receive his or not but after three or four days consideration excused it the other twoe received my letters promised answers but as I have since knowne not finding means to obtaine any thing in my favour wrote not to me However at length one whoe had credit was Induced to receive letters from me and to write to me My end and endeavour was first to make my innocency appear demonstrably touching all correspondence or colusion with any of his Ma ties subjects either in or out of his Dominions nor to have had soe much as knowledg of any contrivements or designes tending in any kinde or degree to the prejudice of his person or disturbance of his Gouverment And nevertheless that I knew negatives were most difficult to be prouved yet by inductions and necessary consequencies much may be clearly demonstrated Besides I was certayne that it Could not be in the power of mankinde to prouve any such matter against me haveing ever since my residing in Freezland been soe exactly circumspect not to give any just occasion of jalousie that I have entirely avoided the speaking with any whoe I knew or did but Imagine to have been suspected by his Ma tie as disaffected to his person or Gouverment and if any such have desired any communication with me I have civily excused it as that which Could not have been benificiall to them and might have proved domageable to my selfe Nor have I ever done it to this moment either by interview speech writing or Message sent or received Nor have I had any other knowledge of those plots and practises during theise last ten years which have filled all Christendome with noise saveing what I have seen in print and not before it was publique Theise truths haveing been soe made appear as that they neither had been nor Could be contradicted by any lawfull evidence or reasnable appearance I flattered my selfe as indeed I have done into the hopes of getting my proscription taken off and might have met with no opposition from England which has allways befallen me to my obtayning employment abroad in case of a foraigne war which till about eighâ—een months since I concluded unavoydable haveing been positively resolved to throwe my selfe into the first engagement where I best Could with the satisfaction of my Conscience thereby to have honourably ended if God had thowght it fit an unhappy and a burthensome life more to my contentment then the continuation thereof for many years has been Perceaving now no means remayning in this dead calme which is Joyfully believed of 20 years continuance for the lawfull persuance of my designe being likewise deprived of all hopes in England I resolve during the short reste of my life with as much tranquility as God shall please to voutsafe me to submit to his holy will in whose booke the nombers of our dayes are registred wayting on him till my change comes whoe sways all men and actions to those ends for which he has ordayned them in this course to meet with the less interuption I yet determine neither to discompose my selfe nor give any ombrage to others by medling with wordly affaires further then the necessity of my subsistance may constraine me to it which I conceave cannot happen if I am dealt justly with by those for whome I have visibly suffered to great extremities for Divers years This being my syncere intention I shall summ up the principal points which have in some kinde constrained me to become publique to the following heads and soe conclude First I here declare and protest which I doe with a clear and safe conscience that since my leaving of England with his Ma ties permission I have had no correspondence by writing receaving of letters or Messages into or out of England or of any other part of his Dominions nor have had any consultations or contrivements with any of his subjects abroad tending to the raysing or fomenting any discontents uproors seditions or treasons against his person or Gouverment Secondly that from the year 1665 after the first war was declared by England against this State I neither wrote nor received any letter or Message into or out of England or any other of the Kings Dominions untill the year 1674. after the last peace concluded at Breda and then only as I have allready sayd unto twoe persons of as great honour and fidelity to the King as I have ever knowne and of the neerest places and trust about him at which tyme I wrote but twoe or three letters with Communication of some persons in the greatest consideration in the Gouverment of this state Nothing at that tyme haveing been obtaynedned for me I wrote not more till the end of 1679 or the beginning of 1680 and then writh free leave of those in cheif authority where I was and only for the ends I have allready mentioned Thirdly and lastly knowing positively and particularly that by some very ill persons I have been accused to have spoken undecently and undutifully concerning the late King of happy Memory as likewise of some other Princes abroad of the Royale blood which has been believed and contributed as much to my late Calamities as those other matters of a higher nature and may yet reduce me to greater extremities then I thinke decent for me to mention Wherefor I doe declare that I have never at any tyme nor on any occasion mentioned his late Ma tie neither any other Prince of the blood capable of a legall succession at any tyme or event which can happen to the crowne but with that due respect and modesty which became a subject to speak of his Souveraigne or a sober man of such whoe are in a legal possibility to become soe Few men can be ignorant and to many not insencible of the prodigious liberty which has of late years been taken of false informations in secret which being belived without due examination no man can be safe as likewise of Improbable untrue and contradictory evidences in publique and of most Impudent perjury which renders it a bold hazard for any man to lay himselfe open to yet such is my innocency as to all theise matters and soe great and full the satisfaction of my conscience that I shall venture to declare that if any man upon the earth either of his Ma ties subjects or strangers will say and can suffiently and authentically prove the contrary to any one of theise assertions I shall freely with my soul forgive him if he does it and be contented to suffer death As I began soe I shall end that false accusations with secret and detestable practises to destroye me or at least to continue me under the Calamity which has long layne heavy upon me much worse to me then death have constrayned me to this course as unfit for me as I am for it referring my selfe to the equitable sensure of unpreoccupied persons the judgment of my cause to God and my soul in all events to his incomprehensible mercy FINIS
at the end of about 14. days his horse broke through Eastward under Lieutenant General Balfourd the Foote disputed their post a while and then capitulated to leave their Arms Collours Artillerie Ammunition and Bagage and to march away with cudgels onely Essex embarqued himself at Foy this blemished his reputation and shortly after lost him the Generalat 15. The King marched towards Oxford in his way thither was forced to the second battaile of Newbury were his Armie was something unfortunate and had been more soe if the jealousies or rather the Diametrally opposite principles and aimes of the Chiefs of the Enemie had not at that time in some kinde favoured his Majestie 16. The Winter following the whole model of the Parliaments Militie was changed the Earles of Manchester Essex and General Waller put out Fairfax made General Cromwel Leutenant General and the officers and souldiers composing the Niew Armie for the most part if not all at Cromwels devotion almost all confiderable persons of the Presbiterean partie put out The King had for the following somer assembled rather a good then a great Armie betwixt which despising the new model and that of the Parliament was fought that fatal battaile of Naesby where his Majestie lost his Armie and as the unfortunate consequence thereof not long after his Crown and Life 17. The King being returned to Oxford the Winter following employ'd me to London Sir John Bamfield haveing procured me a pass to returne thither to penetrate as far as was possible into the designes of the two parties in the Parliament in relation to his Majesties Person and Authoritie I wanted neither means nor assiduitie to performe what I was commanded I found the one very severe in their principles as wel to the Civile as Ecclesiastical Gouvernment the other which was influenced entirely by Cromwel resolved and labouring to change and destroye both I clearly sawe by Joyning with the first the roote of monarchy was to be preserved and did believe the branches would againe growe out to trust the latter I saw no reasnable ground what ever the specious pretences of some amongst them were in their secret Correspondency with persons of great quality and no less credit about the King 18. The Bulke of the party and the leading men as I knew always sayd and writ both to the King himselfe and divers others of the greatest quality some whereof yet live were resolved upon an entire subversion of monarchie and the Establishment of a new Gouernment 19. Having as I thought light sufficient to make these twoe points as Clear as by a Mathematical demonstration I desguised my selfe in my Groomes Clothes and went with the Tame Carrier to that Towne and thence on foote to Oxford where I Entered in the Evening without being knowne to any onely the Captaine of the guard caused me to be brought to Sir Thomas Glemham who was then Gouvernour but I was so disguised that he knew me not I tould him in private that I came from London about some affayres which Concerned his Majestie desiring him to appoint me to some convenient place where I might be private and that he would send one of his servants to M r. Oudart who at that tyme was Under-Secretary to Sir Edward Nicolas principale Secretary of State to come to me which he Immediately did and returned forthwith to acquaint the King with my arival who sent him back with his commands to put the heads of what I had to say to him in wryting that he might have time to consider of it and would speak with me at large the night following in the day it being almost impossible without discovery 20. Accordingly about eight of the clock the next evening I was brought where his Majesty was none being present but M r. Secretary Nicolas the Duke of York came in for a moment to receive his fathers Benediction before his going to his rest The King debated at large Every point and circumstance contained in my memorial being at that tyme fully convinced that he could not exspect any thing but ruine from the Army and there adherents in the Parlament giving me newe instructions concerning divers eminent persons of the Presbiterean party with letters to two of the Chief and to a great and a wise Lady who was in extraordinary credit and had much influence upon the transactions of those tymes His Majestie commanded me to acquaint the Queen from tyme to tyme with all that passed betwixt him and me and of all my transactions concerning his service which I could better doe from London then he from Oxford which I did performe by a constant Correspondence with the Earle of S t. Albans during the space of about three Years untill I was commanded out of England for other services 21. The King having charged me with new Instructions letters and all things expedient for his service dispatched me againe to London when Imediately upon my arrivall I spake with those to whom his Majestie had written two whereof where unwilling to receive their letters but contented to hear them read and after to see the hand and signature which they knew to have been all his owne 22. By these means some where gained by publique others by their owne particular Interests a few who had been his Majesties menial servants and in his favour I thinke repented really what they had done and resolved to efface What had passed by their future fidelity 23. But much the greatest part where brought about through the apprehension that the power of the Army which dayly encreased would overgrow the authorithy of Parliament treading under foote all lawes and constitutions changing the Gouverment and Gouvernours as frequently as the Pretorian Chohorts did that of Rome whereby the publique miseries of the preceding civile war might prove but the prologue to the following tragedy Anarchy usurpation and tyranny which begun was nourished and ended in blood as the whole world has been witness of 24. Not long after I had left the King at Oxford the Army having reduced all the rest of the Nation some few places excepted marched towards that Citty to besiege both his Majestie and it who being resolved not to fall into their hands as long as he could avoyde it was constrained to save himself disguised in an Ecclesiasticall habit which was the most proper he could assume who not long after sacrificed his life for the maintaining of that profession which he was fully convinced was of Apostolical Institution and had sworne at his Coronation to upholde as it had been established by law at the first solid reformation under the Reigne of Queen Elisabeth who though a most Zealous Protestant and the greatest pillar of the reformed Religion throuwghout all Christendome could never be induced upon any consideration to the taking away of the Episcopal function 25. The King haveing for that tyme thus Escaped threw himself upon the Scotish Army which then besieged Newarke and upon the rendering of the Place
they lay nor was it councellable he Should only that he would demande a treaty and debate by a power given to the commissioners to explaine and discuss Every artickle apart and in particular which was the likeliest means to produce a good Effect and that by such an answer and demande those persons whoe had as then the most credit and cheif direction would endeavour to despose the Parliament to consent by which means and throwgh reasnable expedients which might be fownd out the severest things might have been moderated and great difficulties remouved To which end I told him I had already written to the King whoe seemed to be very well satisfied therewith and disposed to give such an answer 35. He replyed that he was upon good grounds assured when his Maj. had hearâ—d what this messenger forementioned had to propownd be would not demande any treaty and that the army would set him on his throne and make him a great King I besowght Allmighty God that it might prove soe but that I feared thy would at last take away his life and crowne together puting him in a capacity of possessing another in Heaven more durable Sect. 36. The next day I went to waite on the Marquis of Hartford since Duke of Somerset whoe the forenamed Gentilman had told me was acquainted with all this transaction and concurred in it which I fownd true and that he was persuaded the army would restore his Maj. sudainly perceaving me obstinate in the contrary opinion he sayd theise words to me Colonel Bamfield I have allways wished you well and doe soe Still and therefor would advise you not to oppose your selfe further to obstruct this cource towards the Kings recouvery for some of the clergy begin to suspect that you have particular interests in your transactions with the Presbitereans which weigh more then that of his Maj. I made answer that I had no other worldly interest but what was involved in and subordinate to the Kings that I never expected any advantage neither from the one or from the other partie but that I was soe fully convinced of the desperate designs secret practices and principles of the army and their adherents where of I did not want light that the groundless jalousie of some men nor their deluding hopes should never make me prostitute my reason nor act against it or have any thing to doe with those whose end and underground workings were for the destruction of the Kings person and Monarchie Sect. 37. A few days after this his Maj. answer came but not alltogether such as theise his freinds whoe I have mentioned desired but unhappy enough for him to doe the armies business at that tyme for the most Zealous part of the Presbitereans left the wisest and most moderate whoe endeavoured to have made the Kings answer the fowndation of a treaty and being likewise irritated by the Schotish Ministers Gyllaspy and others joined with the armies adherents in Parliament to demande of the Scots the delivery of his Maj. person to commissioners whoe were sent to receive him and guardes commanded by Collonel Graves This was clearly foreseen by the late Duke of Lauderdalle then one of the Commissioners for Scotland the Earle of Holland my Lord Willowby of Parham my Lord Hollis S r. Phillip Stapleton and very many others in both houses whoe were ar that tyme entirely for the Kings restauration upon as moderate termes as their conduct and credit in Parliament Could possibly worke out and as the only expedient to remoue difficulties wished and endeavoured to bring the business to a personall treaty by which means they hoped to abate the severity of some demands which all reasnable and truly conscientions men amongst them knew his Maj. Could not graunt without violence to his conscience in the breach of his othe and divesting himselfe of all power to maintaine ye lawes protect his subjects or to preserve himselfe and his posterity from being deprived of that less then halfe his regall and just authority which his assenting to those propositions in the termes they were drawne up would have left him the remaining part of his power being but precario and at the arbitrement of every succeeding Parliament Sect. 38. The wisest amongest them Considered and acknowldged theise truths and seeing a part of the Nation desposed with the army and their adherents towards a popular Gouverment would willingly have had more power in the King then when they began the war they desired or designed Sect. 39. On the contrary the adverse partie was absolutely against a treaty which they feard might lead to moderation on both sides and produce an accord destructive to those great projects the cheifs of them had figured to themselves for a long tyme and resolved upon after the niew modeling of the army to prevent an agreement they must hinder a treaty to which end that party in both houses haveing at first vigorously opposed sending of any propositions to the King but that being carried against them in the affirmative by great adress and infusing jalousies concerning Religeon into the greatest nomber of the Presbitereans few of them being States men by experience and peradventure not all by reason they easily drew them to a vote that his Maj. Should be obliged to signe the propositions in the termes as they were sent him by both houses alowing no latitude to the Commissioners by whome they were sent to treat or debate one syllable knowing very well that the King neither would nor indeed Could consent to them as they were neither with Conscience honour or safety however least the extreme danger whereunto he lay exposed might have prevayled with him to consent they made use of the stratagem I have allready mentioned of infusing into the belief of many of the most considerable of the Kings freinds that the army would restore him upon certaine conditions specified whoe led his Maj. himselfe to some hopes of it Sect. 40. By theise means the King was by the Scots delivered to the commissioners sent by the Parliament to receive him by them browght to Holmby one of his owne houses where he was rigorously guarded and very hardly used in all considerations not permitted to Speak with any man but in presence of some of the Commissioners not one of his domestique servants suffered about him nor the liberty to write or receive a lettre from the Queen any of his Childeren or freinds knowing nothing what his enemies did or what he was to doe himselfe In this deplorable condition one nepar whome the Parliament had placed about him as his barber being gained whose employment every morning and evening neer his person gave him the oportunity of conveying letters unpercevably into his hands how strictly soever he was watched by this conveniency haveing written to him at large concerning many things and especialy of the desorders begun betwixt the Parliament and the army and of all els which I judged necessary for his Knowledg in that estat
assured that they would deal syncerely and moderately with me afterwards I should witsh te armies casheering but the very ill usage I receive as yet from them makes me suspect alle things that I can hardly resolue what is best for me to doe in such an unhappy conjoncture and shall deliberate a little longer however take you hence the occasion to let those see whoe say they are my frends how much more reasnable I am even according to their owne rules then the authors of theise desorders which can never be appeased unless they agree with me they know what will satisfy me but the botom of theise mens designes is not easily sownded upon the place where you are you know best how to urge this with the most efficacy According to the advice your next letter brings me I shall take my measures Send the inclosed to my wife and deliver the other your selfe to my Lord Dumfermlin and keep my correspondence with him secret farewell Your frend CHARLES R. Sect. 46. Upon the answer which I made to this letter which contained very many matters of fact of great importance betwixt the Parliament and army whose differences flew very high with the opinion of others as well as my owne there upon the particulars where of all thowgh to long to be Here Mentioned may be guessed at by the Kings answer which followes May the 16. SEct. 47. Monday last I received yours which put such thowghts into my head that I could not delay the dispatching my Message to the twoe houses for undoubtedly reason will be sooner heard by unreasnable men when they dispute whoe shall be master then when there is no opposition and certainly seeing many of those in the Parliament whoe pretend to be my frends make soe little account of what you have offered them in my name I can expect nothing from them but extremest rigour when they have no competitors for in the incertainty of their affaires they may judg me necessary but then useless What I send you now is no more then what you know allready touching the four cheif propositions and for the covenant I have Done as much as I promised them Cause my message to be printed and published all you can Make my excuse to the french Ambassadour for what he has written to me in his last is of soe little concernment that it is not worth the payns to answer it in cipher to him selfe Assure him from me that neither Dumfermlin whoe is now here nor any els saving you shall know what passes betwixt him and me Send the inclosed to my wife to whome faile Not to give an account of all that passes farewell Your frend CHARLES R. Sect. 48. I have many other letters from his Ma tie touching theise negotiations at that tyme not necessary here to be inserted for the end I propose to my selfe The Parliament had past an ordinance in both houses for the disbanding of the army which would not obey their refusall and proceedings there upon were very high and factions and out of the power of the houses to restraine their only force lying in their votes and orders which the other laughed at and dispised whoe haveing thus begun fownd themselves obliged to goe on or perish The Parliament was here at much alarmed and the wisest amongest them began to repent their haveing rejected a proposition which was secretly made to them and often urged with weighty reasons not to send the Scotch army out of England entirely and at once but at the same tyme to disband part of their owne and send away a like proportion of the Scots and soe by degrees make them selves quit of both But this was refused without aleaging any solid reason against it but only depending on Parlementary authority which they sayd the army would never dare to disobey they were likewise sorry they had soe long and soe much neglected the great advances which the King had made and told me plainly they would endeavour the passing of a vote in both houses for the Kings coming to London but that they apprehended the army there upon would seize upon his person before he could come thither Sect. 49. They desired me to write to his Ma tie to know his inclination I told them I would goe my selfe to a frends house within less then an hower from Holmby and would write from thence which I did all the same night post Arriving where I intended before noon the next day from thence I wrote I mediately to his Ma tie inclosing my letter in one to the Earle of Dumfermlin I acquainted him with the great danger he was in of being seized by the army to prevent which I saw no means unless his Ma tie would and could save himselfe by night in desguise and that I would have horses ready very neer the place to bring him to London where as affaires stood I was persuaded he might come to a reasnable accord on the fowndation of his Message The next morning he sent my Lord Dumfermlin to me whoe gave me the following lerter Holmby June 4. SEct. 50. Referring particulars to the Earle of Dumfermlin I shall only tell you that what you proposed to me by your letter of yesterday is quickly to be answered that ever since I heard of the armies refusal to disband I have often thowght of what you now propownd and am resolved not to fall into their hands if I can avoyde it I have sownded the commissioners about the expedient which you mention of escaping with them to London I have assured them to confirme my last message and to treat with the Parliament concerning the other things in question I have layd before them the publique danger as well as of my person in case I should be taken by the army all agree to it except two whoe say they connot Consent without order from the Parliament it being to betray their trust soe that I see no way to shun falling into the hands of the army if they have the designe to take me as soone as Dumfermlin returns I will try againe what may be done with those whoe make the greatest difficulty Expecting your answer this evening if I can put in execution by any means what you move you shall know my resolution speedily to which end you shall doe well to remain where you are farewell Your frend CARLES R. Sect. 51. My answer to this letter was very short haveing acquainted my Lord Dumfermlin fully with all things whoe had likewise himselfe received letters from some of the Scotch Commissioners at London which confirmed all I had written and savd and therefor concluded some thing was to be done out of hand for the Kings escape He named the twoe persons to me whoe opposed it one where of commanding the troupes which garded his Ma tie without him it was not possible to have been done The next morning in stead of receiving any advice from the King how I might serve him in
his escape the newes came of his being secured by a party of the army commanded by a cornet named Joyce by his trade a taylour His Ma tie demanded of him what commission or autorite he had to offer him the violence he did without soe much as mouving his hat or shewing the King the least respect he shewed him with his hand the five or 600 soldiers which he commanded saying there is my commission his Ma tie without any the least emotion smilingly replyed t' was written in avery faire hand In short he was carried away to the army some furious spirits amongest them as Major General Harrison and others were for the putting of him to death by an unammous sentence of the army but Cromwell Ireton and the most politique heads were for delay and temporising soe long by amusing the King with hopes that they would restore him till they had entirely broken the Presbiterean party and rendered them powerless and themselves more absolute Upon this fowndation Cromwell Ireton and other principal persons of the army became very Civile and some thing respectfull to his Ma tie makeing great protestations of haveing no other designe but the setting him with honour upon his throne on his graunting them a free liberty of Conscience with such a power in the Militia as they judged convenient for their assurance that they might not be deprived thereof at pleasure but that tyme was needfull to prepare the way and to dispose the minds of the army to a submission thereunto Sect. 52. These promises and deep Protestations seconded by a free permission of his frends to wait on him of some of his domstiques to serve him and of his chapelens to performe their functions in his devotions according to the Constitutions and Customes of the Church of England wrought very much upon the King especially from the hopes he had of not being constrained in his Conscience in Matter of Divine worship and church Gouverment wherein he was much more sencible then in what concerned his prerogative or the rights of the crowne Sect. 53. The chiefs of the army especially Cromwell and Ierton whoe were great masters in that art made large promises and specious apparencies without effecting of any thing or makeing any demandes tending to a positive conclusion of what would satisfy them or of what they would doe for his Ma tie and which was then to me remarquable and worthy at all tymes of observation that amidest all theise faire pretences the armies adherents in both houses whoe did not any thing but by secret concert with Cromwell continually clamoured in Parliament at the seeming liberty which the King had often aleadging that he should be more restrayned and that the chief delinquents which was the Phraise in those tymes owght to be brouwght to condigne punishment Sect. 54. Twoe or three of the leading men whoe thirsted for his blood severall tymes let fly expressions of that kinde directly against his person and others a little cautious more obliquely but soe that both the end and the way to it which theise men had long projected by mutuall agreement was in my opinion sufficiently visible where of I advertised the King constantly and frequently the Queen by my constant adresses to the Earle of S t. Albanes whoe lived when I wrote and intended to Print this relation As I mentioned all particulars of that nature spoken in both or either house soe I named the authours haveing had ordnarily once in four and twenty howers knowledge of all that passed which concerned the King whoe was trained from place to place according to their apprehensions and designes during the space of divers months till Colonel Hamond was made Gouvernour of the iste of wight and Kairesbrooke Castel more magnificently furnished out of the publique warderobe then was needfull for him or sutable to his condition which by some others was taken notice of and by me especially throwgh an unexpected accident to long to be here inserted which gave me cause to suspect and fear what shortly after unhappely arrived which important circomstance joined to divers others not of much less weight put restless thowghts into my head till such tyme as I could obtaine a particular audience from the King to whome I gave an exact account of my apprehensions with the grownds of them Sect. 55. His Ma tie answered theise reasons have weight one may fear as well to little as to much especially as my condition is yet if there be any faith in them they will never come to such extremities however their feeding me hitherto with good words and deep protestations without reall effects or coming in all this tyme to any particular or positive conclusion makes me some tymes doubt the event but on the other side I cannot fall into all your apprehentions which seem now and then to hyppocondriacal Sect. 56. I replyed I beseech God thy may all prove soe where unto I added that I hoped there was yet an expedient either to constraine them to doe his business or to have it done without them He smiled and told me such a proposition was well worth the hearing asking mee what it was Sect. 57. I answered some of the most considerable persons of both houses whoe I named were unchangeabley convinced that the army jugled with him whoe were resolved upon a totalle change of the Gouverment which designe they whoe had sate during the space of five or six years in the same assembly with them and had been privy to their principles and debates and without doubt to many of their most secret contrivements could see further into them then any els and wished his Ma tie would bring them to a short and peremtory resolution touching what would content them as likewise what they would doe for him because that every day they gained power and others whoe really desired his Ma ties Conservation and reestablishment lost it Sect. 58. If they meant syncerely as they pretended Cromwell and Ireton Could absolutely engage that party in both houses to a concurrance with them whoe were inseperably linked to his interests and that the Presbitereans would not hinder but further it to prevent what they reasnably and exceedingly feared to late finding that they had raised a spirit which they could not easily lay againe And that the event was very uncertayne in their opposing of that power which insencibly they had let glide out of their owne hands and nourisht against themselves to long to be able to give limits to it Sect. 59. They considered that if the liberty of Conscience which the army seemed to insist upon were consented to and the penal statutes repealed the Presbitereans would have been included as well as others and for the power of the Militia which was demanded for security it must have resided in King Parliament or both for in the Officers of the army it could not be without keeping up a continued standing Militia which the nation Could not bear
no opposition S r. William Waller fled into Hollande S r. Phillip Stapleton to calais where he died in eight or ten days after and many others retired to several other places divers of both houses as well as of the citty were imprisoned A great part of his army marched throwgh London in triumph he made one of his owne partie Leutenant of the Tower modelled the Militia to his owne pleasure and interest left some Regiments about the Mewes and Whitehall to encourage his frends and terrifye his enemies in Parliament Sect. 77. This thowgh at that tyme a bloodless victory was in effect one of the greatest that ever he gained makeing way to that unbownded power which he after atchieved and waded to throwgh a sea of blood in all the three nations and which was most extraordinary died in peace and declared his successour Sect. 78. This haveing succeeded according to what he had long designed yet hardly hoped for but was resolved to hazard he began to put of the masque where withall he had hithirto desguised himselfe as to what concerned the King thowgh not as to other subsequent and great projections Sect. 79. He quartered part of his army in the adjacent places neer London Conveyed the King further from it the councels of the officers and agitators were assembled at putney t' was now thowght high tyme to breake with his Ma tie and for him with his Mirmidons to appear in their pure naturals Sect. 80. Subjects for desperate and bloody debates touching the King were propownded in their meetings by his and his son in lawes instruments and secret instigations thowgh it was yet unseasnable that the scean of execution showld be exposed Sect. 81. He seemed much concerned for the danger he had plunged the King into and would appear willing to quench a reall fyre which he had kindled nourished and now cheefly administred fuel to with an imaginary water Sect. 82. This danger of his Ma tie was communicated to him both by his frends and enemies but with very different intentions Cromwell would not appear the last nor the least concerned for his security which undoubtedly and visibly was to have it provided for in the Isle of wight To which end he wrote a letter to his Couzin Commissary General Whaly whoe had the guarde of his Ma ties person signifying the desorders of the army with the Kings danger which being communicated to his Ma tie he recalled his word which had been given that he would not endeavour to escape notwithstanding whaly tooke not the least care to prevent it which he undoubtedly would have done had he not foreknowne what arrived very shortly after Peradventure being at that tyme a preacher as most of the officers then were he was likewise a prophet and Could divine that his Ma ties escape would prove but a translation from an ill imprisonment to a worse In short he left Hamton Court I will not say saved himselfe from it few knew what path he had taken thowgh some I am confident did besides those with him till the newes came to the Parliament of his being in the hands of Colonel Hamond in the Isle of wight It not being my business here to enlarge to much or to discant upon other mens alegations for the excuse of Cromwells and Iretons after proceedings as extorted from them throwgh danger and necessity for their owne preservation some whereof being falce others frivolous and childish I shall leave them as they are without further reflexions passing on cursorily to some few matters of weight leading to the fatall event of this most unhappy business The King being in the Isle of wight and not finding his entertainment answerable to his hopes and that the personall security oraculously promised him was to be interpreted in the sence of his enemies tending directly to his stricter and surer confinement and in the extremest danger which could threaten him his escape was become much more difficult if not impossible and being advertised from London means haveing been sudainly fownd out for correspondence with him of those things which most neerly concerned him and particularly that propositions were preparing to be sent him to obviate which that he foresaw would be to his prejudice He wrote a letter to the Parliament confirning what he had offered them in his Message from Holmby some months before with other very considerable additions of the Militias being in their hands during his life together with the chusing the councel and Ministers of State as likewise the payment of the arrears of the army and concerning other things he ernestly pressed that he might with honour and safety have come to a personall treaty at Londen Sect. 83. In answer where unto the Parliament passed four bills to be sent to the King provisionally for his ratification which being returned as acts his Ma tie should be admitted to a personall treaty Theise bills were large and needless to be recited here verbatim the first regarded the Melitia both by sea and land to be entirely in their hands and for the raising mony for the maintainance there of the last by inevitable consequence must have contiued that Parliament to all perpetuity by investing them with full power to prorogue and meet againe at their pleasure By twoe of these acts the King must have devested himselfe and his posterity of the sword and treasury and established them in it And by the last given them such a power as was little less then the legislative which in a short tyme they would undoubtedly have drawne to themselves It is here remarquable that Cromwell and ireton whoe six or seaven months before by an adresse from the army had in a mennacing manner demanded of the Parliament to resolve upon and declare a fixed period to their cession thereby to make roome for a trienniall to be assembled in this occasion were the most violent in pressing theise four acts before his Ma tie were admitted to any personall treaty And when the King had passed all at this tyme demanded and came to a treaty it was in their power whither they would have agreed with him or not from all which considerations and divers others which undoubtedly he had he waved the ratifying of any acts untill all were agreed Sect. 84. Upon this refusall which he foresaw from the very nature of the demands must ensue Ireton after an invective speech tending to the Kings rejection and to the setling the Gouverment without him moved that it might be resolved to make no more adresses to him the debate lasted long and as Ireton began Cromwell ended with bitter reproches against his Ma tie and threatings of the Parliament if they passed it not at length this resolution was forced out not without vigorous opposition of neer the halfe in both houses Sect. 85. First that no further adresses be made to the King Secondly that no application be made to the King by any of his subjects without permistion
to my wife the Earle of Laneric and my Lord Willowby wherefor excuse me to the Earle of Southampton that I have not answered his wich I shall doe by the first occasion I am advertised that it has been deliberated by some of the army to possesse themselves of the Duke of Yorke consider if you cannot finde means to convey him out of England cause the inclosed to be delivered to him for it concerns me neerly to have correspondence with him at this tyme let me knowe as soone as may be your opinion touching this business farewell Your assured frend CHARLES R. Sect. 93. Upon the receipt of this letter I caused the inclosed for his Royale Highness the Duke of Yorke to be delivered him by a sure hand whoe had that accesse to him which I could not have and unless my memory failes me as I am persuaded it does not he had been pleased not long before by Message to let me knowe that he had promised the King his father whilest he was in the hands of the army to make his escape out of England as soone as he Could attempt it on any reasnable appearance of success demanding if Could not serve him in it which I am confident I had undertaken in which resolution I was fully confirmed by theise his Ma ties commands and not knowing whither by this occasion he had mentioned the business to the Duke or not with his owne letter I sent his Royalle Highness mine which was transmitted againe to me and upon his resolution and answer I framed mine to his Father The Duke was pleased to commande me not to precipitate the business but to take necessary tyme and use all circomspection not to plunge him into a worse condition then he was Haveing duly considered what measures were fittest for me to take herein and given the King an account there of his Ma tie was pleased to write me the following letter Cairsbrooke the 22 Feb. SEct. 94. I have received yours of the 14 present and being weary with decyphering it I cannot answer to all its particulars nor is it needfull I will only tell you in Generall that I approve what you have allready done and what you propose for the saveing of the Duke of York I confirme the promesse he has made to Howard and the assurances you have given him in my name to be continued in the Charge of Master of his horse allthowgh the Parliament has made him soe The rest I leave to your conduct committing you to Gods Providence trawble not your selfe about my other affaires but thinke only of what you have now in your hands bring him if possible either to his Mother or sister farewell Your assured frend CHARLES R. Sect. 95. For some Important reasons which I acquainted his Ma tie with I delayed this business untill the end of Aprill following at which tyme it succeeded happily to the great contentment of the King and of the Royalle famely his Highness arrived first in Zealand and the next day in Holland Sect. 96. About six weekes after the Parliaments whole fleet quitted their unlawfull masters came to anker in Gorée Rode delivering themselves up to the Duke of York as their Admirall which they knew he was by the King his fathers patent and was really the occasion of their coming thither and submitting to him Sect. 97. The winde which was favourable to bring them into Holland prouved a storme to me which occasioned my wrack ever since haveing unhappily given some councell concerning that fleet it seemes with to much precipitation which was well meant very ill taken because most bitterly represented by a person of quality and to doe him but Justice of merit betwixt whome and me there was at that time some competition about particular matters who according to the ordinary practice in such cases to ruine my credit and increase his owne held it expedient to couver his private animosity under the specious vaile of Zeal to a more publique interest I shall againe declare what I have ever protested that I had no other end or designe then either freeing the King out of his Imprisonment in the Isle of wight or if it were fownd Impossible which I did not then belive nor doe now that is was to have landed 1500. or 2000. men at yarmouth to have countenanced a rising in northfolke suffolke and the other adjacent Provinces of the easterne assotiation the probabillity of the one or of the other I shall here expose to any reasnable consideration Sect. 98. First touching the Kings freedome I had been assured out of England of a landing place in the Island which I looked upon as the greatest difficulty Sect. 99. Secondly that we Could have landed with 2000 Men haveing raised at that very tyme in Holland about 1200 English Soldiers of the reduction which the States had then made of the troupes of our nation and might well have added to them upon such an occasion 1000 sea men chosen out of the Fleet besides that great assurances were given that the inhabitants would have risen with us if we could have furnished them with armes which was to have been done Sect. 100. Thirdly I could never conceave in case of a free descent on land any great or long opposition wee Could have met with by sea not the least the Parliament not haveing had one ship of war fitted out in ten weekes or three months after By land as little except what Colonel Hamond Could have made with not above 5 or 600 foote which was all he had nor Could have hoped for more Cromwell with the greater part of the army was marched against the Scots Fairefax engaged before Colchester and some considerable parties of the army diverted into walles by risings there for the King at the same tyme. Moreover if they Could have sent an army entire to portsmouth or any other part upon that coast to have been transported into the Island not a barque or bote Could have passed without either being sunke or taken Besides there were many of the bravest and best officers whoe had served his Ma tie whoe were Embarqued in the fleet as Prince Mauris S r. John Boyce Colonel Washington S r. Francis Mackworth and very Many more whoe wee fownd retired into Holland at our arivall and some followd nor is it to be Imagined that in soe glorious an enterprise but that the greatest contestation would have been whoe should have been readiest to have sacrifised themselves For my part I never could apprehend any other difficulty in this attempt then to have landed which we had great and likely assurances of and in all events our retreat was sure and the fleet at liberty for any other designe in case that could not have been effected Sect. 101. Which was to have landed at yarmouth where we were sure of a free reception and did persuade my selfe that a body of 2000 Soldiers would have had the reputation of double the nomber and have encouraged
with M r. Moray whoe the King sent expressly to me with a letter and with his Commands I fownd means to speak with Generall Waller whoe was returned from the Hague whither he was constrained to fly some months before and sate now againe in Parliament and by his means and ordnarily at his house with divers others of both houses The great and severe demands about church Gouverment which really and sencibly touched his Ma ties conscience in regard of his othe and of other considerations the first forty days to which the treaty was limited were expired without coming to a conclusion in which tyme I had written very often to the King and received letters from him in all I writ I humbly and yet freely as the matter required represented to him the dangerous and allmost desperate condition of his affaires by the protraction of tyme and dit not faile on the other side to lay before those persons of both houses with whome I had dayly Communication as demonstrably and as forcibly as my reason Could reach to the horrible confusion which would inevitably arrive both in religion and the Politique Gouverment to the utter ruine of the nation the consequencies where of their posterity might feel and bewaille in case the accord were not concluded tyme enough to make some reasnable and solid Provision against the desperate designes of Cromwell and his army which was on its march furiously towards London before it Could arrive there desiring them to consider that they would finde empty Imaginations supported only by the votes of both houses to weak to encounter the reall dangers which threatned them and the Nation by the audatious violence of those whoe had allready gone soe far towards their pernitious projects that they Could never thinke themselves secure but by goeing boldly on to ye bloody accomplishment of it which was clearly and dayly perceaved by the comportment of Cromwells party in both houses I wrote an ample letter as sencibly and convincingly as I could to the same effect to the late Lord Hollis which to my knowledg haveing effaced my name whither for his owne or my consideration I know not he read to others of the commissioners and fownd means to let the King see it thowgh at the same tyme I wrote fully to his Ma tie particularly and plainly it being then no season to lessen or render objects more agreable then they were in themselves I represented that Cromwells army advanced with all possible diligence I acquainted him with the practices of his party both in the Parliament the citty of London and in severall other parts of the Nation where they had influence humbly beseeching him to conclude the treaty before the army Could approache to hinder the effects of it that the Parliament might have had tyme to have declared all the Generall officers commissions voyde and some others whoe were most desperately active to make niew Generalls and to raise an army in the citty of London and in the neerest adjacent Provinces and to bring his Ma tie with honour and freedome to London and since it was feared that he whoe commanded the Guards about the King would not have obeyd as to what concerned his person in such an unhappy event I added some particulars which I thowght moste conducible not only to the prevention of the greatest and neerest danger to which his Ma ties person lay exposed but in the worst which could fall out to the preservation of Monarchy in the persons of his posterity in their just degrees according to the due course of law in that case provided and not otherwise it is most true that upon a weighty matter I had a most just and necessary occasion to mention nominally twoe of his children to him as I had done when I judged it requisite very often before adding for the conclusion of that paragraffe which contained my humble opinion for it was no more theise following words that it would undoubtedly be a great security to his affaires and of no less encouragement to his frends when his children were at the head of those whoe should appear for him where withall I ended my letter which was the last that ever I had the honour to write to him Had it been then printed would have fully convinced all men whoe might have read it of my Loyallty and Zeal to the King and for the preservation of his person and no less of my fidelity and affection to the service of his lawfull successours in theire just degrees as God Nature and the lawes of the Land had ordayned without ever mentioning or soe much as thinking upon that villainous and most foolish hysteron proteron which I was secretly accused of not long after the Kings death by one single person alone to have inserted in that letter Had it been soe it neither was nor is comprehensible howe he Could have knowne it I never trusted him enough to let him have seen any letter I either wrote or received nordid I ever know any person of what quality soever more exactly circomspect in Keeping of his correspondencies secret and the letters of those whoe wrote to him then his late Ma tie was nor Could he have had any end which might have counterballanced the inconveniencies that were reasnable to apprehend for his service by communicating that letter to him or indeed to any els unless it had been for their Councel which this person in the judgment of all whoe knew him was no ways capable of nor proper for in which regard his Ma tie would rather have communicated it to some other persons of the greatest capacity in the nation and of the greatest credit with him and were at that tyme permitted about him then to a yongue Man of no Importance and whoe had never served him the truth is had I wrote what I was accused to have done it had been in the highest degree factious and seditious as well as the most foolish project and proposition which Could have entered into the thowghts of any man not actually in a frenzy and fitter for bedlam then for any reasnable society nor Could I ever observe that my greatest enemies were at any tyme inclined to place me in that cattegory In fin my letter was never produced nor seen by any man that I Could hear of but by my accuser nor by him neither in that sence he reported it I well know to what an extent words written as well as spoken may be wrested if there can in them be any possibility of a double sence the change of a point of a comma or of the least accent may vary a whole sentence or periode as may be confirmed by a multitude of examples both in history and frequent moderne practice but in what I wrote there was nothing but simple and categorique naratives of matters of fact pregnant and visible dangers and humble representations touching the best and likeliest means to obviate and prevent them where of