. The Protector and the Admiral fall out pag. 54 1548. Gardiner is set at liberty pag. 55 Mâ—rq of Northampton sues a Divorce pag. 56 The Arguments for it pag. 57 A Progress in the Reformation pag. 58 Proclamation against Innovation pag. 59 All Images taken away pag. 60 Restraints put on Preachers pag. 61 Some Bishops and Doctors examine the Publick Offices and Prayers ibid. Corruptions in the Office of the Commun pag. 62 A new Office for the Communion pag. 64 It is variously censured pag. 65 Auricular Confession left indifferent ibid. Chauntry Lands sold pag. 67 Gardiner falls into new Troubles pag. 68 He is ordered to preach pag. 69 But gives offence and is imprisoned pag. 70 A Catechism set out by Cranmer pag. 71 A further reformation of public Offices ibid. A new Liturgie resolved upon pag. 72 The Changes made in it pag. 73 Preface to it pag. 79 Reflections made on it ibid. All preaching forbid for a time pag. 81 Affairs of Scotland ibid. The Queen of Scots sent to France pag. 82 The Siege of Hadingtoun ibid. A Fleet sent against Scotland pag. 83 But without success ibid. The Siege of Hadingtoun raised pag. 84 Discontents in Scotland pag. 85 The Affairs of Germany ibid. The Book of the Interim pag. 86 Both sides offended at it ibid. Calvin writes to the Protector pag. 88 Bucer writes against Gardiner ibid. A Session of Parliament ibid. Act for the Marriage of the Clergie pag. 89 Which was much debated ibid. Arguments for it from Scripture ibid. And from the Fathers pag. 90 The Reasons against it examined pag. 91 An Act confirming the Liturgie pag. 93 Censures passed upon it pag. 94 The singing of Psalms set up ibid. 1549. An Act about Fasts pag. 95 Some Bills that did not pass pag. 96 A design of digesting the Common Law into a Body ibid. The Admiral 's Attainder pag. 97 He was sent to the Tower ibid. The Matter referred to the Parliament pag. 99 The Bill against him passed ibid. The Warrant for his Execution pag. 100 It is signed by Cranmer ibid. Censures upon that ibid. Subsidies granted pag. 101 A New Visitation ibid. All obey the Laws except Lady Mary pag. 103 A Treaty of Marriage for her ibid. The Council required her to obey pag. 104 Christ's Presence in the Sacrament examined ibid. Publick Disputations about it pag. 105 The manner of the Presence explained pag. 107 Proceedings against Anabaptists pag. 110 Of these there were two sorts ibid. Two of them burnt pag. 112 Which was much censured ibid. Disputes concerning Infant Baptism ibid. Predestination much abused pag. 113 Tumults in England ibid. Some are soon quieted pag. 114 The Devonshire Rebellion pag. 115 Their Demands ibid. An Answer sent to them pag. 116 They make new Demands pag. 117 Which are rejected ibid. The Norfolk Rebellion ibid. The Yorkshire Rebellion pag. 118
Exeter besieged ibid. It is relieved and the Rebels defeated pag. 119 The Norfolk Rebels are dispersed ibid. A general Pardon pag. 120 A Visitation of Cambridg ibid. Dispute about the Greek pronunciation ibid. Bonner in new Troubles ibid. Injunctions are given him pag. 121 He did not obey them pag. 122 He is proceeded against ibid He defends himself pag. 123 He Appeals pag. 125 But is deprived pag. 126 Censures past upon it pag. 127 The French fall into Bulloign pag. 128 Ill Success in Scotland pag. 129 The Affairs of Germany ibid. A Faction against the Protector pag. 130 Advices about Forreign Affairs pag. 131. Paget sent to the Emperor ibid. But can obtain nothing pag. 133. Debates in Council ibid. Complaints of the Protector pag. 134. The Counsellors leave him pag. 135. The City of London joyns with them pag. 136. The Protector offers to submit ibid. He is accused and sent to the Tower pag. 138. Censures passed upon him ibid. The Papists much lifted up pag. 139. But their hopes vanish ibid. A Treaty with the Emperor pag. 140. A Session of Parliament ibid. An Act against Tumults ibid. And against Vagabonds ibid. Bishops move for a Power of Censuring pag. 141. An Act about Ordinations ibid. An Act about the Duke of Somerset ibid. The Reformation carried on pag. 142. A Book of Ordinations made pag. 143. Heath disagrees to it and put in Prison ibid. Interrogations added in the new Book pag. 144. Bulloigne was resolved to be given to the French pag. 146. Pope Paul the third dies ibid. Cardinal Pool was elected Pope ibid. Julius the third chosen pag. 147. 1550. A Treaty between the English and French ibid. Instructions given the English Ambassador ibid. Articles of the Treaty pag. 148. The Earl of Warwick governs all pag. 149. Ridley made Bishop of London ibid. Proceedings against Gardiner pag. 150. Articles sent to him ibid. He signed them with Exceptions pag. 151. New Articles sent him ibid. He refuses them and is hardly used ibid. Latimer advises the King about his Marriage pag. 152. Hooper made Bishop of Glocester ibid. But refuses the Episcopal Garments ibid. Vpon that great Hâ—â—tâ— arose ibid. Bucers Opinion about it pag. 153. And Peter Martyrs pag. 154. A German Congregation 〈◊〉 London ibid. Polidore Virgil leaâ—â—â— England ibid. A Review made of the Common-Prayer-Book pag. 155. Bucers advice concerning it ibid. He writ a Book for the King pag. 156. The 〈◊〉 studies to reformâ— abuses pag. 157. He keeps a Journal of his Reign ibid. Ridley visits his Diocess pag. 158. Altars turned to Communion-Tables ibid. The Reasons given for it pag. 159. Sermons on Working-days forbidden ibid. The Affairs of Scotland pag. 161. And of Germany ibid. 1551. The Compliance of the Popish Clergy pag. 162. Bucers Death and Funeral pag. 163. His Character pag. 164. Gardiner is deprived pag. 165. Which is much censured ibid. Hooper is Consecrated pag. 166. Articles of Religion prepared ibid. An Abstract of them pag. 167. Corrections in the Common-Prayer-Book pag. 169. Reasons of kneeling at the Communion pag. 170. Orders for the Kings Chaplains pag. 171. The Lady Mary has Mass still ibid. The King is earnest against it pag. 172. The Council write to her about it ibid. But she was intractable pag. 174. And would not hear Ridley preach pag. 175. The Designs of the Earl of Warwick pag. 176. The Sweating Sickness ibid. A Treaty for a Marriage with the Daughter of France pag. 177. Conspiracy against the Duke of Somerset pag. 178. The King is alienated from him pag. 179. He is brought to his Trial. ibid. Acquitted of Treason but not of Felony pag. 180. Some others condemned with him pag. 181. The Seal is taken from the Lord Rich. pag. 182. And given to the Bishop of Ely ibid. Church-mens being in Secular Imployments much censured pag. 183. Duke of Somersets Execution pag. 184. His Character pag. 185. Affairs of Germany pag. 186. Proceedings at Trent pag. 187. 1552. A Session of Parliament pag. 189. The Common-Prayer-Book confirmed ibid. Censures past upon it pag. 190. An Act concerning Treasons ibid. An Act about Fasts and Holy-days pag. 191. An Act for the married Clergy pag. 192. An Act against Vsury ibid. A Bill against Simony not passed pag. 193. The Entail of the Duke of Somersets Estate cut-off pag. 194. The Commons refuse to attaint the Bishop of Duresme by Bill ibid. The Parliament is dissolved pag. 195. A Reformation of the Ecclesiastical Courts is considered ibid. The chief heads of it pag. 197. Rules about Excommunication pag. 201. Projects for relieving the poor Clergy pag. 202. Heath and Day deprived pag. 203. The Affairs of Ireland ibid. A change in the order of the Garter pag. 205. Paget degraded from the Order pag. 206. The encrease of Trade pag. 207. Cardan passes through England pag. 208. The Affairs of Scotland ibid. The Affairs of Germany pag. 210. Proceedings at Trent pag. 211. An Account of the Council there pag. 212. A Judgment of the Histories of it ibid. The freedom of Religion established in Germany pag. 213. The Emperor is much cast down pag. 214. 1553. A Regulation of the Privy Council ibid. A New Parliament ibid. The Bishoprick of Duresm suppressed and two new ones were to be raised pag. 215. A Visitation for the Plate in Churches pag. 216. Instructions for the President in the North. pag. 217. The form of the Bishops Letters Patents pag. 218. A Treaty with the Emperor pag. 219. The Kings sickness pag. 221. His care of the poor ibid. Several Marriages pag. 222. He intends to leave the Crown to Lady Jane Gray ibid. Which the Judges opposed at first ibid. Yet they consented to it except Hales pag. 222. Cranmer is hardly prevailed with pag. 224. The Kings sickness becomes desperate ibid. His last Prayer ibid. His Death and Character ibid. BOOK II. The Life and Reign of Queen Mary QVeen Mary succeeds but is in great danger pag. 233. And retires to Suffolk ibid. She writes to the Council pag. 234. But they declare for the Lady Jane ibid. The Lady Janes Character ibid. She unwillingly accepts the Crown pag. 235. The Council writes to Queen Mary ibid. They proclaim the Lady Jane Queen ibid. Censures passed upon it pag. 236. The Duke of Northumberland much hated pag. 237. The Council send an Army against Queen Mary ibid. Ridley Preaches against her pag. 238. But her Party grows strong ibid. The Council turn and proclaim her Queen pag. 239. The Duke of Northumberland is taken ibid. Many Prisoners are sent to the Tower ibid. The Queen comes to London pag. 240. She was in danger in her Fathers time ibid. And was preserved by Cranmer pag. 241. She submitted to her Father ibid. Designs for changing Religion pag. 242. Gardiners policy ibid. He is made Chancellour ibid. Duke of Northumberland and others Attainted ibid. He at his Death professes he had been always a Papist pag. 243. His Character pag. 244. King Edwards Funeral ibid. The
his Right and a general Peace proclaimed They desired also that in the mean season no Man might be restrained to use his fashion of Religion 18. The Emperor made Answer That the Council should be to the Glory of God and Maintenance of the Empire at Trent He knew no Title to any of his Territories Peace he desired and in the mean season would have them observe the Interim and last Council of Trent he would also that they of Breme and Hamburgh with their Associates should leave their Seditions and obey his Decrees 21. George Duke of Mecklenburgh came with 8000 Men of War to the City of Magdeburgh being Protestant against whom went forth the Count of Mansfield and his Brother with 6000 Men and eight Guns to drive him from Pillage but the other abiding the Battel put the Count to flight took his Brother Prisoner and slew 3000 Men as it is reported October 4. Removing to Richmond 5. The Parliament Prorogued to the 20th of January 6. The French King made his entry into Roan 10. It was agreed that York Master of one of the Mints at the Tower should make his Bargain with Me viz. To take the Profit of Silver rising of Bullion that he himself brought should pay all my Debts to the Sum of 1200000 l. or above and remain accountable for the Overplus paying no more but 6 s. and 6 d. the ounce till the Exchange were equal in Flanders and after 6 s. and 2 d. Also that he should declare all his Bargains to any should be appointed to oversee him and leave off when I would For which I should give him 15000 l. in Prest and leave to carry 8000 l. over-Sea to abase the Exchange 16. Removing to Westminster 19. Prices were set of all kind of Grains Butter Cheese and Poultry-Ware by a Proclamation 20. The Frenchmen came to Sandefield and Fins-wood to the number of 800 and there on my Ground did spoil my Subjects that were relieved by the Wood. 26. The French Ambassadour came to excuse the foresaid Men saying They thought it not meet that that Wood should be spoiled of us being thought and claimed as theirs and therefore they lay there 24. There were 1000 Men embarqued to go to Calais and so to Guisnes and Hammes Rishumbee Newmanbridge the Causie and the Bullwarks with Victual for the same November 19. There were Letters sent to every Bishop to pluck down the Altars 20. There were Letters sent down to the Gentlemen of every Shire for the observation of the last Proclamation touching Corn bccause there came none to the Markets commanding them to punish the Offenders 29. Upon the Letters written back by the same the second Proclamation was abolished December 15. There was Letters sent for the taking of certain Chaplains of the Lady Mary for saying Mass which she denied 19. Borthwick was sent to the King of Denmark with privy Instructions for the Marriage of the Lady Elizabeth to his Son 20. There was appointed a Band of Horsemen divided amongst the Nobles An 100 to the Duke of Somerset 50 to my Lord Marq. Northampton Lord Marquess of Dorset Earl of Wiltshire Lord Wentworth Lord Admiral Lord Paget Mr. Sadler Mr. Darcy To the Earl of Warwick Lord Privy-Seal Mr. Herbert Mr. Treasurer 24. Removing to Greenwich 26. Peace concluded between the Emperor and the Scots January 6. The Earl of Arundel remitted of 8000 l. which he ought to have payed for certain Faults he had committed within 12 Years 7. There was appointed for because the Frenchmen did go about practice in Ireland that there should be prepared four Ships four Barques four Pinaces and twelve Victualers to take three Havens of which two were on the South-side toward France and one in James Cannes the Scottish Country and also send and break the foresaid Conspiracies 10. Three Ships being sent forth into the Narrow Seas took certain Pirats and brought them into England where the most part was hanged 27. Monsieur de Lansac came from the French King by way of request to ask that Coumilis the fishing of the Tweed Edrington the Ground debatable and the Scotch Hostages that were put here in the King my Father's days should be delivered to the Scots that they might be suffered to Traffique as though they were in Peace and that all Interest of the foresaid Houses should be delivered to the Scots Also that those Prisoners which were bound to pay their Ransoms before the Peace last concluded should not enjoy the benefit of the Peace 18. The Lord Cobham was appointed to be General Lieutenant in Ireland 30. Letters written to Mr. St. Lieger to repair to the South parts of Ireland with his Force February 3. Mr. Croftis appointed to go into Ireland and there with Rogers and certain Artificers to take the Havens aforesaid and begin some Fortification 5. Divers Merchants of London were spoken withal for provision of Corn out of Dansick about 40000 Quarters 10. Mountford was commanded to go to provide for certain proportions of Victual for the Ships that should go into Ireland 11. Also for Provision to be sent to Barwick and the North parts 16. Whaley was examined for perswading divers Nobles of the Realm to make the Duke of Somerset Protector at the next Parliament and stood to the denial the Earl of Rutland affirming it manifestly 13. The Bishop of Winchester after a long Trial was deposed of his Bishoprick 20. Sir VVilliam Pickering Kt. was dispatched to the French King for Answer to Monsieur de Lansac to declare That although I had right in the foresaid Places yet I was content to surrender them under Conditions to be agreed on by Commissioners on both sides and for the last Articles I agreed without condition 25. The Lord Marquess Dorset appointed to be Warden of the North-Borders having three Sub-Wardens the Lord Ogle c. in the East and the Lord Coniers in the West Also Mr. Auger had the charge for victualling Calais 28. The Learned Man Bucerus died at Cambridg who was two days after buried in St. Mary's Church at Cambridg all the whole University with the whole Town bringing him to the Grave to the number of 3000 Persons Also there was an Oration of Mr. Haddon made very eloquently at his Death and a Sermon of * Dr. Parker after that Master Redman made a third Sermon which three Sermons made the People wonderfully to lament his Death Last of all all the Learned Men of the University made their Epitaphs in his praise laying them on his Grave March 3. The Lord Wentworth Lord Chamberlain died about ten of the Clock at Night leaving behind him sixteen Children 1. Sir John York made great loss about 2000 l. weight of Silver by Treason of English Men which he brought for Provision of the Mints Also Judd 1500 and also Tresham 500 so the whole came to 4000 l. February 20. The Frenchmen came with a Navy of 160 Sail into Scotland loaden with provision of Grain
de Tallie was sent to raise the Arrierbands and Legionars of Picardy and Champaign to recover Guise and invade Flanders 27. Removing to Hampton-Court 30. It was appointed that the Statds should have this Answer That those Clothes which they had bought to carry over to the Sum of 2000 Clothes and odd should be carried at their old Custom so they were carried within six weeks and likewise all Commodities they brought in till our Lady-day in Term next in all other Points the old Decree to stand till by a further communication the Matter should be ended and concluded The Lord Paget was licensed to tarry at London and there-abouts till Michaelmass because he had no Provision in his Country 26. Certain of the Heraulds Lancaster and Portcullis were committed to Ward for counterfeiting Clarencieux Seal to get Mony by giving of Arms. 23. The French King having received divers Skirmishes of the Townsmen and chiefly two in the one they slew the French Light-horse lying in a Village by the Town in the other they entred into the Camp and pulled down Tents which two Skirmishes were given by the Count of Mansfield Governour of the Town And the Duke of Luxemburg and his 300 Light-horse understanding by the Treason of four Priests the weakest part of the Town so affrighted the Townsmen and the Flemish Souldiers that they by threatnings compelled their Captain the Count that he yielded himself and the Gentlemen Prisoners the Common-Souldiers to depart with white Wands in their Hands The Town was well Fortified Victualled and Furnished 24. The Town of Mountmedy yielded to the French King which before had given a hot Skirmish July 4. Sir John Gates Vicechamberlain was made Chancellor of the Dutchy 7. Removing to Oatlands 5. The Emperor's Ambassador delivered the Regent's Letter being of this effect That whereas I was bound by a Treaty with the Emperor made Anno Dom. 1542 at Dotrecht That if any Man did Invade the two Counties I should help him with 5000 Footmen or 700 Crowns a day during four months and make War with him within a month after the Request made and now the French King had invaded Luxemburg desiring my Men to follow the Effect of the Treaty 7. The Names of the Commissioners was added and made more both in the Debts the surveying of the Courts the Penal Laws c. and because my Lord Chamberlain my Lord Privy-Seal Mr. Vice-chamberlain and Mr. Secretary Petre went with me this Progress 8. It was appointed that 50 pound weight of Gold should be coined after the new Standard to carry about this Progress which maketh 150 l. Sterling 9. The Chancellor of the Augmentation was willed to surcease his Commission given him the third Year of our Reign 3. Monsieur de Bossy Grand Escuyer to the Emperor was made General of the Army in the Low-Countries and Monsieur de Prat over the Horsemen 10. It was appointed here that if the Emperor's Ambassador did move any more for Help or Aid this Answer should be sent him by two of my Council That this Progress-time my Council was dispersed I would move by their Advise and he must tarry till the Matter were concluded and their Opinions heard Also I had committed the Treaty to be considered by divers learned Men c. And if another time he would press Me then answer to be made That I trusted the Emperor would not wish Me in these young Years having felt them so long to enter into them How I had Amity sworn with the French King which I could not well break and therefore if the Emperor thought it so meet I would be a Mean for a Peace between them but not otherwise And if he did press the Treaty lastly to conclude That the Treaty did not bind Me which my Father had made being against the profit of my Realm and Country and to desire a new Treaty to be made between Me and the Emperor in the last Wars He answered That he marvelled what We meant for we are bound quoth the Emperor and not You. Also the Emperor had refused to fulfil it divers times both in not letting pass Horses Armour Ammunition c. which were provided by Me for the Wars As also in not sending Aid upon the Forraging of the Low-Country of Calais 12. A Letter was written to Sir Peter Meutas Captain of the Isle of Jersey both to command him that Divine Service may there be used as in England and also that he take heed to the Church-Plate that it be not stollen away but kept safe till further Order be taken 9. The French King came to the Town Aveins in Hainault where after he had viewed the Town he left it and besieged a Pile called Tirlokbut the Bailiff of the Town perceiving his departure gave the Onset on his Rereward with 2000 Footmen and 500 Horsemen and slew 500 Frenchmen After this and the winning of certain Holds of little force the French King returned into France and divided his Army into divers good Towns to rest them because divers were sick of the Flux and such other Diseases meaning shortly to increase his Power and so to go forward with his Enterprise 12. Frederick Duke of Saxony was released from his Imprisonment and sent by the Emperor into his own Country to the great rejoicing of all the Protestants 5. The Emperor declared That he would none of these Articles to which Duke Maurice agreed and the King of the Romans also The Copy of them remaineth with the Secretary Cecil Marquess Albert of Brandenburg did great harm in the Country of Franconia burnt all Towns and Villages about Norimberg and compelled them to pay to the Princes of his League 200000 Dollars ten of the fairest pieces of Ordnance and 150 Kintalls of Powder After that he went to Frankfort to distress certain Souldiers gathered there for the Emperor 15. Removing to Guilford 20. Removing to Petworth 23. The Answer was made to the Emperor's Ambassador touching the Aid he required by Mr. Wotton and Mr. Hobbey according to the first Article supra 24. Because the number of Bands that went with Me this Progress made the Train great it was thought good they should be sent home save only 150 which were pickt out of all the Bands This was because the Train was thought to be near 4000 Horse which were enough to eat up the Country for there was little Meadow nor Hay all the way as I went 25. Removing to Londre Sir Anthony Brown's House 27. Removing to Halvenaker 30. Whereas it had been before devised that the New Fort of Barwick should be made with four Bulwarks and for making of two of them the Wall of the Town should be left open on the Enemies side a great way together which thing had been both dangerous and chargeable it was agreed the Wall should stand and two Slaughter-houses to be made upon it to scour the outer Courtins a great Rampier to be made within the Wall a great Ditch within that
was sent for home 23. The Lord Gray was chosen Deputy of Calais in the Lord Willowby's place who was thought unmeet for it 24. Sir Nicholas Wentworth was discharged of the Portership of Calais and one Cotton was put into it In consideration of his Age the said Sir Nicholas Wentworth had 100 l. Pension 26. Letters were sent for the discharge of the Men of Arms at Michaelmass next following 27. The young Lords Table was taken away and the Masters of Requests and the Serjeants of Arms and divers other extraordinary Allowances 26. The Duke of Northumberland the Marquess of Northampton the Lord Chancellor Mr. Secretary Petre and Mr. Secretary Cecil ended a Matter at Eaton-College between the Master and the Fellows and also took order for the amendment of certain superfluous Statutes 28. Removing to Hampton-Court 29. Two Lawyers came from the French King to declare what things had passed with the Englishmen in the King's Privy-Council what and why against them and what was now in doing and with what diligence Which when they had eloquently declared they were referred to London where there should speak with them Mr. Secretary Petre Mr. Wotton and Sir Thomas Smith whereby then was declared the Griefs of our Merchants which came to the Sum of 50000 l. and upwards to which they gave little answer but that they would make Report when they came home because they had yet no Commission but only to declare us the Causes of things done The first day of this month the Emperor departed from Augusta toward Vlmes and thanking the Citizens for their stedfast sticking to him in these perrilous Times he passed by them to Strasburg accompanied only with 4000 Spaniards 5000 Italians 12000 Almains and 2000 Horsmen and thanking also them of Strasburg for their good-will they bore him that they would not let the French King come into their Town he went to Weysenberg and so to Spires and came thither the 23 d of this month Of which the French King being advertised summoned an Army to Metz and went thitherward himself sent a Pay of three months to Marquess Albert and the Rhinegrave and his Band also willing him to stop the Emperor's Passage into these Low-Countries and to fight with him 27. The Matter of the Debatable was agreed upon according to the last Instructions 26. Duke Maurice with 4000 Footmen and 1000 Horsemen arrived at Vienna against the Turks 21. Marquess Hans of Brandenburg came with an Army of 13000 Footmen and 1500 Horsemen to the Emperor's Army and many Almain Souldiers encreased his Army wonderfully for he refused none October 3. Because I had a pay of 48000 l. to be paid in December and had as yet but 14000 beyond Seas to pay it withal the Merchants did give me a Loan of 40000 l. to be paid by them the last of December and to be repaied again by Me the last of March The manner of levying this Loan was of the Clothes after the rate of 20 s. a Cloth for they carried out at this Shipping 40000 Broad-Clothes This Grant was confirmed the 4th day of this month by a company assembled of 300 Merchant-Adventurers 2. The Bullwarks of Earth and Boards in Essex which had a continual allowance of Souldiers in them were discharged by which was saved presently 500 l. and hereafter 700 or more 4. The Duke D'alva and the Marquess of Marigna set forth with a great part of the Emperor's Army having all the Italians and Spaniards with them towards Treves where the Marquess Albert had set ten Ensigns of Launce-Knights to defend it and tarried himself with the rest of his Army at Landaw besides Spires 6. Because Sir Andrew Dudley Captain of Guisnes had indebted himself very much by his Service at Guisnes also because it should seem injurious to the Lord Willowby that for the Contention between him and Sir Andrew Dudley he should be put out of his Office therefore it was agreed That the Lord William Howard should be Deputy of Calais and the Lord Gray Captain of Guisnes Also it was determined that Sir Nicholas Sturley should be Captain of the new Fort at Barwick and that Alex. Brett should be Porter and one Roksby should be Marshal 7. Upon report of Letters written by Mr. Pickering how that Stuckley had not declared to him all the while of his being in France no one word touching the Communication afore specified and declared also how Mr. Pickering thought and certainly advertised that Stuckley never heard the French King speak no such word nor never was in credit with him or the Constable save once when he became an Interpreter between the Constable and certain English Pioneers He was committed to the Tower of London Also the French Ambassador was advertised how we had committed him to Prison for that he untruly slandered the King our good Brother as other such Runnagates do daily the same This was told him to make him suspect the English Runnagates that be there A like Letter was sent again to Mr. Pickering 8. Le Seigneur de Villandry came in Post from the French King with this Message First That although Mr. Sidney's and Mr. Winter's Matters were justly condemned yet the French King because they both were my Servants and one of them about me was content gratuito to give Mr. Sidney his Ship and all the Goods in her and Mr. Winter his Ship and all his own Goods Which Offer was refused saying We required nothing gratuito but only Justice and Expedition Also Villandry declared That the King his Master wished that an Agreement were made between the Ordinances and Customs of England and France in Marine Affairs To which was answered that our Ordinances were nothing but the Civil Law and certain very old Additions of the Realm That we thought it reason not to be bound to any other Law than their old Laws which had been of long time continued and no fault found with them Also Villandry brought forth two new Proclamations which for things to come were very profitable for England for which he had a Letter of Thanks to the King his Master He required also Pardon and Releasement of Imprisonment for certain Frenchmen taken on the Sea-Coast It was shewed him they were Pirats Now some of them should by Justice be punished some by Clemency pardoned and with this Dispatch he departed 11. Horne Dean of Durham declared a secret Conspiracy of the Earl of Westmoreland the Year of the apprehension of the Duke of Somerset How he would have taken out Treasure at Midleham and would have robbed his Mother and sold 200 l. Land and to please the People would have made a Proclamation for the bringing up of the Coin because he saw them grudg at the fall He was commanded to keep this Matter close 6. Mr. Morison Ambassador with the Emperor declared to the Emperor the Matter of the Turks before specified whose Answer was He thanked us for our gentle Offer and would cause the Regent to
another To the fifth Point 1. The Emperor is at this time so driven to his Shifts that neither he shall be able to attend the stay of Mony from coming to the Mart neither if he were able to attend could I think do it now the Flemings being put in such fear as they be of the loss of all they have 2. The Flemings and the Spaniards which be under him can hardlier be without us than we without them and therefore they would hardly be brought to forbear our Traffique To the sixth Point 1. It were good the Stiliard-men were for this time gently answered and that it were seen whether by any gentle offer of some part of their Liberties again they might be brought to ship their Wares to the Mart. The Frenchmen also I think would easily be brought to come hither having now none other Traffique but hither these two Nations would suffice to begin a Mart for the first part To the seventh Point 1. It is not the ability of the English Merchants only that maketh the Mart but it is the resort of other Nations to some one place when they do exchange their Commodities one with another for the bargaining will be as well amongst the Strangers themselves the Spaniards with the Almains the Italians with Flemings the Venetians with the Danes c. as other Nations will bargain with Us. 2. The Merchants of London of Bristol and other places will come thither for the Mart time and traffique 3. The Merchants will make shift enough for their Lodging 4. There may be some of these Clothes that shall go hereafter be bought with my Mony and so carried to Southampton to be there uttered To the eighth Point 1. Bruges where the Mart was before stood not on the River of Rhine nor Antwerp doth not neither stand on that River 2. Frankfort Mart may well stand for a Fair in Almain although Southampton serve for all Nations that lie on the Sea-side for few of those come to Frankfort Mart. Windsor Sept. 23. Sexto Edwardo Sexti 1552. Number 5. The Method in which the Council represented Matters of State to the King An Original Written by Sir William Cecil Secretary of State Questions 1. Whether the King's Majesty shall enter into the Aid of the Emperor Answ He shall A Pacto 1. THe King is bound by the Treaty and if he will be helped by that Treaty he must do the Reciproque A periculo vitando 2. If he do not Aid the Emperor is like to Ruin and consequently the House of Burgundy come to the French Possession which is perilous to England and herein the greatness of the French King is dreadful Religio Christiana 3. The French King bringeth the Turk into Christendom and therefore that exploit to be staied Periculum violati pacti 4. If the Emperor for Extremity should agree now with the French then our Peril were double greater 1. The Emperor's Offence for lack of Aid 2. The French King's Enterprises towards us and in this Peace the Bishop of Rome's devotion towards us Pro Repub. Patria 5. Merchants be so evil used that both for the loss of Goods and Honour some Remedy must be sought Pericula consequentia 6. The French King 's Proceedings be suspicious to the Realm by breaking and burning of our Ships which be the old strength of this Isle Declaration of Stuckley's Tale. Answer He shall not Difficile quasi impossibile 1. The Aid is to be chargeable for the Cost and almost to be executed is impossible Solitudo in periculis 2. If the Emperor should die in this Confederacy we should be left alone in the War Amicorum suspitio vitanda 3. It may be the German Protestants might be more offended with this Conjunction with the Emperor doubting their own Causes Sperandum bene ab amicis 4. The Amity with France is to be hoped will amend and continue and the Commissioners coming may perchance restore Corrolarium of a mean way Judicium 1. So to help the Emperor as we may also join with other Christian Princes and conspire against the French King as a common Enemy to Christendom Reasons for the Common Conjunction 1. The cause is common Auxilia communia and therefore there will be more Parties to it 2. It shall avoid the chargeable entry into Aid with the Emperor Sumptus vitandi according to the Treaties 3. If the Emperor should die or break off Amicorum copia yet it is most likely some of the other Princes and Parties will remain so as the King's Majesty shall not be alone 4. The Friendship shall much advance the King 's other Causes in Christendom Dignitas causae 5. It shall be most honourable to break with the French King for this common Quarrel of Christendom Pro fide Religione Reasons against this Conjunction 1. The Treaty must be with so many Parties Inter multos nihil secretum that it can neither be speedily or secretly concluded 2. If the Matter be revealed and nothing concluded Amicitiae irritatae then consider the French King's Offence and so may he at his leasure be provoked to practise the like Conjunction against England with all the Papists Conclusion 1. The Treaty to be made with the Emperor The King's Hand and by the Emperor's means with other Princes 2. The Emperor's Acceptation to be understanded before we treat any thing against the French King Number 6. A Method for the Proceedings in the Council written with King Edward's Hand The Names of the whole Council The Bishop of Canterbury The Bp of Ely Lord Chancellor The Lord Treasurer The Duke of Northumberland The Lord Privy-Seal The Duke of Suffolk The Marquess of Northampton The Earl oâ— Shrewsbury The Earl of Westmoreâ—â—nd The Earl of Huntington The Earl of Pembrâ—â—k The Viscount Hereford The Lord Admiral The Lord Chamberlain The Lord Cobham The Lord Rich. Mr. Comptroller Mr. Treasurer Mr. Vicechamberlain Mr. Secretary Petre. Mr. Secretary Cecil Sir Philip Hobbey Sir Robert Bowes Sir John Gage Sir John Mason Mr. Ralph Sadler Sir John Baker Judg Broomley Judg Montague Mr. Wotton Mr. North. Those that be now called in Commission The Bishop of London The Bishop of Norwich Sir Thomas Wroth. Sir Richard Cotton Sir Walter Mildmay Mr. Sollicitor Mr. Gosnold Mr. Cook Mr. Lucas The Counsellors above-named to be thus divided into several Commissions and Charges First For hearing of those Suits which were wont to be brought to the whole Board The Lord Privy-Seal The Lord Chamberlain The Bishop of London The Lord Cobham Mr. Hobbey Sir John Mason Sir Ralph Sadler Mr. Wotton Mr. Cook Masters of Requests Mr. Lucas Masters of Requests Those Persons to hear the Suits to answer the Parties to make Certificate what Suits they think meet to be granted and upon answer received of their Certificate received to dispatch the Parties Also
he shall be received in the Confines of the Realm of Scotland and conducted from Shire to Shire unto his coming to the Parliament and what the King doth allow him for his Diet every day unto the Court and also what Diet and Allowance he hath being at the Parliament both in Bread and Wine Wax and Candle for his time of his abode there and of his Conduct in his return home And where King William King of Scots made Homage to King Henry the Second and granted That all the Nobles of his Realm should be his Subjects and make Homage to him and all the Bishops of his Realm should be under the Arch-Bishops of York And the said King William delivered to the said King Henry the Castles of Roxburgh Edinburgh and the Castle of Barwick as is found in my Register and that the King of England should give all Abbeys and Honours in Scotland or at least they should not be given without his Counsel I do find in the confirmation of the same out of the old Registers of the Priors of Duresm Hommage made by the Abbots Priors and Prioresses of Scotland to King Edward the First in French which I do send herewith Also I do send herewith in French how King Edward the First was received and taken to be Supream Lord in Scotland by all those that pretended Title to the Crown of Scotland as next Heirs to the King that was then dead without Issue and the compromise of them all made unto the said King Edward the First to stand to his Judgment which of all them that did claim should have the Crown of Scotland The Transcript of which Compromise in French was then sent by the said King Edward under the Seal of the King's Exchequer in green Wax to the Prior of Duresm to be registred for a perpetual Memory that the Supremity of Scotland belonged to the Kings of England which yet the Chapiters of Duresm have to shew which thing he commandeth them to put in their Chronicles And touching the second part of your Letter where you will me to advertise you what I have seen in the Premisses so it is that I was commanded by mine old Master of famous memory King Henry the 8th to make search among the Records of his Treasury in the Receipt for Solemnities to be done at his Coronation in most solemn manner according to which commandment I made search in the said Treasury where I fortuned to find many Writings for the Supremacy of the King to the Realm of Scotland and among others also a Writing with very many Seals of Arms of Scots confessing the right of the Supremacy to the King of England which Writings I doubt not may be found there I have also sent a Copy of a Book my self have of Homages made to the Kings of England by the Kings of Scotland which the Chancellor of England in King Henry the Sevenths days had gathered out of the King's Records which I doubt not but out of the King's Records and Ancient Books the same may be found again by my Lord Chancellor and the Judges Furthermore your Grace and you the Right Honourable Lords of the Council shall understand That in making much search for the Premisses at the last we found out of the Registers of the Chapters of Duresm when it was a Priory the Copy of a Writing by which King Edward the Second doth renounce such Superiority as he had in the Realm of Scotland for him and his Heirs to Robert King of Scots then being as will appear by a Copy of the same which I do send you herewith making mention in the end of the said Writings of a Commission that he gave to Henry the Lord Percy and to William the Lord Souch under his Letters Patents to give his Oath upon the same And after the said Writing we found also in the said Book a Renunciation of the said King Edward of a Process that he had commenced before the Bishop of Rome against Robert King of Scots and his Subjects for breaking their Oath to him as will appear by the Copy thereof which I do send also herewith And touching the said Renunciation of King Edward the Second to the Superiority of the Realm of Scotland I have often heard it spoken of by Scots but I did never see the form of it in writing until I see it now which thing it is not unlikely but the Scots have under the Seal of the said King Edward Whereunto answer is to be made That a King renouncing the right of his Crown cannot prejudice his Successors who have at the time of their entry the same whole right that their Predecessors had at their first entry as Men learned in the Civil Law can by their learning shew And furthermore search is to be made in the King's Records in the Treasury whether Homages have been made sithence King Edward the Second's Time that is to say in the Times of King Edward the Third King Richard the Second King Henry the Fourth King Henry the Fifth and King Henry the Sixth In which Times if any Homage can be found to be made it shall appear the same Renunciation to have taken none effect in the Successors and Ancient Right to be continued again For after King Edward the Fourth and King Henry the Sixth strove for the Crown I think none Homage of Scotland will be found for then was also lost Gascoigne and Guienne in France It is also to be remembred that when the Body of King Henry the Fifth was brought out of France to be buried at Westminster the King of Scots then being came with him and was the chief Mourner at his Burial which King of Scots whether he made any Homage to King Henry the Fifth in his Life-time or to King Henry the Sixth at his Coronation it is to be searched by the Records of that time This is all that can be found hitherto by all most diligent search that I could make in my Records here and if any more can be found it shall be sent with all speed And thus Almighty preserve your Grace and your Honourable Lordships to his Pleasure and yours From Ackland the 15th of October 1547. Your Graces most humble Orator at Commandment Cuth Duresme Number 10. A Letter from the Scotish Nobility to the Pope concerning their being an Independent Kingdom An Original Literae directae ad Dominum Summum Pontificem per Communitatem Scotiae 1320. SAnctissimo Patri in Christo Ex Autogr. apud Ill. Com. de H. ac Domino D. Johanni Divina Providentia Sacrosanctae Romanae Universalis Ecclesiae Summo Pontifici filii sui humiles devoti Duncanus Comes de Fife Thomas Ranulph Comes Moraviae D. Manniae Vallis Annandiae Patricius de Dumbar Comes Marchiae Malisius Comes de Straherne Malcolmus Comes de Levenex Willielmus Comes de Ross Magnus Comes Cathaneae Orcadiae Willielmus Comes Sutherlandiae Walterus Senescallus Scotiae Willielmus
never defame them so much to be seen to fear it And of what strength an Act of Parliament is the Realm was taught in the case of her that we called Queen Ann where all such as spake against her in the Parliament-House although they did it by special Commandment of the King and spake that was truth yet they were fain to have a Pardon because that speaking was against an Act of Parliament Did you never know or here tell of any Man that for doing that the King our late Soveraign Lord willed devised and required to be done He that took pains and was commanded to do it was fain to sue for his Pardon and such other also as were doers in it and I could tell who it were Sure there hath been such a Case and I have been present when it hath been reasoned That the doing against an Act of Parliament excuseth not a Man even from the Case of Treason although a Man did it by the King's Commandment You can tell this to your remembrance when you think further of it and when it cometh to your remembrance you will not be best content with your self I believe to have advised me to enter the breach of an Act of Parliament without surety of Pardon although the King command it and were such indeed as it were no matter to do it at all And thus I answer the Letters with worldly civil Reasons and take your Mind and Zeal towards me to be as tender as may be and yet you see that the following of your Advice might make me lose my Bishoprick by mine own Act which I am sure you would I should keep and so would I as might stand with my Truth and Honesty and none otherwise as knoweth God who send you heartily well to fare Number 14. The Conclusion of Gardiner's Letter to the Protector against the lawfulness of the Injunctions Cotton Libr. Vesp D. 18. VVHether the King may command against the Common Law or an Act of Parliament there is never a Judg or other Man in the Realm ought to know more by experience of that the Lawyers have said than I. First My Lord Cardinal had obtained his Legacy by our late Soveraign Lord's Request at Rome yet being it was against the Laws of the Realm the Judges censured the Offence of Premunire which Matter I bore away and take it for a Law of the Realm because the Lawyers said so but my Reason digested it not The Lawyers for the confirmation of their Doings brought in a Case of my Lord Typtest an Earl he was and learned in Civil Laws who being Chancellor because in execution of the King's Commission he offended the Laws of the Realm he suffered on Tower-Hill they brought in the Examples of many Judges that had Fines set on their Heads in like case for transgression of the Laws by the King's Commandment and this I learned in this Case Since that time being of the Council when many Proclamations were devised against the Carriers out of Corn when it came to punishing the Offenders the Judges would answer it might not be by the Laws because the Act of Parliament gave liberty Wheat being under a price Whereupon at the last followed the Act of Proclamations in the passing whereof were many large words When the Bishop of Exeter and his Chancellor were by one Body brought into a Premunire I reasoned with the Lord Audley then Chancellor so far as he bad me hold my peace for fear of entring a Premunire my self But I concluded that although I must take it as of their Authority that it is Common Law yet I could not see how a Man authorised by the King as since the King's Majesty hath taken upon him the Supremacy every Bishop is that Man could fall in a Premunire I reasoned once in the Parliament House where was free Speech without danger and there the Lord Audley Chancellor then to satisfie me because I was in some secret estimation as he knew Thou art a good Fellow Bishop quoth he look the Act of the Supremacy and there the King's doings be restrained to Spiritual Jurisdiction And in an other Act No Spiritual Law shall have place contrary to a Common Law or an Act of Parliament And if this were not quoth he the Bishops would enter in with the King and by means of his Supremacy order the Law as you listed but we will provide quoth he that the Premunire shall never go off your Heads This I bare away there and held my peace Since that time in a Case of Jewels I was fain with the Emperor's Ambassador Chapinius when he was here and in the Emperor's Court also to defend and maintain by Commandment that the King's Majesty was not above his Laws and therefore the Jeweller although he had the King's Bill signed yet it would not serve because it was not obtained after the Order of the Law in which Matter I was very much troubled Even this time twelve-month when I was in Commission with my Lord great Master and the Earl of Southampton for the altering of the Court of Augmentations there was my Lord Montague and other of the King 's Learned Council of whom I learned what the King might do against an Act of Parliament and what danger it was to them that medled It is fresh in my Memory and they can tell whether I say true or no and therefore being learned in so notable Causes I wrote in your absence therein as I had learned by hearing the Common Lawyers speak whose Judgments rule these Matters howsoever my reason can digest them When I wrote thereof the Matter was so reasonable as I have been learned by the Lawyers of the Realm that I trusted my Lords would have staied till your Graces return Number 15. A Letter from the Duke of Somerset to the Lady Mary in the beginning of King Edward's Reign Madam my humble Commendations to your Grace premised THese may be to signify unto the same Cotton Libr. Faustin C. 2. that I have received your Letters of the second of this present by Jane your Servant reknowledging my self thereby much bound unto your Grace nevertheless I am very sorry to perceive that your Grace should have or conceive any sinister or wrong Opinion in me and others which were by the King your late Father and our most gracious Master put in trust as Executors of his Will albeit the truth of our doings being known to your Grace as it seemeth by your said Letter not to be I trust there shall be no such fault found in us as in the same your Grace hath alleadged and for my part I know none of us that will willingly neglect the full execution of every Jot of his said Will as far as shall and may stand with the King our Master's Honour and Surety that now is otherwise I am sure that your Grace nor none other his Faithful Subjects would have it take place not doubting but our Doings and
Proceedings therein and in all things committed to our Charge shall be such as shall be able to answer the whole World both in honour and discharge of our Consciences And where your Grace writeth that the most part of the Realm through a naughty Liberty and Presumption are now brought into such a Division as if we Executors go not about to bring them to that stay that our late Master left them they will forsake all Obedience unless they have their own Will and Phantasies and then it must follow that the King shall not be well served and that all other Realms shall have us in an Obloquy and Derision and not without just cause Madam as these words written or spoken by you soundeth not well so can I not perswade my self that they have proceeded from the sincere mind of so vertuous and so wise a Lady but rather by the setting on and procurement of some uncharitable and malicious Persons of which sort there are too many in these days the more pity but yet we must not be so simple so to weigh and regard the Sayings of ill-disposed People and the Doings of other Realms and Countries as for that Report we should neglect our Duty to God and to our Soveraign Lord and Native Country for then we might be justly called evil Servants and Masters and thanks be given unto the Lord such hath been the King's Majesty's Proceedings our young Noble Master that now is that all his faithful Subjects have more cause to render their hearty thanks for the manifold Benefits shewed unto his Grace and to his People and Realm sithence the first day of his Reign until this hour than to be offended with it and thereby rather to judg and think that God who knoweth the Hearts of all Men is contented and pleased with his Ministers who seek nothing but the true Glory of God and the Surety of the King's Person with the Quietness and Wealth of his Subjects And where your Grace writeth also That there was a Godly Order and Quietness left by the King our late Master your Graces Father in this Realm at the time of his Death and that the Spiritualty and Temporalty of the whole Realm did not only without compulsion fully assent to his Doings and Proceedings specially in Matters of Religion but also in all kind of Talk whereof as your Grace wrote ye can partly be witness your self at which your Graces Sayings I do something marvel For if it may please you to call to your remembrance what great Labours Travels and Pains his Grace had before he could reform some of those stiff-necked Romanists or Papists yea and did not they cause his Subjects Rise and Rebel against him and constrained him to take the Sword in his hand not without danger to his Person and Realm Alas why should your Grace so shortly forget that great Outrage done by those Generations of Vipers unto his Noble Person only for God's Cause Did not some of the same ill kind also I mean that Romanist Sect as well with his own Realm as without conspire oftentimes his Death which was manifestly and oftentimes proved to the confusion of some of their privy Assisters Then was it not that all the Spiritualty nor yet the Temporalty did so fully assent to his Godly Orders as your Grace writeth of Did not his Grace also depart from this Life before he had fully finished such Orders as he minded to have established to all his People if death had not prevented him Is it not most true that no kind of Religion was perfected at his Death but left all uncertain most like to have brought us in Parties and Divisions if God had not only helpt us And doth your Grace think it convenient it should so remain God forbid What regret and sorrow our late Master had the time he saw he must depart for that he knew the Religion was not established as he purposed to have done I and others can be witness and testify and what he would have done further in it if he had lived a great many know and also I can testifie And doth your Grace who is learned and should know God's Word esteem true Religion and the knowledg of the Scriptures to be new-fangledness and fantasie For the Lord's sake turn the Leaf and look the other while upon the other side I mean with another Judgment which must pass by an humble Spirit through the Peace of the Living God who of his infinite Goodness and Mercy grant unto your Grace plenty thereof to the satisfying of your Soveraign and your most noble Hearts continual desire Number 16. Certain Petitions and Requests made by the Clergie of the Lower House of the Convocation to the most Reverend Father in God the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his Grace and the residue of the Prelats of the Higher House for the furtherance of certain Articles following FIrst Ex M. S. Dr. Stillingfleet That Ecclesiastical Laws may be made and established in this Realm by thirty two Persons or so many as shall please the King's Majesty to name and appoint according to the effect of a late Statute made in 35th Year of the most noble King and of most famous Memory King Henry the 8th So that all Judges Ecclesiastical proceeding after those Laws may be without danger and peril Also that according to the Ancient Custom of this Realm and the Tenour of the King 's Writ for the summoning of the Parliament which be now and ever have been directed to the Bishops of every Diocess the Clergy of the Lower House of the Convocation may be adjoined and associate with the Lower House of the Parliament or else That all such Statutes and Ordinances as shall be made concerning all Matters of Religion and Causes Ecclesiastical may not pass without the sight and assent of the said Clergy Also that whereas by the Commandment of King Henry the 8th certain Prelats and learned Men were appointed to alter the Service in the Church and to devise other convenient and uniform Order therein Who according to the same Appointment did make certain Books as they be informed Their Request is That the said Books may be seen and perused by them for a better expedition of Divine Service to be set forth accordingly Also that Men being called to Spiritual Promotions or Benefices may have some Allowance for their necessary Living and other Charges to be sustained and born concerning the same Benefices in the first Year wherein they pay the first Fruits Whether the Clergy of the Convocation may liberally speak their Minds without danger of Statute or Law Number 17. A second Petition to the same purpose Ex M. S. Dr. Stillingfleet WHere the Clergy in this present Convocation assembled have made humble suit unto the most Reverend Father in God my Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and all the other Bishops That it may please them to be a Mean to the King's Majesty and Lord Protector 's Grace
exhort and counsel Priests to live in Chastity Ex MS. Col. C. C. Cant. out of the cumber of the Flesh and of the World that thereby they may wholly attend to their Calling yet the Bond of continuing from Marriage doth only lie upon Priests in this Realm by reason of Canons and Constitutions of the Church and not by any Precept of God's Word as in that they should be bound by any Vow Which in as far as my Conscience is Priests in this Church of England do not make I think that it standeth well with God's Word that a Man which hath been or is but once married being otherwise accordingly qualified may be made a Priest And I do think that for as much as Canons and Rules made in this behalf are neither Universal nor Everlasting but upon Considerations may be altered changed Therefore the King's Majesty and the higher Powers of the Church may upon such Reasons as shall move them take away the Clog of perpetual Continence from Priests and grant that it may be lawful for such as cannot or will not contain to marry a Wife and if she die then the said Priest to marry no more remaining still in the Ministration John Redmayn Number 31. Articles of High Treason and other Misdemeanours against the King's Majesty and his Crown objected to Sir Thomas Seymour Kt. Lord Seymour of Sudley and High Admimiral of England Ex Libro Concilii Fol. 236. 1. VVHereas the Duke of Somerset was made Governor of the King's Majesty's Person and Protector of all his Realms and Dominions and Subjects to the which you your self did agree and gave your consent in writing it is objected and laid unto your Charge That this notwithstanding you have attempted and gone about by indirect means to undoe this Order and to get into your hands the Government of the King's Majesty to the great danger of his Highness Person and the subversion of the State of the Realm 2. It is objected and laid to your Charge that by corrupting with Gifts and fair Promises divers of the Privy Chamber you went about to allure his Highness to condescend and agree to the same your most heinous and perilous purposes to the great danger of his Highness Person and of the subversion of the State of the Realm 3. It is objected and laid unto your Charge that you wrote a Letter with your own hand which Letter the King's Majesty should have subscribed or written again after that Copy to the Parliament House and that you delivered the same to his Highness for that intent With the which so written by his Highness or subscribed you had determined to have come into the Commons-House your self and there with your Fautors and Adherents before prepared to have made a Broil or Tumult or Uproar to the great danger of the King's Majesty's Person and subversion of the State of this Realm 4. It is objected and laid unto your Charge That you your self spake to divers of the Council and laboured with divers of the Nobility of the Realm to stick and adhere unto you for the Alteration of the State and Order of the Realm and to attain your other Purposes to the danger of the King's Majesty's Person now in his tender Years and subversion of the State of the Realm 5. It is objected and laid unto your Charge that you did say openly and plainly You would make the Blackest Parliament that ever was in England 6. It is objected and laid to your Charge That being sent for by the Authority to answer to such things as were thought meet to be reformed in you you refused to come to a very evil Example of Disobedience and danger thereby of the subversion of the State of the Realm 7. It is Objected and laid to your Charge That sith the last Sessions of this Parliament notwithstanding much clemency shewed unto you you have still continued in your former mischievous Purposes and continually by your self and other studied and laboured to put into the King's Majesty's Head and Mind a misliking of the Government of the Realm and of the Lord Protector 's doings to the danger of his Person and the great peril of the Realm 8. It is Objected and laid to your Charge That the King's Majesty being of those tender Years and as yet by Age unable to direct his own things you have gone about to instill into his Grace's Head and as much as lieth in you perswaded him to take upon himself the Government and managing of his own Affairs to the danger of his Highness Person and great peril of the whole Realm 9. It is Objected and laid to your Charge That you had fully intended and appointed to have taken the King's Majesty's Person into your own hands and custody to the danger of his Subjects and peril of the Realm 10. It is Objected and laid to your Charge That you have corrupted with Mony certain of the Privy-Chamber to perswade the King's Majesty to have a credit towards you and so to insinuate you to his Grace that when he lacked any thing he should have it of you and none other Body to the intent he should mislike his ordering and that you might the better when you saw time use his King's Highness for an Instrument to this purpose to the danger of his Royal Person and subversion of the State of the Realm 11. It is Objected and laid unto your Charge That you promised the Marriage of the King's Majesty at your Will and Pleasure 12. It is Objected and laid unto your Charge That you have laboured and gone about to combine and confederate your self with some Persons and specially moved those Noble-men whom you thought not to be contented to depart into their Countries and make themselves strong and otherwise to allure them to serve your purpose by gentle Promises and Offers to have a Party and Faction in readiness to all your Purposes to the danger of the King's Majesty's Person and peril of the State of the Realm 13. It is Objected and laid unto your Charge That you have parted as it were in your imagination and intent the Realm to set Noble-men to countervail such other Noble-men as you thought would lett your devilish Purposes and so laboured to be strong to all your Devices to the great danger of the King's Majesty's Person and great peril of the State of the Realm 14. It is Objected and laid unto your Charge That you had advised certain Men to entertain and win the favour and good-wills of the head Yeomen and Ringleaders of certain Countries to the intent that they might bring the Multitude and Commons when you should think meet to the furtherance of your Purposes 15. It is Objected and laid to your Charge That you have not only studied and imagined how to have the Rule of a number of Men in your hands but that you have attempted to get and also gotten divers Stewardships of Noblemens Lands their Mannoreds to
Parties so injured and spoiled so that thereby Forreign Princes have in a manner been weary of the King's Majesty's Amity and by their Ambassadors divers times complained to the great slander of the King's Majesty and danger of the State of the Realm 28. It is Objected and laid unto your Charge That where certain Men have taken certain Pirats you have not only taken from the Takers of the said Pirats all the Goods and Ships so taken without any reward but have cast the said Takers for their good Service done to the King's Majesty into Prison and there detained them a great time some eight Weeks some more some less to the discouraging of such as truly should serve the King's Majesty against his Pirats and Enemies 29. It is Objected and laid unto your Charge That divers of the Head Pirats being brought unto you you have let the same Pirats go again free unto the Seas and taking away from the Takers of them not only all their Commodity and Profit but from the true Owners of the Ships and Goods all such as ever came into the Pirats hands as though you were authorised to be the chief Pirat and to have had all the Advantage they could bring unto you 30. It is Objected and laid unto your Charge That where Order hath been taken by the Lord Protector and the whole Council that certain Goods piratically taken upon the Seas and otherwise known not to be Wreck nor Forfeited should be restored to the true Owners and Letters thereupon written by the Lord Protector and the Council to the which Letters you your self among the other did set to your Hand Yet you this notwithstanding have given commandment to your Officers That no such Letters should be obeyed and written your private Letters to the contrary commanding the said Goods not to be restored but kept to your own use and profit contrary to your own Hand before in the Council-Chamber written and contrary to your Duty and Allegiance and to the perilous Example of others and great slander and danger of the Realm 31. It is Objected and laid unto your Charge That where certain Strangers which were Friends and Allies to the King's Majesty had their Ships with Wind and Weather broken and yet came unwrecked to the Shore when the Lord Protector and the Council had written for the restitution of the said Goods and to the Country to aid and save so much of the Goods as might you your self subscribing and consenting thereto yet this notwithstanding you have not only given contrary commandment to your Officers but as a Pirat have written Letters to some of your Friends to help that as much of these Goods as they could should be conveyed away secretly by Night further off upon hope that if the same Goods were assured the Owners would make no further labour for them and then you might have enjoyed them contrary to Justice and your Honour and to the great slander of this Realm 32. It is Objected and laid unto your Charge That you have not only disclosed the Kings Majesty's Secret Council but also where you your self amongst the rest have consented and agreed to certain things for the advancement of the King's Affairs you have spoken and laboured against the same 33. It is further Objected and laid unto your Charge That your Deputy Steward and other your Ministers of the Holt in the County of Denbigh have now against Christmass last past at the said Holt made such provision of Wheat Malt Beefs and other such things as be necessary for the sustenance of a great number of Men making also by all the means possible a great Mass of Mony insomuch that all the Country doth greatly marvel at it and the more because your Servants have spread Rumours abroad that the King's Majesty was dead whereupon the Country is in a great maze doubt and expectation looking for some Broil and would have been more if at this present by your apprehension it had not been staied The Lord Admiral 's Answer to three of the former Articles TO the first he saith That about Easter-Tyde was twelve-months he said to Fowler as he supposeth it was that if he might have the King in his custody as Mr. Page had he would be glad and that he thought a Man might bring him through the Gallery to his Chamber and so to his House But this he said he spoke merrily meaning no hurt And that in the mean time after he heard and upon that sought out certain Precedents that there was in England at one time one Protector and another Regent of France and the Duke of Exeter and the Bishop of Winchester Governors of the King's Person Upon that he had thought to have made suit to the Parliament-House for that purpose and he had the names of all the Lords and totted them whom he thought he might have to his purpose to labour them But afterwards communing with Mr. Comptroller at Ely-place being put in remembrance by him of his assenting and agreeing with own his Hand that the Lord Protector should be governor of the King's Person he was ashamed of his doings and left off that suit and labour To the second he saith He gave Mony to two or three of them which were about the King To Mr. Cheek he saith he gave at Christmass-tide was twelve-months when the Queen was at Enfield 40 l. whereof to himself 20 l. the other for the King to bestow where it pleased his Grace amongst his Servants Mr. Cheek was very loath to take it howbeit he would needs press that upon him and to him he gave no more at no time as he remembreth sith the King's Majesty was crowned To the Grooms of the Chamber he hath at Newyears-tydes given Mony he doth not well remember what To Fowler he saith he gave Mony for the King sith the beginning of this Parliament now last at London 20 l. And divers times he saith the King hath sent to him for mony and he hath sent it And what time Mr. Latimer preached before the King the King sent to him to know what he should give Mr. Latimer and he sent to him by Fowler 40 l. with this word that 20 l. was a good reward for Mr. Latimer and the other he might bestow amongst his Servants whether he hath given Fowler any mony for himself he doth not remember To the third he saith It is true he drew such a Bill indeed himself and proffered it to the King or else to Mr. Cheek he cannot well tell and before that he saith he caused the King to be moved by Mr. Fowler whether he could be contented that he should have the Governance of him as Mr. Stanhope had He knoweth not what answer he had but upon that he drew the said Bill to that effect that his Majesty was content but what answer he had to the Bill he cannot tell Mr. Cheek can tell Number 32. The Warrant for the Admiral 's Execution March 17.
Duke refuse to agree hereunto we must think him to remain in his naughty and detestable determination The Protectorship and Governance of your most Royal Person was not granted him by your Father's Will but only by agreement first amongst us the Executors and after of others Those Titles and special Trust was committed to him during Your Majesty's Pleasure and upon condition he should do all things by advice of Your Council Which condition because he hath so many times broken and notwithstanding the often speaking to without all hope of amendment we think him most unworthy those Honours or Trust Other particular things too many and too long to be written to Your Majesty at this time may at our next access to Your Royal Presence be more particularly opened consulted upon and moderated for the conservation of Your Majesty's Honour Surety and good Quiet of Your Realms and Dominions as may be thought most expedient Number 44. Letters from the Lords at London to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and Sir William Paget c. MY Lords after our most hearty Commendations Ex Libro Concilii we have received your Letters by Mr. Hobbey and heard such Credence as he declared on the King's Majesty's and your behalfs unto us The Answers whereunto because they may at more length appear to you both by our Letters to the King's Majesty and by report also of the said Mr. Hobbey we forbear to repeat here again most heartily praying and requiring your Lordships and every of you and nevertheless charging and commanding you in the King's Majesty's Name to have a continual earnest watch respect and care to the surety of the King's Majesty our natural and most gracious Soveraign Lord's Person and that he be not removed from his Majesty's Castle of Windsor as you tender your Duties to Almighty God and his Majesty and as you will answer for the contrary at your uttermost perils We are moved to call earnestly upon you herein not without great cause and amongst many others we cannot but remember unto you That it appeareth very strange unto us and a great wonder unto all true Subjects that you will either assist or suffer his Majesty's most Royal Person to remain in the Guard of the Duke of Somerset's Men sequestred from his own old sworn Servants It seemeth strange that in his Majesty's own House Strangers should be armed with his Majesty's own Armour and be nearest about his Highness Person and those to whom the ordinary Charge is committed sequestred away so as they may not attend according to their sworn Duties If any ill come hereof you can consider to whom it must be imputed once the Example is very strange and perilous And now my Lords if you tender the preservation of his Majesty and the State join with us to that end we have written to the King's Majesty by which way things may soon be quietly and moderately compounded In the doing whereof we mind to do none otherwise than we would be done to and that with as much moderation and favour as honourably we may We trust none of you have just cause to note any one of us and much less all of such cruelty as you so many times make mention of One thing in your Letters we marvel much at which is that you write that you know more than we know If the Matters come to your knowledg and hidden from us be of such weight as you seem to pretend or if they touch or may touch his Majesty or the State we think you do not as you ought in that you have not disclosed the same unto us being the whole State of the Council And thus praying God to send you the Grace to do that may tend to the surety of the King's Majesty's Person and tranquility of the Realm we bid you heartily farewel c. Number 45. An Answer to the former Letter An Original Ex Libro Concilii IT may like your good Lordships with our most hearty Commendations to understand That this morning Sir Philip Hobbey hath according to the Charge given him by your Lordships presented your Letters to the King's Majesty in the presence of us and all the rest of his Majesty's good Servants here which was there read openly and also the others to them of the Chamber and of the Houshold much to their Comforts and ours also and according to the Tenours of the same we will not fail to endeavour our selves accordingly Now touching the marvel of your Lordships both of that we would suffer the Duke of Somerset's Men to guard the King's Majesty's Person and also of our often repeating this word Cruelty although we doubt not but that your Lordships have been throughly informed of our Estates here and upon what occasion the one hath been suffered and the other proceeded yet at our convening together which may be when and where pleaseth you we will and are able to make your Lordships such an account as wherewith we doubt not you will be satisfied if you think good to require it of us And for because this Bearer Master Hobbey can particularly inform your Lordships of the whole discourse of all things here we remit the report of all other things to him saving that we desire to be advertised with as much speed as you shall think good whether the King's Majesty shall come forthwith thither or remain still here and that some of your Lordships would take pains to come hither forthwith For the which purpose I the Comptroller will cause three of the best Chambers in the great Court to be hanged and made ready Thus thanking God that all things be so well acquieted we commit your Lordships to his tuition From Windsor the 10th of Octob. 1549. Your Lordships assured loving Friends T. Cant. William Paget T. Smith Number 46. Articles objected to the Duke of Somerset 1. THat he took upon him the Office of Protector upon express condition That he should do nothing in the King's Affairs but by assent of the late King's Executors or the greatest part of them 2. That contrary to this condition he did hinder Justice and subvert Laws of his own Authority as well by Letters as by other Command 3. That he caused divers Persons Arrested and Imprisoned for Treason Murder Man-slaughter and Felony to be discharged against the Laws and Statutes of the Realm 4. That he appointed Lieutenants for Armies and other Officers for the weighty Affairs of the King under his own Writing and Seal 5. That he communed with Ambassadors of other Realms alone of the weighty Matters of the Realm 6. That he would taunt and reprove divers of the King 's most honourable Councellors for declaring their Advice in the King 's weighty Affairs against his Opinion sometimes telling them that they were not worthy to sit in Council and sometimes that he â—eed not to open weighty Matters to them and that if they were not agreeable to his Opinion he would discharge them 7.
and effect And because it is not to be doubted but that before the receipt of these my Letters ye having former Instructions shall have far entred your Devices in this Matter wherein the King's Grace trusteth ye do lose no time or opportunity that possibly may be had I shall therefore briefly and compendiously touch such this things as the King's Highness would ye should substantially note in this behalf One is That albeit ye both before and also now know the King's mind and desire herein as is aforesaid taking that for your Foundation yet nevertheless forasmuch as it appeareth by your said Letters and otherwise that the Cardinal de Medicis whose preferment if this may not be had both the King's Grace and I tendereth above all other mindeth to experiment what may be done for himself great policy and dexterity is in your Labours and Communications to be used so that ye may first by great ensearch and enquiry perfectly understand as nigh as may be the Disposition Mind Affection and Inclination as well of the said Cardinal de Medicis as of all the residue if it be possible which thing well known well ponder'd and consider'd ye shall thereby have a great light to the residue of your Business wherein always ye must so order your selves that the Matter appearing unto you much doubtful and uncertain your particular practices the desired Intent peradventure failing shall not be cause of displeasure or unkindness to be noted by any that may be elected and for your introduction herein the King's Grace sendeth unto you at this time two Commissions under his great Seal the one couch'd under general words without making mention of any particular Person and in the other his Highness hath made mention of me by special Name Besides that ye shall receive herewith two Letters from his Grace to the College of Cardinals with the Copies of the same the one in special recommendation of me and the other in favour of the Cardinal de Medicis beside such other particular Letters in my recommendation to certain Cardinals and other as by the Copies of them herewith enclosed ye shall now perceive After the receipt thereof if the Cardinals before that time shall not be entred into the Conclave ye taking your Commodity as by your Wisdom shall be thought most expedient shall deliver unto the Cardinal de Medicis the King's Letters and mine to him addressed shewing unto him with as good words and manner as ye can that for his great Virtue Wisdom Experience and other commendable Merits with the entire love and favour which the King's Grace and I bear unto him thinking and reputing him most meet and able to aspire unto the Papal Dignity before all other Ye have Commandment Commission and Instruction specially and most tenderly to recommend him unto the whole College of Cardinals having also the King 's and my Letters to them in his favour upon which Declaration ye shall perceive his Answer to be made unto you in that behalf whereupon and by knowledg of the Disposition of the Residue ye may perceive how to govern your selves in the delivery of the rest of your said Letters for in case it may evidently appear unto you that any of the Cardinals to whom the King's Letters be directed have firmly establish'd their minds upon the said Cardinal de Medices the more circumspection is to be used with any such in the delivery to him of the King's Letters and overture of the secretness of your minds touching me considering that if the King's Intent might in no wise take effect for me his Grace would before all other advance and further the said Cardinal de Medicis Nevertheless if either by his Answer to be made unto you or by other good knowledg ye shall perceive that he hath so many Enemies herein that of likelihood he cannot attain the same ye may be the more bold to feel his mind how he is inclin'd towards me saying as indeed the King's Grace hath written unto him That in case he should fail thereof the King's Highness would insist as much as to his Grace were possible for me which ye may say were in manner one thing considering that both the Cardinal de Medices and I bear one mind zeal and study to the Weal and Quiet of Christendom the Increase and Surety of Italy the Benefit and Advancement of the Emperor's and the King's Majesty's Causes and I being Pope he in a manner whom I above all Men love trust and esteem were Pope being sure to have every thing according to his mind and desire and as much Honour to be put unto him his Friends and Family as might be devised in such wise That by these and other good words and demonstrations ye may make him sure as I think he be that failing for himself he with all his Friends do their best for me and seeing no likelihood for him ye may then right-well proceed to your particular labour and practices for me delivering the King's Letters both to the College of Cardinals and to the other apart as ye shall see the case then to require and solliciting them by secret labours alleadging and declaring unto them my poor Qualities and how I having so great experience of the Causes of Christendom with the entire Favour which the Emperor and the King's Grace bear unto me the knowledg also and deep Acquaintance of other Princes and of their great Affairs the studious mind that I have ever been in both to the Surety and Weal of Italy and also to the Quiet and Tranquility of Christendom not lacking thanked be God either Substance or Liberality to look largely upon my Friends besides the sundry great Promotions which by election of me should be vacant to be disposed unto such of the said Cardinals as by their true and fast Friendship had deserved the same the loving Familiarity also which they should find in me and that of my Nature I am not in great disposed to rigour or austereness but can be contented thanked be God frankly pleasantly and courteously to participate dispose and bestow such things as I have or shall come to my disposition not having any such Faction Family or Kinsman to whom I might shew any partiality in bestowing the Promotions and Goods of the Church and which is highest to be regarded that is likely and in manner sure that by my means not only Italy shall be put in perfect surety for ever but also a final rest peace and quiet now most necessary established betwixt all Christian Princes whereupon the greatest and most notable Expedition might be made against the Infidels that hath been heard of many Years For the King's Highness in that case would be contented and hath fully promised God willing to come in Person when God shall send time unto Rome whither also I should not doubt to bring many more of the Christian Princes being determined if God should send me such Grace to expone mine own Person in
desiring no State no Condition nor no meaner degree of living but such as your Grace shall appoint me knowledging and confessing That my State cannot be so vile as either the extremity of Justice would appoint unto me or as mine Offences have required or deserved And whatsoever your Grace shall command me to do touching any of these Points either for things past present or to come I shall as gladly do the same as your Majesty shall command me Most humbly therefore beseeching your Mercy most gracious Soveraign Lord and Benign Father to have pity and compassion of your miserable and sorrowful Child and with the abundance of your inestimable Goodness so to overcome mine Iniquity towards God Your Grace and Your whole Realm as I may feel some sensible Token of Reconciliation which God is my Judg I only desire without other respect To whom I shall daily pray for the preservation of Your Highness with the Queens Grace and that it may please him to send You Issue From Hunsdon this Thursday at eleven of the Clock at Night Your Graces most humble and obedient Daughter and Handmaid MARY Number 4. Another of the same strain confirming the former An Original MOst humbly obediently and gladly Cotton Libr. Otho C. 20. lying at the Feet of Your most Excellent Majesty my most dear and benign Father and Soveraign Lord I have this day perceived Your gracious Clemency and merciful Pity to have overcome my most unkind and unnatural Proceedings towards You and Your most Just and Vertuous Laws The great and inestimable Joy whereof I cannot express nor have any thing worthy to be again presented to Your Majesty for the same Your fatherly Pity extended towards me most ingrately on my part abandoned as much as in me lie but my poor Heart which I send unto Your Highness to remain in Your Hand to be for ever used directed and framed whiles God shall suffer life to remain in it at Your only pleasure most humbly beseeching Your Grace to accept and receive the same being all that I have to offer which shall never alter vary or change from that Confession and Submission which I have made unto Your Highness in the presence of Your Council and other attending upon the same for whose preservation with my most gracious Mother the Queen I shall daily pray to God whom eft-soons I beseech to send You Issue to his Honour and the Comfort of Your whole Realm From Hounsdon the 26th day of June Your Grace's most humble and obedient Daughter and Handmaid MARY Number 5. Another Letter written to her Father to the same purpose An Original Cotton Libr. Otho C. 20. MY bounden Duty most humbly remembred to Your most Excellent Majesty Whereas I am unable and insufficient to render and express to Your Highness those most hearty and humble thanks for Your gracious Mercy and fatherly Pity surmounting mine Offences at this time extended towards me I shall prostrate at Your most noble Feet humbly and with the very bottom of my Stomach beseech your Grace to repute that in me which in my poor Heart remaining in Your most noble Hand I have conceived and professed towards Your Grace whiles the Breath shall remain in my Body that is that as I am now in such merciful sort recovered being more than almost lost with mine own Folly that Your Majesty may as well accept me justly Your bounden Slave by Redemption as Your most humble faithful and obedient Child and Subject by the course of Nature planted in this Your most noble Realm so shall I for ever persevere and continue towards Your Highness in such uniformity and due obedience as I doubt not but with the help of God Your Grace shall see and perceive a will and intent in me to redouble again that hath been amiss on my behalf conformably to such Words and Writings as I have spoken and sent unto Your Highness from the which I will never vary during my Life trusting that Your Grace hath conceived that Opinion of me which to remember is mine only comfort And thus I beseech our Lord to preserve Your Grace in Health with my very natural Mother the Queen and to send you shortly Issue which I shall as gladly and willingly serve with my Hands under their Feet as ever did poor Subject their most Gracious Soveraign From Hunsdon the 8th day of July Your Grace's most humble and obedient Daughter and Handmaid MARY Number 6. A Letter written by her to Cromwell containing a full Submission to the King's Pleasure in all the Points of Religion An Original GOod Mr. Secretary how much am I bound unto you Cotton Libr. Otho C. 10. which have not only travelled when I was almost drowned in folly to recover me before I sunk and was utterly past recovery and so to present me to the face of Grace and Mercy but also desisteth not sithence with your good and wholesome Counsels so to arm me from any relapse that I cannot unless I were too wilful and obstinate whereof now there is no spark in me fall again into any danger But leaving the recital of your Goodness apart which I cannot recount For answer to the Particularities of your Credence sent by my Friend Mr. Wriothsley First Concerning the Princess so I think I must call her yet for I would be loth to offend I offered at her entry to that Name and Honour to call her Sister but it was refused unless I would also add the other Title unto it which I denied not then more obstinately than I am now sorry for it for that I did therein offend my most gracious Father and his just Laws And now that you think it meet I shall never call her by other Name than Sister Touching the nomination of such Women as I would have about me surely Mr. Secretary what Men or Women soever the King's Highness shall appoint to wait on me without exception shall be to me right-heartily and without respect welcome albeit to express my mind to you whom I think worthy to be accepted for their faithful Service done to the King's Majesty and to me sithence they came into my Company I promise you on my Faith Margaret Baynton and Susanna Clarencieux have in every condition used themselves as faithfully painfully and diligently as ever did Women in such a case as sorry when I was not so conformable as became me as glad when I enclined any thing to my Duty as could be devised One other there is that was sometime my Maid whom for her Vertue I love and could be glad to have in my Company that is Mary Brown and here be all that I will recommend and yet my estimation of this shall be measured at the King's Highness my most merciful Father's pleasure and appointment as Reason is For mine Opinion touching Pilgrimages Purgatory Reliques and such-like I assure you I have none at all but such as I shall receive from him that hath mine whole Heart
also labour to set forwards the Matter the best We may So doubt We not but if this Our good Purpose take effect both He and We and the rest of all Christendom shall have good cause to give God thanks and rejoice thereat Assuring him that if We had in our Conscience thought any other Person more fit for than Place that our said dearest Cousin We would not for any private Affection have preferred his Advancement before God's Glory and the Benefit of Christendom the furtherance whereof is We take God to Record the only thing We seek herein which moveth Us to be the more earnest in this Matter The overture whereof We have taken in hand as you may assure them on our Honour without Our said dearest Cousin's knowledg or consent And because We need not to remember the Wisdom Sincerity of Life and other godly Parts wherewith Almighty God hath endowed our said dearest Cousin the same being well enough known to Our said good Brother and his said Commissioners and the rest of the World We do refer the manner of the opening and handling of the rest of the Matter unto your own Wisdoms praying you We may understand from you as soon as ye may what answer ye shall have received herein at the said Commissioners hands Given under Our Signet at Our Honour of Hampton-Court the 30th of May the first and second Years of Our Reigns Number 19. An Order prescribed by the King and Queens Majesties unto the Justices of Peace of the County of Norfolk for the good Government of their Majesties loving Subjects within the same Shire March 26. 1555. An Original Philip R. Mary the Queen FIrst The said Justices of the Peace assembling themselves together Cotton Libr. Titus B. 2. and consulting by what good Means good Order and Quietness may be best continued shall after divide themselves into eight ten or twelve parts more or less as to their discretions having regard to the quantity of the Shire and number of themselves shall seem most convenient endeavouring themselves besides their general care that every particular number may give diligent heed within their Limits appointed to them for conservation of Quietness and good Order Item The said Justices of the Peace shall not only be aiding and assisting unto such Preachers as be and shall be sent unto the said County but shall also be themselves present at Sermons and use the Preachers reverently travelling soberly with such as by abstaining from coming to the Church or by any other open doings shall appear not persuaded to conform themselves and to use such as be wilful and obstinate more roundly either by rebuking them or binding them to good bearing or committing them to Prison as the Quality of the Persons and Circumstance of their Doings may seem to deserve Item Amongst all other things they must lay special weight upon those which be Preachers and Teachers of Heresy or Procurers of secret Meetings for that purpose Item The said Justices of Peace and every of them must by themselves their Wives Children and Servants shew good example and if they shall have any of their own Servants faulty they must first begin to reform them Item The said Justices of the Peace and every of them shall as much as in them lieth procure to search out all such as shall by any means spread false Tales or seditious Rumours causing them when they shall be known to be further apprehended and punished according to the Laws Item They shall procure to have in every Parish or part of the Shire as near as may be some one or more honest Men secretly instructed to give information of the behaviour of the Inhabitants amongst or about them Item They shall charge the Constables and four or more of the most Honest and Catholick of every Parish with the order of the same Parish unto whom idle Men Vagabonds and such as may be probably suspected shall be bound to give a reckoning how they live and where they shall be come from time to time Item They shall have earnest regard to the execution and keeping of the Statutes against rebellious Vagabonds and Reteinours Ale-houses and for keeping of the Statute of Huy-and-Cry and shall give order for keeping of good and substantial Watches in places convenient the same to begin the 20th day of April next Item As soon as any Offenders for Murder Felony or other Offences shall be taken the said Justices of the Peace shall cause the matter to be forthwith examined and ordered as to Justice shall appertain according to the Tenour of the Commission of Oyer and Terminer addressed presently unto them for that purpose Finally The said Justices of Peace shall meet and consult together at the Sessions every month and more-often as occasion may require conferring among themselves upon the state of all particular parts of the Shire and taking such order for all Misorders as to their Wisdoms may seem requisite Number 20. A Letter written by the King and Queen requiring the Bishop of London to go on in the prosecution of the Hereticks Philip R. Mary the Queen RIght Reverend Father in God right trusty and well-beloved Regist Bonn. Fol. 363. We greet you well And where of late We addressed our Letters unto the Justices of the Peace within every of the Counties of this our Realm whereby amongst other Instructions given therein for the good Order and quiet Government of the Country about therein they are willed to have a special regard unto such disordered Persons as forgetting their Duties towards Almighty God and Us do lean to any Erroneous and Heretical Opinions to shew themselves conformable to the Catholick Religion of Christ's Church whom if they cannot by good admonition and fair means reform they are willed to deliver unto the Ordinary to be by him charitably travelled withal and removed if it may be from their naughty Opinions or else if they continue obstinate to be ordered according to the Laws provided in that behalf Understanding now to our no little marvel that divers of the said disordered Persons being by the Justices of the Peace for their contempt and obstinacy brought to the Ordinaries to be used as is aforesaid are either refused to be received at their hands or if they be received are neither so travelled with as Christian Charity requireth nor yet proceeded withal according to the Order of Justice but are suffered to continue in their Errors to the dishonour of Almighty God and dangerous example of others Like-as We find this Matter very strange so have We thought convenient both to signify this Our knowledg and therewith also to admonish you to have in this behalf such regard henceforth to the Office of a good Pastor and Bishop as when any such Offenders shall be by the said Justices of Peace brought unto you ye do use your good wisdom and discretion in procuring to remove them from their Errors if it may be or else in proceeding against them
if they shall continue obstinate according to the order of the Laws so as through your good furtherance both God's Glory may be the better advanced and the Common-Wealth the more quietly governed Given under Our Signet at Our Honour of Hampton-Court the 24th of May in the first and second Years of Our Reigns Number 21. Sir T. More 's Letter to Cromwell concerning the Nun of Kent Right Worshipful Ex MSS. Norfolcianis in Col. Gresham AFter my most hearty recommendation with like thanks for your Goodness in accepting of my rude long Letter I perceive that of your further goodness and favour towards me it liked your Mastership to break with my Son Roper of that that I had had communication not only with divers that were of Acquaintance with the lewd Nun of Canterbury but also with her self and had over that by my writing declaring favour towards her given her advice and counsel of which my demeanour that it liketh you to be content to take the labour and the pain to hear by mine own writing the truth I very heartily thank you and reckon my self therein right deeply beholden to you It is I suppose about eight or nine Years ago sith I heard of that Housewife first at which time the Bishop of Canterbury that then was God assoil his Soul sent unto the King's Grace a roll of Paper in which were written certain words of hers that she had as report was then made at sundry times spoken in her Trances whereupon it pleased the King's Grace to deliver me the Roll commanding me to look thereon and afterwards shew him what I thought therein Whereunto at another time when his Highness asked me I told him That in good faith I found nothing in these words that I could any thing regard or esteem for seeing that some part fell in Rithm and that God wots full rude also for any reason God wots that I saw therein a right simple Woman might in my mind speak it of her own wit well enough Howbeit I said that because it was constantly reported for a truth that God wrought in her and that a Miracle was shewed upon her I durst not nor would not be bold in judging the Matter And the King's Grace as me thought esteemed the Matter as light as it after proved lewd From that time till about Christmass was twelve-month albeit that continually there was much talking of her and of her Holiness yet never heard I any talk rehearsed either of Revelation of hers or Miracle saving that I heard say divers times in my Lord Cardinal's days that she had been both with his Lordship and with the King's Grace but what she said either to the one or to the other upon my Faith I had never heard any one word Now as I was about to tell you about Christmass was twelve-month Father Risby Friar Observant then of Canterbury lodged one night at mine House where after Supper a little before he went to his Chamber he fell in communication with me of the Nun giving her high commendation of Holiness and that it was wonderful to see and understand the Works that God wrought in her which thing I answered That I was very glad to hear it and thanked God thereof Then he told me that she had been with my Lord Legate in his Life and with the King's Grace too and that she had told my Lord Legat a Revelation of hers of three Swords that God hath put in my Lord Legat's hand which if he ordered not well God would lay it sore to his Charge The first he said was the ordering the Spirituality under the Pope as Legat. The second The Rule that he bore in order of the Temporality under the King as his Chancellor And the third she said was the medling he was put in trust with by the King concerning the great matter of his Marriage And therewithal I said unto him That any Revelation of the King's Matters I would not hear of I doubt not but the goodness of God should direct his Highness with his Grace and Wisdom that the thing should take such end as God should be pleased with to the King's Honour and Surety of the Realm When he heard me say these words or the like he said unto me That God had specially commanded her to pray for the King and forthwith he brake again into her Revelations concerning the Cardinal that his Soul was saved by her Mediation and without any other Communication went unto his Chamber And he and I never talked any more of any such manner of matter nor since his departing on the Morrow I never saw him after to my remembrance till I saw him at Paul's Cross After this about Shrovetide there came unto me a little before Supper Father Rich Friar Observant of Richmond and as we fell in talking I asked him of Father Risby how he did And upon that occasion he asked me Whether Father Risby had any thing shewed me of the Holy Nun of Kent and I said Yea and that I was very glad to hear of her Vertue I would not quoth he tell you again that you have heard of him already but I have heard and known many great Graces that God hath wrought in her and in other Folk by her which I would gladly tell you if I thought you had not heard them already And therewith he asked me Whether Father Risby had told me any thing of her being with my Lord Cardinal and I said Yea Then he told you quoth he of the three Swords Yea verily quoth I. Did he tell you quoth he of the Revelations that she had concerning the King's Grace Nay forsooth quoth I nor if he would have done I would not have given him the hearing nor verily no more I would indeed for sith she hath been with the King's Grace her self and told him me-thought it a thing needless to tell me or to any Man else And when Father Rich perceived that I would not hear her Revelations concerning the King's Grace he talked on a little of her Vertue and let her Revelations alone and therewith my Supper was set upon the Board where I required him to sit with me but he would in no wise tarry but departed to London After that night I talked with him twice once in mine own House another time in his own Garden at the Friars at every time a great space but not of any Revelations touching the King's Grace but only of other mean Folk I knew not whom of which things some were very strange and some were very childish But albeit that he said He had seen her lie in her Trance in great pains and that he had at other times taken great spiritual comfort in her Communication yet did he never tell me that she had told him those Tales her self for if he had I would for the Tale of Mary Magdalen which he told me and for the Tale of the Hostie with which as I have heard she
Cardinal Pacheco who shewed him of the good inclination of your Majesty my Soveraign Lord to have Peace with him and the Church And that also he had received a Letter from the most Reverend Lord Cardinal's Grace there-hence who had spoken with your Majesty and found the same so well inclined to have Peace with his Holiness as might be desired which his Holiness said he liked very well and held up his hands beseeching Almighty God to continue your Majesty in that good mind And then he began to declare how that God provided and always confirmed you the Queen's Majesty not only to do good to that Realm but to all Christendom also in whom his Holiness had such hope that the same will so help with the King's Majesty that Peace may follow betwixt the Church and him and he of his part coveted nothing more as it should appear if the King's Majesty would treat of it Yea he said though he should sustain great Damage thereby he will win his Majesty if he can And where his Majesty is informed that his Holiness would hear none of those that were sent to him from his Majesty as Francisco Pacheco and one Citizen of Naples he said That he never heard that either the said Francisco or the said Citizen had any Letter or Word to him from his Majesty If they had had he as he said who giveth Audience daily to as many as do seek it at his hands without denial would have heard them or any that had been sent from his Highness and this he said all that be about him can testify and called God to Record of it And yet he said that the King's Majesty is informed of the contrary whereupon he said that his Majesty was brought in belief that it was sufficient for his Highness to offer himself to be heard and seeing he could not he was discharged towards God and so lay the fault in his Holiness from the which Error so his Holiness named it he would and wished that his Majesty should be brought for his Holiness caused to be enquired of them Whether they had any Letters or any thing to say of his Majesty's behalf to him and could hear of none Wherefore his Holiness desired me to write to your Majesty and to signify the same to your Highness and of his Holiness behalf to pray you to advertise the King's Majesty that therein was no lack of his Holiness Saying If his Majesty had sent to him he would have gladly heard him or if it may please his Majesty yet to send no Man will be more glad thereof than he And said further that God who had called him to that place knew that he always hath been of mind to have a General Council for a Reformation throughout Christendom and in such Place as had been meet for it and doubted not but that he would have seen Christendom in such Order that such Enormities as do reign in many Parts should have been reformed if these Wars had not troubled him Saying therewith That the Power of the Church is not able to maintain Wars of it self but that God had provided Aid elsewhere but if he can have Peace he will embrace it he said though it were to his loss And prayed me to desire your Majesty of his behalf to put to your good help towards it To whom after thanks first given to his Holiness for the said good Opinion that he had of your Majesty and also of the Provision made of the said Church of Chichester I said that I was glad to hear of that good inclination of his Holiness to Peace and said that I would gladly signify to you the Queen's Majesty according to his Holiness Pleasure And that I had heard of divers that his Holiness would not give Audience to such as you my Soveraign Lord had sent to him whereof I was sorry and yet nevertheless trusted that betwixt his Holiness and your Majesty should be as great Amity as appertaineth and had not so good hope thereof sithence this War began as now hearing his Holiness to be so well inclined to it not doubting but all the World should perceive no lack of your Majesty's behalf as far as any Reason required Whether this be done for a practice to please least any stir be there against the Frenchmen which is most feared here I am not able to say for there lacketh no practice in this Court that they think may serve for their purpose The truth is that there is jarring betwixt the Pope and the French now with whom the Pope is nothing contented neither they with him as it is credibly reported here All the Italians that the Pope had in the French Camp be all gone the French handled them very ill and vile and especially Don Antonio de Caraffa the Pope's Nephew So that it is thought here that the Pope will turn the Leaf if any were here of your behalf the King's Majesty that had Authority to treat with his Holiness And if it please your Majesty to send any hither for that purpose by the Opinion of all your Majesty's well-willers here there can come but good of it After this Communication I lamented to his Holiness greatly of one thing that I had heard his Holiness pretended to do And forasmuch as your Majesty had placed me here with his Holiness and that the case was such that it touched the maintenance of the Common-Wealth of Christian Religion within your Majesty's Realm there so much that of Duty I could do no less but open it to his Holiness trusting that the same who had always shewed himself most ready with all benignity to do for You the Queen's Majesty and your Realm would so continue still Which thing was I said That his Holiness would revoke his Legat there which should be too great a prejudice to the Church of that Realm to be done before all things were truly stablished there and opened unto his Holiness all the Considerations before rehearsed whereof I had informed the Cardinals in as ample manner as I could Then he said that there was nothing that he could do for you the Queen's Majesty or your said Realm but he would do it most gladly unless occasion should be given there-hence that he might not And as touching the Revocation of the Legat in England he said That it was done already and not for to provide any thing within that Realm but only for because it was not convenient that any Legat of his should be within any of the King's Majesty's Realms or Dominions and therefore he revoked his Nuncio's from Naples from Spain and all other parts of the King's Majesty's Realms and Dominions and of England therefore Nevertheless he said if you the Queen's Majesty would write to him for the continuance of his Legat there he would restore him to his former Authority or any thing else that your Majesty should think expedient for him to do Then I said It would be long time before
King Henry at his Death but two Years before Ibid. 5. He says On the 27th of February two days before the King was crowned the Protector persuaded the King to create many new Peers who were all Hereticks except Dudley Earl of Warwick Our Author by this shew of exactness would persuade the Reader that he had considered Dates and the smallest particulars with the care that became an Historian But he little thought that any would come after him and examine what he said By this Account the King must have been crowned the first of March but it was done Feb. 20. and the Peers were created on the 16th of February four days before They were not all Hereticks for he forgot that Wriothesley was at the same time made Earl of Southampton which he afterwards insinuates was done upon another account But all those Creations were in persuance of King Henry's Designs and in obedience to his latter Will Ibid. 6. He says They forced Wriothesley to resign his Office and turned both him and the Earl of Arundel out of the Council because they were Catholicks Wriothesley was turned out upon no account of Religion but for putting the Great Seal to a Commission that was against Law according to the Opinion which the Judges declared under their hands without any Warrant from the Council himself acknowledging the justice of the Sentence The Earl of Arundel was not turned out of the Council on the contrary in the Patent by which the Protector held his Office that passed after the Chancellor was removed he is named to be one of the Privy Council 7. He says Pag. 179. The Protector would needs force all the Clergy to submit in every thing to the King's Orders and sets down the Form in which the King writ to Arch-Bishop Cranmer In this nothing was done but what was begun by King Henry and to which all the Clergy even his beloved Bonner not excepted had formerly submitted So this was no new thing set up by the Protector it being only the renewing the Bishops Patents in the new King's Name And this was no part of the Reformation for it was done only to awe the Popish Bishops but was soon after laid aside What he sets down as a Letter of King Edward's to Cranmer is the Preamble of the Patent he took out So little did this Writer know the things that truly make to the advantage to the Cause which he designed to assert 8. He says The New Protector among the first things he did Pag. 180. restrained all Preaching and silenced all the Bishops and Pastors so that none were licensed to preach but the Lutherans and Zuinglians The first Injunctions set out in the King's Name required all Bishops to preach at least four times a Year in their Diocesses and to keep Learned Chaplains who might be able to preach and should be often much employed in it And thus Matters stood the first Year of this Reign In the beginning of the second Year upon complaints made of the rashness of some Preachers a Proclamation was put out that none should preach without a License from the King or the Arch-Bishops or the Bishop of the Diocess except Incumbents in their own Parishes Afterwards there was for some little time a total prohibition of Preaching but that was to last for a short while till the Book of Common Prayer which was then a preparing should be finished This was equally made on both hands for the Prohibition was universal without exception so falsly has our Author stated this Matter which one would think he ignorantly drew from what Queen Mary did applying it to this Reign for she upon her coming to the Crown did prohibit all Preaching excepting only such as were licensed to it by Gardiner under the Great Seal 9. He says Latimer was turned out of the Bishoprick of Worcester Pag. 181. by King Henry upon suspicion of Heresy Latimer did freely resign his Bishoprick upon the passing of the Act of the six Articles with which he could not comply with a good Conscience 10. He says The Protector put Cox and Cheek about the King Pag. 182. that they might corrupt his Mind with Heretical Doctrines These were put about him three Years before by King Henry's Order as that young King himself informs us in his Journal Pag. 184. 11. He says The Heads of the Colleges were turned out and the Catholick Doctors were forbid to preach I do not find one Head of a College in either University was turned out for though they generally loved the Old Superstition yet they loved their Places much better And indeed the whole Clergy did so readily conform themselves to every Change that was made that it was not easy to find Colours for turning out Bonner and Gardiner All Preachers had the liberty of their own Pulpits except for a very little while Ibid. 12. He says They decried the School Divinity and the Works of Lombard Aquinas and Scotus and so threw all Learning out of the Schools They could not do that more than Sir Thomas More Erasmus and other Popish Writers had done before them who had expressed their scorn of that way of Treating Divine Matters so copiously that it was no wonder it was much despised Those Writers had by a set of dark and barbarous Maxims and Terms so intangled all the Articles of Faith and imposed by the World on an appearance of saying somewhat when really they said nothing and pretending to explain Religion they had so exposed it that their way of Divinity was become equally nauseous and ridiculous Pag. 186. 13. He says Bucer and Peter Martyr being brought out of Germany did corrupt the Universities and entertained the Youth with Discourses of Predestination Reprobation and a fatal necessity of things This was so far from being much taught that on the contrary in one of the Articles of Religion the curious Enquiries into those abstruse Points was by Publick Authority forbid Bucer and Martyr read for most part in the Chairs upon the Mass and the other Corruptions of the Popish Worship They also declared St. Austin's Doctrine about Grace but I do not find they ever medled with Reprobation Pag. 190. 14. After a long Invective which is to pass as a piece of his Wit and Poetry he says Bucer was inclined to become a Jew and was descended from Jewish Parents and that the Lord Paget had heard him say That the Corporal Presence was so clear in the Scripture that no Man could deny it who believed the Gospel but for his part he did not believe all that was said in the New Testament concerning our Saviour This is as sutable to our Author's Honesty as can be Bucer was never accused of this by any of his Enemies as long as he lived No Man in that Age writ with a greater sense of the Kingdom of Christ than he did And for the Story of the Lord Paget we have nothing
being married as he falsly insinuates 28. He says Pag. 202. The Protector bore great hatred to Gardiner and Tonstal both because they opposed the Hereticks and because they had been made equals to him if not preferred before him by King Henry's Will in the Government during the King's being under Age. This is another of our Author's Figures Gardiner was not mentioned in King Henry's Will neither as an Executor nor so much as a Counsellor and by it none were preferred to another all being made equal And for Tonstal he continued still in a firm friendship with the Protector and was so well satisfied with the first Changes that were made that he was complained of as well as Cranmer by Gardiner in the Letters which he writ to the Protector 29. He says Ibid. The Protector made a Speech about Religion before the King and thereafter he put first Gardiner then Tonstall and at another time the Bishops of London Chichester and Worcester in Prison Gardiner and Bonner were indeed imprisoned some time during the Protector 's Government the latter was also deprived while he was Protector But Tonstall was not put in Prison till two Years after and it was at the time of the Duke of Somerset's total fall and by the same Persons means that wrought his Ruin From which it appears he was always a firm Friend to the Duke of Somerset The Bishops of Worcester and Chichester were also brought in trouble long after the Government was taken out of the Protector 's Hands 30. He says ' They were all deposed from their Degree Ibid. They were not deposed from their Degree but deprived of their Bishopricks for they having accepted Commissions by which they held their Sees only during the King's Pleasure they might well be deprived by a Sentence of the Delegates But had they been to be deposed and thrust from their Order it must have been done by a Synod of Bishops They were deprived as many Bishops were under the Christian Emperors by selected Synods that sat in the Court and judged of all Complaints that were brought before the Emperors Pag. 204. 31. He reckons up the Judgments of God upon the Hereticks and says the Protector made kill his Brother and Dudley took him away This is a way of writing familiar enough to our Author to represent things in such a manner as might fill the Reader with horror as if these Persons had been secretly murdered whereas the one was condemned in Parliament the other by a Judgment of his Peers Ibid. 32. He says King Edward died not without suspition of being poisoned by Dudley and the Duke of Suffolk who aspired to the Crown It was never suspected that the Duke of Suffolk had any hand in poisoning the King nor could I ever see any reason to conclude that he was poisoned but neither of these Dukes aspired to the Crown the one resigned any Pretension he could ever have to his Daughter and the other intended only that his fourth Son should reign Pag. 205. 34. He says The Protector 's Lady claimed the precedence of the Queen Dowager and upon the denial of it conspired the ruin of the Admiral All this is a contrivance of the Enemies of that Family for as it had been absurd for the Dutchess of Somerset to have disputed Precedence with the Queen Dowager so in that whole Matter it is plain the Admiral began with his Brother and conspired his ruin and the Protector was often reconciled to him and forgave him many Faults till it appeared that his Ambition was incurable Ibid. 34. He says There being no ground of any Accusation against him the Dutchess of Somerset got Latimer to accuse him of Treason in a Sermon The Articles upon which he was condemned shew what Matter there was against him Latimer did never accuse him of Treason but being a Man of great plainness of Speech he reflected on him as Ambitious and not sincere in the Profession of Religion And when it was suspected that the Dutchess of Somerset had set him on to make these Reflections he did vindicate her in a most solemn manner Nor is there any reason to think that how indiscreet soever he might be in preaching in such a sort that he did it to flatter or to aspire by such means for he refused to accept of any Preferment though the House of Commons interposed to have him repossessed of the See of Worcester Ibid. 35. He says At the same time that he was Beheaded the Queen Dowager died She died in Septemb. 1548 and he was beheaded in March following and one of the Articles against him was That after her Death he intended to have married the King's Sister Elizabeth and it was suspected that to make for that he had poisoned her 36. He says The Men of Devonshire and Cornwal did Pag. 206. with one consent take up Arms for the Faith In one thing he says true that this Rebellion was set on by the Priests and made on the account of Religion but the brutal cruelty of those Rebels shewed it was not for the Faith but in compliance to their Priests and Leaders that they rose 37. He says Pag. 209. The Clergy finding that their being Married was generally an ingrateful thing procured an Act of Parliament declaring that there was no Humane Law against their Marriages and this was all they were concerned in for they cared little for the Law of God This is a genuine piece of our Author's Wit If the Parliament meddles in declaring what is the Law of God he accuses them for medling in things without their Sphere And if they only declare what is the Law of the Land he says they have no regard to the Law of God So he is resolved do what they will they shall not escape his Censure But in this he shews his Ignorance as well as his Malice The lawfulness of the Marriage of the Clergy was enquired into with such exactness that scarce any thing can be added since to what was then written on that Argument It was made out that there was no Law of God against it It was also proved that there was no general Law made by the Primitive Church about it but that it was a part of the Yoke that the Popes laid on the Clergy to engage them more zealously in their Concerns It was at first carried in the Convocation that they might lawfully Marry then an Act of Parliament passed permitting it of all which our Author takes no notice Then three Years after some that were ill-affected to them taking advantage from the words of the Statute as if the Permission had only been such a conniving at it as had been formerly to the Stews a second Act passed confirming those Marriages and the Issue by them 38. He says The Catholick Doctors in the Universities Pag. 210. grew more couragious in the Defence of the Faith and so desired a publick Dispute
him to go a-board a Ship in Flanders on another pretence and presently set sail for England where yet the Government was so gentle that two Years past before he was brought to his Tryal and then the Defence he made was That he was not accountable for what he had done in Flanders it not being in the Queen's Dominions and that he was not her Subject having sworn Allegiance to the King of Spain But this being contrary to his natural Allegiance which he could never shake off he was found guilty of Treason and was there executed These are our Author's Martyrs and are of a piece with his Faith Pag. 216. 44. In the room of the Bishops that were turned out he says there were put some Apostate and Lustful that is as he explains it married Monks Scory Bird Holgate Barlow Harley Coverdale and Ridley on whom he bestows many such Epithetes as may be expected from him This is such a piece of History as one can hardly meet with any thing like it 1. Bird was made Bishop of Chester by King Henry and was the first that sat in that See it being of that King's Foundation 2. Holgate was put in the See of York by King Henry when it was void by Lee's Death 3. Barlow was also put in Bath and Wells by the same King it being likewise void by the Death of Knight 4. Coverdale was put in the See of Exeter upon Veysey's free Resignation he being then extream old 5. Harley was also put in Hereford upon the former Bishop's Death 6. Ridley and Harley were never married nor Coverdale for ought I can find so exact is our Author in delivering the History of that Time Ibid. 45. He says Poinet that was made Bishop of Worchester in Gardiner's Room besides one Wife to whom he was married took â— Butchers Wife from him but the Butcher sued for his Wife and recovered her out of his hands and to make this pass the better he adds a Jest of Gardiner's about it that he had said Why might not he hope to be restored to his Bishoprick as well as the Butcher was to his Wife The falseness of this Story is clearly evinced by the Answer that Dr. Martin set out in the beginning of Queen Mary's Reign to a Book that Poinet had writ in the defence of the married Clergy Martin's Answer is writ with so much spite and so many indecent Reflections that though it is not reasonable to believe all he says yet it is almost a certain Argument that this Story concerning Poinet is a Forgery since if it was a thing so publick as our Author makes it Martin must have heard of it especially living in Gardiner's House and it is not to be imagined that if he did know it he would have concealed it So this and the Jest that hangs upon it must pass as one of the flourishes of our Author 's Pen. Pag. 217. 46. He says Hooper that used formerly to rail at the Luxury of the Catholick Bishops being made a Superintendent himself for so the Zuinglians called their Bishops enjoyed at once two Bishopricks Worcester and Glocester The Zuinglians had no Superintendents for ought I can find nor was Hooper ever called Superintendent but Bishop He was made Bishop of Glocester which had been before King Henry the Eighth's Time a part of the Bishoprick of Worcester And now these Sees came to be united so that Hooper had not two Bishopricks but one that had been for some Years divided into two He only enjoyed the Revenue of Glocester for Worcester was entirely suppressed 47. He says On the 9th of July Pag. 219. the Mony was cried down one fourth part and forty days after another fourth part so that the whole Nation was thereby robbed of the half of their Stock This King's Counsellors found the Coin embased and they were either to let it continue in that State to the great prejudice of the state of the Nation or to reduce it to a just Standard so our Author condemns them for correcting what they found amiss But no wonder he that quarrels with them so much for reforming of Religion should be likewise offended with them for reforming the Coin 48. He says The Duke of Somerset was condemned Pag. 222. because he had come into the Duke of Northumberland's Chamber with intention to have killed him and was thereupon beheaded This was indeed said to be the cause of his Death but it is not mentioned in the Record in which it is only said that he intended to have seised on the Duke of Northumberland without adding that he designed to have killed him 49. He says The two younger Sisters of Lady Jane Gray Page 223. vvere married to the eldest Sons of the Earls of Pembroke and Huntington This Error is of no great consequence but it shews how much our Author was a stranger even to the most publick Actions for the youngest Sister to the Lady Jane was married to one Keys that was Groom Porter The Earl of Huntington's Son married the Duke of Northumberland's Daughter 50. He says Soon after the Marriages the King began to sicken Ibid. and to fall in decay The King had been ill four months before these Marriages were made and it is probable his sickness made them be the more hastned 51. He says Ibid. Dudley was very desirous to have the Lady Mary in his power not being much concerned about the Lady Elizabeth for she being descended of Ann Boleyn he did not much consider her It was natural for Dudley to desire rather to have the elder Sister in his power than the younger who could not claim to the Crown but after the other but it appeared by the submission of the whole Nation to Queen Elizabeth though still professing Popery that she was every whit as much considered as her Sister had been formerly 52. He says Lady Mary having been sent for by Dudley's Order Pag. 224. understood when she was not for from London that the King was expiring and that she would be in great danger if she came to Court upon which she turned back Queen Mary had not been sent for by Dudley's Order the Council had writ to her that the King being Ill desired her Company The News sent her from Court was That the King was Dead so she was desired to stir no further and upon that retired to her House in the Countrey Ibid. 53. He says Twenty days after that she heard the King was dead whereupon she made proclaim her self Queen The discovery of the former Error clears this for she immediatly gathered the People of Suffolk about her and gave them her Royal Word that they should enjoy their Religion as it had been established in King Edward's Time But though they were the first that proclaimed her Queen and came about her to defend her Right they were among the first that felt the Severities of her Reign Pag. 225. 54.
kill the Queen for which he justly suffered Of this I find nothing on Record so it must depend on our Author's Credit which is not infallible 75. He says The Imposture of Elizabeth Crofts Ibid. was set up by the Persuasion of many of the Hereticks and when it was discovered she confessed she had been set on to it by others and by one Drake in particular but they all fled In the Account that was then published of that Imposture Drake only is accused for it what he was does not appear to me for I have never found him mentioned but on this Occasion so there was no reason to transfer the private Guilt of this Conspiracy on a whole Party as our Author does though upon his Credit one of our Writers has also done it 76. He says Those in whose hands the Church-Lands were Pag. 243. had great apprehensions of their being forced to restore them because the Queen had restored all the Land that were in her hands and had again converted the Collegiat Church of Westminster into an Abbey But to prevent the ill Effects that might have followed on this the Cardinal did in the Pope's Name absolve them from all Censures for possessing those Lands and that was confirmed by Letters sent over from the Pope He observes the order of Time very exactly when he sets the Queen's restoring the Church-Lands and founding the Abbey of Westminster as the occasions of the Fears the Laity were in of being forced to restore the rest of the Church-Lands and of the Cardinal 's absolving them from all Censures for keeping them still in their hands The Order in which this was done was thus In Novemb. 1554 in the Act of Reconciliation with the See of Rome there was a special Proviso made for the Church-Lands which the Cardinal confirmed in the Pope's Name In the Year after that the Queen gave up into the Cardinal Hands all the Church-Lands that belonged to the Crown and two Years after she founded the Abbey of Westminster so little influence had these things on the other that were done before But he was grosly mistaken when he said the Pope approved All for he in plain terms refused to ratify what the Cardinal had done and soon after set out a severe Bull Cursing and Condemning all that held any Church-Lands 77. He says Pag. 244. All the Bishops being sensible of their Schismatical way of entring into their Sees did desire and obtain a Confirmation from the Pope Kitchin Bishop of Landaff only excepted who afterwards relapsed into Heresy under Queen Elizabeth and says it is likely the want of this Confirmation made him be more easily overcome This our Author wrote being a thing very probable and seldom do his Authorities for what he asserts rise higher It was also a pretty strain of his Wit to make the omitting of it fall singly on the only Bishop that conformed under Queen Elizabeth But it is certain there was no such thing done at all for if any had done it Bonner was as likely as any other since as none had been more faulty in King Henry's Time so none studied to redeem that with more servile compliances than he did yet there is nothing of this recorded in his Register which continues entire to this day Pag. 246. 78. He says The State of the Universities was restored to what it had been and Oxford in particular by Petrus a Soto's means who was in the Opinion of all much preferred to P. Martyr He that gathered the Antiquities of Oxford though no partial Writer on this occasion represents the state of that University very differently that there were almost no Divines in it and scarce any publick Lectures But when Sanders writ his Poem the Spanish Councils were so much depended on by him and his Party that it was fit to put that Complement on the Nation concerning Petrus a Soto Whether it was true or false was a Circumstance which he generously overlook'd for most part Pag. 248. 79. He says Queen Elizabeth had done many things in Queen Mary's Time both against her Person and Government He knew this was so false that there was never a Circumstance or a Presumption brought against her but the Information which Wiat gave hoping thereby to save himself and yet he denied that on the Scaffold If there had been any colour to have justified the taking away her Life both the Queen and her Counsellors were as much enclined to it as our Author himself was Ibid. 80. He says King Henry said in Parliament she was not and could not be his Daughter for a secret Reason which he had revealed to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury This was aptly enough said by a Writer that had emancipated himself from the Laws of Truth and Veracity to appeal to such a Story yet to have made it pass the better he should have named other Circumstances for such a thing cannot be easily believed since after Ann Boleyn's Death the King continued to treat Elizabeth still as his Daughter so that when she writ to his next Queen she subscribed Daughter she was in all things educated with the Care and State that became a King's Child and was both by Act of Parliament and by his Will declared to be so Now to think that such a King would have done all this after he had in Parliament declared that she could not be his Child is a little too coarse to be believed and so should have been supported with more than ordinary Proofs Ibid. 81. He says She came to the Crown meerly by virtue of the Act of Parliament without being Legitimated In this she and her Sister were upon the same Level for neither of them were declared Legitimate so this was not to be objected to the one more than to the other Sister Pag. 249. 82. He says Queen Mary being declared by Act of Parliament in the beginning of her Reign Legitimate and her Mothers Marriage being declared good Elizabeth was thereby of new Illegitimated yet she never repealed the Laws against her Title but kept the Crown meerly upon the Authority of an Act of Parliament without having any regard to her Birth Queen Mary came to the Crown being in the same Condition and was either a lawful Queen before that Act was made or else that Act was of no force if it had not the Royal Assent given by a lawful Queen So Queen Elizabeth was as much Queen before any such Act could have passed as afterwards and therefore since it was not necessary for the securing her Title it was a sign of her tenderness of her Father's Memory to which Queen Mary had no regard not to revive the remembrance of things that must have turned so much to his dishonour as that would have done 83. He says Pag. 250. Queen Mary not being able to prevent her Sisters Succession sent a Message to her on her Death-Bed desiring her to pay her Debts and
Offices and the Parties so refusing were subjected to no other Danger nor was the Oath to be put to them a second Time It is true if any did assert the Authority of any Forreign Potentate that was more penal Yet that was not as our Author represents it for the first Offence there was a forfeiture of ones Goods or in case of Poverty one Years Imprisonment the second Offence brought the Offender within a Premunire and the third was Treason 5. He says The Change that was made Pag. 258. of the Title of Supream Head into that of Supream Governor deceived many yet others thought that the Queen might have thereby assumed an Authority for Administring the Sacraments but to clear all Scruples she in the first Visitation ordered it to be thus explained that she thereby pretended to no more Power than what her Father and Brother had exercised In the first Visitation ordered by the Queen there was an Injunction given Explanatory to the Oath of Supremacy declaring that she did not pretend to any Authority for the Ministry of Divine Service in the Church and challenged nothing but what had at all times belonged to the Crown of England which was a Soveraignty over all manner of Persons under God so that no Forreign Power had any Rule over them and so was willing to acquit such as took it in that sense of all the Penalties in the Act. So that it is plain she assumed nothing but the Royal Authority and was ready to accept of such Explications as might clear all Ambiguities 6. He reckons among the Laws that were made this for one Pag. 259. that Bishops should hold their Sees only during the Queen's Pleasure and exercise no other Authority but only as they derived it from her The Laws he reckons were those made by King Henry now revived but this Law is falsly recited in both the parts of it for the Bishops were to hold their Sees as all others do their Free-holds without any dependence on the Queen's Pleasure and were to exercise their Jurisdiction in their own Names and according to the Ecclesiastical Laws and were not forced to take Commissions to hold their Bishopricks during the Queen's Pleasure as had been done both in King Henry and King Edward's Time Pag. 263. 7. After a long discourse against the Queen's Supremacy he says The Laws concerning it and other Points of Religion did pass with great difficulty in the House of Lords all the Bishops opposing them and those Noblemen in particular who had gone to Rome upon the Embassy Queen Mary sent thither did very earnestly disswade it It is true all the Bishops did oppose them tho both Tonstal Heath Thirleby and some others had consented to and written for King Henry's Supremacy which was at least as to the manner of expressing it of a higher strain than that to which the Queen did now pretend They had also submitted to all the Changes that had been made in King Edward's Time For the Temporal Lords none dissented from the Act of Supremacy but the Earl of Shrewsbury and the Viscount Montacute so the opposition was small where so few entred their Dissents and of these only the Viscount Montacute had been at Rome sent thither by Queen Mary It is true the Marquess of Winchester and the Lords Morley Stafford Dudley Wharton Rich and North dissented from the Bill for the Book of Common Prayer and some other Acts that related to the Reformation but these being but few in number were far short of those that were for them and it is clear the Queen left the Peers wholly to their freedom since the Marquess of Winchester notwithstanding his Dissent continued to hold that great Office of Lord Treasurer in which he had been put in King Edward's Time and which he had kept all Queen Mary's Reign till his Death fourteen Years after this this may perhaps be justly censured as looking too like a remissness in the Matters of Religion when he that dissented to the Reformation was yet so long employed in the greatest Trust in the Kingdom but certainly this is none of the Claws to know the Lioness by 8. He says The Queen gave the Earl of Arundel some hopes that she would marry him and so perswaded him to consent to the Laws now made but afterwards slighted him and declared she would live and die a Virgin The Journals of Parliament shew how false this is for the Address was made to the Queen persuading her to marry to which she made the Answer set down by our Author on the 6th of February and the Act of Supremacy with the other Acts concerning Religion passed in April thereafter so that the Queen after so publick a Declaration of her unwillingness to marry could not have deluded the Earl of Arundel with the hopes of it Ibid. 9. He says She wrought on the D. of Norfolk by promising him a Dispensation in the Business of his Marriage which he could not obtain of the Pope It is not like the Duke of Norfolk was denied any such Dispensation from Rome nor are there any Dispensations granted in England for marrying in the forbidden Degrees Cousin Germans are the nearest that may marry The obtaining a License for that at Rome is a matter of course so the Fees are but paied and the Law allows that to all in England Nor are there any Dispensations in Matrimonial Matters except concerning the Time the Place or the asking of Banes and it is not likely these were ever denied to any at Rome As for his long Excursion concerning that Duke's Death it not falling within the compass of my History I shall not follow him in it 10. He says The Protestants desired a publick Disputation Pag. 266. so the Queen commanded the Bishops to make ready for it they refused it a great while since that seemed to make the Faith of the Church subject to the judgment of the ignorant Laity but at last they were forced to yield to it and the Points were Communion in both kinds Prayer in a known Tongue and the like The Act of Council has it otherwise By it we see that the Arch-Bishop of York being then a Privy Councellor did heartily agree to it and undertook that the rest of his Brethren should follow the Orders that were made by the Council concerning it tho it is not to be denied but some of the Bishops were secretly dissatisfied with it as they had good reason since a publick Disputation was like to lay open the weakness of their Cause which was never so safe as when it was received in gross without descending to troublesome Enquiries concerning it The Communion in both kinds was not one of the Articles 11. He says Bacon a Lay-man was Judg Ibid. the Arch-Bishop of York sitting next to him only for forms-sake Bacon was not Judg the whole Privy-Council were present to order the Forms of the Debate and he as the first of
Sampson P. 85. Marg. l. 28. f. 2 Feb. r. 24. P. 91. l. 14. f. 19 of June r. 10. of June P. 163. l. ult f. rented r. rated P. 242. l. 8. f. this Kings r. this kind P. 247. l. 9. f. 1635. r. 1535. ibid. l. 15 fr. bott f. 7 Dec. r. 17. P. 249. l. 11. f. refuse r. refute P. 262. l. 18. f. Reat r. rents P. 280. l. 21. f. Person r. Prison P. 285. f. came r. come P. 333. misprinted 343 l. 24. f. Dell r. Bell. P. 343. l. 18. f. Alrich r. Holgate A Table of the Records and Papers that are in the Collection with which the Places in the History to which they relate are marked the first Number with the Letter C. is the Page of the Collection the second with the Letter H. is the Page of the History  C. H. THe Journal of King Edward's Reign 1 1 1. His Preface to some Scriptures against Idolatry 68 157 2. A Discourse concerning the Reformation of divers Abuses 69 ibid 3. A Reformation of the Order of the Garter translated into Latin by him 73 205 4. A Paper concerning a Free Mart in England 78 208 5. The Method in which the Council represented Matters of State to him 82 219 6. Articles for the Regulation of the Privy Council 86 213 The First Book 1. The Character of King Edward given by Cardan 89 2 2. The Commission taken out by Arch-Bishop Cranmer 90 6 3. The Councils Letter to the Justices of Peace 92 13 4. The Order for the Coronation of King Edward 93 ibid 5. The Commission for which the Lord Chancellor was deprived of his Office with the Opinion of the Judges about it 96 17 6. The Duke of Somersets Commission to be Protector 98 18 7. The King's Letter to the Arch-Bishop of York concerning the Visitation 103 26 8. The form of bidding Prayers before the Reformation 104 30 9. A Letter of Bishop Tonstal's proving the subjection of the Crown of Scotland to the King of England 106 32 10. A Letter sent by the Scotish Nobility to the Pope concerning their being an Independent Kingdom 109 ibid 11. The Oath given to the Scots who submitted to the Protector 111 35 12. Bonner's Protestation with his Submission 112 36 13. Gardiner's Letter concerning the Injunctions ibid ibid 14. The Conclusion of his Letter to the Protector against them 114 38 15. A Letter of the Protectors to the Lady Mary justifying the Reformation 115 39 16. Petitions made by the Lower House of Convocation 117 47 17. A second Petition to the same purpose 118 ibid 18. Reasons for admitting the Inferior Clergie to sit in the House of Commons 119 48 19. A Letter of Martin Bucers to Gropper 121 51 20. Questions and Answers concerning the Divorce of the Marquess of Northampton 125 58 21. Injunctions given in King Henry's Time to the Deanery of Doncaster 126 59 22. A Proclamation against Innovations without the King's Authority 128 ibid 23. An Order of Council for the removing of Images 129 60 24. A Letter with Directions sent to all Preachers 130 61 25. Questions concerning some abuses in the Mass with the Answers made by some Bishops and Divines to them 133 62 26. A Collection of the chief Indulgences then in the English Offices 150 66 27. Injunctions for a Visitation of Chauntries 152 67 28. The Protector 's Letter to Gardiner concerning the Points that he was to handle in his Sermon 154 70 29. Idolatrous Collects and Hymns in the Hours of Sarum 156 61 30. Dr. Redmayn's Opinion of the Marriage of the Clergie 157 92 31. Articles of Treason against the Admiral 158 98 32. The Warrant for the Admiral 's Execution 164 100 33. Articles for the King's Visitors 165 102 34. A Paper of Luther concerning a Reconciliation with the Zwinglians 166 105 35. The Sentence against Joan of Kent 167 111 36. A Letter of the Protectors to Sir Philip Hobbey of the Rebellions at home 169 120 37. A Letter of Bonners after his Deprivation 170 128 38. Instructions to Sir W. Paget sent to the Emperor 171 131 39. A Letter of Pagets to the Protector 173 132 40. Another Letter of his to the Protector 177 133 41. The Councils Letter to the King against the Protector 183 136 42. The Protector 's Submission 184 ibid 43. A Letter from the Council to the King 185 137 44. A Letter writ by the Council to Cranmer and Paget 187 ibid 45. Cranmer and Pagets Answer 188 ibid 46. Articles objected to the Duke of Somerset 189 138 47. A Letter of the Councils to the Bishops assuring them that the King intended to go forward in the Reformation 191 143 48. Cardinal Wolsey's Letter for procuring the Popedom to himself upon Pope Adrian's Death 192 147 49. Instructions given to the Lord Russel and others concerning the delivery of Bulloign to the French 198 148 50. Other Instructions sent to them 201 ibid 51. The Patents for the German Congregation 202 154 52. Injunctions given by Bishop Ridley 205 153 53. Oglethorp's Submission and Profession of his Faith 207 161 54. Dr. Smith's Letter to Cranmer 208 ibid 55. Articles of Religion set out by the King's Authority 209 166 56. Instructions to the President of the North 221 217 57. Instructions to Sir Rich. Morison sent to the Emperor 229 220 58. A Letter of Ridley's setting out the Sins of that Time 231 227 59. Ridley's Letter to the Protector concerning the Visitation of the Vniversity of Cambridg 232 120 60. The Protectors Answer to the former Letter 234 ibid 61. A Letter of Cranmer's to King Henry concerning a further Reformation and against Sacrilege 236 196 BOOK II. 1. THe Proclamation of L. Jane Gray's Title to the Crown 239 235 2. A Letter writ by Q. Katherine to her Daughter 242 240 3. A humble Submission made by Q. Mary to her Father 243 241 4. Another of the same strain confirming the former 245 ibid 5. Another to the same purpose 246 ibid 6. A Letter written by her to Cromwel containing a full submission in all Points of Religion to her Fathers pleasure 247 ibid 7. A Letter of Bonner's upon his being restored to his Bishoprick 248 248 8. Cranmer's Manifesto against the Mass 249 ibid 9. The Conclusions of Instructions sent by Car. Pool to the Queen 250 260 10. Injunctions sent from the Queen to the Bishops 252 274 11. A Commission to turn out some of the Reformed Bishops 256 ibid 12. Another Commission for turning out the rest of them 257 ibid 13. Bonner's Certificate that Bishop Scory had put away his Wife 258 275 14. The Queen's Letter to the Justices of Peace in Norfolk 259 288 15. The Articles of Bonner's Visitation 263 289 16. Address made by the lower to the upper House of Convocation 266 295 17. A Bull making Card. Beaton Legate a Latere in Scotland 271 292 18. A Letter of the Queen's recommending Card. Pool to the Popedom 282 311 19. Directions sent