THE Compleat Statesman OR THE Political Will AND Testament OF THAT Great Minister of STATE Cardinal Duke de Richilieu FROM Whence Lewis the XIV the present French-King has taken his Measures and Maxims of Government In TWO PARTS Done out of FRENCH LONDON Printed for R. Bentley at the Post-House in Russel-Street Covent-Garden J. Philips at the Kings-Arms and J. Taylor at the Ship in St. Paul's-Church-Yard 1695. ADVERTISEMENT TO THE READER THE World would have reason to Wonder that this Political Testament of Cardinal de Richelieu could have been conceal'd so long did not the Consequence of it and the use to which it was designed convince us that he never intended the publishing thereof But whereas it is the Fate of Mysterys to have a certain Date and that it is impossible not to confide things of this Nature to some Indiscreet Persons there is no reason to wonder at their falling at last into Liberal hands who are glad to Impart them to the World It would be a Reflection on the Judgment of the Public to Imagine that they could mistake this Work for tho Men can never be too Cautious to avoid being imposed upon It is impossible to read this without discovering all the Characters of that great Man's mind The Elevation and Beauty of his Genius joyn'd to the Nobleness of his Expressions appears clearly in this but moreover what variety of matter is not found in it They are all handled with so much Solidity that it is obvious that he knew them by a profound Meditation seconded by a consummated Experience and that none but himself was capable to Write them If it be very delightful to read the Reflections and Political Precepts which the best Authors make on the principal Events they Relate that satisfaction is considerably lessen'd when we consider that most of them only reason after the Fact and in their Study's and that they would be at a great loss themselves to overcome the difficultys of the least Negotiation or of the least dangerous Intrigue But this Political Testament is of a different Nature It is a â—…ite and a first Minister of State who has Goveâ—…d upwards of 25 years one of the most considerable Kingdoms of Europe who has Guided it and as it were held it by the hand in the first years of its Rise Who prescribes no Councelâ— but what he has often practis'd himself and Finally who by his Steadiness and Courage has overcome an infinite number of Obstacles and Intrigues which would have overwhelm'd any other Man Therefore there never was a Work of more use for thâ—se who are called to the administration of great Affairs Kings Princes Favorites Ministers Councellors of State Ecclesasticks Nobles Magistrates Courtiers and in fine all sorts and degrees of Men sind instructions here of an Inestimâ—ble Value Not that this Work is in the Condition in which 〈…〉 would undoubtedly have been had he had leisure to revise it but tho some carelesness is discovered in it and some Expressions less happy than oâ—hers nevertheless all the parts of it compose so fine Body that those little faults can only be look'd upon like those Strokes in fine Pictures which tho' careless discover the skill of the Artist It would be an Extraordinary Presumption to endeavour by Words to Inhance the excellence of a Work which sustains it self so well and is infinitely above the Elogys that could be given to it The reading of one Chapter of it will speak more in its behalf than whatever we could say The first Edition of this Book and the two others which follow'd it close have been taken from a Manuscript which seems to be of thirty years standing and to have been written with great precipitation by two different hands without any blots but with many faults The most Essential have been mended in this fourth Impression and we thought fit not to alter the rest for fear of mistaking the sence of the Author As there is no reason to believe that the Copy we have made use of is the only remaining one we intreat those who have a better and who shall observe any Capital faults to Impart the same to us in order to correct them in a fifth Edition The very Contents seem to be written by the Cardinal de Richelieu himself as he was a very methodical Man it is very likely that he begun his Work by the said Contents lest the Matters should anticipate upon each other The World will certainly be surpris'd at the Title of the first Chapter which speaks of the General Peace of which he design'd to mention the Year which he has left in blank since there was no General Peace at that time But we have been oblig'd to follow the Manuscript and it is apparent that he design'd it and thereby to conclude the relation of the King his Master 's great Actions As for the time when this Work was written it is very likely that he did it at several times In the first Chapter he prosecutes the relation of the King's Actions until the Year 1638. Yet in some other Places he seems to write in 1635. since he gives the King but 25 years Reign It may also be question'd whether what he writes of the Jesuites is before or after the Intrigues which Father Causin the King's Confessor and Father Monod Confessor to the Dutchess of Savoy set on foot to remove him from the Court which had like to have succeeded If he writ the said Chapter after he had defeated the said Intrigue no body can sufficiently admire his Moderation in speaking so soberly of them and if he writ it before it is impossible to praise him enough to have left his Work in its first State without expressing more marks of his resentment in the same That which seems most surprising is that he does no wise mention the Birth of the present King in his Political Testament from whence we may infâ—r that it was written before that Event being too considerable to pass it under silence Moreover we must consideâ— that he had given over Writing long before his Death by reason of the mischance of his Arm being oblig'd to dictate all his Dispatches and whereas it is very likely that he would not trust his Political Testament to any other hand he was no longer in a condition to do it himself and that may be the reason of the said Omisâ—ion All the Notes of the present Edition are in the Manuscript but the Historical Observations on the first Chapter were lately communicated to me and are peculiar to the fourth Edition if ever any Work deserv'd to be adorn'd with Remarks it certainly is this The Life and Memoirs of this Great Man will furnish abundance but that is not sufficient it requires something more particular yet to heighten the Intrigues of that Court which have not been divulg'd which would be of great Use for the better Understanding of the History Several useful Remarks might also be
Regulation of ancient Monasteries so it behoves your Prudence to put a stop to the progress of the over-great number of new Monasteries which are daily establish'd In order whereunto it is necessary to despise the Opinion of certain Persons as Weak as Devout and more Zealous than Prudent who often fansie that the Salvation of Souls and the Safety of the State depends on that which is prejudicial to both As none but such as are wicked or blind can be insensible or disown that Religious Houses are not only very useful but also necessary so none but those who have an indiscreet Zeal can be ignorant that the excess of them is inconvenient and that it might come to such a point as would be ruinous That which is done for the State being done for God who is the Basis and Foundation of it to Reform the Houses that are already establish'd and to put a stop to the excess of new Establishments are two Works very agreeable to GOD who loves Rule in all things SECT IX Of the Obedience which is due to the POPE THe Order which God requires in all things gives me an occasion to represent to your Majesty in this place That as Princes are oblig'd to acknowledge the Authority of the Church to submit to their Holy Decrees and to pay an entire Obedience to the same in what relates to the Spiritual Power which God hath placed in her hands for the Salvation of Mankind and that as it is their Duty to maintain the Honour of the Popes as Successors of St. Peter and Vicars of Jesus Christ so they ought not to yield to their Attempts when they endeavour to extend their Power beyond its Bounds As Kings are oblig'd to respect the Thiara of the Soveraign Pontifs the same Obligation lies upon them to preserve the Power of their Crown This Truth is acknowledged by all Theologians but it is very difficult to distinguish the Extent and Subordination of these two Powers aright In such a matter Princes are neither to credit the Gentlemen of the Long Robe who commonly measure the King 's by the Form of his Crown which being round has no end nor those who by the excess of an indiscreet Zeal declare themselves openly in favour of Rome Reason advises us to hear both the one and the other in order afterwards to resolve the Difficulty by Persons of so much Learning that they may not be liable to mistake through Ignorance and so sincere that neither the Interests of the State nor those of Rome may prevail with them against Reason I may declare with Truth That I have ever found the Doctors of the University of Paris and the most Learned Monks of all Orders so reasonable on this Subject that I have never observ'd the least Weakness in them that could hinder them from defending the just Rights of this Kingdom neither have I ever observ'd any excess of Affection in them for their Native Country which could induce them contrary to the true Sentiments of Religion to diminish those of the Church to augment the others In such Cases the Opinion of our Fathers must be of great Weight the most famous and most impartial Historians and Authors who have written in all Ages must be carefully consulted on those Occasions in which nothing can be more dangerous than Weakness or Ignorance SECT X. Which sets forth the Advantage of Learning and shews how it ought to be Taught in this Kingdom HAving represented that Ignorance is sometimes prejudicial to the State I am now to speak of the Necessity of Learning one of the greatest Ornaments of States this being the most proper place for it since the Empire of it is justly due to the Church by reason that all sorts of Truths have a natural Relation to the first the Sacred Mysteries of which Eternal Wisdom has been pleas'd to make the Ecclesiastical Order Depositories of As the Knowledge of Letters is absolutely necessary in a Commonwealth it is certain that they ought not to be taught without distinction to every body As a Body having Eyes in all its Parts would be monstrous a State would be the same if all the Inhabitants thereof were Learned we should find as little Obedience in it as Pride and Presumption would be common The Commerce of Letters would absolutely banish that of Trade which enriches Nations would ruine Husbandry the true Mother of the People and would soon destroy the Nursery of Souldiers which encreases more in the Rudeness of Ignorance than in the Politeness of Sciences Finally it would fill France with Litigious Persons more proper to ruine private Families and to disturb publick Peace than to do the State any good If Learning were prophan'd to all sorts of Minds we should see more Persons capable to form Doubts than to resolve them and many would be fitter to oppose Truths than to defend them 'T is this Consideration which induces Politicians to say that a well regulated State requires more Masters of Mechanick Arts than Masters of Liberal Arts to teach Letters I have often heard Cardinal du Perron for the same Reason earnestly wish the Suppression of part of the Colledges of this Kingdom he was desirous to have four or five famous ones establish'd in Paris and two in every Metropolitan City of the Provinces He added to all the Considerations I have urg'd that it was impossible to find a sufficient number of Learned Men in every Age to supply a great number of Colledges whereas being contented with a moderate number they might be fill'd with worthy Persons who would preserve the Fire of the Temple in its Purity and would transmit by an uninterrupted Succession the Sciences in their Perfection I cannot forbear thinking when I consider the great number of Men who profess the Teaching of Letters and the multitude of Children that are instructed that I see an infinite number of Sick People who only aiming to drink pure and clear Water for their Cure are press'd with such a disorderly Drought that receiving without distinction all those that are presented to them the major part drink such as are impure and often out of payson'd Cups which encreases their Drought and their Distemper instead of easing either In fine this great number of Colledges indifferently establish'd in all places produces two Evils the one by the mean Capacity of those that are oblig'd to Teach there not being a sufficient number of eminent Persons to fill the Pulpits the other by the want of natural Disposition in those whose Fathers oblige them to study by reason of the Conveniences of it without examining their Capacity which is the reason that most of those that study have only a mean Tincture of Learning some for want of more Capacity others for not being well instructed Tho' this Evil is of great consequence the Remedy is easie since it only requires to reduce all the Colledges of such places as are no Metropolitans to two or three Classis
Country inclines them some times to take Arms against their King the Inconstancy and sudden Motions to which they are subject not permitting any body to rely upon them they do themselves more harm than they are capable of doing to their Country 'T is most certain that the Spaniards surpass us in Constancy and Steadiness in Zeal and in Fidelity for their King and Country but in exchange that Kingdom is so barren and so desart in some Places and so little abounding in Men that were it not for their Constancy it would often be abandon'd by it self Moreover if among the French some particular Persons ingage against their Master the Spaniards some times mutiny and revolt in Bodys in their Armys If the Emperor has the advantage to govern a Nation which is the Nursery of Souldiers he has the disadvantage that they easily change their Party and Religion together besides that they are very much addicted to Drunkenness and far more unrulythan ours in the Field In a Word all Nations have there defects and the most prudent are those who endeavour to acquire by Art what Nature has deny'd them It is more easy to add Flegm Patience and Discipline to the Courage Valour and Courtesy of the French than to inspire that Fire in Flegmatic Nations which they have not naturaly The French are Capable of every thing provided their Commanders are Capable to teach them what they are to do Their Courage which inclines them to seek out War all the World over Justifys this Proposition Since they live like Spaniards in their Armys like Sweedes in their Country like Crawats when they are listed among them and like Hollanders in their States They observe their several Disciplines which shows that if they keep their Natural Imperfections in their Country it is because they are tolerated and that their Officers do not know how to Correct them If they live in this Kingdom without Discipline it is not so much their fault as the fault of their Leaders who commonly content themselves with making fine Ordinances and do not take so much care as they should do to cause them to be observ'd Nothing can be more easy than to prescribe Rules to live well and nothing more difficult then to put them in practice however it is not impossible Endeavours must be us'd to show the Justice of them by reason and then no mercy must be shown to those who Violate them If one two or three Examples of Punishment do not put a stop to Disobedience the continuance of it will do 't and I dare assure your Majesty that if you find Chiefs worthy to command you will never want Subjects fit to obey It is most certain that the general Opinion of the World That the French are incapable of Rule and Discipline has no other Foundation than the Incapacity of their Commanders who do not know how to chuse necessary means for the Ends they propose The Siege of Rochel in which during thirteen Months an Army of 25000 Men receiv'd Orders and obey'd like Monks bearing Arms and the Expedition of Pignerol where they did the same plainly demonstrate what I have said But the General must be a Man of Resolution and no respecter of Persons and known to be so for it is certain that unless he has so much steadiness as to remain inflexible in the Rigor of the Rule he has prescrib'd no Man will think himself oblig'd to observe it or at least many will venture to break it in hopes of a Pardon But when a General persists as much in punishing as the Delinquents in their Faults his steadiness will stop the course of our excessive Levity and without such a Remedy it is in vain to expect to keep so hot and so impetuous a Nation as ours is within the Bounds of Reason The Punishments of Marillac and of Montmorency have reduc'd all the Grandees of the Kingdom to their Duty in an instant of time and I dare affirm that the same being practis'd against Ten Officers and Fifty Souldiers will maintain the Armys in Discipline and in a condition to perform whatever will be desir'd of them Punishing those thus who shall be wanting in the Performance of their Duty few Men will be punish'd since few will venture to expose themselves to ruin finding it inevitable and by the Death of a small Number the Lives of many will be preserv'd and Order observ'd in all things The Defects of this Nation never appear'd more than under your Majesty's Reign which being signaliz'd by great Prosperity and Power by your Conduct will also be signaliz'd in the opinion of the most judicious for many Insidelities you have suffer'd and by a World of Attempts against your Service After having made divers Inquiries into the Reasons of both I am not afraid of saying That they proceed from the Weakness of your Majesty's Minority during which Men have so insensibly accustom'd themselves to all sorts of Licentiousness that they thought they might continue the same under your Reign with the same Impunity as heretofore The first is that as there are more Colleges of Religious Orders more Officers of Justice and of the Finances than for the time past there are not near so many Souldiers for which reason the desertion of those who retire from the Armies is more apparent because there are not so many found as formerly to supply the room of those who forsake their Duty The second that Souldiers advanc'd their Fortune more formerly than in these Times in which the Officers of the Finances and the Partisans reap all the Fat to the great disgust of those who are constrain'd to expose their Lives almost to no purpose The third that Generals are less careful in our days of military Discipline and less severe in chastising those who swerve from it than our Fore-fathers were The fourth that the long discontinuation the French have had of Foreign Wars in which they had powerful Enemies to encounter had almost made them forget the Trade and disus'd them from the Fatigues they are little capable of tho they must go through many when they have brisk and potent Enemies to deal with I add to these considerations that your Majesty's health has not always permitted you to be in the Army and that the Injustice of the French is so great that they are never satisfy'd in a Place where they venture their Life unless they see their King whose presence they fancy does in some measure secure it None but the Enemies of this State can make War successfully by their Lieutenants the Flegm of their Nation gives them that advantage but the French are the most unfit for it of any other Nation because the eagerness of their Courage and the desire of fighting gives them an Impatience which can never be vanquish'd but by the presence of their King If at any time any great Enterprise has met with Success under Lieutenants it will either be found that those who
Officers of this kind to be turn'd out those who will find themselves deprived of their usual imployments will be constrain'd to follow the Wars to ingage into Trade or to turn Labourers If in the next place all Exemptions are reduc'd to the Nobility and to the Officers in ordinary of the King's Houshold it is most certain that the Cities and Communities which are exempted the Soveraign Courts the Offices of the Treasurers of France the Elections the Salt Magazines the Offices of Waters and of Forests of the Demain and of the Tithes the Intendants and Receivers of Parishes which compose a Body of upwards of 100000 exempted persons will discharge the People of more than one half of their Tailles it being also certain that the Richest which are liable to the greatest Taxes are those who get exemptions by dint of Money I am sensible that it will be urg'd that it is easie to make such Projects like unto those of Plato's Commonwealth which tho' fine in his Ideas is a real Chimera But I dare affirm that this design is not only so reasonable but so easie to execute that if God pleases to grant your Majesty a speedy Peace and to preserve you for this Kingdom with your Servants of which I esteem my self one of the meanest instead of leaving this Advice by Testament I hope to accomplish it my self SECTION VIII Which shews in few words that the utmost point of the Power of Princes must consist in the Possession of their Subjects Hearts THe Finances being manag'd as above written the People will be absolutely eas'd and the King will be Powerful by the Possession of his Subjects Hearts who considering his care of their Estates will be inclin'd to love him out of Interest Formerly the Kings thought themselves so happy in the Possession of their Subjects Hearts that some were of opinion that it was better by this means to be King of the French than of France And indeed this Nation had formerly such a Passion for their Princes that some Authors praise them for being always ready to spill their Blood and to spend their Estates for the Service and Glory of the State Under the Kings of the first second and third Race until Philip le Bell the Treasure of Hearts was the only publick Wealth that was preserv'd in this Kingdom I am sensible that former times have no relation nor proportion to the present that what was good in one Age is often not permitted in another But tho' it is certain that the Treasure of Hearts cannot suffice at present it is also very certain that the Treasure of Gold and Silver is almost useless without the first both are necessary and whoever shall want either of them will be necessitous in Wealth CHAP. X. Which concludes this Work in showing that whatever is contain'd in it will prove ineffectual unless the Princes and their Ministers are so mindful of the Government of the State as to omitt nothing which their Trust obliges them to and not to abuse their Power IN order to conclude this Work happily I am now to represent to your Majesty that Kings being oblig'd to do many things more as Soveraigns than as private Men they can never swerve so little from their Duty without committing more faults of omission than a private person can do of commission It is the same with those upon whom Soveraigns discharge themselves of part of the burthen of their Empire since that Honour makes them liable to the same obligations which lie on Soveraigns Both of them being consider'd as private persons are liable to the same faults as other Men but if we regard the Conduct of the publick which they are intrusted with they will be found liable to many more since in that sence they cannot omit without sin any thing they are oblig'd to their Ministry In that consideration a Man may be good and virtuous as a private person and yet an ill Magistrate anâ—ilh Soveraign by his want of care to discharge the obligation of his Trust In a word unless Princes use their utmost endeavours to regulate the divers orders of their State If they are negligent in their choice of a good Council if they despise their wholsom Advice Unless they take a particular care to become such that their Example may prove a speaking voice If they are negligent in establishing the reign of God that of Reason and that of Justice together If they fail to protect Innocence to recompence signal Services to the Publick and to punish disobedience and the Crimes which trouble the order of the Discipline and Safety of States Unless they apply themselves to foresee and to prevent the evils that may happen and to divert by careful Negotiations the Storms which Clouds easily drive before them from a greater distance than is thought If Favour hinders them from making a good choice of those they honour with great imployments and with the principal Offices of the Kingdom Unless they are very careful to settle the State in the Power it ought to have If on all occasions they do not preferr Publick Interest to Private Advantages tho' otherwise never so good livers they will be found more guilty than those who actually transgress the Commands and Laws of God it being certain that to omit what we are oblig'd to do and to commit what we ought not to do is the same thing I must moreover represent to your Majesty that if Princes and those who are imploy'd under them in the first Dignities of the Kingdom have great advantages over private Men they injoy that benefit upon hard conditions since they are not only liable by omission to the faults I have already observ'd but also that there are many others of commission which are peculiar to them If they make use of their Power to commit any injustice or violence which they cannot do as private persons they are guilty of a sin of Prince or Magistrate by commission which their sole Authority is the source of and for which the King of Kings will call them to a very strict account on the day of Judgment Those two different kind of faults peculiar to Princes and to Magistrates must needs make them sensible that they are of a far greater weight than those of private persons by reason that as universal Causes they influence their disorders to all those who being submitted to them receive the impression of their movements Many would be sav'd as private persons who damn themselves as publick persons One of the greatest of our Neigbouring Kings being sensible of this Truth at his Death cry'd out that he did not stand in so much dread of the sins of Philip as he was apprehensive of the King 's His thought was truly Pious but it would have been much better for himself and for his Subjects to have had it before his Eyes in the heighth of his Grandeur and of his Administration than when in discovering the
not being used better than another he sometimes let fall some free Ingenious and sharp Expressions which some retain'd with pleasure and never fail'd of being reveal'd but in that he did not sooth the Inclination of his Father with whom he was no better pleas'd than with the Minister himself he could not forgive him notwithstanding his having added to his share abundance of Lands over and above those of Candale to the Value of 50000 Crowns a year besides the place of First Gentleman of the Chamber the Governments of Saintonge Aunis Angoumois and Limosin for having given his younger Brother the Government of Mets and of the three Bishopricks in great Esteem at that time but above all the place of Colonel General of the French Infantry which was look'd upon as a Military Royalty because it gave the Possessor of it a right to nominate to all inferior Places without so much as excepting that of Colonel of the Guards and that Vexation particularly with some other domestic troubles made him acquire abundance of Glory in seeking War and the Command of Armys in foreign Countrys Bernard Duke de la Valette the second Son design'd all along to bear the Father's Name was indeed the first object of his Affection and of his Tenderness which he answered with a great deal of Gratitude Duty keeping measures with the Minister but without lowness and in such a manner that the Duke his Father could receive no prejudice by it Lewis the last of the Brothers either as being a better Courtier or as a Cardinal or out of Inclination or Esteem had contracted a Friendship with Cardinal de Richelieu But the Father not approving his behaviour often said It is no longer the Cardinal de la Valette it is the Cardinal Valet The only reward he had for his Assiduity and for his Cares was sometimes to command Armys which he had earnestly desir'd contrary to the sentiments of the old Duke his Father who had all along Endeavour'd in vain to dissuade him from it Perhaps it is a thing sufficiently remarkable to observe it by the by that Cardinal de Richelieu has not mention'd him once in all this Book notwithstanding he did him the greatest and most signal Service that ever he received from any other For it is very well known that in the Famous day of the Duppes when the Queen Mother having prevall'd with the King to dismiss him thought on nothing in her Palace of Luxemburg but how to dispose of the greatest Places of the State the Cardinal being ready to be gone seeing nothing but solitude and disgrace about him the only Cardinal de la Valette stood up to Incourage him and offering to accompany him to Versailles made him resolve once more to see the King and to speak to him as he did which on a sudden produc'd that great alteration of Affairs the Cardinal being allow'd to continue the Functions of his Ministry The Lord keeper Marillac who was come to succeed him Imprison'd and all the rest which is known without my repeating it Which shows how necessary the advice of a firm and faithful Friend is sometimes even to the greatest Souls in that uncertain and floating Condition to which great Passions reduce us But let us return to our principal and real Subject Those general dispositions did not promise a great union between the old Duke and the Cardinal Minister Add now to this a vast number of things which did divide them absolutely some of great Consequence others which would seem to be Inconsiderable if we did not know what effect they generally produce in Mens minds In 1624. Richelieu already made Cardinal was made first Minister against the King's Inclination by the earnest desires and importunitys of the Queen Mother The Duke who was absent from the Court at that Time and who thought himself very much in favour with that Princess as he had deserv'd it by his services was both surpris'd and vex'd thereat because she had not given him the least hint of it However he comply'd so far with decency and custom as to make Complements by a Letter to the new Minister but less capable to oblige than to displease him For he kept with him as with all other Cardinals to the end of his Life the singular method he had taken to write to them without leaving the whole Line and to conclude by Voâ—â—â—â—ien humble Serviteur The Cardinal being nettled made no answer at all but on the first occasion which offer'd it self soon after to send the King's orders to him he writ to him without hardly leaving any blank space in the Line and by your most Affectionate Servant which the Duke was very much offended at Those who knew how things pass'd in those Days look'd upon that beginning either as the Source or Omen of all that happened since Soon after this the Duke then Governor of Guienne by his haughtiness imbroil'd himself with the Parliament of Bourdeaux under the first president de Gourgues a Man of great sence and Vigor who easily persuaded the angry Cardinal to take their part The same Affairs return'd often and others of worse consequence with Henry de Sourdis Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux one of the Cardinal's Creatures whose part he ever took as he was oblig'd to do In 1627. Fortune presented them with a fine Phantasm and great hopes as a notable Subject of discord It was the wreck of two Large Portugueze Carricks returning from Goa Their lading of Gold Silver Diamonds Ambergres and other precious Commoditys being valu'd at 15 Millions of Livers the one was lost on the Coast of Medoc The Right of the Wreck did belong to the Duke as it was adjudg'd since by Authentic Titles of the ancient Lords of Candale who had maintain'd that Right in Law even against their Kings The Cardinal did pretend to the same Right as well as Chofet superintendant general of the Navy and Commerce of France which in effect was the Office of Admiral disguis'd for him under that new Title The old Duke formerly Admiral himself remembred then with great regret that he had given that great and fine Place with the Government of Provence to John de la Valette his elder Brother to make him share his Fortune who dyed soon after it The Sea almost alone profited of those immense Riches of which the Duke after often having prov'd his Right did not get above ten or twelve thousand Crowns But the Process which he had maintain'd with Vigor befor the King's Commissioners chosen by the Cardinal himself left new Impressions of Spite and Animosity in the mind of that Minister In 1629 the time of the Cardinal's Triumph as I may say when after the taking of Rochel the expedition of Italy the Pas of Susa's being forc'd the succors of Cazal the Conquest of the Huguenot Citys of Languedoc he thought he had wholly suppress'd that Party by the reduction of Montauban there was need of a new Negotiation
any good but on the contrary their Ruin His Fortune was looked upon to be very much shook when the Enemy seem'd to settle in the Kingdom within sight of the Capital City and of the Throâ—â— it self by the taking of Catelet of La Capelle and of Corbie The success of that War which he alone had counceled and which he was proud of being the Author of was either his fafety or his Ruin having moreover so many Envious Persons Enemys and secret Intrigues to oppose he left no means unattempted to retake the Places of Picardy with powerful Armys Commanded by the Duke of Orleans the King's brother and by the Count de Soissons a Prince of the Blood The Duke de la Valette in an occasion which was look'd upon as a great Peril of the State desir'd leave to serve as a Volunteer in the Army of Picardy which could not be deny'd him But before his departure from Paris he made rather by his Misfortune than fault being as it were forc'd to it a new and very deep wound in the Minister's mind The Baron du Bec Governer of La Capelle was the Duke's Friend whether he had surrender'd it too soon out of Weakness or for want of all manner of Ammunitions as he pretended which I have not dicover'd the Cardinal thought it necassary to make an Example of him either to keep the Governors of the Frontier Towns in Awe by that severity or to clear himself before the King and the Public for the loss of that Place which through Picardy had given the Enemy an entrance into the Kingdom For those who are at the helm of Affairs are never in the wrong and the weakest is Commonly the most guilty He would have that affair examin'd in a Solemn Coucil the King being present in which all the Officers of the Crown were to assist The Duke excused himself three times from coming to it to avoid the danger he foresaw But Chavigny was sent to him the fourth to acquaint him that he must either break of with the Cardinal or not presist in his refusal Therefore he went to the Council but more faithful to Friendship or to Reason than to his own Interest he spoke for the Accus'd contrary to the intention of the Minister who not being commonly Master of himself in the first heat of his Anger as soon as the Council broke up calling him a side used hard and reflecting Language towards him which a good heart can never bear nor forget His answer was not only firm and bold but full of a heat which made the Cardinal sencible of his own which he endeavour'd to aleviate concluding with obliging words In this condition the Duke de la Valette went for the Army where it is true that the Count de Soissons and the Duke of Orleans caused him to be sounded in secret to ingage him to a revolt and to afford them a retreat in Guienne But it is equaly true that he refused both barely assuring the Princes on one hand of his Respect and moreover of secrecy and on the other that the old Duke without whom he could do nothing would never hearken to any such thing what ever Cause he had to complain of the Cardinal as well as himself It has never been known from the Dukes own Mouth who made him that proposition he kept his word but too scrupulously and never spake of it even when he might have done it without danger What the Cardinal sayes here that this crime is averr'd by the Mouth of two Princes whose Testimony is undeniable on that occasion is easily clear'd One of them who out liv'd that Minister has often own'd that he had been surprised and persuaded that the Duke de la Valette had accused him so that being irritated by his pretended Infidelity as well as by his Refusal he was glad to excuse himself by laying the whole fault at his door The sequel of things naturally represented in my opinion do's not allow the questioning of this Truth The said Negotiation whether rejected or receiv'd certainly was not prosecuted and was not known in a certain time after it But when Corbie was retaken and Picardy peaceable and the Cardinal's authority better settled than ever even those who thought him undone before were earnest to serve him and to inbrace his Interest At that time one of the Duke of Orleans false Servants to whom that secret was confided made haste to reveal it to him The two Princes who had notice given them thereof remov'd forthwith from the Court for fear of being secur'd The Duke de la Valette who was gone for Guienne some days before quietly prosecuted his journey They sent Bourdeilles and Montresor after him to excite him and the old Duke his Father upon the account of their common danger which both they said would endeavour in vain to defend themselves of considering the opinion the Cardinal had of that business and his desire to ruin them They both shut their Ears and the old Duke after Complements full of respect for the Princes gave them wise Councels to regain the King's favour The Duke of Orteans hearken'd to them and made his Peace The Count de Soissons neglected them to his Misfortune for he never returned to Court and dyed afterwards as it is known in Arms against his Prince and Country The Cardinal having as good intelligence as ever any Minister had was not ignorant of the old Duke's wise behaviour on that Subject which he never boasted of himself There still is a Letter extant which that Minister order'd the Chevalier Seguier his constant friend to write to him in which praising his prudence which he assures him the King is very well pleased with he Endeavours to make him discover more of the matter which the old Duke had the address to excuse himself from And so far from accusing him of any thing at that time nor La Valette his Son new orders were sent to both to drive the Spaniards out of Guienne For they had settled themselves in the Port of Secoa where they had two Forts and five or six thousand Men well Retrench'd Those orders to express the more Confidence gave the old Duke a power to raise such Forces as he should think fit and to make what ever Impositions he thought necessary on the Province to deliver it from the Enemy which he looked upon as a snare that was laid for him being warn'd by Ancient and new Examples and even by that of Marshal de Marillac Moreover he was persuaded that without Oppressing the People whom he lov'd naturally and whom it was his Interest to keep Measureâ— with he would be able to perform what he was ordered And indeed the Duke de la Vallette having put himself at the Head of a small number of Men he raised in haste besieg'd or block'd up as it were those Spaniards retrenched and much stronger than himself but in want of all things Notwithstanding the Sea