the Duke after his return from Normandy was no more so freely admitted to the secret consultations as he was wont to be but the night before he went away the Abbot del Bene was a great while in secret conference with the King in the most silent hours of the night which was not known to any but that lay in the Kings Ante-chamber The King seemed wonderfully angry and troubled at his departure and at his going toward Angoulesme and caused Secretary Villeroy to write presently to the Sieur de Tagens who commanded the Forces in those parts and to the Citizens and Deputies of the Town that they should neither receive nor obey him but the dispatch went so slowly that the Duke had made himself Master of it before the Kings Letters were come for he being with very great speed got thither before he was suspected presently sent Tagens with his Forces to the Confines under colour of defending them from the frequent incursions of the Hugonots and putting out the old Governour of the Castle placed a person there whom he trusted and taking up his lodging in the strongest part had made himself absolute Master of it before his possession could be disturbed or taken from him by new orders After the Duke of Espernon was gone from the Court the King gave the Government of Normandy one of the greatest and most important Provinces in all France unto Francis of Bourbon Duke of Montpensier lest it should be demanded by the Duke of Guise for any of his dependents being minded to grant all appearances but not the substance and force of those things that were required by the Heads of the League The Duke of Espernon being removed the conclusion of the Peace was easie For on the one side the King granted all that the League asked for or pretended to and the Duke of Guise the authority of the Minions being taken away which had been a sharp spur to stir him up and the King shewing himself ready to make War against the Hugonots which was the foundation of all his pretences he could no more lay hold of any excuse and had no occasion at all to continue the War wherefore Secretary Villeroy and Myron the Physician having gone often from Paris to the King and from the King to the Queen-Mother the Treaty of Agreement began to go forward being managed by the King himself alone since neither the Mareschal d' Aumont nor the Sieur de Rambouillet were perfectly acquainted with his most hidden and admirably dissembled intentions In the mean time the King believing his stay at Chartres was neither safe nor honourable thought of going to Rouen But because he was not very well assured how that Parliament stood affected nor which way Monsieur de Carrouges Governour of the City was inclined he sent Iaques Auguste de Tou President of the Parliament of Paris to certifie himself of the minds of the Citizens and to reduce them wholly to his devotion President de Tou performed the Kings command yet rather with outward flourishes than substantial foundation having spoken in publick to the people and those that governed with great shews of eloquence but neither touching the secret interests of the first President who was a creature of the Duke of Ioyeuse's nor of the Governour and the Count de Tilleres his Son who had some dependance upon the Duke of Guise and the League whereupon the King presently dispatched Iehan d' Emery Seigneur de Villiers with more absolute orders he not only being a Gentleman of the same Province of Normandy but which imported more a particular Friend of the Governours He having shewed the removal of the Duke d' Espernon who was not very acceptable to that City from the Government of the Province and the election of the Duke of Montpensier a Prince of the Blood-Royal did very much settle the humours of men in the general and having afterwards conferred in private with the Governour to whom he promised that his Son should have the reversion of his Government and with the first President into whom he infused great hopes of the Kings favour and of the principal Offices of the Crown he brought matters so to pass that the Parliament and People sent a very respective Message to invite the King unto their City and the Governor sent his son to Court as it were for an Hostage After which demonstrations the King resolved to go without delay to Rouen the report whereof being come to Paris the Parliament there being troubled that the other Courts should prevent them in readiness and devotion being perswaded by the Queen-Mother sent a dutiful Message to assure him of their fidelity and a while after by the Duke of Guise's advice the Parisians also sent unto him to excuse the late passages with many reasons but this was when the Peace was in a manner already concluded which while it was in agitation the Count of Schombergh finished the agreement with Monsieur d'Entraques which had so long been treated of in vain for he being satisfied with the Duke of Espernon's removal turned to the King's party with the City of Orleans upon promise that the Government thereof should remain to his heirs and that the Government of Chartres and Beausse then held by the High-Chancellor Chiverny should be added to it But this Treaty could not pass so secretly but the Duke of Guise was advertised of it who to delude that Agreement brought to an end after so many endeavours began in the treaty of Peace to demand the City of Orleans for one of the places of security which he required in hostage of the Kings Promises This demand put a rub in the conclusion of the Peace but it was presently removed by Secretary Villeroy's earnest desire of it who either having received power from the King to conclude the business or pricked with envy that others had brought the Treaty of Orleans to perfection or because he so thought fit would not discompose the whole matter by denying that particular but when he saw the Duke of Guise obstinately resolved that he would have it at last he granted it to him without the Kings knowledge who afterwards alledged that the Town of Dourlans in Picardy had been demanded of him and not that of Orleans in Beause made great difficulties and long delayes about the assigning of it The Conditions of Peace were almost the same that were contained in the Writing framed at Nancy with the privity of the Duke of Lorain which had been presented to the King in the beginning of the year That the King should again declare himself Head of the Catholick League and would swear to take up Armes and never to lay them down till the Hugonot Religion were quite destroyed and totally rooted out that by a Publick Edict he should oblige all Princes Peers of France Lords and Officers of the Crown Towns Colledges Corporations and the whole people to swear the same and bind themselves with
c. 367 Secretary Villeroy and Duke d'Espernon fall into such a discord as in process of time produces many evil effects 280. foments a Conspiracy at Angolesme against the Duke by a secret Order from the King 356. goes over to the League where the Duke of Mayenne will not let the King speak with him who desired it 412. he dissuades the Duke of Mayenne from causing himself to be made King 114. treating with the King at Melun persuades him to turn Catholick 454 Secretary Pinart Governor of Chasteau Thierry brings all his Goods into it treats a Composition with the Duke of Mayenne for Twenty thousand Crowns and renders it 497 Sieur de Baligni in necessity at Cambray Coins Copper-money 640. makes composition with the King upon large Conditions 652 Sieur de Monthelon made Lord-Keeper 357 Sieur de Vins receives a Musquet-shot at Rochel to save Henry III. 151. he and the Countess de Seaux conclude to give the Supâ—riority of Provence to the Duke of Savoy c. 483. repenting himself begins to disfavour the Duke of Mayenne's designs though he wrote resentingly to him 484 Skyt-gate what it is 524 T. TAvennes vid. Viscount Tercera Islands 244 A kind of Toleration permitted to the Hugonots 46 Toquesaint an Alarum-Bell used as the Ringing of Bells backward with us 72 Henry de la Tour Viscount de Turenne marries Charlotte de la Mark Hâ—ir to the Dutchy of Bouillon 511 Tours taken by the Kings Army at the first Assault 70. an Interview there between the Most Christian King and the King of Navarre 397. made the Head-quarters Henry IVs. Party 416. is there acknowledged King of France by Publick Solemnity Page 427 Triumvirate vid. Union A Treaty of Agreement between Henry IV. and the Duke of Mayenne 436. Treaty propounded the L gat and Cardinal Gonde meet the Marquis of Piâ—ani but nothing concluded 465 A â—ruce made for two months in the new King Henry IIIs absence 205. Truce propounded to the Duke of Mayenne who refuses it 388. concluded for a year between the Most Christian King and King of Navarre 391. concluded for four Leagues about Paris and as much about Surenne 600. for three months making first a Decree for receiving the Council of Trent 614. prolonged for two months 624 V. VALois see Crown and House Anthony of Vendosme of the House of Bourbon that was Father to Henry IV. marrieth the Daughter of the King of Navarre by whom he inherits the pretensions of the Kingdom 10 Vendosme taken by the League by agreement with the Governor 397. taken by Henry IV. who gives the Pillage to the Soldiers condemns the Governor for his Infidelity and Father Robert a Franciscan for commending the killing of Henry III. 426 Veedor-General is Commissary-General c. 235 Verdun the first City taken by the League 265 In Victory moderation more profitable than at another time 455 De Vins vid. Sieur Viscount de Tavenne's error in drawing up his divisions of his Horse 445. Governor of Rouen but not liking him an Insurrection there 504. defeated and taken Prisoner going to put relief into Noyen 506 Viscount de Turenne obtains assistance of Queen Elizabeth of England the Hollanders and Protestant Princes of Germany for Henry IV. 486. brings him German Supplies 512 Union of the King of Navarre Duke of Guise and the Constable called by the Hugonots the Triumvirate 52. opposed by Queen Catharine 53 Holy Union a Decree so called made to combine themselves for defence of Religion 379. its Council consisting of forty of the chiefest persons of the League 384 W. WAR with Spain breaks out against Charles IX his will 178. between the Catholicks and the Hugonots 288. against the League begun by the Duke of Monpensier 394 Civil War the Incendiaries thereof are persons of desperate fortunes 59 Wolphangus of Bavaria aids the Hugonots with Fourteen thousand men 144 A Woman kills eighteen German Soldiers with a Knife 328 A Writing set forth by the Legat to keep the League on foot 630 Y. YEar begun is taken for the Year ended in matters of favour 90 Z. ZEalots in Religion and men disaffected to the Government compose the Catholick League 251 FINIS The Franconians a people of Germany not being able to subsist in their own Country issue out in armed multitudes and possess themselves of the Gallia's Pharamond chosen first King of the French at the river Salâ— and the Salique Law established The Salii Priests 419. The Franks began to invade the Gallia's in the year 419. being then possessed by the Romans Clodian the second King made himself Master of Belgia and this was first conquered Meroue the third King continues his Conquests as far as Paris and unites the two Nations into one Princes of the Blood The Assembly of the States hath the power of the whole Kingdom The pre eminencies of the Royal Family Inheritance and Administration The Royal races The Meroue Caroli Capetts and Valois St. Lewâ—â— the Ninth The Crown continued in the House of Valois thâ—ee hundred years 1515. The House of Bourbon being next to the Crown and grown to a monstrous greatness was hated kept under and suppressed by the Kings Francis the first advanceth Charles of Bourbon and afterwards suppresseth him whereupon he rebâ—lleth The House of Momorancy descends from one of those who issued out of Franconia with the first King Pharamond and pretends to be the first that received Baptism Anne de Momorancy after the death of Bourbon made High Constable The House of Guise descended from that of Lorain reckons in the male-line of their ancestors Godfrey of Bullen King of Ierusalem and shews a pedigree from a daughter of Chaâ—les the Grâ—at Anne of Moâ—erancy and the Duke of Guise fall into disgrace with King Francis 1547. Momorancy and Guise are recalled to the management of the affairs by Henry the Second Emulation between the Constable and the Duke of Guise The three brothers of Guise made absolute administrators of the politick and military Government by reason of their alliance with the Dolphin Antony of Vendosme of the House of Bourbon he that was father to Henry the 4th marrieth the daughter of the King of Navarre by whom he inherits the pretensions of that Kingdom The birth of Henry the 4th Dec. 13. 1554 in the Territory of Paw in theViscounty of Bearâ—â— a Free State 1559. Henry the 2d killed in a Tournament by Montgomery Francis the 2d his Son being 16 years old succeeds to the Crown TheObsequies of King Henry the Second last 33 days The King by the perswasion of his wife commits the management of the affairs to his Mother the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorain The causes of the Constables disgrace at Court and his exclusion from the affairs The Constable retires the second time from the Court. Francis Olivier the High Chancellor and the Cardinal of Tournon are recalled the second time to the Court. Secret Assembly of the Princes of Bourbon and
great party of the youth who were of unquiet spirits factious and inclined to a desire of Novelties So that the disposition of the Inhabitants answering the instigation of the complices already a great part of the people were willing to take Arms. And that things might be done in due order the Prince had the day before sent Monsieur de Andelotte to the City who entring thereinto secretly at the same time that the Prince seised upon the Court should endeavour likewise to make himself Master of the Town But though it so fell out that the Prince could not arrive at Court Andelotte not knowing what had happened armed three hundred of his followers and at the day appointed suddenly seised on S. Iohn's Gate Upon which accident Monsieur de Monterau Governour of the City getting together some few men of Monsieur de Sipierres company who by chance were then thereabouts very hotly assaulted the Conspirators with no little hope that they should be able to drive them away and recover the entrance of the Gate where they had not had time enough to fortifie themselves so that joyning in a bloody fight after a conflict of many hours Andelotte at length began to yield to the multitude of the Catholicks who ran thither armed from all the parts of the Town and had surely received an affront if he had not been opportunely assisted by an unexpected succour For the Prince of Conde not finding the Court at Fountain-bleau and therefore desisting from his voyage returned much sooner than he thought and marching with great diligence approached near to Orleans at the same time that the fight began and knowing it to be very violent by the continual shot and incessant ringing of Bells which might be heard many miles off he presently gallopped with all his Cavalry towards the City to succour his Confederates who were already in great danger of being defeated They were more than three thousand horse and ran headlong with such fury that the peasants though astonished with the unusual spectacle of civil arms in the midst of their fright and wonder could not forbear to laugh seeing here a horse fall there a man tumbled over and nevertheless without regarding any accident run furiously one over another as fast as their horses could go upon a design which no body knew but themselves But this haste so ridiculous to the Spectators had very good success to the Princes intentions For coming with such a powerful succour and in so fit an opportunity of time the Governour being driven away and those that resisted suppressed at last the Town which was of exceeding consequence was reduced into his power and by the Authority of the Commanders preserved from pillage But the Churches escaped not the fury of the Hugonot-Souldiers who with bruitish examples of barbarous savageness laid them all waste and desolate Thus the Prince having taken Orleans and made it the seat of his Faction he began to think upon War And first having appointed a Council of the principal Lords and Commanders he advised with them of the means to draw as many Towns and Provinces to his Party as was possible and to get together such a sum of money as might defray the expences which at the beginning of a War are ever very great The Catholick party were intent upon the same ends who being come to Paris with the young King and the Queen held frequent consultations how best to order the affairs for their own advantage in which Councils the Duke of Guise openly declared that he thought it most expedient to proceed to a War with the Hugonots so to extinguish the fire before it burst out into a consuming flame and to take away the roots of that growing evil On the contrary the Chancellor de l' Hospital secretly set on by the Queen proposing many difficulties and raising doubts and impediments upon every thing perswaded an agreement by which both parties absenting themselves from the Court the power of the Government should be left free and quiet to the Queen and the King of Navarre But being sharply reproved by the Constable and after the news of the revolt of Orleans injuriously treated under pretence of being a Gown-man he was excluded from the Council that was now called the Council of War by which means also a principal instrument was taken from the Queen who having no power left in that Council for there were newly admitted to it Claud Marquess de â—oisy Honore Marquess Villars Louis de Lansac Monsieur de Cars the Bishop of Auxerre the Sieurs de Maugiron and la Brosse who all absolutely depended upon the Constable and the Guises every thing on that side likewise tended to the raising of Arms. At the first as it ever falleth out their pens were more active than their swords For the Prince of Conde and his adherents willing to justifie in writing the cause of their taking Arms published certain Manifests and Letters in print directed to the King the Court of Parliament in Paris the Protestant Princes of Germany and to other Christian Princes in which very largely but no less artificially dilating themselves they concluded that they had taken Armâ— to set the King at liberty and the Queen his Mother who by the Tyrannical power of the Catholick Lords were kept prisoners and to cause obedience to be rendred in all parts of the Kingdom to his Majesties Edicts which by the violence of certain men that arrogate to themselves a greater Authority in the Government than of right belonged to them were impiously despised and trodden under foot and therefore that they were ready presently to lay down their Arms if the Duke of Guise the Constable and the Mareshal de St. Andre retiring themselves from the Court would leave the King and the Queen in a free place in their own power and that liberty of Religion might be equally tolerated and maintained in all parts of the Kingdom The Parliament at Paris answered their Manifest and the Letters shewing that the pretence was vain by which they sought to justifie their taking of Arms which they had immediately raised against the Kings Person and his Royal Authority for so far was the King or the Queen his Mother from being deprived of liberty or retained in prison by the Constable and the Guises that on the contrary they were in the capital City of the Kingdom where the chief Parliament resided and in which commanded as Governour Charles Cardinal of Bourbon Brother to the Prince of Conde and one of the Princes of the Blood That the King of Navarre Brother also to the same Prince of Conde held the chief place in the Government and the Queen-Mother the charge of the Regency both chosen by the Council according to the ancient custom and confirmed by the consent of the States-General of the Kingdom that every day they assembled the Council composed of eminent persons to consult of fit remedies for the present evils
without either Arms or command he with the principal of his Adherents for the Kings satisfaction and the quiet of the State willingly promised to go out of the Kingdom and never to return till he were recalled by the general consent of them that governed The Queen having received this ratification written and subscribed by the Princes own hand instantly advertised the Catholick Lords that they should forthwith retire themselves only with their ordinary followers who readily obeying her command having put over their men to the King of Navarre went to Chasteau Dame with a full intention to be gone as soon as the Prince on that part began to perform his promises The Lords having left the Camp on a sudden the Queen without any delay the very same night let the Prince know by Rubertette that the Catholick Lords being already departed from the Army and their commands it remained that he with the same readiness and sincerity should perform what he had so assuredly promised under his own hand-writing This unexpected resolution not a little perplext the Hugonots having never imagined that the Constable and the Guises would yield to this condition Wherefore repenting themselves that the Prince through his facility had promised so much they began to consult how they might break off and hinder the Agreement The Admiral making little account of outward appearance and deeming that after a Victory all things seemed just and justice by an overthrow would lose her authority advised presently to send back Rubertette and without further ceremony to break off the Treaty Andelot according to his manner mingling brags with his reasons wished that he were so near the Catholicks that he might come to try it out by force and it should soon appear whom it concerned most in reason to abandon their Country it being against all right that so many gallant men who voluntarily had taken Arms should be deluded by the crafty Treaties of the Queen and the Catholicks It appeared hard to the Prince to gain-say his word and hardest of all to relinquish his command in the Army and at one Treaty to fall from such great hopes to a necessity of forsaking his Country without knowing whither to retreat The Hugonot Ministers interposing their Divinity with matters of State alledged that the Prince having undertaken the maintenance of those who had imbraced the purity as they called it of the Gospel and made himself by Oath Protector of Gods Word No obligation afterwards could be of force to prejudice his former oath or promise Others added to this reason that the Queen having at the beginning failed of her word to the Prince when she promised to bring over the King to his party he likewise was not bound by any promise made to her who first committed such a manifest breach of Faith Amongst which rather tumultuous than well directed opinions applying themselves as in matters of difficulty it is usual to a middle way it was at last not without much dispute determined that the Prince should go to the Queen making shew to perform his promise and confirm a peace but that the morning after the Admiral and the other Hugonot Lords coming on a sudden should take him away suddenly as by force and carrying him back to the Camp giving out that he had not violated his promise but that he was constrained by those of his party to observe his first Oath and the confederacy a little before so solemnly contracted That which made them think of this deceit was the great commodity of putting it in execution for the Queen to meet with the Prince being come to Talsy six miles from the Army where she was accompanied only with her ordinary Guards and the Courtiers the Prince could not fear the being stayed by force and the other Lords of his party might go thither and return without any danger or impediment So it was punctually effected as they had resolved amongst themselves For the Prince accompanied with some few attendants went to the Queen with great shew of humiliation and was received with much familiarity But whilst he raised difficulties and interposed delays in subscribing the condition which by order from the King and the Council were proposed to him by Rubertette and whilst Monsieur de Lansac a man of sharp wit and understanding sent by the Queen perswaded him to perfect the specious promise he had made the Hugonot Lords arrived who had licence to come to salute the King and the Queen and seeming greatly offended that the Prince had abandoned them made him as it were by force get on horseback And though the Queen angry to be so deceived loudly threatned every one of them and the Bishop of Valence Lansac and Rubertette endeavoured to perswade the Prince to remain at Court without any further mention of leaving the Kingdom yet the desire of command and interest of rule prevailing without more delay the Queen not having time to use force he returned the same day which was the 27 of Iune to the Hugonots Camp re-assuming to their great content the charge of Captain-General in this Enterprise Thus all hopes of Peace being cut off the War was kindled and began between the two Factions under the name of ROYALISTS and HUGONOTS The Treaty of an Agreement being broken which the Queen with wonderful policy keeping things from coming to an issue had continued many months the Prince of Conde desirous to abolish the infamy of breaking his word by some notorious famous action determined the same night to set upon the Kings Army in their own quarters Two things chiefly encouraged him to so bold a resolution the one that the Duke of Guise and the Constable were absent whose valour and reputation he esteemed very much the other that at that time a Peace being in a manner concluded and published many were gone from their colours and the greatest part of the Cavalry for commodity of quarter were scattered up and down in the neighbouring Villages by which means the Army was not a little diminished and weakned These hopes moved him to venture upon this attempt though it appeared a new thing to undertake the surprisal of a Royal Camp within their own trenches But he was necessitated also to try the fortune though doubtful of a battel knowing that the Kings Swisses were within a few days march and when they were joined with the rest of the Army he should not be able being far inferiour in number to keep the field but be constrained to withdraw his forces to defend those forts he was possessed of a matter through the little hope of succours both difficult and dangerous Wherefore he desired to do something whilst he had time to free himself from that necessity which he saw would fall upon him With this resolution he departed when it was dark from la Ferte d' Ales where he lay and the Army being divided into three Squadrons the first of Horse led by the Admiral
that she had sent a Gentleman expresly to Constantinople to perswade the great Turk to send an Army against the Christians that so being busied in their own preservation they might not persist to think of or interpose in the affairs of the Kingdom of France which opinion though it were not grounded upon any reason yet it being generally believed for a truth that there was a Gentleman sent to Porta the Pope little satisfied in other matters was not alone moved therewith but also the Republick of Venice the Senate there thinking it not only a thing pernicious to all Christian Princes but very contrary to what they expected from the Queen in gratitude whom they had so readily assisted in her greatest extremities with their counsel and much more with supplies Insomuch that the Nuncio made many complaints of it at the Court and the Venetian Ambassador by order from the Senate demanded and had an Audience to the same purpose both of the King and Queen at which he modestly desired repayment of the 100000 Duckets which in courtesie were lent by the State for the service of the Crown alleadging this reason That the Turk as report went coming so near them they were necessitated to make use of what they had and to arm themselves for their own security The Queen being troubled at these rumours and the ill opinion that was conceived of her and desiring above all things to preserve the friendship of the Princes in confederacy with France but especially the Pope and State of Venice because upon them she had grounded many hopes thought it necessary to send the Chevalier de Seurre expresly to Rome to clear her of those jealousies which business he knew so well how to manage laying before the Pope all those reasons that Ludovica Antenori had represented to his Predecessor that his Holiness though he were of a difficult scrupulous nature remained fully content and satisfied She omitted not to perform the like Ceremony with the Venetian State the â—mity and wisdom of which she always made great account of having for that purpose dispatched away one of her Gentlemen who with the Leiger Ambassador at Venice was to negotiate that business but he falling sick upon the way and dying afterwards at Milan the Ambassador took the whole care of it upon himself and at an Audience he had of the Prince in the presence of the Seignory which they call the Colledge he said That the King his Master had sent a Gentleman on purpose to treat of certain business with the Republick which he was now forced to do alone for the said Gentleman being arrived at Milan fell sick there and died That his Majesty commanded him to say That the amity and affection King Francis his Grandfather and King Henry his Father always bore to the Republick were very great but his alone surpassed them all by reason of the great benefits he had received from it and especially the supplies of money it sent him in his greatest necessity that he would not only satisfie the debt but return the like or a greater courtesie that his Father by reason of the long War he had left him many debts which he might well enough have paid and gotten before-hand with money if it had not been for the Civil dissentions of his Kingdom that if they were ceased yet the expence would not be taken away for the jealousies that continued would necessitate him still to keep an Army on Foot that the suspition of War is worse than War it self for there is one certain fence against this but that requireth a vigilance on all sides that to this was to be added the great scarcity which equally afflicted all parts of his Kingdom and the tumults in Flanders which being so near obliged him according to the Maxims of State to make preparations with great expence for his own security Wherefore he desired to be excused if he did not immediately satisfie the whole debt that he would presently lay down a third part and in some time after the rest and that if the Republick had occasion he would not only pay what was due but furnish as much more if it were required wherefore they might make account of that money as if they had it in their own Treasury that the more his Majesty grew in years the more he grew to the knowledge of the love and friendship of the Republick and the obligations he had to it both for his own particular and his own Kingdom To this the Duke made answer That in repayment of the money the King might take his own conveniency for it was lent to serve his occasions Then the Ambassador continuing his discourse said That the second thing he had in charge was concerning a bruit spread abroad that his Majesty had sollicited the Great Turk to send his Army against the Christians which it seemed proceeded from a Letter written by one of Raguze which was afterwards divulged with additions by the Emperours Ministers and the Spaniards who were in that City it being interpreted by them that the Gentleman the King sent the May before to Constantinople was to this effect though the truth were the occasion of sending that Gentleman was to sollicite the release of certain Provincial Slaves that the King being desired to call home the Gentleman that was resident there had granted his request and established this other in his place who seemed to like of the imployment that his Majesty would continue his ancient correspondence with the Turks just upon the same terms that his Father and Grandfather had done before without innovating any thing therein that if he had any business to treat with the Turk or a new capitulation to make with any Prince on Earth he would never do it without the privity advice and consent of the Republick for he so well knew the amity and affection which that State bare unto him and the prudence and wisdom thereof to be such that it would never approve of any thing that should not be beneficial to France and all Christendom that if the Republick would continue as it had done hitherto with the Turk he would do the same and if it changed resolution he would follow the like steps for the King would never separate himself from it but ever go along in all things that concerned their common interest The Senate was very well content with so ample a Declaration and desired the Leiger Ambassador to testifie both to the King and the Queen their satisfaction therein by which means all the distastes at Rome and Venice being removed and the ancient intelligence with both those States confirmed the whole care was directed to the particular affairs of the Kingdom But all the pains and industry used to appease the Prince and to secure the Chastillons was in vain He knew not how to leave his natural disposition nor would these by any means trust to the Arts of the Court and the Hugonots aiming at such an
learn what was said she began to make her excuses to their Ministers but had a long private conference to that purpose with the Venetian Ambassador who being less interessed and more moderate than the rest was likeliest to credit her reasons wherefore beginning with the original of things she related to him at large every particular circumstance That King Francis the Second her eldest Son being very young when he came to the Crown and of a disposition rather to be governed than to exercise the charge of a King was forced of necessity to confer upon her the Supream Power in managing the affairs that it might neither fall upon the Princes of Bourbon not only the chief pretenders to the Crown but infected with Heresie and inclined to favour it nor yet upon the Guises men full of ambition and high pretences who nevertheless were so far Masters of the Kings will in regard of his Marriage with their Neece that she was constrained to admit them to a great part in the administration of the Government and in many things to yield to them for fear they might to the prejudice of the publick and her own private disgrace have cast her out of the Court and perhaps out of the Kingdom also That she had nevertheless ever endeavoured so to carry matters that the Kingdom might remain in quiet and enjoy the blessing of peace under a pious religious King and tender of the preservation of his people if the violence of the Prince of Conde and the malitious subtilty of the Admiral had not disturbed the course of things by turning not only against the Guises with whom they professed an open enmity but even against her self contriving through hate by wicked practises to deprive her of her life That the conspiracy of Amboise being discovered when all the Council concurred to proceed with extream severity she used her uttermost endeavour that a moderate way might be taken to quiet those troubles forgetting through desire of the common good her own private injuries and dangers That the Prince having continued to raise Insurrections in the Cities and Provinces and to plot even against the King himself at length fell into her hands at which times she ever proposed ways very far from cruelty or revenge saving the King of Navarre and divers others that were privy to the Princes counsels which was manifestly to be known when the Kings infirmity began to be mortal for the Princes of Guise pressing very earnestly that the sentence of death might be put in execution against those of Bourbon she resolutely opposed it approving rather gentle means than violent sharp remedies That she being afterwards left with the King a young Child not obeyed and her other Children yet as it were in the Cradle and her self a stranger with very few Confidents but an abundance of persons of interest about her though she had more need than ever to guard her self from those who plotted some one way some another the ruine or division of the Kingdom and her death and her Childrens yet overcome by so great and so streight a necessity to preserve the peace maintain the Crown and her Childrens Patrimony and to gain time till â—he King came of age she many times suffered the Princes fury and the insolencies of the Hugonots but that the impatience of the great ones with their discords and enmities the ambition of the Princes of Lorain and the contumacy of the Hugonots had at length raised a War to avoid which God was witness with her how much she had done and suffered that seeing the Kingdom through the infection of Heresie in a general combustion and the English and Germans called in to invade it she resolved to try whether by a resolute War she could extinguish and eradicate this evil and not be wanting in any thing that might be justified by Religion she had resolved to put it to a Battel which her Letters written to the Constable that were certainly amongst his Papers for she knew he kept them would still testifie That in the Battel the Constable was taken prisoner and the Mareshal of St. Andre killed and though the Victory inclined to the Kings Party with the taking of the Prince of Conde yet the Admiral remained still with a considerable Force to which was added the succours sent from England and a fresh powerful supply that came out of Germany That since this hapned that accident to the Duke of Guise whereby the Kings Party were deprived of a Head because for heâ— to command the Army was neither agreeable to her Sex or profession and there was not any body else fit to be trusted with so great a charge whence being led by the perswasions of many and particularly by the advice the Duke of Guise gave her just at his death to which she gave so much the more credit because at that time men use to forget private interests and speak truth succeeded a Peace by granting to the Hugonots a Liberty of Conscience though for no other end but to stay those enormous outrages desolations plundrings rapines sacriledges violences and tyrannies that destroyed the whole Kingdom hoping time would spend that humour which she was very well assured proceeded rather from private enmities and desire of â—ule than from love of Religion That she knew divers Princes very much blamed her for this Treaty by the same token there wanted not those who raised doubts concerning her belief but that she being satisfied in her own Conscience having placed her hopes in God expected from him her Justification That it could not be denied but the peace had rid the Kingdom of the Reiters who cruelly wasted the Country and driven the English out of Havre de Grace who were neasted there and given the poor people time to breathe from so many troubles and calamities by which they were ruined and devoured That the Peace brought one great advantage by taking from the Hugonots all manner of pretence to rebel That many things were done and suffered for no other purpose but to reduce the great ones to reason and to mitigate the fury of heresie trying divers means to arrive at this just holy end and to maintain the union of the Kingdom so profitable to Christianity and establish Peace so beloved of mankind but no remedies or agreement prevailing the Hugonots at length came to the taking of Arms That she had used all possible endeavour speedily to assemble the Kings Forces that the Enemy might not have time to receive supplies from abroad That she had very much pressed a Battel as it followed at St. Denis but with so little success that it was notoriously known things were afterward in a far worse condition than ever That since she had procured of the King to make the Duke of Anjou General of the Army to be assured no private inâ—erests should hinder the publick good That she hoped on Christmas-Eve last there would have been an absolute decision of the differences and
sudden expedition of the Germans and to relate to him the state of their affairs and their common resolutions At this very time the Hugonots using all possible means to help themselves printed an infinite number of little Pamphlets under divers Titles but all with biting stings and fabulous Narrations against the Actions and Government of the Queen Regent to whom many of them being brought and the Council purposing to decree severe punishments against the Authors and Printers of those defamatory Pamphlets and seditious Libels she opposed that opinion alledging that to prohibite them was a certain means to make them authentick and that there was no greater proof nor trial of the good than when they were hated and abused by malicious people and persevering in her resolution not to regard outward appearances she dissembled all those injuries with admirable patience but when she saw the preparations for the coming of the Germans being most resolute to oppose them with force if policy were not sufficient she went from Paris accompanied with the Duke of Alancon and the King of Navarre who not yet set at liberty followed her but without constraint and being come into Burgongne she her self mustered the Swisses and Germans confirming the affections of the Commanders with liberal gifts and many favours and then marching with them towards the Provinces that were up in Arms which were the same where the Kings coming was expected and through which the Army of the Protestants intended to enter the Kingdom she resolved to stay in Lions as a convenient place to move which way soever need required In the mean time the King having had notice of the death of Charles brought to him by Monsieur de Chemeraut within thirteen days though the Nobility of the Kingdom of Poland infinitely satisfied with his valour and comportment did use all possible means to stay him there yet he not willing to forego his hereditary right to France for the elective Kingdom of Poland there being so great a difference between them and sollicited by those urgent affairs which called him away to remedy such violent dangers departed secretly by night with a small retinue and passing through Austria with all possible speed went forward toward his own Kingdom by the way of Italy He was continually hastened by Letters and Messages from the Queen Regent who with much ado smothering the sparks of that fire which was ready to break into a flame infinitely desired her Sons presence that she might without further delay apply such remedies as were proper for the malignity of the disease wherefore the King suspending no longer time than just what necessity required in the entertainments of the Princes of Italy and particularly in the delights of Venice where he was received with wonderful pomp and honour about the end of August arrived at Thurin where it was expected he would begin to prepare and lay the ground-work of his designs The Mareshal d' Anville upon security of the Duke of Savoy's word came thither to him as also Philippe Huraut Viscount of Chiverny his old Chancellor Gaspar Count of Schombergh Bernard de Fizes and Nicholas de Neuville Sieur de Villeroy both Secretaries of State who all were sent from the Queen Regent to give him an account of the affairs of his Kingdom But the King having heard their relation with the secret designs of his Mother and on the other side the pretences and excuses of the Mareshal though not only Roger Sieur de Bellegarde and Guy de Pibrac his favoured Counsellors but also the Duke of Savoy and the Lady Margaret laboured all they could to bring him to some determination that might be favourable to d' Anville yet nourishing high thoughts in the depth of his mind and making his excuse that he would resolve nothing without the assistance and approbation of his Mother to whose vigilance and prudence he was so much obliged he dismissed d' Anville with ambiguous answers and hastned his journey so much the more lest he should be put upon a necessity of referring that to the determinations of others which he purposed to reserve to the execution of his own premeditated designs for the better compassing whereof seeing he had so many businesses to settle in his own Kingdom that for many decads of years it would be in vain to think of any enterprise on that side of the Mountains and desiring absolutely to gain the Duke of Savoy and the Lady Margaret that he might make use of them afterward in the effecting of his purposes he resolved to restore unto them Pignerol Savillan and la Vallee de Perouse which for security of the intentions of those Princes had been held by the Kings his Predecessors thinking it superfluous to keep places with a vast expence out of his own Kingdom which were of no other use but in consideration of those hopes which as affairs then stood were very far off and unlikely Yet many condemned that his precipitate restitution of them and Lodovico Gonzaga Duke of Nevers Governour of those places and a man of equal wisdom and loyalty after having used all possible endeavours that they might not be restored laid open his opinion finally in writing which he desired might be kept for his discharge among the Records and Charters of the Crown whereat the King was offended though he wisely dissembled it thinking them vain and ambitious who would seem to know more of his own secrets than he himself The fifth day of September he came into the confines of his own Kingdom at Pont-Beau-voysin where the Duke of Alancon and the King of Navarre expected him who having till then though with much gentleness been kept as prisoners were with demonstrations of much honour and affection fully set at liberty by him at the first meeting and to give the greater testimony of his good will toward them he placed himself in the midst between them both to receive his subjects which were come thither to the confines to shew their dutiful respects unto him The next day he met the Queen his Mother who was purposely come to a little Castle near Lyons and being entered together into the City they began without further delay to treat of businesses concerning the Peace or War which they were to make with their armed subjects The King knew very well not only the wavering troublesom estate of his Kingdom but also the miserable condition to which he himself at that time was reduced for the whole Kingdom being divided into two different factions the one of the Catholicks the other of the Hugonots both which had their chief heads appointed and established long before hand and through the long reiterated distractions not only the Cities and Provinces but also all particular persons divided between them he found that he was left as we use to say dry between two Rivers and that his power being shared and dismembred between those two great parties he retaining nothing but the name of a King was
utterly deprived both of his forces and due obedience and moreover that to avoid misery and contempt he was necessitated to become factious and partial and mixing in the dissentions of his subjects to make himself the author of his own misfortunes and a necessary instrument to imbroil and destroy his own Kingdom For though the Hugonots and Politicks were called by the name of Rebels as those who first had shaken off the yoke of their obedience to the King and openly opposed him and though the Catholicks fought under a colour of so specious and so necessary a cause as the defence and preservation of their Religion yet for all that the malice of mankind had mingled with it the venom of private interests and under that honourable pretence the ambition of the Great Ones had to the prejudice of their Kings built up their own Power and established a kind of unsufferable Authority The Guises whilst in the Reign of the late Kings they bore the principal sway in the Government had very fair opportunities to raise and confirm their own Greatness by putting the commands of strong places and the Governments of Provinces into the hands of their own Creatures and nearest Confidents by placing their dependants in the Courts of Justice in the Kings Council in the chief honours of the Court and the management of the Finances and by drawing an infinite number of men to their own devotion who were straitly engaged to them for many favours gifts riches and dignities obtained by their means which things whilst the minds of men were passionately inclined to that party and taken with the specious mask of Religion to many seemed tolerable and to many very reasonable and just But now they were taken notice of to be united in one body of a Faction they appeared as a great engine erected to oppose and upon any fit occasion to resist even the authority and pleasure of the King himself But on the other side the Hugonots had no less conveniency of establishing themselves and strengthening their own power for having by the ostentation of liberty and by promising Offices and Authority drawn unto themselves all the male-contents and turbulent spirits who once entangled could no more dis-ingage themselves and the Edicts of so many several Pacifications having still confirmed those Offices and Governments to those upon whom they had been conferred by the Princes and Heads of the Faction in process of time the Provinces were incumbered with them places of strength possessed by them many chief Offices of the Crown replenished with their adherents and a great part of the Nobility with many popular men were united and interested with them through the whole Kingdom Wherefore the late Kings who by reason of the shortness of their Reigns had given greater opportuity to the building up of those two powerful Factions remaining utterly deprived of all the means and instruments of Government were forced by necessity to become Champions of the passion and Promoters of the greatness of other men so that being unable of themselves to execute any solid resolute design in stead of governing they were governed and in stead of bridling that violence they themselves were carried away by the impetuous stream of those Factions which indignities being seriously considered by the present King full of high thoughts and of a lively generous spirit had made such an impression in him that though he used his uttermost endeavours to dissemble and conceal it he could not but with deep sighs often break forth into the words of Lewis the XI one of his Predecessors That it was now high time to put Kings out of their Page-ships meaning that they having so long been subject to the lash and discipline of the Heads of those Factions it was then seasonable to shake off their Empire and Dominion With these considerations having even in the time of his Brothers Reign begun to observe and deplore that weakness of the Kings and insolence of the Subjects and having made a greater reflection upon them in the thoughts of his late Voyage after the Crown was fallen into his hands he resolved with himself to use all possible force to shake from his neck the wretched dishonourable yoke of those Factions and to make himself a free absolute King as so many of his glorious Ancestors had been But as this thought was certainly very necessary for one that desired to Reign and very just in the lawful possessor of a Crown so was it also infinitely hard and difficult to be put in execution He wanted the sinews of the Treasury already wasted and consumed he wanted the obedience of his Subjects who were so obstinately interested in their several Factions that the Majesty and Veneration of a King was already become fabulous and contemptible he wanted faithful trusty Ministers for every one by some strait tie or other was engaged to one of the parties and the business of it self by reason of their so excessive power was a work of mighty art extraordinary cars infinite diligence and for the perfecting thereof propitious Fortune was no less requisite than great length of time But notwithstanding all these so weighty obstacles the Kings mind being so inwardly wounded that he could not take himself off from the perpetual meditation of that design and thinking no enterprise how painful or difficult soever impossible to his youth and valour firmly determined to apply all his most powerful endeavours to compass that end which he was not only perswaded to by publick respects and his former considerations but was also moved and incited thereunto by his own private passions and particular inclinations for having conceived an inveterate hatred against the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde from the time that he was imployed against them in that War wherein he had been nourished and brought up from his very childhood he ardently desired to see the ruine of them and of all the rest of their Faction from whom by reason of former injuries he believed he could never have any real nor faithful service and on the other side calling to mind the offence received from the Duke of Guise in the person of his Sister the Lady Margaret then Queen of Navarre of whom it was reported that he had obtained more than ordinary favours he had converted all the love which he formerly bare him into so great a spleen that although he dissembled it he burned with a most fervent desire of revenge and for her sake could not endure any interest dependance or alliance of blood with the house of Guise so that publick causes concurring with private enmities he so much the more easily resolved to destroy both those so potent Factions But in contriving proper means to attain that end the first doubt he met withal was this Whether the establishment of Peace or continuance of War were more profitable for the advancement of this design and though partly to discover their inclinations partly
the house of Guise which some did openly maintain to be derived in a right line from Charlemagne But whether these designs were indeed plotted from the beginning or whether they took birth from the emergent occasions which happened after it is not so evident for as they were divulged and amplified by the Hugonots so were they closely concealed and firmly denied by the Guises But they themselves could not deny two great and powerful occasions one a discontent because they could not sway and govern the present King as they had done Charles and Francis his last Predecessors the other a desire to rule the Catholick party founded long before by their Ancestors and increased and confirmed by themselves and to these was added as a third the necessity of opposing the Kings designs which they now saw tended openly to their ruine thereby to free his neck from the yoak of Factions These interests which could not be wholly concealed from the Pope for that Court most wise in judging of all things did easily penetrate into them made him so much the more reserved and wary what to resolve by how much the apparent respect of preserving the Catholick Religion spurred him on to consent unto it But whilst the approbation of this League is treated on at Rome the Pope inclining but ambiguously unto it the business was very easily determined on the other side in the Court of Spain the propositions being such that the Catholick King ought rather to have desired that the League should put it self under his protection than make himself be long entreated to comply with those requests which for that purpose were effectually made unto him for indeed it was a gate which did not only open unto him a passage to the security of his own States but also to very great hopes of acquiring more and at least if no better to keep the King of France his Forces divided and imployed with which the Crown of Spain had so long and so obstinate contentions These practices especially those which were managed in France were not unknown to the King for they were represented unto him by the Queen-Mother and other his intimate Confidents nay the Count de Retz had particularly advertised him that Monsieur de Vins negotiated that Confederacy in Provence and the Prince of Conde by the means of the Sieur de Montaut had made him acquainted with the Union of those in Poictou besides that at the same time one Nicholas David an Advocate of the Parliament of Paris was stayed and taken in his journey which he confessed he was imployed in by the Guises to negotiate that business at Rome The Hugonots dispersed certain Writings which under title of a Commission given to him contained the designs of the Catholick League and their end and intention to possess themselves of the Crown but for the most part full of exorbitant fabulous incredible things so that they were generally believed to have been maliciously forged and spred abroad to discredit the Lords of Guise and to render them odious and suspected who did not only absolutely deny the tenure of those Commissions and account David a fool and no better than a mad-man if he had any such Writings about him but they also caused them to be answered by some of their party proving many things in them to be absurd and without any appearance of truth But those divulged Papers generally believed to be false wrought not so great a suspicion in the King as the Letters of Monsieur de St. Goart his Lieger Ambassador in the Court of Spain who gave him notice how he had discovered that some French Catholick Confederates did earnestly treat of secret businesses in that Court But whether so many discords and confusions springing up daily they could not all be provided against at the same time and therefore they neglected those which at first seemed less material to remedy others which were more urgent and weighty or whether the King taken up with his secret designs of opening a way to future matters did slight the present danger being confident he should cut off all those plots and conspiracies at one time whichsoever of these causes it were it is most certain that though the King knew all these practices he was so far from opposing or hindring them that he seemed not displeased to have one Faction struggle with the other thinking that by those jarrs which would arise between them he should remain absolute Arbitrator and enjoy the fruits of that weakness which they would bring upon themselves by falling upon one another Besides he thought this so high and so general resentment of the Catholicks gave him a very lucky occasion to break the conditions of peace granted to the Hugonots and to make appear to the World that he did it not of his own resolution because he had so intended from the beginning but because of the general discontent of his Subjects of whose good and of whose desires he was obliged as a Father to be much more careful than of complying with the will of those that were rebellious and disobedient for which cause he did not only tolerate the continuation of those practices about the League but by ambiguous actions obscure words and dark answers that admitted several interpretations he almost made it be believed that all was managed by his order and permission But if the King resolved to make use of that opportunity to break the Articles of Agreement the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde were no less disposed to do the same who having thrust the Duke of Alancon out of their faction sought to lay hold of any occasion that might kindle the War again by which they hoped to establish their own greatness wherefore the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde having often complained to the King and Queen the King of Navarre that his interests were utterly forgotten in the conditions of the Peace and the Prince of Conde that neither the Government of Picardy nor the City of Peronne were assigned unto him and the King having still interposed delays and impediments had at last remitted all to be determined by the States now upon this new occasion of the League they redoubled their complaints the more earnestly urging that they could not continue in that uncertainty of their present condition whilst their adversaries united their forces in a League to suppress and destroy them with which importunities the King being troubled and having rather to hold him in hand than with an intent to perform it offered the Prince in stead of Peronne and Picardy to give him St. Iean d' Angely and Cognac in those parts where the strength of the Hugonots lay he not staying for the assignment suddenly made himself Master of them and following the success of that beginning sent for Monsieur de Mirabeau under colour of treating with him concerning other businesses and forced him to deliver up Bravage into his hand a Fort
the Duke of Nevers unto the Assembly he caused them to propose that it being requisite to make War with powerful Armies against those that were disobedient to the Catholick Church great sums of money were also necessary and that therefore the Kings Treasury being exhausted he desired the States to assist him with two millions of Ducats to maintain the vast expences of War which none ought to refuse since they had all solemnly taken the Oath of the League and thereby obliged themselves to contribute their Fortunes in common at which demand the Deputies for the City of Paris not being present because some were indisposed and the rest gone home to elect the Prevost des Merchands the chief Officer of that City and therefore Iean Bodin being President of the Order of Commons and knowing all that burthen was to be laid upon the people rose up and answered That the Third Estate had always propounded and protested to desire unity in Religion and the reducing of those that went astray but without the noise of Arms and War and that if they looked into the Records of the Assembly they should find those very words formerly expressed in the Vote of the Commons which he had caused to be registred and that since they had not consented to the War neither were they bound to contribute to the expences of it to satisfie the fantastical humours of some of the Deputies and consume their own Estates to renew the yet bleeding wounds of the Kingdom to which speech of his not only the other Orders but the Clergy themselves assented who having sworn that in words which they were not so forward to perform in actions and desiring no less than the rest to ease themselves of those contributions wherewith all of them were equally wearied and burthened the ardour and constancy of those began to waver who had so readily resolved upon a War at the charge and danger of other men whereupon the King turning his sail according to the wind the next day he himself propounded to the Deputies That since they thought the charges of War so grievous a burthen they should patiently expect the Duke of Montpensier and Monsieur de Byron sent by him to the King of Navarre to procure his conversion in a friendly and peaceable manner with which motion notwithstanding the opposition of many the major part of the Deputies were contented Not many days after the Duke of Montpensier returned and being brought into the Assembly by the Kings command related in order all that had passed in his Negotiation and in substance shewed them that the King of Navarre being most desirous of the Peace of the Kingdom would be contented with such reasonable conditions as cutting off all exorbitant superfluous matters which were granted in the last Edict might moderate and compose all differences without putting themselves upon the necessity of a War and gave almost assured hopes that he himself though he would not give occasion to have it thought that he turned Catholick by compulsion might yet in time condescend to alter his opinion and make a happy conclusion of all things which relation coming from the Duke who was of the Blood-Royal Brother-in-law to the Duke of Guise and always partial to the Catholicks wrought such an effect in the minds of all as encouraged Iean Bodin and others of the Order of Commons again to try the way of agreement with express protestation that unity in Religion ought to be procured without War Which Vote being some days stiffly opposed and as constantly maintained was at last carried and a Writing drawn up in the Name of the States beseeching the King to endeavour an unity in Religion by peaceful means and without the necessity of War which being propounded by the King himself in his Council the opinions concerning it were diverse for the Duke and Cardinal of Guise the Duke of Mayenne the Duke of Nevers and others were against the proposition of the States alledging that the end they aimed at could not be obtained without the extirpation of the Hugonots who were up in Arms and moreover had already renewed the War and affirming that last proposition of the Deputies to be artificially contrived and extorted whereas the first had been voluntarily and generally agreed on and the Oath taken in approbation of the League which was directly contrary to the present proceedings But the Queen-Mother the Duke of Montpensier the Mareschal de Cosse Monsieur de Byron the High Chancellour Byâ—ago Morvillier Chiverny Bellieure and Villeclaire with the major part of the Council being of the contrary opinion alledged that there were many other means though such as required more time to bring those that were out of the way home into the bosom of the Church and that to destroy so much people would exceedingly weaken the Kingdom and bring it again into the late miseries and dangers Wherefore it was concluded that the Duke of Montpâ—â—sier should return to the King of Navarre to know his last answer concerning his conversion and reconciliation to the Church and the setling of a lasting reasonable Peace In the mean time many other things were debated in the Assembly about the rule of justice the ordering of the Finances the payments of debts and the reformation of manners among which matters some of the Prelats moved that the Council of Trent might be received and observed but the Deputies of the Nobility and those of the Commons opposed it stoutly with which the major part of the Clergy concuring for the conservation as they said of the priviledges of the Gallique Church and such as had been granted to it by several Popes it was at last resolved that it should pass no further The Heads of the Catholick League and their followers omitted not to seek some way of restraining the Kings power and propounded that his Council might be reduced to the number of four and twenty Counsellors which should not be chosen at the Kings pleasure but by every Province of the Kingdom as is the custom in other States But this motion being made but coldly and stifly opposed by many as contrary to the anâ—ient constitutions and all former precedents it was in the end cast ouâ— â—est the mention of it should too much exasperate the King With these deliberations not only ambiguous and uncertain but also opposite and disagreeing among themselves the Congregation of the States broke up which having neither concluded Peace nor War the King was left free to do what pleased himself who having happily though not without much pains and industry overcome the conspiracies of the League was in good measure confirmed in the resolution of his first designs having not only increased his inward hatred toward the House of Guise but found by experience his own weakness and the too great power of their Faction Wherefore being resolved to establish Peace because both parties were nourished and fomented by the War he first of all put the Bishop of
and desired peace now treating at Bergerac with the Kings Deputies knew so well how to hide and conceal his weakness that though he stood not upon those conditions which were last concluded with the Duke of Alaâ—con yet he held up the affairs of his party in being and reputation But the Kings inclination and by consequence the easiness of his Ministers was not less than the policy of the King of Navarre wherefore a Cessation of Arms being agreed upon for a few days in the beginning of September the Accommodation was so actively followed that in the end the Articles of Peace were concluded with so great contentment of both parties that the King being come to Poictiers with the Court for that purpose shewed manifest signs of joy calling it His peace and the Prince of Conde imbraced it with so much greediness that the ratification coming to him in the evening when it was already dark he caused it to be publickly proclaimed that very night by torch-light The Edict of this Pacification was very copious being comprised in Seventy Four Articles which did limit and take away many of those exorbitancies that had been granted in the former Edict in favour of the foreign Forces establishing a very moderate political Government equally just and reasonable for both parties it permitted the exercise of the Reformed Religion in the Houses of Gentlemen Feudataries or as they call them de Haute Iustice with the free admission of every body but in the Houses of private Gentlemen not above the number of seven was allowed and in a prefixed place in every Jurisdiction and Baily-wick except in Paris and ten leagues about and two leagues compass from the Court wheresoever it should be it bridled the licence of those who leaving their Religious Orders had joined themselves in matrimony by special favour pardoning what was past and severely regulating the future it râ—stored the use of the Catholick Religion in all places from whence it had been taken during the War it prescribed the present restitution of Ecclesiastical Revenues to Priests and Prelates in what Province soever and that witâ—out any delay it obliged the Hugonots to the certainty of Baptism to keep the appointed holy-days to exclude Consanguinity in Marriage and many other things wisely observed in the Catholick Church and very proper for a peaceful orderly Government it took away leâ— Chambres 〈◊〉 parâ—iâ—s as they call them which were already setled in Paris Rouâ—n Dijon and Bretagne leaving them still in the other Parliaments but with a smaller number of Hugonots nor was any thing omitted which could hinder discords take away scandals re-unite the minds of those that were diâ—â—ident or divided and settle the authority of Magistrates and vigour of the Laws in their first state and condition Yet were eight places granted to the Hugonot Lords for their security for the space of four years after which the Edict being entirely observed they promised faithfully to restore them into the Kings hands they serving only in the interim till the Edict of Pacification was setled in a way and by time and observance reduced unto the ordinary usual course These places were Montpellier and Aiguemorte in Languedoc Myon and Serres in Dauphine Seine in Provence Perigueux la Reolle and le Mas de Verdun in Guienne things all prudently ordered and disposed for the establishment of a well-setled Peace But though the King for the Catholick and the Princes of Bourbon for the Hugonot party had to the universal joy of the people concluded this Agreement which seemed very likely to take away the late discords and quiet the distracted estate of the Kingdom yet neither were mens minds generally pacified differences totally composed nor the tumults utterly appeased but the fire of publick War being extinguished particular quarrels did still boil in the interests of private persons for neither did the Mareschal d' Anville who every day withdrew himself further from the Hugonots cease to prosecute those by whom he pretended to be injured in Languedoc under colour of reducing the places of his Government under his own command nor did the Sieur des Diguieres in Dauphine dare to trust the peace nor hazard himself upon the Kings word remembring what had befallen Mombrun in whose company he had made War and therefore still continued armed for his security and the Catholicks especially the adherents of the League when they saw the Hugonots meet at their Sermons being inflamed with anger and transported with passion could not suffer them without murmurings and detractions which occasioned many contentions and sometimes dangerous bloody accidents whereby a great part of France though the peace was made continued still in broils and insurrections But the King believing that the benefit of time and moderation of Government might at last appease and extinguish all those commotions dissembled those things which were written and presented unto him from several parts and had setled his whole thoughts upon the framing and executing of his designs yet after the space of some months seeing the stirs and dissentions still continue he resolved that the Queen his Mother going into Poictou to confer with the King of Navarre and then into the other most suspected Provinces should with the wonted effect of her presence compose the differences artificially taking away those scruples which still disturbed the Edict of Pacification About that time the King created two Mareschals men of admirable valour in War and singular prudence in Government Armand Sieur de Byron and Iaques Sieur de Matignon who free from the interests of the Duke of Guise depended meerly and wholly upon the Kings will acknowledging him their sole Benefactor and though Byron for those passages concerning Rochel and some other jealousies had for a long time been little favoured by the King especially before he came unto the Crown yet being now resolved to exalt and trust those who were disaffected to the House of Guise he came to rise to one of the highest places it being generally conceived that he was chiefly induced to those other matters by the envy and hatred which he inwardly bore that Family by which he knew that not only his advancement was opposed but that oftentimes and particularly at the Massacre at Paris his death was both propounded and perswaded And because Renato di Birago the High-Chancellour at the recommendation of the King and Queen was by the Pope received into the number of Cardinals that most important Office was conferred upon Philip Hurault Viscount de Chiverny one of the Kings most trusty intimate Counsellours In the mean time the year 1578 being begun the Queen-Mother after some delays caused by the sharpness of the Winter had with a noble train of principal Lords and Gentlemen begun her journey toward the King of Navarre taking with her the Lady Margaret her Daughter to restore her to him she having by his sudden departure been left behind him at the Court being arrived
of Arms. Nor was the King of Navarre himself much averse from active thoughts knowing by experience that peace and idleness did ruine by little and little and insensibly diminish the strength of his party for many weary of innovations returned sincerely unto the Catholick Church many seeing the Hugonots depressed and excluded from Offices and Honours did feign to return to it and all of them old business growing out of date and the authority of Command languishing did equally withdraw themselves from the cares and interests of the Faction and he himself being reduced to a very low ebb of Fortune not onely foresaw his future ruine but for the present had not wherewithall to maintain the honour of a King nor of first Prince of the Blood To which necessities the instigations of the Prince of Conde being added who was of a more fierce unquiet nature unable to digest the affront of being excluded from the Government of Piâ—ardy and the assent or rather desire of many young men that ordered matters of Government concurring in the same they concluded at last that it was better to try the fortune of Arms than to perish securely in the idleness of Peace and they resolved to prepare themselves and seek some occasion to begin the War so much the rather because the Kings manner of life being already thought to proceed from dissoluteness of Customs and weakness of spirit it incited all to carry themselves without respect according to their proper interests and inclinations Wherefore the King of Navarre calling to him the Deputies of Languedoc and Dauphine which were come to the Congregation after a long discourse wherein he exhorted them on their parts to lend what assistance they were able unto the Common Cause he gave them pieces of a broken French Crown of Gold to carry to Monsieur de Chastillon Son to the Admiral de Coligny who was already gotten into Languedoc and to Monsieur des Diguieres who was in Dauphine with direction that they should give credit in the matter and order of War to those that should bring them the remaining pieces of the Crown esteeming that a very secret Token and not so easily to be counterfeited with which determination each retiring into his own Province they began secretly to make themselves ready to take up Arms. But the King of Navarre seeking to put a gloss upon the business with some specious reasonable colour the time drawing on that the Cautionary Towns were to be restored though the King demanded them but coldly rather out of compliance with the Catholick party then a desire to have them yet He made a mighty noise about it and often calling Assemblies of the Hugonots which they call Synods endeavoured to shew them that the time of restoring those places was not yet come nor the execution of the Edict fully accomplished since the free exercise of their Religion was neither permitted in Champagne Normandy Bourgogne nor the Isle of France whereupon the Ministers growing hot who were very much pleased with that pretence their minds began to incline to War for the beginning whereof the King of Navarre was resolved to undertake some notable enterprize the fame whereof might quicken the slowness of all the rest of his party wherefore he thought of beginning with an attempt upon Cahors which Town having been promised by the King to the Lady Margaret his Wife in Dowry was never assigned unto her it being kept by the Governour in the Kings Name by that he obtained a reasonable pretence so necessary in Civil Wars to feed the minds of the People and to palliate the interests of the parties and a great benefit resulted to him by the addition of a rich City and neighbouring Territory which was both very great and wonderful commodious for his present affairs The Prince of Conde also who could not blot the business of Picardy out of his memory purposed to go unknown into that Province and by the help of some adherents to make himself Master of a place or two by which he might get footing in that Country and enlarge his State and Fortune beyond the narrow limits of Xaintonge thinking he might fairly cover his own ends by making shew that he would live under the Kings obedience and revenge himself of his enemies by whose practises he had been excluded from the Government The Prince of Conde as of a more hasty impatient nature began first and being come unknown to Poictiers he passed from thence with very great danger through the other Cities and Provinces of France into the heart of Picardy where after the space of a few moneths having with art and the intelligence of his Friends drawn together from several parts the number of 300 men he entred la Fere a strong place and of great consequence whence driving away the Governour and the small Garrison that was in it he became Master of it the 29 th day of November and having presently writ unto the King that he kept that Fortress in his Name as being by him elected Governour of the Province from which he had been excluded by the malice of his enemies he began notwithstanding to make preparations to defend himself as well as he could not doubting but the King would use all his force to chase him out of so convenient an harbour But in the beginning of the year following 1580 the King of Navarre after he had sent the remaining pieces of the broken Crown to the Lord of Chastillon and Monsieur des Diguieres in token that they should begin the War began to settle himself in his intended enterprise of Cahors which was to surprise that City upon a sudden and bring it into his own power The City of Cahors is seated upon the River Lot which environing it on three sides leaves onely one passage free called la Port aux Barres and the other three sides are entred by three fair Bridges that cross the River By one of these called the New-bridge the King of Navarre was resolved to attack the City secretly in the night not having Forces to assault or besiege it by day And because the first entry of the Bridge was hindred by a Gate that was kept locked after which without any Draw-bridge at the other end stood the Gate of the City defended by two Ravelines one on either hand He purposed at each Gate to fasten a Petard an Engine till then little esteemed for the newness of it but since by often tryals grown famous for sudden enterprises in War and the obstacles being broken to come presently to handy-blowes with the defenders For this purpose besides the company who to fasten the Petard were necessarily to go before he divided his Soldiers into four Squadrons the first led by the Baron de Salignac the second by the Sieur de St. Martin Captain of his Guards the third wherein were the Gentry and he himself in person by Antoyne Sieur de Rochelaure and the fourth by the
set down the causes why the Duke of Guise and his adherents endeavour to renew the Catholick League which before was almost laid aside The Reasons they alledge for themselves The quality of those persons that consented to and concurred with the League The design of drawing in the Cardinal of Bourbon and his resolution to embrace it Philip King of Spain takes the protection of it The Conditions agreed to with his Agents at Jain-ville The Popes doubtfulness in ratifying and approving the League and his determination to delay the time The King of France consults what is to be done for the opposing of that Vnion and the opinions differ He sends the Duke of Espernon to confer with the King of Navarre to perswade him to embrace the Catholick Faith and return to Court The King of Navarre at that Proposition resolves to stand firm to his Party The League takes occasion by that Treaty and makes grievous complaints They of the Low-Countries alienated from the King of Spain offer to put themselves under the Crown of France The King is uncertain what to do in it but at last remits them to another time King Philip entring into suspition of that business sollicites the Duke of Guise and the League to take up Arms To that end Forces are raised both within and without the Kingdom The King tries to oppose them but finds himself too weak The Cardinal of Bourbon leaves the Court retires to Peronne and with the other Confederates publishes a Declaration They draw an Army together in Champagne seize upon Thoul and Verdun The City of Marseilles riseth in favour of the League but the Conspirators are suppressed by the rest of the Citizens the same happens at Bourdeaux Lyons Bourges and many other places in the Kingdom side with the League The King answers the Declaration of the League he endeavours to disunite it by drawing many particular men from that Party as also the City of Lyons but seeing his design succeedeth not to his mind he resolves to treat an Agreement with the Confederates The Queen-Mother goes into Champagne to confer about it with the Duke of Guise and Cardinal of Bourbon After many Negotiations the Peace is concluded The King of Navarre publisheth a Declaration against the League and challengeth the Duke of Guise to a Duel He passeth it over and makes the Declaration be answered by others The Duke of Bouillon and Monsieur de Chastillon go into Germany to stir up the Protestant Princes in favour of the Hugonots The King consults of the manner of effecting what he had promised in the Agreement with the League The opinions differ and there ariseth great discord about it among his Councellors He resolves to make War against the Hugonots and coming to the Parliament forbids all other except the Roman Catholick Religion He sends for the Heads of the Clergy and the Magistrates of the City of Paris and with words full of resentment demands money of them for the War He prepares divers Armies against the Hugonots Pope Gregory the Thirteenth dies Sixtus Quintus succeeds him who at the instigation of the League declares the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde to be Excommunicate and incapable to succeed in the Crown This Excommunication is diversly spoken of in France Many write against it and many in favour of it FRom the ashes of the Duke of Alancon the half-extinguisht sparks of the League began again to be kindled and burn afresh for the King by his policy in the Assembly at Blois and after by the delight and benefit every one received in Peace and by keeping down the Heads of the Hugonots and holding them at a distance having taken away the opportunities and specious pretences of the Lords of Guise it was of it self grown old and in very great part decayed and dissolved And though those Lords being stung to the quick by the excessive greatness of the Kings Minions and continually stirred up by the jealousie of his proceedings had failed of no occasion that might conveniently blemish his actions and bring themselves into reputation yet matters had till then been rather in unsetled debates than certainly concluded and had consisted more in words than in actions But now by reason of the Duke of Alancons death and that the King after having been ten years married had no probable hope of issue affairs began to be very much altered For as the King of Navarre's being first Prince of the Blood and so nearest the Succession of the Crown did spur forward the readiness of the Guises his old corrivals and natural enemies so likewise it afforded them a fair occasion to renew the League that they might take a course betimes to hinder the Kingdom from falling into the hands of the Hugonot Prince to the universal ruine of the Catholicks and the total overthrow of Religion Wherefore the disgusts they received at Court and the suspicion which for many years they had conceived concurring to sollicite them and this emergent occasion offering a fit opportunity they began again not only to repair the old structure but also to contrive and build up new designs The disasters which the Lords of Guise received at Court were many For besides seeing themselves excluded from the Kings favour and from the administration of State-affairs wherein they were wont to hold the first place and whereof they now did not at all participate as likewise being so little able to do any thing for their dependents and adherents because the King reserved unto himself alone the disposing of all Gifts and Honours they were also highly offended at the greatness of these new men who not favoured by the lustre of ancient Families nor raised by the merits of their own actions but only by the liberality of their Prince were advanced so high that with a sudden splendour they eclipsed all those Honours which they with infinite pains and dangers had attained to in the course of so many years And though the Duke of Ioyeuse by his Marriage with the Queens Sister was allied unto the House of Lorain and seemed in many things to be interessed with them yet they disdained to lie under the shadow of anothers protection where they were wont to see an infinite number of persons shelter themselves under the favourable wing of their Power and Authority To this was added that the Duke of Espernon either through his own natural instinct or the hopes of raising himself upon the ruines of the Great Ones or through the friendship which he had held from his youth with the King of Navarre who was most averse from any familiarly with them seemed to despise and undervalue the merits and power of so great a family and failed not upon all occasions to sting and persecute them on the other side obstinately favouring and in all opportunities maintaining and assisting the Princes of Bourbon Whereupon it was commonly believed that he to abase the credit and lessen the reputation of the
of a King then the Favourite of a Cardinal Nor found they it more difficult to instil them into the mind of the Cardinal himself who to the aforesaid reasons and the near hopes of the Succession added the honest intentions of propagating the Catholick Faith whereof he had ever been a zealous promoter whereas his Nephew coming to the Crown it was to be doubted he would subvert Religion and spread the Poison of Heresie through the whole Kingdom This seed being cunningly scattered long before-hand had brought over the Cardinal to the Duke of Guises party in such manner that when it was needful to make such a resolution he easily was perswaded to make himself Head of the League and became a Cloke and Buckler to them that sought the ruine and extirpation of his Family bearing willingly the weight and burden of that Enterprise upon his own shoulders for being overcome by the subtil practises and skilful flatteries of the Duke of Guise he gave himself wholly over to the opinions and government esteeming and honouring him exceedingly as a Lord of invincible courage and wonderful zeal to the Catholick Religion Whereupon they that then discoursed of present affairs with the ordinary French liberty were wont to compare the Cardinal to a Camel that kneels down before his Enemies to take up a Load that may endanger the breaking of his own back But the League being established and confirmed with these Forces and with the colour of Religion and of the Blood Royal that it might also be furnished with money necessary to maintain it and those outward helps that might bring it either favour or authority to the end it might not want any of those things that ordinarily seem requisite for the effecting of so great an Enterprise the Duke of Guise began again to quicken the negotiations with Spain and Rome which for some few years past had with all those other matters been coldly prosecuted and deferred Nor did they find the Catholick King very doubtful or backward in the business for desiring to free himself from his suspition that the French might further endamage him in the Low-Country Wars and being offended at the late attempts and troubles in Flanders and Portugal could not but be very well pleased that they should be busied in their own affairs and not have leasure to meddle with those of their Neighbours and it making for his purpose that the Hugonots should be suppressed who bitterly hated his very Name and that the King of Navarre should be kept from the Crown of France who had still his wonted pretensions of recovering his Kingdom of Navarre already united to the Crown of Spain he earnestly desired an opportunity to crush them both together wherefore without difficulty he not only condescended to concurr with his consent but also to furnish Moneys believing that the greatness of his designs would be effected in all parts of the World if France which could onely ballance and withhold his Forces being divided in its own dissentions did but afford him convenient means of attaining to that Greatness which mighty Princes are wont to aspire to in their mindes Neither did he think it any violation of the Peace which was still reciprocally continued with the King of France for if the Duke of Alancon had been openly assisted by the most Christian King whilst to obtain the dominion of that People that had cast off the yoke of his obedience he made War against his Armies in Flanders and if the Queen-Mother with the Forces of the Crown had opposed his succession to the Kingdom of Portugal he believed it much more lawful to preserve the Catholicks of France from being oppressed by the Hugonots and hinder the King of Navarre his known enemy from coming to the Crown And if the King had denied that he fomented either the business of Flanders or that of Portugal whilst the Wars were manifestly made with the Men and Moneys of his Kingdom he thought it not unfit for him concealing that assistance which he purposed to lend unto the League and conveying it by secret and hidden means to deny in appearance that he either broke or violated the Peace Wherefore Iuan Baptista Tassi a Knight of the order of S. Iago and Don Iuan Morreo the Catholick King 's Commissioners being come to Iainville a place of the Duke of Guises in the Confines of Picardy and Champagne and being met there by the Duke of Guise the Duke of Mayenne his brother and Francois Sieur de Meneville the Cardinal of Bourbon's Atturney for those of the League in France both Parties agreed to these Conditions the second day of the year 1585. That in case the present King of France should die without a Son lawfully begotten the Cardinal of Bourbon should be declared King as first Prince of the Blood and so true Heir to the Crown universally excluding from the succession of the Kingdom all those who being Hereticks Revolters or followers and favourers of Hereticks had made themselves incapable of it And that during the life of the present King to prevent those Hereticks lest by the means which they were still attempting they should open and facilitate their way to the attainment of the Crown the Confederate Princes should raise Armies gather Forces make War against the Hugonots and do all other things which should be thought fit and necessary That the Cardinal of Bourbon coming to the succession should ratifie the Peace already concluded at Cambresis between the Crown of France and Spain and observe it punctually prohibiting any other Religion in the Kingdom except the Roman Catholick and rooting out all Hereticks by force till they were utterly destroyed should settle the Decrees and Constitutions of the Councel of Trent That he should promise for himself his Heirs and Successors to renounce all friendship and confederacy with the Turk and not consent to any thing that he should manage or contrive in any place against the Common-weal of Christians That he should forbid all Pyracie whereby the Subjects of the Crown of France disturbed the Spaniards Traffick and Navigation to the Indies That he should restore unto the Catholick King all that had been taken from him by the Hugonots and namely the City and Jurisdiction of Cambray and that he should assist him with convenient Forces for the recovery of that which those that were up in Armes had taken from him in the Low-Countryes And on the other side That King Philip should be bound to contribute Fifty thousand Crowns effectively every Moneth towards the maintenance of the League and of his Forces and moreâ—â—â—r should assist with what number of men should be thought necessary in the pâ—â—gress of the Forces of the League as well during the life of the present King as after his death for the utter extirpation of Heresie That he should receive into his protection the Cardinal of Bourbon and the Lords of the House of Guise the Dukes of Mercure and Nevers and
reputation by employing them in his service for every time his Majesty hath raised Armies or drawn Forces together he hath committed the charge and conduct unto them preferring them before all others and if it be considered who those are that even now hold the greatest and most honourable Offices in the Kingdom it will be found that they who are said to be the Authors of those complaints have more cause to acknowledge the goodness and favour of his Majesty than to murmur against him and depart from him But they say they have onely the name of them and that in effect they are deprived of the priviledges which belong unto their said Offices which are usurped by others Now before we judge of the justness of such a complaint it would be necessary to see and touch the ground of the rights and preeminences attributed to every Office and to consider how and by what persons they have been used in the times of the Kings his Predecessors a thing often propounded by His Majesty desirous to regulate the Offices of every one and which long ago would have been cleered and decided if his good intention had been seconded and assisted as it ought to have been by those very men that have interests in them But shall it be said at this present and left unto posterity that private interests and discontents were the occasions of overturning a whole State and of filling it with blood and desolation This is not the way that ought to be taken for the regulating of those abuses whereof they so much complain having to deal with a most pious Prince who will ever oppose that mischief and readily imbrace those fitting convenient remedies which shall be proposed unto him to provide against them Wherefore let Armes be laid down let forreign Forces be sent home to their own Countries and let this Kingdom be free from that danger that it incurres by this Insurrection and taking up of Armes and in stead of following that way full of difficulties and both publick and private miseries and calamities let that of reason and duty be sought out laid hold on and followed by means whereof the holy Church of God an Enemy to all violence will be more easily restored to its vigour and splendor and the Nobility satisfied and contented as it ought to be For which of the King 's His Majesties Predecessors hath shewed more love and favour to that Order then his Majesty hath done not having been contented to prefer it to the ancient and principal honours and dignities of the Kingdom but hath also purposely erected and founded new ones which he hath dedicated to the honour of the true Nobility having excluded all other kinds of persons from them His Majesty will also at the same time provide for the ease of his People as he hath already very well begun to do and desireth to continue to the uttermost of his power And although the Heads of this War do promise that their Forces shall live in so good discipline that every one shall commend them for it and do also admonish the Inhabitants of Cities not to receive any Garrisons into them yet it is already seen how the Soldiers which they have gathered together do commit infinite outrages and villanies and that they themselves have put Forces into those Cities and Places which they have taken to govern and keep them at their own devotion Besides that it is most certain that many Vagabonds which can do nothing but mischief will rise up as the custome is who under the name and protection of either side will commit infinite Robberies Murthers and Sacriledges so that in stead of putting an end to that danger which threatens the ruine of Gods Service and of good men as they promise to do by this War it will fill this Kingdom with all impiety and dissoluteness They also publish that their persons and lives are in danger of Treachery and that that is one of the causes that moves them to take up armes None can believe such an imputation can at all concern his Majesty by nature so far from any kind of Revenge that the man is yet unborn who can with reason make any such complaint against him notwithstanding any offence whatsoever he hath received There may easily be many found of this kind who have proved the gentleness of his nature and will serve for memorials of it to posterity Wherefore his Majesty prayes and exhorts the Heads of the said Tumults and Commotions presently to disband their Forces to send back strangers to separate themselves from all Leagues and laying aside all enterprises as his Kinsmen and Servants to take a perfect assurance of his friendship and good-will which if they shall so do he offers to continue to them honouring them with his favour and making them partakers of those dignities which he was wont to confer upon those of their quality to reconcile and reunite themselves with him to provide duely and effectually for the restauration of Gods Service and the publick good of his Subjects by those means which shall be thought most proper and convenient which his Majesty hath an infinite desire to put in practice He doth likewise admonish the Clergy and Gentry his Subjects maturely to weigh the consequence of these commotions sincerely to embrace his intention and to believe that his chief aim hath ever been and ever shall be to do good to all but neither harm nor displeasure to any commanding them most strictly as also all his other Subjects to separate and withdraw themselves from all Leagues and Associations and to reunite themselves with him as nature their duty and their own good and safety doth oblige them to the end that if these civil broils must pass further which he beseeches Gods divine Goodness not to permit he may be accompanied and supplied with their Counsel Arms and Assistance for the preservation of the Kingdom to which is joyned that of the Roman Catholick Apostolick Church of their honour and Reputation as likewise of their Persons Families and Estates offering and promising them if they shall so do both the continuation of his favour and reward of his service and fidelity This was the Kings Declaration published to answer that of the League wherein he thinking it convenient for the gravity of his Person to sum up businesses in a few words without descending to more particulars endeavoured afterward to have the reasons of the Guises punctually answered by persons of great wisdom and no less eloquence who having replied largely in writing kindled matters in such sort that it was much more necessary to come at last to action then to multiply words any longer The King endeavoured therefore not onely to draw his Forces together in all parts to resist the attempts and oppose the Army of the League that was so near but also to disunite and fetch over some of those which he thought most fit from the body of that Union and
Religion and their own Consciences wherefore it was not fit to reduce the publick Cause to a particular Duel an effect very contrary to the end they had propounded to themselves and with other such like reasons they opposed those alledged by the King of Navarre who being advertised of the conclusion of peace between the King and the Lords of the League writ Letters to the King which were published in print grievously complaining that whilst he to obey his Majesties command laid upon him by Letters under his own hand had forborn to take Arms or to undertake any new enterprise an Agreement was established with his Enemies with condition to break the Edicts of Peace already published and contrary to promise already made again to begin the War against the Reformed Religion That he earnestly exhorted and besought the King to consider that to comply with the passions of those that rebelled against him he took Arms against his good and faithful Subjects and Vassals and that he should foresee how the destruction of his whole Kingdom was contained in that War which was preparing against him but that if he did persist to contrive his ruine he could do no less by the Law of Nature than defend himself and he hoped that God for the justness of his Cause would deliver and preserve him from the persecutions of men and one day make his innocence manifest to the whole World Besides this he writ other Letters to the Nobility others to the People and others to the Parliaments excusing himself blaming the League and labouring to make appear that he having punctually observed the conditions of Peace was now contrary to them unjustly assaulted After which Declarations having called unto him the Prince of Conde and the Mareshal d' Anville whom he knew to be no less persecuted than the Hugonots they established with common consent all that was to be done for their own defence and the maintenance of those places which they held of their party and because they already knew by so many proofs that nothing was more available for their defence than the supplies of men out of Germany which diverted the power and forces of their Enemies into very remote places they presently made a dispatch to the Protestant Princes to treat and conclude a strong Levy and that charge was undertaken by the Duke of Bouillon who as in his own inheritance derived from his Ancestors had setled himself in Sedan an exceeding strong place upon the Confines of Champagne and Lorain and by Monsieur de Chastillon Son to the Admiral de Coligny who was Governour of Mompellier for the Hugonots and was now secretly gone out of Languedoc disguised unto Geneva In the mean time the King in private with his Mother and the Cabinet-Council consulted about the manner of executing the Agreement with the League Secretary Villeroy with whom Bellieure and Ville-quier concurred was of opinion that the King had no better nor surer way to extinguish the combustions of his Kingdom and frustrate the designs of the Guises than sincerely to imbrace the War with the Hugonots to manifest to all the World his zeal toward the Catholick Religion and the ill will he bore to the Calvinists to put Offices into the hands of the most flourishing Nobility of his Kingdom to settle the form of Petitions of granting favours and of the disposal of moneys after the old way observed by his Predecessors and to satisfie their designs in particular who were alienated from him out of discontent because they were not able to do any thing at Court they shewed that this was the way to disfurnish the League of all pretences to draw the applause and love of the people to himself who because they saw him averse from those ends did now adore and follow the Lords of Guise as Defenders of Religion and Restorers of an indifferent equality and of the general quietness that it was necessary at last to take away that worst Schism of discords sowed first and principally by the Hugonots and to re-unite unto himself all his Subjects and Vassals in the same charity in the same Religion for the same unanimous universal end and in conclusion that he could neither more honourably nor more easily ruine the League than by doing well carrying himself sincerely and shewing himself altogether contrary to what the Heads thereof had divulged of him for by that upright manner of proceeding he might cross more designs and take away more followers from the Guises in one day than he could do by cunning dissimulation and politick inventions in the whole course of his life though it should last a hundred years The Queen-Mother inclined though warily to this advice for knowing her self to be already reported a favourer of the Guises and a persecuter of the King of Navarre for her Daughters sake she would not shew her self partial on the Catholick side and being angry though secretly that the King as it were not trusting her absolutely had sent the Duke of Espernon to Nemours for the conclusion of the business negotiated with the League she was very reserved in shewing her opinion perhaps doubting she should lose her authority with her Son or as some said desiring to see him intangled in those troubles that he might once again acknowledge the helpful hand wherewith she assisting in the Government with prudence and moderation had so often withheld the imminent ruine of the Crown But the King was otherwise inclined and utterly averse from the opinion of his Councellors The reasons that perswaded him to the contrary were two one that being to make War in good earnest against the Hugonots it could not chuse but be both long and difficult it was necessary to put Offices into the hands of the Guises which would increase their power and gather them Dependents besides the glory of the Victory would be attributed to them it being evident that they had constrained him by force to consent unto the War the other that the Hugonot party being destroyed which bridled their power and hindred the excessive strength of the Guises he should be left a prey unto their Force which would then have no restraint nor would they ever be without pretences to take up Arms though that of Religion were taken away it not being likely that such ready wits and such daring spirits should want other inventions These were the reasons alledged by the King but to them were secretly joined his most bitter hatred nourished a long time and now much more incensed against the House of Guise his inclination to his Minions whose grace and power his heart would not suffer him to abase his covetous desire of disposing the wealth and revenues of the Kingdom his own way to satisfie the prodigality of his mind and the continuation of his old resolution to destroy both Factions in the end by keeping them up against one another Nor to say the truth was he much to be blamed for having seen the
had taken but also most part of their Carriages a prey unto the Enemy The Duke of Mercoeur being chased away as the Prince returned to those places that were of his party he had notice that many Catholick Gentlemen united together and not yet advertised of the success were coming up to joyn with the Duke wherefore without losing time or giving them leasure to be informed of it he hasted toward them with so great speed that being suddenly overtaken they were not able to make much resistance but some of them were killed upon the place and some being taken prisoners freed themselves afterwards with a promise not to bear Arms against the Princes for a certain time The Prince encouraged with this happy success purposed to assault the Isles and Castles near Rochel to reduce all that quarter to his devotion and have more Field-room to sustain the War wherein he had so prosperous a fortune that having every where routed those with great slaughter that came to oppose him seising upon all the Forts that were near and taking all the passes thereabouts he was so much increased in courage that he resolved to besiege Brouage wherein was the Sieur de St. Luc one of the League with no contemptible number of Infantry and some other Gentlemen of the Country The Rochellers consented to this Enterprise both for the profit and reputation which redounded by it and having sent a great many Ships thither besieged the Fortress by Sea whilst the Prince having possessed that passage which is the only way to Brouages by Land and having shut up the Defendants within the circuit of their walls streightned the Siege very closely on that side But whilst fixing his mind wholly upon that business he neglects no opportunity of blocking and incommodating the Town a new accident happened that invited him to a more important deliberation for the Sieur de la Roche-morte Captain du Halot and Captain le Fresne secret Adherents to the King of Navarre and Enemies to the Count de Brissac Governour of Angiers having found means to enter as friends into the Castle of that City one of the strongest and chiefest Fortresses in all France suddenly killed the Governour of it with those few Souldiers that were there in Garison and seised upon it without much difficulty but whilst they sought also to make the Town revolt they were besieged by the people who taking Arms had with trenches cut off the passage to the Castle and they beginning to write to all parts demanded present relief from the Prince of Conde who was much nearer than the King of Navarre Angiers is a City on this side the Loire seated in a sweet fertile plentiful Country very well peopled famous for the study of the Law and commodiously situated to fall into all the Provinces of Gallia Celtica which invirons it on every side with a large spacious compass wherefore the Prince accounting it a very great and an opportune occasion which offered it self unto him not only to take so principal a City but also to remove the War beyond the River Loire a thing always desired and thought very advantageous for the Hugonots applyed his mind to carry such speedy relief that he might seise upon the Town by the help and inlet of the Castle before it were streightned and shut up by the Catholicks Indeed this was a very great and hopeful design but opposed with no less difficulties for to go over so broad a River without having any pass in his hands that could be maintained to enter into the heart of those Provinces which held without division of the Catholick party and put himself between two powerful Armies which marched into those parts to meet him considering his Forces seemed rather a rash than a generous attempt and to quit the Siege of Brouage which was reduced to an hard condition and almost to a certainty of being taken to venture upon so doubtful so hazardous an enterprize for in the Castle of Angiers there were not above sixteen Souldiers besides the Captains and it was doubted whether they could hold out till relief came seemed an unprofitable dangerous resolution Yet the Prince's mind inclined to hope for the revolt of Angiers and it being of so great consequence that more uncertain more perillous hazards were not to be refused for the gaining of it he resolved to follow the course of his fortune the prosperity whereof did with wonderful beginnings in a manner assure him of a most happy conclusion Wherefore leaving Monsieur de St. Mesmes with the Infantry and Artillery at the Siege of Brouage and giving order that the Fleet should continue to block it up by Sea he departed upon the eighth of October to relieve the Castle of Angiers with eight hundred Gentlemen and one thousand four hundred Harquebuziers on Horseback Nor was this enterprize esteemed so rash by Souldiers of great experience less prosperous in the beginning than his other actions for though he neither had any Pass that held of his party nor boats ready to cross the River he got over nevertheless happily and without much difficulty at Rosiers having found certain boats there which laden with Wines were rowing along the River and accidentally came to that side of the Bank Having passed the River they found the Sieur de Clermont with about seven hundred Horse who having gone before into the Country of Maine and the parts adjacent to draw their friends together being afterward informed of the business of Angiers was come with great expedition to unite himself with the Prince for the same design or missing of him there to pass the River and join with him at the Siege which was laid before Brouage Their Forces being met with exceeding gladness and the Sieur de St. Gelais marching before with two Troops of Horse to discover the Country and provide victual for the Army upon the twentieth of October they quartered at Beaufort a place not far from Angiers where they intended to rest themselves the day following that they might come more fresh to the attempt of so great an enterprise But the Castle was recovered by the Catholicks two days before for the Townsmen having at first taken Captain du Halet prisoner who was gone out to parley and to perswade them to turn unto his party and having the next day killed Captain le Fresne whilst he treated at the Bridge of the Castle with certain Deputies about the present affairs had generally set themselves to besiege the place where on the one side the Count de Brissac Governour of the City being arrived and on the other Henry de Ioyeuse Count de Bou-chagâ— Governour of the Province and not many days after the Duke of Ioyeuse himself who came up with some number of Gentlemen to assist his Brother and Monsieur de la Roch-morte being at last slain with two shots whereof one took off his tongue and the other went through his throat the sixteen Souldiers
Heads of the League to be presented to the King wherein after many preambles and many reasons very cunningly laid together they demanded in substance That he would unite himself truly with them and would sincerely make himself Head of the League to the destruction and rooting out of the Hugonots That he would put those persons from the Court from his Councils and from their Offices who should be named by the Catholick Princes as suspected and ill-affected to Religion That he would make the Council of Trent be received and observed through the whole Kingdom only excepting those things which did prejudice the priviledge of the Gallique Church That he would grant some certain places which should be thought fit unto the Confederate Princes for their security wherein they might keep Garisons and make necessary Fortificatiâ—â—s at the expences of the Crown That he would maintain an Army about th◠〈◊〉 of Lorain under the command of one of the Confederate Princes to hinder 〈…〉 of Foreigners That he would cause all the Estates of the Hugonots to 〈◊〉 and sold wherewith the expences of the late Wars might be satisfied and the Confederates might be assisted toward the maintenance of future matters The Writing contained these prinâ—ipal things and many others of less consequence which being presented to the King in the beginning of February was received by him with his wonted dissimulation and the answer deferred with his wonted delays nor did the Duke of Guise press much to know his resolution for the end of the demand was only to make the King contemptible and render him odious to the people suspected to favour the Hugonots and furnish the League with an occasion and pretence to take up Arms and presecute their begun-designs while the prosperity of their fortune lasted But these artifices were needless to make the Kings person odious and contemptible The burdens which the War the maintaining of so many Armies and his own profane manner of spending daily increased had lost the hearts of the people The noise and splendour of the Duke of Guise's Victories had obscured the majesty of his Name his obstinate favour to his Minions had alienated the minds of his most ancient most devoted Servants and the People of Paris swayed by the ambition of the Council of Sixteen could no longer endure Government The City was full of infamous Pamphlets politick Discourses Satyrical Verses and fabulous Sories which for the most part abusing the Name of the Duke d' Espernon redounded to the scorn and disgrace of the Royal Majesty On the other side all the Streets and every corner of Paris resounded the praises of the Duke of Guise celebrated in Verse and Prose by a thousand Writers with the Title of the new David the second Moses the Deliverer of the Catholick People the Prop and Pillar of the Holy Church and the Preachers in their wonted manner but with greater licence openly inveighing against the present affairs filled the ears of the people with wonders or rather miracles so they called them of this new Gideon come into the World for the desired safety of the Kingdom Which things spread from the City of Paris as from the heart diffused themselves thorow all the Provinces as into the members which were possessed with the same impressions as well to the Kings disadvantage as in favour of the League This Commotion was fully perfected by the Kings own determination who either blinded with the affection he bore the Duke d' Espernon or because he would not advance other men whom they had no great cause to trust declared him Admiral of the Kingdom and Governour of Normandy places that were vacant by the Duke of Ioyeuse his death which absolutely pierced thorow the heart of the Duke of Guise seeing that he continued in his wonted customs and that one man alone being exalted to the highest degree of greatness himself his Brother and the rest of his Family how great soever their merits were could never obtain nor compass any thing so that forgetting the determinations resolved on at Nancy and that wary moderation which the Duke of Lorain had advised he began without more delay to think of reducing the authority of the Government into his own power making the Parisians his principal instruments who no less displeased and incensed than himself did earnestly sollicite him to that resolution Wherefore having received particular information of the state of things from the Council of Sixteen whereby they assured him that they had twenty thousand armed men in the City at their devotion ready to be put upon any enterprise That they were divided into sixteen Squadrons to every one of which they had appointed a Commander and that the rest of the people would without question follow the stream of the chief men by reason they were ill affected to the person of the King and the Duke d' Espernon and on the other side most zealous in the cause of Religion he considering that confusion easily ariseth among the multitude and that the division into sixteen several quarters was too many to meet altogether suddenly in one body when need should require writ to the Council that they should lessen that number and reduce it into but five quarters to which they should appoint a place where they should meet at the sign that should be given them and that they should dispose things in such a manner as might breed neither disorder nor confusion and as well to assure himself absolutely that that business should proceed according to his own will as because he had no confidence in the small experience of those Heads appointed and chosen by the Parisians he sent them five Commanders who were to order the five quarters and to rule and moderate the turbulence of popular Arms. These were the Count of Brissac the Sieur de Bois-Dauphin the Sieur de Chamois the Sieur d' Esclavoles and Colonel St. Paul to whom the Sieur de Meneville was added who from the first had been the Mediator and chief Instrument in that business These entered openly into Paris under colour of private affairs and being lodged in those quarters of the City that were appointed them frequented the Court and followed divers businesses leaving the care to Meneville of bringing the matter to its conclusion and to give the greater assistance to it the Duke of Guise gave order to the Duke of Aumale who had Forces in Picardy to make himself be obeyed by many Governours of places who fomented by the Duke of Espernon refused to acknowledge him That he should keep five hundred good Horse in a readiness to be there in due time to put life in the design of the Parisians who knowing that such order was given desired Iehan Conty one of the Eshevins or as we call them in England Sheriffs of the City that he would let them have the Keys of the Port St. Martin which he kept as the custom is to the end that when
King 's which things did in this manner as it were declare him the lawful Successor to the Crown To these great and important matters others of less consequence were added also the King's Familiarity with the Duke of Guise his veneration of the Cardinal of Bourbon and the favours which by their means he daily granted to divers persons the alienating of his old favourites his secret and confident discourses with the Archbishop of Lyons the Sieur de la Chastre Bassompiere and other intimate friends of the Duke of Guise and principal followers of the League and many other such like things which as evident signes of the King 's good inclination served in the mean time to cover the hidden web of his more real designs to the continuance whereof he was much excited by the Pope's demonstrations who moved with the Duke of Guise's success in driving the Germans out of the Kingdom and dissipating their Army with so much facility had written Letters to him full of infinite praises comparing him to those holy Maccbahees the defenders of the People of Israel so highly extolled in the Sacred Scripture and exhorting him to continue successfully and gloriously to fight for the advancement of the Church and the total extirpation of the Hugonots Which Letters to increase the Duke's fame and reputation were by his Dependents caused to be printed and divulged in Paris with as much applause of the people as anger and trouble in the King who could no way be pleased that another should have more credit and authority in his Kingdom then he himself and therefore the expressions of the Pope and opinion of the Court of Rome kept his mind beyond measure in perplexity as well in regard of his Conscience as for other important respects and consequences From the displeasure received by those Letters he began to proceed to a remedy not onely to divert the Pope's deliberations but also to bring to pass that in the belief of the World he might not be esteemed to have so little correspondence with the Apostolick Sea and to be in so little awe of the holy Catholick Church The Pope desired to have to do in these businesses that passed in France and as much as possibly he could to promote the enterprise of the Catholicks against the Hugonots for which purpose he was minded to chuse a Legat who might be present at that famous Convention of the States and understanding what concerned the interest of the Apostolick Sea with the Duke of Guise and Cardinal of Bourbon might sollicite the King about the assembling of them about the declaring of the War against the King of Navarre but most of all that he and all those of his Family as being manifestly guilty of Heresie might be judged incapable of ever coming to the Crown yet because he thought he saw not clearly into the affairs of that Kingdom and was not very sure what the ends of the League might be he was doubtful unto what person he should commit the charge of that business desiring neither utterly to alienate the King's mind nor to displease the Duke of Guise and thinking it a matter of so great importance as required a man of singular prudence and ability to manage it But he was not resolved of his choice till the King being advertised beforehand by the Ambassador Pisani sounded the bottom of his design whereupon desiring to have such a one as he might trust and nor one wholly devoted to the pleasure of the League he used all possible endeavours trying the most powerful means of that Court to procure that Giovan Francesco Moresini a Senator of Venice Bishop of Brescia who then resided in the Kingdom as the Pope's Nuncio might be chosen Legat a man truly of so much worth as being well informed of the present affairs was not a little acceptable to the King and yet not altogether distrusted by the Duke of Guise in regard of the dexterity wherewith he knew how to behave himself with every body The Pope disliked not the Nuncio because he knew him and esteemed him a man of singular wisdom and because having been employed in the Government of his Republick he believed him no less experienc'd in State-affairs and besides that being a Noble Venetian and by consequence well-affected to the Crown of France he thought he would not cast himself inconsiderately as a prey unto the League the Pope desiring he should hold the balance even and not favour the Duke of Guise's designes more then the service of the Catholick Religion and of the Roman Church required But though the King was much pleased with the person of the Legat who at that very time was created Cardinal yet was he beyond measure displeased that the Pope gave account of his Election to the Lords of the League exhorting them to communicate and consider of their counsels with him and that the Letters concerning it were printed and published by the League with their usual pride and yet this consideration had not so much power over his mind but that dissembling his disgust he sought by all possible ways to gain the Legat to the end that that by his means he might be the better able to justifie his own actions to the Pope and by degrees to take off the favour and assistance which he seemed to lend unto the enterprize of the League These things busied the Court when news was brought of a Conspiracy against the Duke of Espernon at Angoulesme whereby he was very like to have been suddenly ruined for the King's Letters being come though late wherein he commanded that he should not be received nor admitted into the possession of that Government some of the City who as mens affections are different were not much pleased to see him there and who were easily perswaded they should do the King acceptable service if they could drive him from that possession dispatched one of their confidents straight to Court unto Secretary Villeroy to know the King's intention more particularly and to give notice that they would venture either to drive him out of the City or take him prisoner though he stayed continually in the Castle a place very secure and well fortified This man's Proposition was not unpleasing unto Villeroy who by reason of his enmity with the Duke and because he had received commission to write the aforesaid Letters thought that the occasion complyed exceedingly with the King's desire and therefore spake of it to the King himself who beginning to distrust Villeroy of whom he was very jealous would not declare his pleasure openly in the business but to the end he might not sound into his most secret thoughts wherein he still loved and trusted the Duke of Espernon as much as he was wont said that he should not be sorry to see him driven out of Angoulesme or brought prisoner into his power so that his life might not be in danger which words being spoken coldly by him were hotly
convenient remedies for the publick need and the quiet of all men in particular to reunite themselves sincerely and principally under his obedience forsaking all Novelties condemning all Leagues Practices Intelligences and interessed Communications which both within and without the Kingdom had disturbed both him their lawful and natural Soveraign and the mind and tranquillity of all good men for as he pardoned and would forget all that was past so for the time to come he would not endure it but account it as an act of absolute Treason And insisting upon that Proposition he enlarged himself a long time concluding with grave and effectual words That as he sincerely laboured for the good of his Subjects and resolved to persecute and tread down Heresie to favour those that were good to restore the splendour and force of Justice to advance Religion to uphold the Nobility and to disburden the common people so he earnestly prayed and conjured every one of them to assist him with their good Counsels and sincere intentions in that so necessary regulation of all things for if they should do otherwise minding intelligences and particular practices and consenting to the interests of factious men they would stain themselves with perfidiousness and Treachery and would be brought to give an account of it before God's Tribunal making themselves guilty and blame-worthy to humane justice with the perpetual infamy of their names unto posterity This Speech of the King 's stung the Duke of Guise to the quick and all those of his party and so much the more when they saw him resolved to have it Printed wherefore the Archbishop of Lyons endeavoured to disswade him from it saying that it was better to lose a few words though never so elegantly composed then to lose the hearts of many of his Subjects who felt themselves injured thinking that he had not forgotten what was past but would tax them in the presence of all France and condemn them of perfidiousness and Rebellion Yet notwithstanding that the King would have it known to all men what he had said to the Congregation of the States and caused his Speech to be Printed which served wonderfully afterward to excuse those things that followed Some have written that the King perswaded by the Archbishop of Lyons had cut off many things from the Press and taken away many words which he had spoken in his Oration But I my self who was present and heard every word very near can certainly affirm that as much was Printed as was spoken but the expressions being quickned by the efficacy of his action and tone of his voice were much more sharp and moving then when they came forth in Print wanting that life and spirit with which they were delivered After the King's Speech followed the Oration of Monsieur de Monthelon Garde des Seaux who according to the ordinary custom praising the King's intention repeated at large the same things which he had spoken To which with demonstrations of great humility and obedience the Archbishop of Bourges answered for the Order of the Clergy the Baron de Seneschay for the Nobility and the Prevost de Merchands of Paris for the third Order of Commons After which Replies the Assembly was dismissed and the second Session adjourned till the Tuesday following That day was famous for the Oath which the States took to receive for a Fundamental Law of the Kingdom that Edict of the Union which the King had published in the Moneth of Iuly before whereby reuniting to himself all his Catholick Subjects of the Kingdom he swore to persevere till death in the Roman Catholick Religion to promote the increase and preservation of it to employ all his Forces for the rooting out of Heresie never to permit that any Heretick or favourer of Heresie should Reign not to elect into Places and Dignities any but such persons as made constant profession of the Roman Catholick Religion and would have all his Subjects to Swear and promise the same who being so reunited unto him he forbade to joyn themselves in League or company with any others under pain of Treason and being held violaters of the Oath they had taken with other particulars wherein abolishing the memory of all things past he made himself Head of the Catholick League and Union and incorporated all the Orders in their proper natural obedience The circumstances of this Oath were remarkable for the King himself spoke concerning it with grave and fitting Speeches and the Archbishop of Bourges made an Exhortation to the States shewing the greatness and obligation of the Oath which they were to take Beaulieu the new Secretary of State inrolled an Act of that Oath in memory of so solemn an action after it was done they gave thanks to God publikly in the Church of St. Saviour all which demonstrations which many thought were used to extinguish the memory of things that were past served after to excuse and authorise those things that were to come for notwithstanding all these obligations whereby the adherents to the League bound themselves to forsake all former attempts and machinations and to tie themselves sincerely in obedience to the King and notwithstanding all his Protestations in the publick Assembly of the States to forget what was past but severely to revenge the future they did not at all slacken their pretensions and contrivances but pursued them with effectual practices and the Duke of Guise aspired to the express name of Lieutenant-General which he had not been able to obtain from the King though he had gotten almost the same power to be joyned to his former title of Grand Maistre and the rest ceased not to treat with the States that the Government might be reformed in such manner as leaving unto the King onely the name and outside of a Prince the sum of businesses might be managed by the Duke and his Dependents of the League and even the Deputies of the States mingling themselves in the interests of the Factions plotted and laboured for the same things without any regard to so many and so solemn Oaths and with manifest scorn and contempt to the King's Name Person and Majesty Wherefore the event plainly shewed the art the King had used in the Assembly of the States for knowing the obstinacy of the Confederates he by the bonds of publick Oaths Acts and Ceremonies which in appearance redounded all in favour of the League but secretly contained a most sharp sting against it cunningly spread the net to catch them in those faults and crimes wherewith they had protested not to stain themselves for the time to come and which he had declared that he would severely punish and chastise There wanted not many who believed that if the Duke and the Deputies with the other Heads of the League had after these Oaths given over the enterprize they had begun and having laid aside their private interests and old passions had proceeded sincerely for the future the King
two and twentieth day he told them he desired some business that concerned him might be dispatched the next morning that with a quiet mind he might retire himself to perform his exercises of devotion for the holy Time that was at hand and therefore he intreated all of them to come early to the Council In the mean time the suspicion of this business no body knows which way was crept so far that a confused knowledge of it came unto the ear of the Duke of Guise himself who being in private with the Cardinal his Brother and the Archbishop of Lyons consulted whether he should give credit to that report and whether believing it he should go from the States to avoid that danger The Cardinal said It was better to fail in believing too much than in being too confident and that it was good to lean to the securer side and perswaded his departure so earnestly that the Duke set his affairs in order to go away the next morning but the Archbishop of Lyons opposed that resolution so stifly that he caused it almost at the same time to be altered He shewed what a lightness it was to believe a rumour of fame not grounded upon any certain proof that it might be a plot of the Kings to make him go away and leave the States to the end that all hopes designs and practices falling at once he might be left free from that yoak which he saw preparing for him by the consent of the States and he being gone that should order and moderate the affections and promises of the Deputies who should withstand the Kings authority and cunning Who should hinder the State from coming to a contrary end from what they had designed For he being absent the Deputies seeing themselves forsaken and left alone would fall under the Kings authority and in reverence to the Royal Name would make their determinations according to his pleasure and revoke those already past disturb matters already established and reduce the Government to the former or perhaps to a worse condition to the total ruine and utter destruction of the League that all those of his party would with reason complain that they had been betray'd and meanly forsaken by him and every one by his example would think of their own interests and to make their peace with the King so that in the end he alone would be left forsaken and abandoned in conclusion that it was better though the danger were certain to hazard only his life by staying than certainly to lose both life and honour at once by going away His departure being deferred the Duke of Elbeuf came in who being made privy to the business in debate confirmed the opinion of the Archbishop of Lyons adding many things to prove that the Duke of Guise was so well accompanied with faithful Friends all fast united that the King would not dare to think of so rash an enterprise and that he wondered they should now be in so much fear of those forces which till then they had ever undervalued and despised Whereupon the Duke of Guise taking courage resolved not only to stay till the end of the Assembly but shewed also evident signs of slighting those rumours that ran about the Court. The evening of the twenty second being come the King commanded Monsieur de Larchant one of the Captains of his Guard to double them the next morning and to keep the Hall-door after the Lords of the Council were gone in but that he should do it in such a manner as the Duke of Guise might not suspect any thing Wherefore having staid with a great number of his Souldiers the same night till the Duke came from his own Lodgings to the Kings he went to him in the middle of the way and beseeched him that he would be pleased to speak a good word for those poor Souldiers who had wanted their pay a great many months that they made their address to him as the Head and Protector of all Souldiers and that the next day he would wait upon him with the same Company in the morning to put him in mind to speak in their behalf to the Council The Duke answered courteously and promised the Captain and the Souldiers to take great care for their satisfaction The same night the King gave order to his Nephew the Grand Prior of France to make a match at Tennis the next morning with the Prince of Iainville Son to the Duke of Guise and to keep him in play till he received further order from him In the morning the King made himself ready before day under colour of going personally to the Council and pretending he should stay there many hours dismissed all his Servants and in his Closet there remained only Revol the Secretary of State Colonel Alfonso Corso and Monsieur de la Bastide a Gascon Gentleman of very great courage who were all commanded by him to stay there In his Chamber was St. Pris one of his old Gentlemen-Waiters in the Wardrobe the Count de Termes Great Chamberlain who was a Kinsman of the Duke d' Espernon's and in the Ante-chamber two Pages an Usher that waited at the Council-Chamber-door and Lognac with Eight of the Five and forty to whom the King had with very great promises signified his pleasure and found them most ready to obey his command It was about break of day when the Counsellors met and there went into the great Hall Cardinal Gondy the Cardinal of Vendosm the Mareschals of Aumont and Retz Monthelon the Garde des Seaux Francois Sieur d' O Nicholas Sieur de Rambouillet the Cardinal of Guise the Archbishop of Lyons and at last appeared the Duke of Guise to whom Captain Larchant stepping forward with a greater number of Souldiers than the night before presented him a Petition for their pay and with that excuse accompanied him and brought him to the Hall-door where being entered and the door shut the Souldiers made a long lane to the bottom of the stairs seeming to stay there to wait for an answer of their Petition and at the same time Monsieur Grillon caused the Gates of the Castle to be locked whereupon many suspected what would be the event and Pelicart the Dukes Secretary writ a little Note in these words My Lord save your self or you are dead And having put it up into a Handkerchief gave it to one of the Dukes Pages to carry it to the Keeper of the Council-Chamber-door pretending that the Duke had forgot to take it when he went forth of his Chamber but the Souldiers would not suffer the Page to pass In the mean time the Duke being come into the Council and set near the fire fell into a little swoon whether it were that he remembred himself of the danger in which he was being separated from all his dependents or that Nature as it often happens presaging his future misfortune did of her self give that shew of resentment or
having power to do or determine any thing without the Council of Sixteen and because every one cried out tumultuously that the City ought to be kept from the machinations and violences of the Hugonots and Politicks who upon occasion of the slaughter of Blois might plot against the general peace and safety the Duke having taken the name and authority of Governor put the people in Arms and under their Commanders distributed them to the keeping of the principal places taking care that the goods and houses of the Citizens might not be pillaged by the Seditious Rabble The same evening and the next day the Preachers thundered from their Pulpits the praises of the Duke of Guise's Martyrdom and detestations of that slaughter most cruelly committed by the King in such manner that not onely the mindes of the baser people but also of the most noted Citizens were won by their perswasions and kindled with an infinite desire to take revenge Which boldness both in the Preachers and People was doubled when they heard the news of the Cardinals death also which brought them to the highest pitch of rage and madness so that upon the Eight and twentieth of December being Innocents day the Council of Sixteen caused a Writing to be presented to the Colledge of Divines called the Sorbonne in the name of the Provost and Eschevins of the City wherein relating how much the Lords of Guise deserved of the Catholick Church and their being murdered by the King as Protectors of the faith they demanded whether he might not lawfully be said to have forfeited his Crown and whether it were not lawful for his Subjects notwithstanding their Oath of Allegiance to withdraw their obedience from him as an Hypocrite Prince an open favourer of Heresie and a persecutor of the holy Church who had bloodied his hands in the sacred Order and eminent Person of a Cardinal The Colledge of Sorbonne being assembled there was no great debate about the matter For though Iehan Fabray Dean of the Colledge a man of profound Learning followed by Robert Vauvarrin and Dennis Sorbin two of the Senior Doctors argued that though it were true that the business had passed as the Writing related which was doubtful yet neither for all that could the King be said to have forfeited the Kingdom nor was it lawful for his People to withdraw their obedience from him so great nevertheless was the ardour of the younger men excited by the Preachings of Guilliaume Roze Bishop of Senlis of the Curats of St. Paul and St. Eustache of Iehan Vincestre Iohn Hamilton Father Iaques Commolet a Jesuit Father Bernard a Fuillant and of Father Francois de Feu-ardant a Franciscan that they unanimously concurred to determine both the points and with concurring votes declared That the King had forfeited his right to the Crown and that his subjects not onely might but ought to cast off their obedience and that providing for the Government they justly had power to make confederacies to impose Subsidies raise Soldiers dispose of the Revenues of the Crown and to do all other things which were opportune or convenient for the defence of Religion and their own security They added with the same universal consent that the Decree of this Declaration should be sent to the Pope that he might confirm it and make it so authentick that the validity of it might not at all be called in question for the time to come after which Declaration the people as it were loosened from the bonds of obedience and having broken the rein of Modesty ran violently to the breaking down of the King's Armes and Statues wheresoever they found them and began furiously to seek out all those which could be accounted dependents of his party by them called Narvarrists and Politicks which insolent tumultuous search forced many quiet men and such as were averse from those turbulent wayes to leave their houses to save their lives many others were fain to compound with money and some notwithstanding the Duke of Aumale took great pains to prevent it lost their lives unfortunately in the business while which things were done with infinite disorder all the streets were full of Arms noises and confusions and the meanest people raging against the marks of Royalty committed scandalous and intolerable insolencies all Churches eccho'd with voices of the Preachers who aggravated the Parricide committed by Henry of Valois no longer called King of France but the Heretick Tyrant and persecutor of the holy Church and all places were full of Libels both in Verse and Prose which contained and amplified the same things several wayes But the Council of Sixteen desiring to reduce the City totally into their power and seeing the Parliament divided part being inclined to follow the popular commotions part disposed to persevere in their obedience to the King determined that the Presidents and Counsellors which held the King's party should as enemies to the publick good and adherents to the Tyrant be not onely removed from their Offices but also shut up close prisoners in the Bastille foreseeing well that if they continued at liberty and had power to manage their affairs it would infinitely cross their designs and with very great danger interrupt the union and concord of the other Citizens Wherefore having resolved among themselves what was to be done and brought all the Heads of the people to their opinion upon the Sixteenth of Ianuary they with a great number of armed men beset the Palace-Hall where according to the custom the Counsellors of Parliament were met together and having made good all the passages and set guards at every door they called forth Achille de Harlay first President of the Parliament and all the rest by name whom they had determined to lay hold on who being come readily forth to know what they would have with them already presaging very well what would come to pass the Sieur de Bussy deputed to execute that business gave them order to follow him which command grounded rather upon force than reason being by them obeyed without resistance they were led thorough the cries and injurious usage of the people to the Bastille onely Pierre Segiver and Iaques Auguste de Thou by the help of fortune secretly saved themselves who depending upon the King's party had laboured stoutly to keep the Parliament from medling in the Insurrection The favourers of the League being encouraged and the opposers of it terrified by this vehement resolution the remaining Presidents and Counsellors chose Barnabe Brisson first President and Head of the Parliament a man of deep learning and singular eloquence but of a violent various inclination and therefore very subject to alter his opinions easily and afterward the Parliament being solemnly assembled to the number of 160 they with a publick Declaration assented to the deposing of the King and to the freeing of the City and substituted new men in the places of those whom they had put out and imprisoned Nor
of Cardinal and contrary to all laws Divine and Humane to put a Cardinal to death and imprison closely two most principal Prelates at the same time highly threatning the Cardinal-Legat who being present had not withheld the King from so heinous an offence The Marquiss de Pisani and Girolamo Gondi who was then arrived with modest and obsequious but yet constant and grave discourses laid open all the King's reasons the crime of high-Treason which the Cardinal of Guise had incurred and whereof the Cardinal of Bourbon and Arch-bishop of Lyons were likewise guilty their forces and power whereby the King was so far disabled to punish them with the wonted forms in a judiciary way that they a few months before had unworthily driven him out of his own Palace and made him fly unknown from the City of Paris to save his life the state of affairs brought to such extremities by the conspiracies managed by the Brothers of Lorain in the States that unless the King as a Ward would be brought into subjection or deprived of his Crown he was necessitated to cause them to be punished though without form of judgment yet not without most apparent reason their crimes being most heinous and manifest which he as King and Head of Justice had power to judge and punish in any manner whatsoever That if nothing else the very contempt they had shown of Religion in making use of so many solemn Oaths and Sacraments of the holy Church as means to deceive him had made them unworthy of the protection of his Holiness who might easily inform and certifie himself by many proofs that it was not to protect and defend the Catholick Faith which no man could hold in greater veneration than the King but for their own ambition and to usurp the Kingdom from the lawful Heirs they had so often with the loss of so many mens lives disturbed and distracted the whole Kingdom Finally they added that the King was an obedient Son of the Church desirous to satisfie the Pope in all things possible and that therefore he had sent Girolamo Gondi to intreat and beseech his Holiness to grant him his blessing in token that he was appeased and pacified The Pope neither perswaded nor appeased replyed that Girolamo Gondi had been dispatched about another business and that he knew it very well that the King was so far from submitting to his obedience and suing for absolution that persevering yet in his sin he still kept prisoners the two chief Prelates in all France who were immediately under the Apostolick See and that if the Cardinal of Guise and the rest had offended so much as the Ambassadors reported the King might have demanded Justice from him to whom it belonged to judge them and that he should have known very well how to administer it And because the Ambassadors answered that they were Ambassadors and publick persons and therefore ought to be believed in whatsoever they represented touching the King's desire and the Blessing which they demanded in his name The Pope replyed that they were Ambassadors to treat of matters that concerned the affairs of the Kingdom of France but that Contrition and Confession in Foro Conscientiae were to go before absolution and that therefore it was needful to send an especial Embassie and a person expresly for that purpose that in token of his Repentance he ought first to set at liberty the Prelates that were in Prison that the King and the Ambassadors sought to deceive him but they should be assured they had not to do with a young Novice but one who even with the shedding of his blood was ready to uphold the dignity of the Holy-Chair and having with sharp words and sharper looks dismissed them he caused the Consistory to be called the next morning in which with a vehement Oration and full of resentment he accused the King in presence of the Cardinals reprehended those who excused and defended him and threatned severely to punish Cardinal Moresini who forgetting the person he represented had without any sense of the affront suffered the Liberty and Dignity of the Holy-Church to be trampled under foot then electing a certain number of Cardinals who were to consult about those matters that appertained to the Kingdom of France the chief whereof were the Cardinals Serbeloni Fachineâ—to Lancellotto Castagna and Sancta Severina he set the business in a high reputation and filled the whole World with exceeding great expectation In the mean time the affairs of the League gathered strength and took form in France for the Duke of Mayenne being departed secretly from Lyons the same night that he heard the news of his Brother's death doubting as it was true that the King had taken order and would send to lay hold on him came much perplexed and uncertain of his condition into the Province of Bourgongne which was governed by him and retired to Mascon from whence he began practices with the other Towns of that Province and particularly with the City and Castle of Dijon commanded by the Baron de Lux Nephew to the Arch-bishop of Lyons and having found the City Parliament and Governour of the Castle ready to receive him and to run his fortune recovering courage he went thither from whence he presently sent unto the Pope the Commendatory Francois Diu Knight of Ierusalem a man vers'd in the Court of Rome and one of the chief ancient abettors of the League to the end that he might complain about the death of his Brothers before the Holy-Chair and beseech the Pope that he would take into his protection the relicks of the Catholick party extreamly trodden down and afflicted While the Duke stayed there not well resolved in his thoughts Letters came from Madam de Montpensier his Sister which gave him notice of the revolt of the Parisians and of all the adjacent Towns and exhorted him to take heart and putting himself into the place of his Brothers to become head of the Vnion with assured hopes not onely to revenge their death but happily to prosecute the contrived and begun design of the League This exhortation and these letters added to the news of the revolt of Orleans and Chartres confirmed the Duke's courage in such manner that the Kings letters written very kindly to him which came to his hands a while after had not power enough to make him yield to peace which at first perhaps he would have greedily embrac'd The King writ that he had been constrained by necessity to forget his own nature to free himself of those conspiracies which the Duke and Cardinal his Brothers had plotted against him and in a manner brought to a conclusion that nevertheless he had not been so severe as any other would have been satisfying himself with taking away the principal Heads and leaving all the rest alive who he hoped might acknowledge and amend their former errors that he had not been moved by any hatred or passion for he had alwayes loved
done The Count de Randan held the command in Auvergne and in Provence the Marquess de Villars and the Sieur de Vins an old adherent to the House of Guise The Dukes of Ioyeuse Father and Brother to him that was slain in the Battel of Contras fighting against the King of Navarre had the Government of Gascogne in which Province except the City and Parliament of Tholouse the party of the Confederates was not very strong and in Dauphine Languedoc and Guienne the League had but very slender Forces But before all these preparations the Duke dispatched Lazare Coqueille Counsellor in the Parliament of Paris to Rome and with him were gone two Doctors of the Sâ—rbonne to confirm the Decree of their Colledge by which they had determined That the King had forfeited his right to the Crown and that his Subjects might justly withdraw their obedience from him the Duke foreseeing well that the popular Cause wholly founded upon the pretence of Religion was to look for and take its increase and nourishment from the Apostolick Sea and the Popes approbation But the King who afflicted with his wonted melancholly though he dissembled it had since the death of his Mother been many days troubled with a Bloody Flux was no less sollicitous concerning the affairs at Rome than the Duke of Mayenne as well because being a very great honourer of Religion he could not be satisfied to live disobedient to the Apostolick Sea as because making the same judgment as they of the League he saw that the greatest foundation of the adverse party consisted in the approbation and encouragement from Rome Wherefore though he had caused absolution to be given him for the death of the Cardinal by vertue of a Breve granted to him a few months before by the present Pope to make himself be absolved in all reserved cases by his own Ordinary Confessor yet seeing that that was not enough he sent Claude d' Angennes of his beloved Family of Rambouillet Bishop of Mans a man of profound Learning and singular Eloquence to the end that being informed of all his Reasons he might as his Sollicitor sue for an absolution from the Pope and endeavour to reconcile him to the Apostolick Sea to which so he might but secure himself he was ready to give the most exact satisfaction The Bishop of Mans came to Rome and having conferred with the other Ambassadors they went together to receive audience from the Pope where after words of compliment full of most deep submission they first argued that the King had not incurred any Censure not having violated the Ecclesiastical Liberties and Immunities for the Cardinal was guilty of the crime of Rebellion in which case the Prelates of France notwithstanding any dignity whatsoever are understood to be subject to the Secular Jurisdiction and so much the rather because he having been a Peer of France his causes naturally ought to be judged in the Court of Peers which is no other but the great Court of Parliament with the assistance of the Princes and Officers of the Crown so that if the King had infringed any Jurisdiction it was that of the Parliament and not the Ecclesiastical one which hath nothing to do with the Peers of France But because this reason was not only disapproved by the Pope but that also he seemed more displeased and offended at it alledging that the eminency and Priviledges of the dignity of Cardinal were immediately subject to the Pope and no other the Ambassadors began to dispute that the Kings of France could not incur Censure for any Sentence they should give and urged the Priviledges of the most Christian Kings and the Jurisdiction of the Gallique Church But this incensed the Pope so much the more who bad them take heed how they proposed things that had a touch of Heresie as this had for he would cause them to be punished To which though the Marquiss replied That as Ambassadors they could not be medled withal nor punished and that no fear should make them forbear to propose the Kings right yet having received Commission to appease and not to exasperate the Pope they alledged in the third place That the King by virtue of the Apostolick Breve granted to him by his Holiness had caused himself to be absolved and therefore they insisted only that his Holiness knowing the Pardon he had granted him would either confirm it or not be displeased if the King valuing it as he ought had made use of it in a seasonable occasion For not having in the heat of danger considered so particularly and having never had any intention to offend the Jurisdiction of the Apostolick See after he had been made sensible of it he being moved with scruple of Conscience had prostrated himself at the feet of his Confessor and had begged and obtained absolution for as much as need should require though he thought he had not transgressed effectively To this the Pope answered That the Breve was granted for things past but could not extend to future sins the absolution whereof cannot be anticipated That such a case as this in which the Apostolick See was directly offended and all Christendom scandalized was not comprehended under that Breve and that the Exposition was to be demanded from him who had granted it which now he declared affirming that it had never been his intention to enable the King to receive absolution for his future faults and for so evident a violation of the Dignity of Cardinal This Treaty having been often repeated and discussed with great allegations of Right and Authority in the end the Ambassadors were contented to petition in writing for the Popes absolution who expressed a desire to have it so and that it was the means to appease and satisfie him Wherefore after good Offices done by the Venetian and Florentine Ambassadors in favour of the King having received order from their Princes to take great pains in his behalf the Bishop with a Petition of a very submissive form demanded absolution of the Pope who with pleasing words answered That he would willingly grant it when he should be assured of the Kings contrition whereof he would have this token that he should set at liberty the Cardinal of Bourbon and Archbishop of Lyons it being vain to grant him absolution for one thing whilst he persisted in the act of another which did infer the same prejudice to the Apostolick See which he could not dissemble At this the Ambassadors and those that favoured them were exceedingly perplexed conceiving themselves to have been deceived and thinking that another kind of moderation ought to be used towards a King of France wherefore laying together all those reasons already alledged in the former Conferences they concluded that the King by setting those Prelates at liberty should but increase the fire in his Kingdom with the evident danger of his own Life and Crown and that therefore it was not fit to free them To which the Pope
replied That they should be sent prisoners to him for if he found them guilty he knew which way to punish them But the Ambassadors answered first that the judgment of things in his own Kingdom belonged to the King and then that the whole State thanks to their Conspiracies was so disturbed that they could not be sent for all the Country near the Alps and round about the place where they were being up in Arms it was not possible to remove them nor to conduct them securely and that therefore the King was not obliged to impossibilities But the Pope obstinately persisting in his demand the Ambassadors agreed at last to write about it into France and insisted that in the mean time the King having humbled himself and submitted to the Apostolick See the Decree of Sorbonne ought to be revoked and nullified being not only exorbitant and unjust but insolent and prejudicial to the Holy Chair whereof those Divines made so little reckoning that they had dared to determine a point of so great consequence as the deposing of a King a thing which though it should be granted to appertain to the Ecclesiastical power yet would it be simply proper to the highest power which is in the Vicar of Christ and not to that of a petulant Colledge consisting of a few passionate corrupted persons but neither could this be obtained for the Pope confessing that the Decree was presumptuous and worthy censure said that he would reserve himself to do it when the King had given him full satisfaction This seemed very strange to the Ambassadors and seeing that they had proposed all those spiritual satisfactions which they even to the prejudice of the Crown could offer with so great humiliation that more could not be desired from a King they intended to try another way and the Marquess whose Wife was a Roman began by means of that alliance to treat with Donna Camilla the Popes Sister offering amongst other rewards which the Popes Kindred should have if by their means the Absolution was obtained to give the Marquesate of Saluzzo in Fee-farm to Don Michele his Nephew which the King proffered the peace being made with the Catholicks of his Kingdom to recover at his own charge from the Duke of Savoy but neither could this prevail with the obdurateness of the Pope partly because the Marquesate was now in the power of another nor could it be regained without a tedious War partly because he saw the Kingdom involved in so great a distraction and the Catholick party so strong that he doubted whether his Absolution would be able to settle and restore its peace Moreover about this very time the Abbot of Orbais was arrived at Rome sent by the Duke of Mayenne the Dutchess of Nemours Madam de Montpensier and other Heads of the League on the one side to magnifie the Forces of the Union into which almost all the chief and most noted Cities of France were entered with an infinite concourse of the Nobility and Commons so that now the King was thereby not in writing but in deed deposed and robbed of his Crown and on the other to complain of the inclination which the Pope shewed to absolve Henry of Valois so they called him whereby he who was Head of the Catholick Church and to whom more than to any other it belonged to promote the Holy Union contracted for the defence of Religion and the liberty and dignity of the Apostolick See seemed to make but small account of it that the imputations of Rebellion and Treason which were cast upon the memory of the Duke and Cardinal of Guise were false and vain for they had never taken Arms against the King nor conspired any thing against him but always with due obedience and veneration of the Royal Name had sustained and defended the Catholick Religion against the powerful plots and forces of the Hugonots that it was known how Francis the Duke their Father had lost his life in the service of the Crown and of the Church of God as also the Duke of Aumale their Uncle slain fighting under the walls of Rochel for the Catholick Faith that it was likewise certain how much the Duke of Guise had laboured suffered and endured bearing Arms for the Kings service and for Religion that he had all his life-time born the scars in his face of the wounds he had received fighting against the Army of the Reiters for the defence of the Provinces and Confines of the Kingdom that he had defended the City of Poictiers against the long siege of the Hugonots led up the first Squadrons of the Army fighting victoriously against them at Iarnac and Moncontour that last of all with a handful of men he had exposed himself and the lives of all his Souldiers against that formidable Army of the Lutherans of Germany conquered it and dispersed it for the safety of the Kingdom and of all Christian people nor in all those toils and dangers had he ever pretended any other thing but to serve the King and defend the Catholicks from the imminent oppression of the Hugonots that if the King went from Paris upon the Insurrection of the Parisians the fault was his own in having put a Garison into a City where there never had been any and in having gone about to take away the lives of the chief Citizens but no conspiracy of the Duke of Guise's who rather had appeased the people and quieted the tumult that since then the King had been reconciled and had agreed to the pacification wherein the Lords of Lorain had neither demanded nor obtained other than that the publick exercise of the Hugonot Religion might be taken away and that War might be made against them and though some little shadow of suspicion should have remained the King ought to have forgotten it after so many Oaths taken among the sacred Ceremonies and not to make two most innocent Princes be murther'd under the Publick Faith for no other cause but to foment the Hugonot Forces and suppress the Catholick party and the Religion of God But though the Duke and Cardinal had committed some errour what crime could be objected against the Cardinal of Bourbon a most innocent peaceful old man who was most cruelly kept prisoner That these were arts and violent ways to take away that prop also from the Catholick party and to reduce the Succession into the relapsed excommunicate Hugonot Princes that the Pope ought to oppose his authority to this so evident design to punish what was past and provide against the future not being faulty to so many people who had unanimously resolved to spend their lives for the defence of Religion and to piece up and restore the trodden-down honour of the Holy Church that it became him being the Shepherd to go before his Flock and encourage them all to so holy so pious a work but that it was as unseemly that while all took Arms boldly he being so far from danger should be
the Sieur de la Noue they hastened their march in such manner that upon the Six and twentieth day they quartered within six leagues of the Duke of Mayenne's Army Wherefore the Duke that he might not be encompassed and because he was out of hope of doing any good at Diepe raised his Camp upon the Eight and twentieth day in the morning and drew toward Picardy to meet the Forces which by order from the Catholick King were coming out of Flanders with the Sieur de la Motte to his assistance The next day the Duke of Longueville and Mareschal d' Aumont joined with the King who having left the Mareschal de Byron at Diepe went forth with six hundred Horse and two thousand Foot to meet them and following the Army of the League the same way took Eu and the Castle of Gamaches before he passed the River Somme opportunely making use of the occasion while the Duke whose Army diminished continually by the running away of his men being intent upon his way marched still close and in order and went further from them so that without receiving the least harm the King came to Amiens the chief City of Picardy where he was entertained with very great pomp being met without the Gates by all the Citizens who presented unto him a Canopy of State to be carried over him as the custom is to do unto the King but he refused it giving great testimony of his prudence and moderation by an act of so great modesty Whilst he stays at Amiens to put the Army again in order and settle the affairs of that City four thousand English and a thousand Scots sent by Queen Elizabeth arrived at Diepe Wherefore the King to whom prosperous fortune began on all sides to shew her face being returned with his whole Army received them to the great contentment of every one for they had not only brought an exceeding quantity of victuals but also a certain sum of money which without delay or shewing the least sign of covetousness was presently all distributed to his Souldiers by which readiness though the sum was not great every body was equally pleased and satisfied The English having rested themselves and those that born the toils in the service at Diepe being refreshed after their sufferings in the best manner that possibly might be the King desirous not to lose time now that the Duke of Mayenne and his Army were far off resolved to assault the Suburbs of Paris not so much out of any grounded hope that by the benefit of some unexpected accident he should be able to take the City in the terrour and tumult of the people which by him and all his Commanders was thought impossible as by the pillage of those Suburbs full of the riches of many years to supply the evident necessity of his Army in which the Gentry no less than the private Souldiers were reduced to very great scarcity of money and not only the furniture of their horses but even their arms and wearing clothes spoiled and broken with ill weather and perpetual service With this design he departed from Diepe upon the Nineteenth of October having in his Army Twenty thousand Foot Three thousand Horse and Fourteen great Pieces and with convenient marches took the direct way to Paris The Grand Prior and the Baron de Guiry who succeeded in the place of Baqueville scoured the way before them with the Light-horse The Count de Soissons and the Mareschal d' Aumont led the Vanguard In the Battel was the King with the Mareschal de Byron and Monsieur de la Noue the Duke of Longueville led the Reer With this order as soon as the Army was come to Pont de l' Arche the Duke of Montpensier having passed the Seine with Three hundred Horse went towards Normandy to go to Caen and look to the affairs of that Province where the Forces of the League were very powerful Upon the last of October the King quartered with his Army a league from the Fauxbourgs of Paris where the tumult of the people and the trouble of the Dutchesses was very great seeing the Duke of Mayenne far off and the King come unexpectedly to assault the City at a time when they were perswaded he had enough to do to defend himself and that he was so weak he must needs be either presently suppressed or beaten out of the Kingdom for the Duke of Mayenne crying up the greatness of his Forces to the people when he went to the assault of Diepe had written to Paris that within few days he would either bring the King up prisoner or force him to flee shamefully into England Now businesses proving so contrary the City unprovided of Souldiers and seeing they could not hope for any relief was full of fear and trouble especially there being no Head of Authority who might keep the people in order and provide what should be needful For though Don Bernardino Mendozza the Spanish Ambassador laboured with all his power to comfort them with grave Speeches and with his presence in every place yet there was no man in whom the Parisians could much confide either for experience in arms or for alliance to that Family But at night Monsieur de Rhosne arrived opportunely who being at Estampes which Town he had taken a few days before marched fourteen leagues without any stay and came into the City though with but a few Horse in the beginning of the night At his arrival the Council of the League recovering courage resolved That the Suburbs should be defended to which end the people taking arms and all both great and little and even the very Fryars running armed they were in the best order that might be distributed in those Works which had been cast up three months before at the time when it was besieged by Henry the Third The King before peep of day upon the first of November being All Saints day divided his Foot into three Tertiaes one of which was led by the Mareschal de Byron the Baron his Son and the Sieur de Guitry to assault the Fauxbourg of St. Victoire and St. Marceau the second led by the Mareschal d' Aumont Monsieur d' Anville and Colonel de Rieux against the Fauxbourg of St. Iaques and St. Michael and the third commanded by the Sieurs de Chastillion and de la Noue assaulted the Fauxbourg of St. Germain The Cavalry being likewise distinguished into three Divisions one led by the King another by Count Soissons and the third by the Duke of Longueville stood all ready in the Field each Body as a reserve to its Squadron of Foot in case of any unexpected accident which might happen The assault began when it was broad day light and lasted very fierce for the space of an hour but the Works being beaten down in many places and there being no equality between the inexpertness of the people and the valour of the Kings Souldiers the Defendents were at
Forces to return and raise the siege which he was certain if they had but patience to suffer a little inconveniency would in the end prove vain and fruitless That in his stead he would leave his brother the D. of Nemours a youth of wonderful high courage and his Cousin the Chevalier d' Aumale to command the Soldiers and have care of the Military part of their defence and for other things the Cardinal-Legat and the Ministers of the Catholick King being there and seconded by the ardent zeal of the Council of Sixteen he could not doubt but all things would be managed with that prudence which need required That to shew how little he feared the City could fall into the Enemies hands and for a pledge of the speedy relief which he meant to make ready for them he would leave his Mother Wife Sister and Children in the City to bear part in that fortune which the Citizens should run That finally there being nothing else requisite but to perswade the people and resist the greediness of the belly he could not doubt of a happy issue with the exaltation of the League and total subversion of his enemies All of them commended his advice and the Heads of the people promised to keep united and constant in defending the place to the last man beseeching him onely to use all the speed he could possibly to prevent the extremities of the peoples sufferings who for Religion and in hope of his promises disposed themselves boldly to meet all those many weighty dangers which they saw hang over their heads The next day the Duke departed towards Picardy to meet with the D. of Parma General for the Catholick King in the Low-Countries knowing that to be the principal point and that if the Spaniards lent not their assistance in a considerable manner to him it would be a very difficult business to get a sufficient Army to raise the siege and relieve Paris and in the City they began with infinite diligence to repair the Walls to scowre the Moats to cast up Works to dispose their Artillery to arm the People and principally to provide whatsoever they possibly could against the imminent necessity of hunger In the mean time Manâ—e and Vernon had yielded themselves to the King since the Victory in which places he was constrained to stay longer than he intended for the extremity of ill weather and continual abundance of Rain had not onely overflowed the fields and made the wayes exceeding deep but had made it impossible to lie in the Field or march with Cannon and Baggage for men and horses could hardly save themselves and be secure within the shelter of houses In which time notice came to the King of another encounter which had happened in the Province of Auvergne near the Wall of Issoire where the Sieurs de Florat and Chaseron who were for him had routed and slain the Count of Randan who commanded for the League and with the death of about Two hundred of the Enemy had made themselves masters of the place Nor was it long before other news came from the Country of Mayne where Guy de Lansac who commanded the party of the League and the Sieur d' Hertre Governor of Alancon Head of the King's Forces charging one another had not altered the wonted event of things but Lansac Three hundred of his men being slain and the rest dispersed was fain to save himself by flight leaving the King's Forces master of the field in those parts These several disasters the news whereof came to Paris one upon the neck of another did much perplex the thoughts of those that governed but above all of the Cardinal-Legat upon whose shoulders lay the weight of all present affairs every one thinking that he as one that represented the Pope's person should in a cause wherein Religion was the principal object give supplies both of Men and Money for the relief of that adversity which the League was in at that time and the Duke of Mayenne complained publickly concerning it and wrote freely to the Pope that his backwardness to help so necessary a Cause was the principal occasion of all those evils The Spanish Ministers made the same lamentations being of opinion that the Legat was the cause the Catholick King was not satisfied in his demands and that while he neglecting his own businesses succoured the danger of Religion with Men and Money the Pope keeping his Purse close and nourishing ambiguous thoughts in his mind did neither send those necessary supplies which he had often promised nor consent to the satisfaction of the Catholick King who if his just demands had been yielded to would have employed his utmost Forces for the common benefit Nor were the Parisians backwarder in complaints than the rest who groaning under their present necessities and the extraordinary scarcity of provisions did importunately beg to be assisted by the Legat and relieved by the Pope since they did all and suffered all for the Catholick Faith and for the service of the Holy Church so that the Legat being surrounded by these troubles was in wonderful great anxiety of mind which was augmented to the extremity when he understood that by the Duke of Luxembourg's arrival and negotiation the Pope was almost utterly withdrawn from the designs of the League and moreover that he seemed ill satisfied at his being gone on to Paris and that he had not rather stayed in some neutral place as a disinteressed Mediatour between both parties and as a labourer for such a Peace as might be effected without danger or damage to the Catholick Religion The Duke of Luxembourg was gone to Rome with the name of Ambassador from the Catholicks that followed the King but indeed to see if he could reconcile the King himself to the Pope and to the Church and to take away those opinions which being spread abroad by those of the League were generally believed of him that he was an obdurate Heretick a persecutor of the Catholiks obstinate and disobedient to the Apostolick See and a perverse enemy to the Church Wherefore having first made a little stay at Venice to determine with that Senate what manner of proceeding was to be held all things being resolved on with most prudent advice he continued on his way boldly to Rome where having in his first audience by the dexterousness of his carriage introduced the Cause of the Catholicks into his discourse he excused them for following the King attributing it to be an advantage to the Catholick Religion not to abandon the lawful King in the hands of the Hugonots but to hold him on with protestations of service and win him by modest seasonable instances to return into the bosome of the Church which would absolutely have been despaired of if being forsaken by them he had been necessitated to have cast himself as a prey to Hereticks he began afterwards to let the Pope know those interests which under a cloke of Piety and under
of Nemours and the Chevalier d' Aumale did use all possible means to keep them together The besieged finding themselves in this streight writ to the Duke of Mayenne for a final resolution that if they were not relieved within ten days it would be impossible for them to hold out and having done all that was possible they should be excused both before God and man if they took care of their own safety and the Dutchess of Mayenne wrote to her Husband to the same purpose conjuring him by his affection to their children that he should not suffer them to fall into the hands of so bitter an Enemy Which Letters being reing received by the Duke and being in no less perplexity of mind than the Parisians he united all his Forces together and advanced to Meaux ten leagues distant from Paris and dispatched the Marquiss Alessandro Malaspina to let the Duke of Parma know that if he made not haste with his Army all their labour would be lost the besieged not being able to hold out any longer and for assurance of it sent him the same Letters he had received There were with the Duke of Mayenne besides Quiroga's mutineers Capizucchi's Tertia and the Walloon Horse the Duke of Parma had given him six hundred Lanciers of the Duke of Lorain's commanded by the Count de Chaligny Brother to the Queen Dowager of France the French Infantry under Colonel St. Paul the Duke of Aumale with the Troop of Picardy the Marquiss de Menelay Monsieur de Balagny Governour of Cambray and the Sieur de Rhosne and de la Chastre with their Regiments and Attendents which in all amounted to the number of Ten thousand Foot and Two thousand and four hundred Horse With these Forces though he advanced as far as Meaux to be ready upon any occasion that should be offered and to put courage in the besieged by being so near yet he did not think them sufficient to be able to relieve or victual Paris because he knew the King by the addition of many supplies had under his Colours Six and twenty thousand Foot and more than Seven thousand Horse among which Five thousand were Gentlemen who bearing Arms only for Honour being well attended and gallantly mounted were esteemed by him both for their number and quality without comparison superiour and therefore he dispatched Letters and Messengers every hour to the Vice-Seneschal de Montelimar who resided for him near the Duke of Parma to the end that he might with all diligence sollicite his coming without which he thought it impossible to relieve the besieged The Duke of Parma having called a Council of War upon the first of August told them the Order he had received from the Catholick King to march with the whole Army into France and said That that resolution was contrary to his opinion alledging the Reasons for which he esteemed the enterprise to be of great danger and little advantage But since it had pleased the King their Master to command it so as he was resolved in that Expedition to imploy all those abilities God had given him so he prayed all the rest to apply their endeavours to the end that the Offices committed to their care might be discharged to the praise of God the Kings satisfaction and to their own honour And there having given every one his charge he commanded that the Army already drawn down together should be ready to march by the fourth of that month He writ to the Duke of Mayenne the certainty and time of his coming and gave the Parisians notice of the same attesting to them That for the only purpose of relieving them and for the maintenance of Religion the Catholick King neglecting his own Affairs sparing neither blood nor money and without those securities of strong Towns for Magazines of Arms and places of Retreat upon the Confines which are wont to be demanded and granted to the end that every one might know his candour in proceeding to be more lively and more real undertook that weighty enterprise which nevertheless he hoped by the help of God and the justice of the Cause to bring to an happy conclusion and with this Resolution his Army moved upon the Fourth of August toward Valenciennes The Marquiss de Ranti led the Van in the Battel with the Duke were the Princes of Ascoli Chasteau-bertrand and Chimay the Count de Barlemont the Count of Arambergh and many other Flemish Italian and Spanish Lords The Sieur de la Mothe Governour of Graveling commanded the Reer in which there were twenty pieces of Cannon two Bridges to be made upon Boats and all those other warlike instruments which are wont to be carried along in Royal Armies The Duke of Parma's Armies had ever been very well disciplined ready and accustomed to hardship punctual in obedience of commands and no ways given to pillage or plunder in a Friends Country And now knowing he was to enter into a Kingdom where the name of a Spaniard was generally hated by the people and that he was no less to govern suspicious minds ready to rise upon every slight occasion than to make War with a victorious Army and a wary compleat Souldier he was more careful than ever and strove with all possible diligence to keep his Souldiers from doing any injury using any violence or giving any cause of complaint unto the French He encamped always as if the Enemies Army had been close by him kept all his men together from stragling and orderly in their quarters he made careful discoveries and marched without confusion or tumult he came into quarters betimes in the evening and while they were disposed of and made defensible he caused the greater part of the Army to stand to their Arms he ordered strong Convoys to attend the Victual whereof he had made and did still make exceeding great provisions and yielding the honour and advantage in all things to the French strove to gain the love of the Nation to which end he having lived in Flanders among the Spaniards with retiredness and gravity equal to the humour of those with whom he conversed now being come into France he laid aside the state of Ante-chambers and the strict keeping of doors eat in publick kept a Table for the French Gentlemen and both in words and actions shewed himself wonderful affable and familiar And because in that multitude of Officers of note that were about him he resolved only to trust himself he would personally hear the relations of those parties that had been abroad to discover and scowr the ways himself would talk with Spies dispose the order of the Guards and hearken to all things appertaining to the discipline of his Army for which purpose watching all the night he only gave those few hours to sleep which past between the beating of the Keveille and the marching of his Army With this diligence marching gently not to tire out his men he came to Meaux ten
of each party That afterwards time and occasions would of themselves minister remedies proportionable to the disease and the means of getting one day out of those Labyrinths The King best liked this advice which was also confirmed by the Mareschal de Biron to whose opinion all serious matters were at last referred Whereupon he presently dispatched Letters to the Cardinal of Bourbon and the other Lords of the Council that they should come to him to the Camp he having need of their help and assistance and removing the Count de Soissons from the Government of those parts he sent to Govern Poictou and Tourain the Prince of Conty a man not engaged in the plot and already excluded by his own Brothers For the Count de Soissons also angry because the King having often promised him his own Sister the Lady Catherine to Wife did now refuse to give her him assented to the Cardinals designs with hopes also that though he were the younger Brother yet being a Lay-man the Election which the Catholick Princes of the Blood should make might fall upon him Whereupon the Cardinal being come to the Camp before Chartres and continuing to come to the Council hapned to be present at the Edict which was made in favour of the Hugonots which he opposed both by his gestures and words and after it was passed ceased not to talk sinisterly of it to perswade the Catholicks to comply with him Nor could the King so easily have dis-entangled himself from that tumult if an engine framed by the League to do him hurt had not proved of admirable advantage to him Landriano the Nuncio was come to Rhems being sent by the Pope with Monitory Letters directed to the Prelates that followed the Kings party and to the Nobility Cities and people of the same party wherein after the wonted Prefaces and having copiously exaggerated and detested the Error which the Catholicks especially the Clergy committed in following and fomenting a King that was a relapsed and excommunicated Heretick and in voluntarily putting upon their own necks the miserable yoak of the servitude of Heresie he did at last with pregnant words ordain and expresly command the Clergy under pain of Excommunication of being deprived of their Dignities and Benefices and of being used as Sectaries and Hereticks that within a certain time they should withdraw themselves from those places that yielded obedience to Henry of Bourbon and from the union and fellowship of his Faction and admonished and exhorted but in the end also commanded the Nobility and People that forsaking all and leaving those places that acknowledged the Hereticks they should retire among the Catholicks and such as obeyed the Apostolick See in the true unity of the Faith The whole Monitory was full of grave and exquisit words high and threatning expressions sharp and rigorous commands and in sum such as seemed not to sute much with the present time wherein the Kings Forces went on prosperously and the affairs of the League were diminished both in strength and reputation wherefore being taken into consideration by the D. of Mayenne and the principal heads of his party many were of opinion and particularly Monsieur de Villeroy that it was good to defer the publication thereof till another time when the Arms of the Confederates being in greater credit and reputation they might hope to reap some fruit by it But the Nuncio little versed in the affairs of France and accustomed to measure things by the opinions of the Court of Rome the Bish. of Piacenza also though he was better experienced in the present businesses yet wholly intent to please the Pope and win his favor and the Spanish Ministers being perswaded by hatred and inticed with a desire to see things every day more disturbed were resolved that the Monitory should be published The French Lords considered that it was not only a thing very difficult but also not by any means to be hoped for that the Prelates and the Nobility who had their wealth dignities and Prelacies in the Kings hands should resolve to forsake them to satisfie the Pope their number being but small now adayes who for their souls sake are content to fâ—rgo their estates that moreover they had already from the beginning expected these commands and menaces from the Pope and had prepared their minds to bear them That the more they were forc'd the more obdurate they would be and losing all hope of ever being received into the Popes favor would become more obstinate in following their party and labouring to get the Victory That it was needful to allure them and draw them cunningly not to terrifie them and drive them into utter despair Thaâ— such-like threats would be proper after a Victory to give them colour and occasion upon that pretence to fall from the King when his affairs were languishing but not now when being powerful and flourishing it was not to be believed that any body would forsake him That prudent resolutions were not to be grounded upon probabilities but truths nor ought things to be regulated according to the opinion of those that judged afar off but by the judgment of men who besides their long experience in affairs were present upon the place it self The Popish and Spanish Ministers thought these things were spoken out of a common charity to the Nation not because they were true and the Duke of Mayenne who had set all his hopes upon the coming of the Forces out of Italy and Flanders and would not distaste those Princes referred himself to them and therefore without delaying the Monitory was presently published which produced the same effect the French Lords had foretold for the King having called his Council wherein he would have all the Prelates that were in Mante and the most conspicuous persons of his Army to be present complained grievously of the course which the Pope took with him at that present praised and commended the moderation of Sixtus who being made sensible that the discords grew from the ambition and covetousness of dividing the Kingdom and not from zeal and affection towards Religion had forborn to give assistance to the League and tacitely granted him time to think of turning opportunely to the Catholick Faith cherishing and graciously hearkning to those who followed him for a good end and for the service of God of Justice and of their Country as the Duke of Luxembourg could give full testimony He declared his intention to observe what he had sincerely promised to the Catholick Nobility in the beginning of his Reign he excused himself that he had been hindered by the heat of War from using those means which he thought fitting both for the importance of the business and the quality of his Person and at last exhorted all the Clergy Nobility and Commons to use all their uttermost endeavors to conserve the immunities and priviledges of the Gallique Church not to suffer that Kingdom to be divided and dismembred which they had
of the enemies hands That he had taken away the victory and reputation from the King of Navar who oppressing the French in all places had been opportunely bridled onely by the power of his Army and that now also though the Count de Vaudemont with the Forces of Lorain had left him and though the chief French who were interessed had come but slowly to the Army he would have made an end of suppressing the King if they would have agreed to follow him and if by imprudently thrusting themselves into a net shut up on all sides they had not spoiled the fruits of the Victory and lost the opportunity which presented it self of ending the War victoriously at the last That the Catholick King poured out the gold and blood of his Kingdoms prodigally for their benefit and they on the contrary having no other aim but to grow rich in particular cared but little for the publick good and much less for the safety of the Kingdom and finally That he would not stay unprofitably and without fruit at Rouen and suffer not onely the affairs of Flanders but even also those of France to go to ruine without remedy From these words their actions were not different for the Duke of Mayenne pretending a necessity to take Physick would needs stay at Rouen and not follow the Army that marched away and the Duke of Parma vext that he would not go with him would not leave him any Forces at all but on the other side taking with him the Duke of Guise gave out that he would leave the Command to him of those Spanish Forces that should stay in France which more than any thing else nettled the Duke of Mayenne who the Cardinal-Legat departing also with the Army remained alone and forsaken being scarce able to obtain that the Pope's Swissers and Commissary Matteucci should stay with him at Rouen and yet even this also was a stone of exceeding great scandal for Matteucci a man of a harsh carriage and most wilful in his opinions either having such orders from Rome or because he had not money to pay them would needs dismiss the Swisses within a while after neither was it possible by any kind of reasons perswasions or threatnings to alter his determination but the Duke of Mayenne having earnestly desired him to stay them yet a moneth longer offering to pay them himself if he would not keep them in his own pay could not prevail any thing at all whereat highly incensed and grieved that he was ill dealt with by them all he gave order that Matteucci should be seized upon which though it were not effected because he hid himself in the habit of a Soldier and departed with the same Swisses and because the Duke the first fury of his wrath being over dissembled the business and did not care to have his order put in execution yet notwithstanding the Legat complained grievously about it and the thing was very ill taken at Rome whereupon the Duke's discontents multiplied on all sides which had so much power on him that he began afresh to lend his ear to a Treaty of Peace which Monsieur de Villeroy had never given over to manage out of a desire to conclude an Agreement with the King and by that means to free themselves from the mischief as he said of forraign Forces Monsieur de Villeroy had kept the Treaty alive sometimes with one sometimes with another of the King's party and as either side had the better so did the Treaty vary accordingly for when the King felt himself much straitned by the Enemy he fell into a thought of satisfying the party of the League and of freeing himself from danger and trouble and when the Duke of Mayenne found himself either ill dealt withall or slenderly assisted by the Confederates he also inclined towards the hopes of an Accommodation but the insuperable difficulty that was in the King's conversion because he would not do it at the request of his enemies and the Duke 's not being willing to conclude the Treaty unless he were first a Catholick had alwayes cut off the practices and put the business in a total desperation But about this time Monsieur de Villeroy having treated long and freely about it with Monsieur de l' Ominie one of the King's Secretaries of State who had been taken prisoner and was at Pontoyse he after he had his liberty treated of it with the King just at the time when by reason of the Duke of Parma's drawing near he was both in danger and trouble wherefore he gave order to the Sieur du Plessis Mornay who formerly had treated about it being a man in whom by reason of his wisdom and learning he confided very much that he should renew the discourse of it again with Monsieur de Villeroy who having written several times to the Duke of Mayenne and to President Ieannin concerning it at last after much treating the Duke who had never been willing to condescend to any particular had at this time declared himself by Villeroy That if the King would give security of his conversion and satisfaction to him and the other Lords of his party he would agree to acknowledge and submit himself unto him Du Plessis and Villeroy treated together with mutual promises of secrecy but no evasion could be found whereby the King not turning his Religion at the present they of the League could be secure that he would do it for the future since they alledged that the King had from the beginning promised those very Catholicks that followed him that he would do it and yet had never performed it to them whereupon it could not be hoped that he would assuredly do it at the importunity of his Enemies Besides that the King would make that promise with uncertain and ambiguous words and with a reservation of being taught and instructed which as they were like to afford sufficient matter of excuse to whatsoever resolution he should take so did they not quiet the Duke of Mayenne and the Conditions that were propounded in his particular and in that of the other Princes and Lords of his party did not absolutely satisfie them Wherefore after much treating and after much writing and replying in the end President Ieannin wrote by the Dukes order to Villeroy and gave him Commission to propound for the last Conditions That the business of the Kings Conversion should be referred to the Popes arbiâ—rement to whom the King should send the Marquiss de Pisani accompanied with Cardinal Gondi to know his pleasure and to receive those Conditions in that matter which the Apostolick See should judge convenient and that he himself would send a person expresly and would give order to his Agents at Rome to promote the business and help to overcome the difficulties that the Pope might be brought to some reasonable determination That for security that the King should persevere in the Catholick Religion and maintain the Peace the
Places Cities and Fortresses should for the space of six years remain in the hands of those that possessed them at that present to restore them to the King and to his free disposing within that time if they saw the Peace go on sincerely That the Government of Bourgogne with all the places also that held for the King should be left to the Duke of Mayenne which Government should be hereditary to his Sons with authority of disposing and distributing the Benefices Offices Governments and Places which should become void in that Province for the time to come That the King should give him an Office of the Crown superiour to the rest as it might be of Constable or of his Lieutenant-General That he should give him such a sum of money as should be sufficient to pay those debts which he was run into upon that present occasion That to the Government of Bourgogne that of Lyons and Lyonois should be added That the King should provide another Government for the Duke of Nemours which should be equivalent to it That the Duke of Guisâ— should have the Government of Champagne and two strong Holds for his security the Duke of Mercâ—ur that of Bretagne the Duke of Ioyâ—use that of Languedoâ— the Duke of Aumale that of Picardy and for his security St. Esprit de Rue That all the Lords of the League should be maintained in their Places Offices Dignities and Governments which they had possessed before the beginning of the War That the Catholick King should be comprehended in the Peace and reasonable satisfaction given to him for his pretensions That there should be an Act of Oblivion concerning all things that had befaln in the War and that the Narrative and Preamble of the Accommodation should be written in such manner as it might clearly appear the Duke of Mayenne had not acknowledged the King till then in respect of Religion and that now he did it by reason of his Conversion with the Popes consent and that also it might expresly appear he had no hand in the death of the late King Henry his last Predecessor These Conditions the Sieur de Villeroy imparted to Monsieur du Plessis and gave him an extract of them they being set down at large with their Causes and Reasons in the Presidents Letter Du Plessis first made small show to approve of them but Villeroy replied That this was not an Agreement with the Hugonots who by all Laws Divine and Humane were obliged to acknowledge their King established but a Capitulation whereby the Lords of the Union were contented to acknowledge or to say better upon certain conditions to make one King who was not Possessor of the Kingdom that that acknowledgment of theirs coming to pass the King would thereby attain the Crown of France which he possessed not and that therefore the Conditions ought not to seem strange unto him That the Lords of the League did now require all which they thought fit for their security because when the acknowledgment was once made they should be then no longer able to treat or demand any thing but as Subjects simply to beseech their Sovereign Lord That it was no wonder they should demand much at one time being very certain that after that they should never obtain any thing more during his Reign nor perchance in that of his Sons neither That the Duke of Mayenne had shewed himself so good a French-man that he would rather acknowledge a French King though an Enemy upon these conditions than a Stranger though a Friend and a Confident upon much greater ones That the King had always said he would content and secure the Lords of the House of Lorain and all the others of their party and lately while the War was in the heat before Caudebec had affirmed as much with his own mouth to the Baron de Luz with whom he had discoursed long about it in the field telling him That if the Lords of the Union would acknowledge and follow him he would not refuse any conditions and particularly that to his power he would give worthy satisfaction to the Duke of Mayenne whom he knew to be a good Prince and a good French-man That the Mareschal d' Aumont had by his orders repeated the same to the same Baron and therefore that ought not to appear strange now which he himself had proffered but a few days before But the Sieur du Plessis considered that to refer the business of the Kings Conversion to the Pope from whom by reason of the Spaniards power nothing at all would be obtained replied That it was not a thing to be expected from any other means but from Gods Divine Inspiration after such Instructions as should make him know himself to be in an errour for otherwise it was an unlawful thing to demand it and much worse to grant it the Soul being first to be thought of and then the affairs of the World And as for the other conditions repeating them one by one he shewed that if all the Governments and all the Places and Benefices should remain in the gift of the Lords of the Union the King would neither have any thing to reserve nor to grant to those of his own party and that it would be a monstrous thing to see all the Provinces in the hand of one only Family and the Princes of the Blood and so many other Lords excluded who had laboured and endangered their lives for the Kings Crown And yet after having again promised secrecy which the Duke of Mayenne required above all other things he said he would speak with the King himself concerning it and refer the resolution to his pleasure But being come into the Kings Council at Bussy where they were he was so far from favouring the Treaty of Peace and the Conditions propounded or from observing that secresie he had promised that publickly in the presence of all the Council he demanded pardon for having till then not any way out of an evil intention but through inadvertency deceived His Majesty since such Conditions had been propounded to him that he was ashamed of them and did much disdain to publish them He confessed that he had believed too much out of his desire of Peace and out of a will to serve the Publick Cause but the Conditions that were propounded were so unjust and dishonourable for the King and so pernicious for the whole Kingdom that they plainly shewed the Duke of Mayenne and those of his party had no thought of Peace but that they sought to hold the King in hand and to work a jealousie in the Spaniards to draw money and satisfactions from them That the things propounded were such as did not deserve any answer nor did he think them worthy to be heard by that Council and yet having proposed them with this Preamble not only the whole Council but even the King himself thought them not so exorbitant as he represented them and so much the rather because every one knew
its advantage and profit and much more for its honour and reputation that so famous an Assembly should be made in their City they intervening and assisting in it The Cardinal Legat assented also to this opinion as well not to incommodate himself with the expence of new journeys as because he thought by the heat of the Parisians to bring the Assembly to make election of that King who should be of greatest satisfaction to the Apostolick See and to the intentions of the King of Spain Wherefore the Duke of Mayenne having left the Government of the Army to the Sieur de Rosne by him created Mareschal and Governour of the Isle of France went to Paris with a small retinue and there with his presence and with his words laboured to comfort the afflicted people for the dearth of victual and the interruption of commerce and trading in the City shewing them that within a few days there would be some course taken in the Assembly of the States and convenient order setled totally to free the City and ease it of its present necessities striving with liberal promises and by honouring and cherishing every one especially the Magistrates of the City and the Preachers to gain the good will of the people which by his late severity he feared he had wholly lost It was not without great reason that the Duke of Mayenne hoped at last to transfer the Crown upon himself and his Posterity for considering the present estate with due regard it was clear that neither the Union of the Crowns nor the Election of Infanta Isabella things laboured for by the Spaniards would ever be endured by the French who by no kind of interest by no kind of practice could ever be brought to submit themselves to the Empire of their natural Enemies and though some particular men corrupted with money or by the expectation of places and honours had accommodated their gust unto it yet the general which was more powerful would never have been perswaded by any means Wherefore these pretensions failing and being excluded he thought and reason told him so that the Catholick King could not concur more willingly to the election of any other than his own person since if either the Duke of Lorain or the Duke of Savoy should be elected as the report went by the party that they should make new States and power would be added to the Crown of France with the augmentation whereof it was likely the Catholick King would not be well pleased but rather that it should decrease in strength and greatness he did not see that the Catholick King could expect to draw greater fruit from his past labours and expences than in chusing him who by reason of the need he should have of him to establish himself in the Kingdom would be constrained by necessity to content him and to condescend to many things which the rest peâ—haps would not so easily consent to The same he judged of the Pope who as far from interests and full of that moderation which he made shew of would more willingly yield to him than any other not to deprive him of the fruit of his so great labours considering that he alone had sustained the Catholick party and the Cause of Religion which no other either by authority or prudence could have been able to sustain He saw the French generally inclined and disposed in favour of him by reason of his authority in the party whereof he had so long been the Chief and that between the Dignity and Office he now possessed and the full power of King there was no other difference but the title he already holding the administration of affairs as Lieutenant of the Crown He knew that not one of the rest of his Family could equal himself to him either for valour merit experience or authority and that the sole shadow of his will would confound and terrifie them all To this was added the diligence wherewith the Deputies had been elected to his advantage the inclination of the Parliament newly by the punishment of the Sixteen by him restored to its being the dependence of the Council of State and the art of managing this design in which Conditions all the rest were incomparably inferiour to him The sâ—me conceit had the Duke of Parma who after that his counsel of overcoming things with patience and drawing matters out in length was no longer hearkned to in Spain thought the election of the Duke of Mayenne more profitable for the Catholick Kings affairs than that of any other man because he might be established with more facility less charge and more advantageous Conditions wherefore he writ into Spain about it and it appeared that in the course of the business he would have favoured his affairs either because he so judged it profitable for King Philip as he demonstrated or as the other Ministers said because he desired not that the Spanish Monarchy should increase to such a height and come to the only one in Christendom without counterpoise or opposition But his death which happened upon the second day of December in the City of Arras after a long painful sickness did something vary the state of things as the Spaniards then said to the advantage of the Catholick Kings affairs but as it appeared afterwards by the effects to their notable damage for the reputation of his name being removed which had already brought the humour of the French as it were into obedience they neither much esteemed the other Spanish Commanders and Ministers nor were the Ministers themselves equal to him either in knowledge or authority and having conceits and opinions different from those which he prudently nourished in his mind and wherewith he had managed the business till then they went on afterwards with such a precipice that the Catholick Kings affairs took an impression very different from what they held at that present But the Duke of Mayenne with the loss of him lost also much of his hopes and seeing the other Ministers particularly Diego d' Ivarra utterly averse from him he began to doubt he should be forced to take another resolution and thought to guide his businesses with more art and caution than he had formerly done Nevertheless the Convocation of the States was advanced so far that it could no longer be deferred and it was necessary to assemble it as well not to break absolutely with the Spaniards as to satisfie the Popes importunities but most of all because the Deputies were already elected and many of them upon their way to Paris These things happened Anno 1592 in which year various fortune had with divers accidents troubled the other Provinces of the Kingdom Monsieur de la Valette Governour of Provence had in the beginning of the year laid siege to Rochebrune a place held in that Province by the Duke of Savoy and after he had in vain battered it many days being resolved to remove his Artillery and plant them in another
acknowledge the King of Navar for Superior though he should turn his Religion and make show to live as a Catholick to which the Duke of Mayenne not consenting as a thing very different from his practices and intentions the other Deputies that were present spake against it with divers reasons But the Legat urging with wonderful vehemence at last the Archbishop of Lyons said that the States were Catholicks obedient to the holy Church under the superiority of the Apostolick See in such cases and met together in obedience to the Pope and that therefore they would not be so impudent as to go about to bind his hands and presumptuously to declare that which he had not declared preventing his Judgments and declaring the King of Navar irreconcilable to the Church by a vain determination which was out of the Secular Power and wholly proper to the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction and that therefore they were resolved not to proceed to that Oath lest they should offend their own consciences and the Majesty and Jurisdiction of the Pope and the Apostolick See Which reason with the decency thereof stopt the Legat's mouth and the Duke of Mayenne's intention not to proceed to that Declaration prevailed But upon the Twenty eighth day there came one of the King's Trumpets to the Gate of the City desiring to be brought in that he might deliver a Packet of Letters directed to the Count de Belin Governor of it and being ask'd what his business was he answered freely and publickly That he brought a Declaration of the Catholicks of the King's party addressed to the Assembly of the States and being come before the Governor he gave the Letters into his hand and made the contents of them more fully known among the People The Governor carried the Packet to the Duke of Mayenne who lay troubled in his Bed and not being willing to open it but in the presence of all the Confederates he sent for the Legate the Cardinal of Pelle-vé Diego d Ivarra the Sieur de Bassompiere Ambassador from the Duke of Lorain the Arch-bishop of Lyons Monsieur de Rosne the Count de Belin the Viscount de Tavannes the Sieur de Villars by him newly declared Admiral Monsieur de Villeroy President Ieannin and two of the ordinary Secretaries which they called Secretaries of State in the presence of whom the cover being taken off there was a Writing found with this Title The Proposition of the Princes Prelates Officers of the Crown and chief Catholick Lords as well Counsellors of the King as others now present with his Majesty tending to the end of obtaining Peace so necessary to this Kingdom for the conservation of the Catholick Religion and of the State made to the Duke of Mayenne and the Princes of his Family the Lords and other persons sent by some Cities and Corporations at this present assembled in the City of Paris Having seen the Title and every one being desirous to hear the contents the Writing was read by one of the Secretaries being of this Tenor following THe Princes Prelates Officers of the Crown and Chief Catholick Lords as well of the Council as attendance of His Majesty having seen a Declaration Printed at Paris in the name of the Duke of Mayenne dated in the month of December published with the sound of the Trumpet in the said City upon the Fifth day of this present Month of Ianuary as is found at the bottom of it and which came into their hands a◠Chartres do acknowledge and are of opinion with the said Duke of Mayenne that the continuance of this War bringing the ruine and destruction of the State doth also by necessary consequence draw along with it the ruine of the Catholick Religion as experience hath but too well shewed us to the great grief of the said Princes Lords and Catholick States who do acknowledge the King whom God hath given them and serve him as they are naturally obliged having with this duty ever made the Conservation of the Catholick Religion their principal aim and have then always been most animated with their Arms and Forces to defend the Crown under the obedience of his Majesty when they have seen strangers enemies to the greatness of this Monarchy and to the honor and glory of the French name enter into this Kingdom for it is too evident that they tend to nothing else but to dissipate it and from its dissipation would follow an Immortal War which in time could produce no other effects save the total ruine of the Clergy Nobility Gentry Cities and Countries an event which would also infallibly happen to the Catholick Religion in this Kingdom Thence it is that all good Frenchmen and all those that are truly zealous thereof ought to strive with all their Forces to hinder the first inconvenience from which the second is inseparable and both inevitable by the continuation of the War The true means to prevent them would be a good Peace and a reconciliation between those whom the misfortune hereof keeps so divided and armed to the destruction of one another for upon this foundation Religion would be restored Churches preserved the Clergy maintained in their estates and reputation and Justice setled again the Nobility would recover their ancient force and vigour for the defence and quiet of the Kingdom the Cities would recover their losses and ruines by the re-establishment of Commerce Trades and employments maintainers of the people which are in a manner utterly extinct the Universities would again betake themselves to the study of Sciences which in times past have caused this Kingdom to flourish and given splendour and ornament unto it which at this present languish and are by little and little wasting to nothing the fields would again be tilled which in so many places are left fallow and barren and in stead of the fruits they were wont to bring forth for man's nourishment are now covered with thorns and thistles in summ by Peace every one might do his duty God might be served and the people enjoying a secure Peace would bless those who had procured them that happiness whereas on the contrary they will have just cause to complain and curse those that shall hinder i◠To this effect upon the Declaration which the said Duke of Mayenne makes by his writing as well in his own name as in the names of the rest of his party assembled in Paris where he alledgeth that he hath called the States to take some course and Counsel for the good of the Catholick Religion and the repose of this Kingdom it being clear that if for no other reason yet because of the place alone where it is neither lawful nor reasonable that any other but they of their own party should interview no resolution can proceed from it that can be valid or profitable for the effect which he hath published and it being rather most certain that this can nothing but inflame the War so much the more and take away
all hopes and means of reconciliation the said Princes Prelates Officers of the Crown and other Catholick Lords now present with His Majesty being certain that the other Princes Lords and Catholick States who acknowledge Him do concurr with them in the same zeal towards the Catholick Religion and the good of the State as they agree in the obedience and fidelity due unto their King and natural Prince have in the name of all and with the leave and permission of his Majesty thought fit by this Writing to make know 〈◊〉 the said Duke of Mayenne and the other Princes of his Family Prelates Lords and other persons assembled in the City of Paris that if they will enter into conference and communication about the means proper to bury these tumults for the conservation of the Catholick Religion and of the State and depute any persons of worth and integrity to meet joyntly at a place which may be chosen between Paris and St. Denis they will on their parts send thither upon the day that shall be appointed and agreed upon to receive and carry all those resolutions and overtures which may be proposed for so good a purpose as they are confident that if every one will bring those good inclinations he is obliged to which they for their parts promise to do means may be found to attain to so great a happiness protesting before God and men that if neglecting this way they shall use other unlawful means which cannot chuse but be pernicious to Religion and the State if they shall compleat the reducing of France to the last period of all calamity and misery making it a prey and a spoil to the insatiable greediness of the Spaniards and a trophy of their insolency gotten by the practices and blind passions of a part of them who carry the name of French-men degenerating from the duty which hath been held in so great veneration by our Ancestors the fault of that evil that shall come thereby cannot nor ought not justly to be ascribed to any others than those who shall be notoriously known to be the sole authors of such a refusal as men who prefer the ways that are fit to serve their own particular greatness and ambition and that of their fomenters before those which aime at the glory of God and the safety of the Kingdom Given in the King's Council where the said Princes and Lords have purposely assembled themselves and with his Majesties permission resolved to make the above-said Propositions and Overtures at Chartres the Seven and twentieth of Ianuary 1593. Subscribed Râ—vol The first mover of this Writing penned and presented in this manner was the Sieur de Villeroy for being of himself averse to the Spanish attempt and rather inclined to an Agreement with the King than to any other resolution and being set on by the Duke of Mayenne desirous to put some Treaty on foot to make use of it as occasion should serve for his own advantage wrote to his brother-in-law the Sieur de Feury that addressing himself to the Duke of Nevers and the other Catholick Lords that were with the King he should shew them in how great danger the affairs of the Kingdom were with how much earnestness the Spaniards had set themselves to promote the election of the Infanta Isabella how many there were that for their own interests favoured that election and how the Duke of Mayenne who had never been able to indure the King to be reconciled to the Church was now in such a necessity that he would be constrained to agree with the Catholick King if by some means they did not interrupt those proceedings That they should consider if strangers should obtain their intent and that the Lords of the House of Lorain and the other Confederates should oblige themselves unto it in how great danger the King would be to be deprived of the Kingdom being to fight with the Spanish power which then would employ it self wholly to his ruine the mindes of the French Confederates would become irreconcileable as if of their own accord they had put themselves under the servitude and engaged themselves under the dominion of strangers the way to a reconciliation with the Pope and with the Church would be shut up when once he should have approved of the election which the States were to make within a few weeks and that therefore time was not to be lost but some way found to interrupt the course of those designs These Considerations were represented by the Sieur de Fleury not onely to the Duke of Nevers but to Gaspar Count of Schombergh who about that time having been sent for by the King was come to Court He by birth was a German and by nature a man not onely of great courage but free in his opinions and words and for his experience and valour highly esteemed by every one wary in his courses provident in his actions infinitely inclined and very faithful to the King and which at that time was much to the purpose one who had not been present at the consultations that had been held among the Catholicks about forsaking him and for this cause had more authority and belief with him to treat upon this business than the Duke of Nevers and many others Wherefore being of opinion that the Considerations represented by Villeroy were most important and that to them many others were added for already every one knew that the Cardinal of Bourbon was thinking to depart and go over to the League and that many Princes of the Blood and other Lords were inclined to follow that resolution that the Catholicks for the most part holding themselves deceived and mocked by the King's promises were very ill satisfied and that every one weary of the War longed impatiently for Peace he found a fit conjuncture to discourse with the King about it and with solid effectual eloquence wherein he was very prevalent made him fully acquainted with those reasons which out of respect were coldly and but in part represented to him by others and demonstrated to him the nearness of his ruine unless he suddenly took some course to content the Catholicks and to cross the designes and attempts of the Spaniards The conjucture of the time was also favourable for the King 's late prosperities had brought him into such a condition that if the Catholicks persevered constantly to serve him he had but little need of forraign Forces which of how little benefit they were and how much mischief they did to his Country he himself had already found The Sieur du Plessis was far off who with his reasons partly Theological partly Political was wont to withhold him and put scruples in his minde to the end he might not change his Religion and the Duke of Bouillon then Head of the Hugonots who was present at the business had ever been one of those who were of opinion that the King could never be a peaceable possessor of the Crown unless he changed
his Religion and perchance for his own interest it displeased him not that the King should turn Catholick to the end the first place among the Hugonotsa might remain to him Wherefore all these obstacles being removed and necessâ—ty urging for already the Cardinal of Bourbon and Count Soissons with many other began to talk very plainly and the States assembled by the League being in much greater consideration with the King than perhaps they were with the Confederates themselves after many consultations with the Duke of Bouillon the Duke of Nevers the High-Chancellor and President de Thon to whom by reason of his learning and experience the King gave much credit he resolved that the Catholicks should make this Overture with intent either to interrupt the course of the State by that means or else to resolve upon an Accommodation and Reconciliation with the Apostolick See and the Lords of the house of Lorain As soon as the Writing was read in the presence of the Duke of Mayenne and the other Lords the Cardinal of Piacenza rose up in choler and without consultation or deliberation said angerly that that Proposition was full of Heresies and that they were Hereticks that should take it into consideration and therefore it was by no means fitting to give any Answer to it Cardinal Pelle-ve and Diego d' Ivarra assented without any demur but the Duke of Mayenne remained in suspence as also the rest that were present who durst not immediately oppose the Legate's words But Villeroy and Ieannin not losing courage without contradicting the Cardinal found another evasion and said That the Writing not being directed to the Duke of Mayenne alone but to the whole assembly of the States and the Trumpet having freely said so to many at his entrance into the City whereby the business was become publick it was fit to communicate it to the States and refer it to them to the end that the Deputies might not be disgusted in the very beginning and believe that they were not freely and fairly dealt withal but that endeavors were used to conceal many things from them and to deceive them That this would be an ill beginning and would not onely cause suspition but also disunion among the Deputies The Count de Belin added that the Trumpet had not onely told that the Writing was directed to the whole Assembly but had also scattered some copies of it among the People as he thought he had heard whereby it was so much the more publick and could not be concealed from the Deputies It was determined that every one should consider of what he thought most convenient to resolve about it in the same place against the next day which being come though the Legate and Spanish Ambassador laboured stifly that the Writing might be suppressed and rejected the Duke of Mayenne nevertheless with the votes of the major part concluded not to use his Deputies ill nor give them cause of distaste but bearing that respect to them which was fit would have the Writing read in the full Assembly where afterwards that should be resolved on that should be thought most convenient which while it was deferred by reason of the contrariety of opinions and of the Obstacles that were interposed the King being at Chartres published a Manifest upon the nine and twentieth day wherein after having briefly attested his singular affection toward the general good and safety He said he was extremely grieved to have happened in such perverse times wherein many degenerating from that fidelity towards their Princes which had ever been peculiar to the French Nation did now use all their studies and endeavors to oppugne the Royal Authority under pretence of Religion which pretence how falsely it was usurped by them was clearly seen in the War twice attempted against the happy memory of Henry the Third which it was not possible to value so much as to think the cause thereof could be attributed to matter of Religion he having ever been most Catholick and most observant of the See of Rome and imployed with his Arms even against those that were not of the Catholick Religion to subdue them at the same time when they having furiously taken Arms ran to Tours to suppress and besiege him and that now it was more clear than the Sun it self how improperly and unjustly they made use of the same colour against him for by how much the more they sought to mask and palliate their malignity under that specious cloke so much the more breaking forth did it shew it self clearly to the eyes of all men nor was there any one who knew not that their conspiracy attempted for the oppression and ruine of their Country was not caused by zeal to Religion but that their union appeared manifestly to be composed of three kinds of Persons for three different reasons First the wickedness of them who led by an incredible desire to possess and dissipate the Kingdom had made themselves Heads and Authors of this Rebellion Secondly the craftiness of Strangers antient enemies to the French name and Crown who having found this opportunity of executing their inveterate designs had voluntarily joyned themselves with their assistance to be Companions in so perfidious a Conspiracy And lastly the fury of some of the meanest dregâ— of the People who being abandoned by fortune to extreme beggery and misery or else led by their misdeeds in fear of Justice out of a desire of spoil or hope of impunity had gathered themselves together to this factious confederacy But it being the custome of Divine Providence to draw good out of evil so it had now miraculously come to pass since that the Duke of Mayenne by setting down in Writing his reasons of assembling a Congregation in Paris by him called the States had clearly laid open and manifested his designs by his own confession for striving with all his power dissemblingly to represent the face of an honest man and to make it believed that he had no thought of usurping that which belonged not unto him he could not in the interim give greater testimony of his ambition and impiety toward his Country than by framing an Edict and sealing it with the Royal Seal for the Convocation of the States a thing reserved onely to the Royal-Power and never communicated to any other whereby he had made clear to the World his usurpation of the Royal Office and Majesty and his crime of High-Treason having taken upon him the Royal Ministry and the proper marks of Soveraignty But What eye was so dazeled or what mind so blinded as not to see how false those things were which he had inserted in his Edict with so much pomp of words That the Laws permitted him not to â—ender due observance and obedience to the King God had given him a Lye as apparâ—nt as it is true that the Salique-Lam a wholesome fundamental one born at one birth with the Kingdom hath ever been the basis of the Subjects obedience and
covetousness of Gold sold the French Name Glory and Liberty but that it was no wonder they felt not the priâ—â— of conscience in that business since they felt it not in the most cruel Parricide committed on the person of the late King which they were so far from detesting and abhorring that they impiously attributed it to Providence and the hand of God That if as they now made shew they would be held innocent of that fact which obscured the glory and laid a foul blot of wicked perfidiousness upon the Name of the French they should not at the same time joy and rejoyce at it commend exalt and Canonize the Name of the Murderer and do so many other barbarous monstrous things but should rather shew that they were moved at so great a wickedness and resolved to reconcile themselves to that Country that had bred nourished and raised them to the height of greatness and not take part with barbarous Nations that are enemies to and separated from France as in language and manners so in candour and disposition That if these reasons could not prevail to persuade those that were gone â—stray and make them know their error at least they would confirm the resolution of good French-men to continue constantly in the defence of their Country wherein He â—s he had for the 〈◊〉 past so he would also for the future afford them alwayes his example exposing his body health blood and life before them all as a sacrifice for so worthy so profitable a work That his affection and devotion till that present were sufficiently known and with what tenderness of mind he had embraced the Catholicks conserved protected and maintained them in their possessions and in their priviledges â—ow he had â—voured and preserved their Religion and constantly and inviolably observed all that he had promised them at his coming to the Crown and now for more security and absolutely to take away all scruples he swore before God and Men that he was ready to persevere in their protection and conservation till his latest breath and that he never would do any thing to the prejudice or diminution of them or their Religion and that he desired those things which his Subjects required of him might to the glory of God be orderly and fitly executed as he hoped in Gods divine Majesty and in his infallible Providence that the effects would quickly be seen which out of a confidence in God's mercy he doubted not to promise and attest That in the mean time he with the advice of his Council had decreed and by that present manifest did decree and declare that the Duke of Mayenne in having assembled a Congregation in Paris under the name of States had seditiously and unjustly usurped the office and power of King and that those States being null invalid and seditious were not to hold nor to be effectual nor any thing that in them should be done established or determined This Writing which carried with it no necessity of an Answer was according to the disposition of mens minds variously received and interpreted but that of the Catholick Lords of the King's party sent to the Assembly at Paris held the Confederates anxious and sollicitous for different respects for the Legate having caused it to be examined by the Colledge of the Divines of Sorbonne persisted to say that being heretical it was not worthy of any answer and the Spanish Ambassador said it was but a trick to disturb the good for which they were met together but the Arch-bishop of Lyons Villeroy Ieannin the Count de Belin and those of the Parliament maintained that what a kind of one soever it was it ought neither to be despised nor rejected and gave their reasons for it and between these the Duke of Mayenne stood doubtful what should be resolved for on the one side he had a great desire to begin a Treaty with the Royallists and on the other he would not absolutely alienate nor exasperate the Legate and the Spaniards In the end after many consultations held privately with his friends he resolved to defer the consideration of that business in the Assembly till he had conferred with the Duke of Feria and the rest that were coming and till he had seen the strength of the Army and what Orders Count Charles of Mansfelt had who was already prepared to enter into the Confines to the end he might regulate himself afterward according to time and occasion wherefore he determined to go and meet the Ambassadors and to receive and imploy the Army himself lest the Duke of Guise should go to receive it and to the lessening of his reputation have it consigned to him by the Spaniards who openly favoured him He hoped also to make some progress in the War which might augment his credit and reputation but above all it was necessary for him to draw a certain summ of money from the Spaniards to be then distributed in favour of him among the Deputies many of whom by reason of the dearth of Paris and their own poverty had urgent needthereof This resolution being taken he called the Deputies of the Assembly and prayed them to busie themselves about smaller matters but not to deliberate any thing concerning the Election till his return it being fit that all the Catholick Ambassadors should be there as likewise himself together with the Duke of Guise and the other principal men of the party which he would bring along with him within a few dayes and because his praying was commanding they all promised it without contradiction and he having left Monsieur de Villeroy and Presidenâ— Ieannin to prevent those secret practices which might be set on foot in the mean time went with Four hundred Horse to Soissons where he had given order that his Frenchâ—Forâ—â—s should be in a readiness Being come to that City upon the ninth of February he found the Duke of Feria and the other Spanish Ambassadors there with whom having conferred discontents began to break forth in their first meeting In Spain they thought it very agreeable to justice and decency that the Salique Law should be broken because all they of the Family of Bourbon were notoriously either Hereticks or favourers of Heresie and that the Kingdom should come to the Infanta Isabella the Catholick King 's Daughter who by the ordinary Laws was the nearest heir to the late King as being born of Elizabeth his eldest sister And on the contrary when it was alledged that the posterity of the Royal Family failing the authority of making a new King returned to the commonalty of the People of France they replied that though that were true yet was it seemly that the Commonalty in that election should have respect to the Law of Nations which alwayes calls the nearest heirs and that it was very fit much should be condescended to in regard of the so great expences the Catholick King had been at and of those many things he had done
the Catholick King would be careless of his Daughters interests but would empty his Kingdom both of men and money to place her in the Throne and to establish her perfectly That the King weary of so many disturbances and of so many expences without fruit would no more tire his people and ruine himself unless he knew the charge and labour should in the end come to effect but the Infanta being chosen he would send Fifty thousand Foot and Ten thousand Horse which should be paid till the enterprise were perfected and would freely pour out all the Treasures of his Kingdom upon the French The Duke of Mayenne smiling at the proffer of these future Magnificences said it was necessary to think of present things and that to make the States swallow that bitter Pill of Foreign Dominion it was necessary to temper it with the sweetness of profit and reputation else it would prove impossible to get it down But Inigo Mendozza more able to dispute among learned men than to manage so weighty an Affair of State replied That they knew all the Deputies would not only accept the Infanta but also beseech the King to grant her for their Queen and that he alone opposed that Election which already was desired by them all The Duke grew angry and told Mendozza he was little acquainted with the businesses of France and not knowing the magnanimity of the French promised himself they should govern the Deputies as they were wont to do the stupid senseless Indians but that in the effect he would find himself much mistaken Mendozza added That rather in the effect they would make him know they were able to make the Infanta be elected by the States without his help But the Duke not enduring that replied That he feared it not and that if he should not consent unto it all the world would not be able to make that election To which the Duke of Feria answering said They would quickly make him perceive his errour and would take away the command of the Army from him and give it to the Duke of Guise This netled the Duke of Mayenne more than all the rest and as he was most passionate in his anger he added that it was in his power to turn all France against them and that if he pleased he could in a week shut them all out of the Kingdom That they play'd the parts rather of Ambassadors from the King of Navarre than the Catholick King nor could they serve him better if they were paid by him but they should not think to use him as their Subject for he was not so yet nor did ever think by that manner of usage to be so for the future and scornfully taking leave departed from them Iuan Baptista Tassis took the business in hand again the next day striving to pacifie and overcome him with promises but the Duke told him freely that if now they used him in that manner he might if he were not mad perceive how he should be used when he was obliged and a vassal and refused a great while to confer any more with the Duk of Feria and Mendozza But Pronotary Agucchi and Commissary Malvagia who were present by order from the Legat and Count Charles of Mansfelt who was come thither to consult what should be done with the Army laboured so far in the business that on the one side the Spaniards knowing they could do nothing without the Duke of Mayenne and he when the violence of his anger was past remembring that he was not in such a condition that it was convenient for him to lose the supportation of the Spaniards differences were composed again at last but with so much prejudice to the Catholick Kings designs that the Duke to put a hard bit in their mouths wrote to Villeroy Ieannin and the Archbishop of Lyons by all means to cause the Writing of the Kings Catholicks to be answered and that he should begin the conference which they proposed to the end they might have that refuge in a readiness whensoever they should be ill dealt withal by the Spaniards for the future and yet dissembling on both sides they agreed among themselves that the Duke of Mayenne should assent to the election of the Infanta and favour it with the States and on the other side that she being elected he should have the Title of the Dutchy of Bourgogne the Government of Picardy for his life the Title and Authority of the Queens Lieutenant-General thorow the whole Kingdom that all debts should be paid him as well those that were contracted in the name of the Publick as those in his own particular and that he should be repaid all the money which he could make appear he had spent of his own they paid him Five and twenty thousand Crowns at that present and consigned Letters to him for Two hundred thousand more and gave order to Count Charles of Mansfelt with the Army to obey him and dispose of himself according to his Orders This Convention pieced up in this manner did indeed stop the discords and disgusts for the present but made not things so secure as to go on unanimously in their endeavours fâ—r the future for the Duke of Mayenne on the one side did not believe himself obliged to observe what the necessity of publick affairs had extorted from him by force and the Spaniards as they had but little confidence that he would observe them so were they ready to imbrace any occasion that should present it self of treating and establishing the business without him But being departed from Soisons upon the Five and twentieth of February and come to Paris as soon as they began to converse with the Deputies they easily perceived that the Duke of Mayenne ruled all the Assembly and that without him nothing at all could be obtained On the other side he being gone to the Confines where the Army was found it so weak that he lost hope of doing any enterprise of such moment as was like to bring him either profit or reputation They all agreed that the Army should not advance into the inward parts of the Kingdom but for diverse ends the Spanish Ministers to the end Paris might not be freed from scarcity following their conceit that it was profitable for their designs the League and the City should be streightened and kept low the Duke of Mayenne on the other side to the end the Spaniards might not take heart by the nearness of their Forces and Count Charles because by reason of the weakness of his Army and that he had but little money would not engage himself in places far from the confines and in actions of long and difficult event wherefore though the Legat and the Parisians were earnest that the Army should advance and besiege St. Denis to free the passage of victuals into the City on that side yet it was nevertheless unanimously determined that the Forces should be employed in other enterprises among which the
Conversion the censure whereof was not under their power and authority and though they persisted in this opinion yet the Kings Deputies would needs present a Writing to them which contained three points One an offer of the Kings Conversion another that in the mean time while that came to pass the means of securing Religion and concluding Peace might be treated of and the third that while these things were doing a general cessation of Arms might be concluded through the whole Kingdom The Deputies could not refuse to accept this writing which being by them brought to be discussed by the D. of Mayenne and the States the debates were very long and various for as the Royalists endeavoured to discover the intentions of the Confederates so they would not declare what they would do if the K. should publickly return unto the Church But this Proposition made by the Kings party wrought such a jealousie in the Spanish Ambassadors that with their utmost spirits they pressed for a resolution to their desire for the facilitating whereof they were fain to offer that the Catholick King should be content the Infanta should marry one of the Princes of the House of Lorain but this proposition also raised many doubts because there was no certainty the Infanta being once elected and declared that either she or the King her Father would observe that promise to which any private man can hardly be obliged much less a Queen or Princess and again because if that first Husband should dye she might perhaps take another either of the House of Austria or a Spaniard or of some other Nation likewise because she having no children by this marriage the King of Spain would afterwards pretend right to the Crown but much more than all the rest because the Duke of Mayenne saw himself and his posterity excluded from that advantage whereupon not only this business was protracted without coming to any resolution but it was determined in the States that there should be a very moderate answer made to the Writing presented by those of the Kings party in the Conference without untying or breaking off the thread of that Treaty wherefore both parties being met at la Roquette a house in the field without the Porte S. Anthoine the Arch-bishop of Lyons said that as concerning the King's Conversion they wished it might be real and unfained but that not only they could not hope it was so but on the contrary they had great cause to believe it was not without dissimulation for if it had proceeded from sincerity so many delayes and puttings off would not have been sought and if he were touched with any inspiration he would not remain in his Heresie and in the publick exercise of it he would not cherish and keep about him the principal Ministers that taught it nor would he still leave the chief Offices of the Kingdom in their hands and yet because it appertain'd not to them to approve or reprove that Conversion they lest the Judgment thereof unto the Pope who alone had authority to determine it as for the Treaty of Peace and security of Religion they could not treat thereof for the present for many considerations lest they should treat with the King of Navar who was without the Church and lest they should give a beginning to the acknowledgment of him or anticipate the Pope's judgment Then for the point of Cessation they would give answer to that when satisfaction was given to the two first Articles Thus neither assenting nor very much dissenting they held the matter in suspence till the Duke of Mayenne saw whether the business begun with the Spaniards was like to end But the Cardinal-Legat being wonderfully solicitous not only because the Spanish negotiation went on difficultly but much more because he saw mens minds inclined to the Cessation out of the hope they had conceived of the King's conversion and the desire of quiet used his utmost power to hinder it and faining himself not well wrote a Letter to Cardinal Pelleve upon the Thirteenth day of Iune praying him to go to the States and in his name to make them a grave Remonstrance of the danger and damage that depended upon the Conference of Surennâ— and advertise them that not only they could not treat concerning the conversion of the Navarrois but not so much as about Peace a Cessation of Arms or any other business with him as well by reason of the Decrees of the sacred Canons and the Declarations of the Apostolick See as also of the Oath they had taken never to assent to or make an agreement with the Heretick Which things were set forth in the Letter with great vehemence of words protesting in the end that if they should continue to treat of Peace or a Cessation he would depart from the City and from the Kingdom that he might neither assent to so great an evil nor disobey the Commissions he had from the Pope This Letter first read by the Cardinal in the States and afterward published in print to the knowledge of every one did something bridle mens minds who were running on eagerly toward a cessation of Arms. In the mean time the King knowing how much harm the want of reputation and the weakness of their Forces did unto the Spaniards and not being willing to run into the same error resolved to set himself upon some notable enterprise not far off with the noise and fame whereof he might increase his reputation and foment those affairs that were transacting in favour of him wherefore having drawn his whole Army together with great diligence he commanded out all the neighbouring Garrisons and made plentiful provision of Cannon Ammunition Pioneers and other things proper for a secure resolute design upon the seventh of Iune he had laid siege to Dreux a Town but sixteen leagues from Paris which for its situation fortification and the quality of the defendents was accounted very strong The Suburbs of the Town were valiantly taken the first day they within who before thought to defend them being beaten back in all places but when they had lost all hope of making them good they endeavoured to have burnt them down The whole Army being quartered with great celerity they began the next day to throw up four Trenches which were hastened with so much diligence by the Baron de Biron and the Sieur de Montlouet one of the Field-Marshals that upon the thirteenth day all four of them were brought into the Moat nor with less diligence were four Batteries planted one of four pieces of Cannon against the great Bulwark toward the Porte de Chastres another of six against the Porte de Paris the third of three against the curtain toward the great Church and the fourth of five Pieces in the Fâ—uxbâ—urg St Iehan which battered a great Tower that stood on that side The King hastened and encouraged the Works in all places with his presence wherefore scarce was the Orillon
necessities of the City by opening the passes only because their aim was to curb them and keep them down whensoever the Ambassadors went abroad in publick they were followed with ill language and cries of derision The Kings seasonable resolution absolutely turned the scale of affairs for he knowing all things that were in agitation doubted with reason that if the League should elect the Cardinal of Bourbon the Catholicks that followed him would all be like to forsake him whereof there appeared such manifest signs and such open murmurings were heard that it was not at all to be doubted for the things alledged by those of the Vnion in the Conference at Surenne had made impression in mens minds and not only the Princes and Lords but generally all private men grieved and detested to spend their lives and fortunes for the establishment of Heresie which formerly they were wont to fight against and persecute and even in the Kings own lodgings there were heard continually the voices of them that cursed their own blindness and exhorted one another mutually to change their resolutions showing that since so many promises made to them had been broken they were obliged to take a course for the maintenance of Religion and their common safety that it was now no longer time to shed their blood for a Prince obstinate in Heresie and who abusing their credulity so long had fed them vainly with words that it was high time to take notice how by fighting madly Catholick against Catholick they did nothing else but prepare the Kingdom either for the Spaniards or the Hugonots equally their Enemies that there had been enough done to maintain the lawful Successor of the Crown but he shewed himself ungrateful for so great services and obstinate in his errour that he was no longer to be followed in his perdition but it was fit reuniting the Consciences of the Catholicks to establish a King who should acknowledge the gift he received from the good will of his Subjects that there were already so many Princes and Lords so many Knights and Gentlemen and so many valiant Souldiers slain in that cause that the Kingdom was thereby all wounded bloodless and dying and if some remedy were not applied they were near sacrificing the very Carcass of France to the wickedness of the Hugonots and to the pride of the Spaniards The Princes of the Blood after many Consultations were much more resolute and the Duke of Montpensier who lay in Bed by reason of his hurt told the King when he came to visit him that all the Princes were ready to forsake him and that he himself in the condition he then was though hâ— did it with grief of heart would not yet be the last to save his Soul and satisfie his Conscience Lastly the Count of Schomberg being advertised by Monsieur de Villeroy told him the Admiral Villars was already upon his way carrying Articles to the Cardinal of Bourbon that within a few days he should hear he and all the rest of the Princes would be at Paris that God had given him the victory and expected the fruit thereof that having taken Dreux with so much honour in the very face of his Enemies he might now turn unto God and to the Church and none could believe he did it perforce The same did Secretary Revol confirm the same Villeroy himself wrote unto him from Ponâ—oyse shewing him that he could not avoid one of two things either that the Cardinal of Bourbon being elected King would deprive him of the adherence of his Catholicks or that the Infanta being chosen with the Duke of Guise all the strength of the King of Spain would be poured out and come like a torrent upon him The King moved by these considerations or else interpreting the so urgent conjuncture of affairs to be as it were a Divine Inspiration and thinking himself called by some heavenly and more than humane power determined to turn Catholick and sent Messengers with speed on all sides to call Prelates and Divines to assist and instruct him in his Conversion Among these he invited some of the Preachers of Paris whereof some refused to go and some few among which was the Curate of St. Eustache though the Legat advised and commanded otherwise would yet be present at so solemn an action All these being met together at Mante the King having received sufficient instruction in matter of the Articles of Religion that were in controversie seemed to clear up his mind and visibly to apprehend the Hand of God which recalling him from his Errours brought him back into the Bosom of the Church and made it be noised abroad that upon the Five and twentieth of Iuly he would go to Mass at St. Denis This news his Deputies brought to the Conference of Surenne where the Archbishop of Bourges recapitulating all things past concluded That the King had caused the Marquiss of Pisany to be sent to Rome to find means that his Conversion might be authorised by the Pope but since he had not been received he would no longer defer nor put off his own Salvation but would reconcile himself to the Church that afterwards he might send to render due obedience to the Pope by a solemn conspicuous Embassie and that having consulted with the other Prelates and Divines they had determined That the King should make himself be absolved ad futuram cautelam and go to Mass that afterward he might demand the Popes Benediction and that this for many reasons had been thought the nearest and most secure way as well not to put the Crown in arbitrement to the discretion and declaration of Strangers as to find a speedy remedy for the necessities of the Kingdom The Archbishop of Lyons on the contrary disputed that he could not be received without the Popes assent nor absolved without his Declaration and protested that they would neither account him a Catholick nor acknowledge him King without order from the Pope to whom absolutely address was to be made before coming to those Acts of Absolution But the report of his Conversion being spread abroad among the people there was no curb could bridle men from rejoycing nor their tongues from divulging and arguing that upon it depended the Pacification of the Kingdom so that the Cardinal-Legat in great perplexity of mind published a Writing to the Catholicks of France upon the Thirteenth of Iuly wherein he advertised them of the perverse Authority which some Prelates arrogated to themselves of absolving the King of Navarre from Censures and exhorted them not to believe that false Conversion and the perverse way that was taken about it And lastly forbad all men to go to those Conventicles with danger of incurring the Censure of Excommunication and of being deprived of those Ecclesiastical Benefices and Dignities they possessed But it was all in vain for all mens minds were in motion and the obstacle of Religion being removed every one enclined to acknowledge the lawful Successor and
that business yet being a man of a sweet pleasing nature both very dextrous and affable in his discourse and therefore acceptable to the whole Court and even to the Pope himself coming to have audience under pretence of other businesses he at last brought in that and in the end would needs shew the Pope the Letter which the King had written to him The Pope either taken at unaware by Serafino or intending to persevere constantly in his dissimulation or being troubled to be in a manner constrained to impart his designs to other than those he had determined shewed himself highly displeased and would have broke off the discourse of that business if the Auditor talking sometimes seriously sometimes in jest had not appeased him concluding finally That one ought to lend an ear even to the Devil himself if one could believe it possible for him to be converted The Pope likewise turning the business into mirth jested a great while with Serafino who pressing him still for an answer and urging him to hear la Clielle not as the Kings Agent but as a private Gentleman from whom perchance to his satisfaction he might learn many secret particulars the Pope told him he would think upon it The same evening by the means of Sannesio he gave d' Ossat directions to go talk with the Gentleman that was come from France and to give him good hopes of his negotiation and advertising him but as from himself that he should not be dismaid for any difficulty whatsoever he should meet withal The next night Silvio Antoniani the Popes Chamberlain went to Serafino's House and taking only the Sieur de la Clielle into his Coach brought him by a private way into the Popes Chamber where he having told him that the King of France had sent him to his Holiness Feet to present those Letters to him which he had in his hand the Pope without staying till he had made an end brake forth into angry words complaining that he had been deceived and that he had thought he should have received a private Gentleman and not an Agent of a relapsed excommunicated Heretick and commanded him to depart out of his presence La Clielle not at all dismayed according to the advertisment that had been given him added many words of humility and submission and said that being able to do no more he would leave the King his Masters Letters and the Copy of his Commission which he had brought in Writing and though the Pope angerly bade him carry them away yet he left them upon the Table and having kiss'd his Foot was carried back to the place where he had been taken up The day following he had order to confer with Cardinal Toledo with whom having had very long discourses three several times still it was concluded that the Pope could not admit the Kings desires because he had formerly sent to the Apostolick See and yet had returned to the vomit of Heresie and the Cardinal having taken particular information of the Kings businesses and of the condition of the affairs of France left the matter so undecided But the night before la Clielle departed from Rome his answer was with great secrecy given him by the means of d' Ossat that the King should go forward in shewing himself truly converted and should give signs of being sincerely a Catholick for the Pope was resolved to reject the Duke of Nevers to satisfie his own Conscience and to try the Kings constancy yet with the opportunities of times he should at last obtain his intent With this conclusion la Clielle went toward France without having so much as conferred with Monsignore Serafino which had been given him in charge the Pope desiring that every one should believe him most averse from approving the Kings Conversion which the greater part of the Court of Rome thought to have passed with some dis-reputation to the Pope and that a few Prelats had licentiously arrogated that power to themselves which belonged only to the Apostolick See whereupon there wanted not those who wrote and printed divers Treatises wherein they argued that a relapsed Heretick and one declared to be excommunicate could not be admitted to a Catholick Kingdom and that the determination of the French Prelats to give him Absolution was Schismatical and to be censured by the Tribunal of the Holy Office for so they call the judgment of the Inquisition Arnaud d' Ossat wrote against these Treatises maintaining with many reasons taken out of the Sacred Canons and from the Doctors of the Holy Church and with many pious Christian Considerations that the Pope not only might but also that he absolutely ought to approve the Kings Conversion and admit him to the obedience of the Catholick Church but though in that discourse there was never any thing found that was not manifestly Catholick and though he wrote with exquisite modesty yet could he not get leave to print it and all he could do was to shew some Copies of it to discreet persons which was not only not reproved but secretly approved even by the Pope who was not displeased that mens ears should by little and little be made acquainted with this Doctrine But the Legat being wholly of another opinion and more than over-desirous of the proposed Spanish Election was busie in managing all the Engins that were proper to bring that design to perfection and therefore besides many exceeding long Letters and many distinct informations sent to the Pope and to some Cardinals he at last also dispatched Pier Francesco Montorio to give more exact advertisements and to cross the Kings Embassy but a politick device which he subtilly made use of redounded to the exceeding disadvantage of his design for Montorio falling sick at Lyons took a resolution to dispatch his instructions poste to Rome to the end they might arrive there before the Duke of Nevers in which the Legat having written that he thought it convenient by some means which should seem fit to hold the Duke of Nevers in hand and prolong the business till it could be known whether when the Truce was ended the Spaniards were like to attain to the Election and to have sufficient Forces in readiness to establish it keeping the King of Navarre also doubtful in the mean time to the end he might not apply his wonted spirit to make preparations for War This Item served the Pope afterwards for a pretence to admit the Duke of Nevers who having in this interim passed Langres was gone toward Italy through Switzerland and the Country of the Grisoâ—s but being arrived at Poschiavo a Town in the Valtoline he was met by Father Antonio Possevino a Jesuite who was sent to him by the Pope to let him know that as he rejoyced in the report of the King of Navarre's Conversion so could he not admit an Embassy in the name of a King whom he acknowledged not for such as he stil'd himself and that therefore
he might spare the pains of coming The Duke not losing heart though much troubled went forward but not the straight way to Rome and being come to Mantua he sent Possevino back unto the Pope endeavouring by many reasons written to him and the Cardinals his Nephews to obtain permission to execute his Embassy and the Marquiss de Pisani Cardinal Gondi and the Monsieur de Metz Leiger Ambassador for the King at Venice being come unto him they with a common consent wrote and treated many things which were promoted at Rome by the Venetian and Florentine Ambassadors Cardinal Toledo also carrying himself very favourably in the business The Pope making use of the advertisement the Legat had given him to colour his secret intention shewed that Article of Montorio's instructions to the Duke of Sessa Ambassador for the King of Spain and to many Cardinals depending upon that party and feigned to let himself be drawn by that respect and that to that end he would not totally exclude the Duke of Nevers and though both the Duke of Sessa and the Spanish Cardinals stifly opposed it affirming that at the end of the Truce the Catholick King would certainly have such forces in a readiness as should to the general satisfaction of the Confederates be able to establish the proposed election yet the Pope took a middle way which was to admit and hearken to the Duke not as an Ambassador from the King of Francâ— but as a Caâ—holick Prince and as an Italian and therefore he sent back Possevinâ— to him again to Manâ—â—a to let him know that his intention and last determination and to advertise him thaâ— he should come without state and with but a small retinue to the end he might not be held and acknowledged in the degree of an Ambassador but of a privaâ—e person which though the Duke thought very hard and from so difficult a beginning guessed he should compass no prosperous end of his Embassy yet he resolved to go forward as well because he would not digress from the Council of the Venetian Senate and the other Princes who were the Kings Friends as also to make the uttermost royal in a business of so mighty importance But in France there happened at this time besides the ordinary discords a new misfoâ—tune to the League for the City of Lyons unexpectedly â—ook Arms against the Duke of Nemours who was Governor thâ—â—â—of and proceeded so far that they made him pâ—isoner in the Casâ—le of Pierre Ansise The Duke of Nâ—mours a Prince of great courage but of a haughty imperious nature being departed full of pride by reason of his prospeâ—ous defence of Paâ—â— and come unto his Government of Lyons had begun 〈◊〉 noâ—rish a design within himself to reduce it into a free Signiory together with Beaâ—ioloiâ— and Poâ—ests which were three Precincts jointly under his command and to add 〈◊〉 them as many other places and towns as he could and his Brother the Marquiss of St. Soâ—lâ—â— having the Government of Dauphine he designed to unite that Province also unto himself and by that means joining his State to that of the Duke of Savâ—y fâ—om whose House his Family descended to be assisted and fomented by him but because he knew that neither the Nobility nor people would ever consent willingly to separate themselves from the Crown of France and submit themselves unto his tyranny he had by long contrivance been raising all those means which might serve to obtain his intent by force For this purpose he had under several pretences driven many of the chief Citizens out of the City and exposing the Nobility to manifest dangers was glad to see many of them perish who were able to oppose his design nor that sufficing him he had upon several occasions caus'd a great many Forts and Citadels to be built which incompassed the City of Lyons with a Circle having begun at Toissay Belleville and Tisy and then continued at Charlieu St. Bonnet Mombrison Nirieâ— Câ—iâ—drieu Vienne Pipeâ— and lastly to perfect that circumference he treated with the Sieur de St. Iullen that for Fifty thousand Crowns he should let him have Quirieu to raise another Foâ—t there likewise and passing from the Circumference unto the Center he meant to rebuild the ruined Citadel of Lyons and designs and platforms were already drawâ— for that purpose In these strong places he kept Garisons of Horse and Foot that depended upon his pleasure and not having enough to maintain them of his own fed them wiâ—h extorting from the people and with a pernicious licence of plundering and spoiling the Country To these actions were added outward shews not unlike them for he kept about him a great retinue of Strangers undervalued and abused the Nobility of the Country and in his publick writings no longer â—sed the Title of Governour but barely of Duke of Nâ—mours as an absolute Lord. In this inteâ—im the time of holding the States at Paris being come he though invited would neither go not send thither still speaking dishonourably of the authority and actions of the Duke of Mayenne his Broâ—her by the Mothers side and when the Truce was concluded though he declared that he accepted it for as much as concerned the Kings party yet nevertheless would he not dismiss the least part of his Souldiery but rather entertaining and raising new every day kept the Country more oppressed in the time of the Cessation than it was before in the heat of War The principal men and the people of Lyons moved by all these things resolved to complain of it to the Duke of Mayenne who for the safety of the City and the maintaining of his own reputation thought it good to withstand his Brothers ambitious designs and therefore under colour of desiring that the Archbiâ—hop of Lyons should go to Râ—me with Cardinal Ioyeâ—se he caused him to go unto that City giving him Commission to maintain the peoples liberty and to give him â—oâ—ice of every parâ—iculaâ— to the end he might seasonably provide against danger This Remedy hastened the breaking out of the mischief for the Duke of Nemours having no good correspondenâ—e with the Archbishop and seeing the Citizens ran popularly aâ—ter him thought to draâ— some Compâ—nies of Souldiers into the Town either for his own security or to bridle the people who were already half in an uproar But this news being come amongst the Citizens increased by the wonâ—â—d additions of the report they no longer delayed to rise and having taken Arms barricadoed up the City and shut the Duke into a corner of the Town who having in this necessity desired to speak with the Archbishop whom before he had not cared to see the event proved different from his design for the Archbishop making then no account either of his words or complements which he knew proceeded but from necessity continued to exhort the people to defend their own liberty and told them which way they should manage their business so that finally the
the Duke of Mayenne and imputed it to his ambition and malignity that the Infanta and the Duke of Guise were not elected yet he affirmed he had tyed him up in such a manner that he should never conclude an agreement with the King of Navarre and that he had taken a secret Oath to that purpose in a Writing signed by him the Dukes of Aumale and Elboeuf the Count of Brissac the Mareshals of Rosne and St. Paul and many others of the principal men a Copy of which Writing was inclosed in the same Letters wherefore Villeroy going to the King to treat on still about the Peace he would do nothing else but shew him the Letters and the Writings whereof he also gave him a Copy to shew the Duke of Mayenne who not being able to deny but that the Oath was true excused himself yet for it with saying that he had always intended to conclude the Peace with a reservation of the Popes consent and if he should approve it he was then immediately loosened from the obligation of that Oath nor did the sight of the evil which the Legat wrote concerning him at all withdraw him from his resolution for he interpreted those to be old opinions and that the new orders from Spain had varied all things wherefore applying himself to join close with the Spanish Ministers from the Treaty of Peace he came to negotiate the prolonging of the Truce to give things time to ripen nor was it hard to obtain the lengthening of it for the other two months November and December because the King also desired before he moved any farther to know the event of the Duke of Nevers Embassy and the Popes resolution But this accommodation made up betwixt the Duke of Mayenne and the Spaniards made the Pope more wayward to the Kings entreaties not being willing to admit his reconciliation whilst he doubted the French of the League would not follow his judgment but continue the War being united with Spain it being fit for the reputation of the Apostolick See for the security of Religion and for the satisfaction of the World that he should be the most wary the most constant and the last man that should approve the King's conversion lest those mischiefs which might proceed from the establishment of a K. not yet well setled in his Religion should be imputed to his lightness and credâ—lity wherefore the Duke of Nevers being come â—ear to Rome he sent Posseviâ—o to him again to let him know he intended not he should sâ—ay above ten dayes in the City and that he had forbiddeâ— all the Cardinals either â—o see him or treat with him which things though they seemed wonderful hard to the Duke yet being resolved to prosecute the business to the utmost and believing all these were but shews to set a higher price upon his favour he went on and entâ—red privately into Rome at Porta del Borgo upon the twentieth day of November He went the same evening privately to kiss the Pope's feet and at the first audience desired only that his time mighâ— be prolonged the term of ten dayes being too short to treat of a matter of so great moment and that he might have leave to visit the Cardinals and to deliver the Letters he had to them from the King offering to treat of that business in the presence of the King of Spain's Ambassadors and of the Duke of Mayâ—nne's Agents and to shew them that a King of France could not but be received who humbly suing and being converted desired to return unto the obedience of the Church He had no other answer from the Pope but that he would consult with â—he Cardinals and with â—heir Council would resolve but in his following audiences the Duke endeavoured with many reasons and great eloquence to perswade the Pope first of all that as being Pope and the Vicar of Christ he could not reject one who being converâ—ed returnâ—d into the bosome of the Church and then that as a prudent experienced Prince he ought not to refuse the obedience of the stronger and more powerful party and finally that as a Protector of the Common liberty he ought not to permit that the Kingdom of France by the continuance of a ruiâ—â—â—â— desperate War should run the hazard of being divided and dismembred with manifest danger of the libeâ—ty of all Christian Princes and particularly of the See of Rome He enlarged himself upon the first â—oint with proofs of Scripture and with many examples and authorities of the Primitive Church and the Fathers but knowing the difficulty did not consist in that he enlarged hiâ—self much more in the other two and thinking the Pope persisted to be so obdâ—rate particularly because he doubted of the King's Forces and that the Catholicks of the League united with the King of Spain were strong enough to suppress him he took much pains to shew that the major part of thâ— Parliaments of France all the Princes except those of the House of Lorain the flower of the Nobility and two thirds of the Kingdom followed his party that his adversaries were few and of mean quality disagreeing among themselves and full of desperation so that to the King 's perfect establishment and the total quiet of the Kingdom there wanted nothing but the consent of the Apostolick See and the benediction of his Holiness He reckoned up all the King's Victories which did indeed proceed from his valour but also from the power and strength of the Nobility and people that followed him he exaggerated the weakness of the Spaniards who might well keep the Civil dissentions alive by art and industry but could not sustain them by force of Arms. He strove to shew the articles and artifices they used and that their aim was to usurp the Kingdom as they had lately discovered their secret in the proposition of the Infanta he excited the piety and justice of the Pope not to make himself author of violating the Salique-Lam and the other fundamental ones of the Kingdom not to assist those who laboured to dispoile the lawful blood of the Crown and finally not to permit that discords should be sowed under his name to the utter ruine of the foundations of a most Christian Kingdom and first born of the Holy Church Last of all he concluded that he brought along with him some of those Prelates who had given the King absolution and who desired to present themselves at his feet to give him an account of what had been done their mindes giving them that they should make him clearly see they had not swerved from the obedience of the Apostolick See nor from the rites and customes of it and that what they had done was conformable to the Sacred Canons and the mind of the Holy Church The Pope was constant in his determination and though the Dukes reasons moved him yet being resolved howsoever not to be too hasty and so much the rather because the Duke
seemed to urge that the Absolution given to the King in France might be confirmed and approved but not to propose the submitting of the King to the censure and judgment of the Apostolick See he said he would think upon aâ— aâ—swer and two dayes after not having the heart to talk any more with the Duke and to answer his reasons he let him know by Silvio Antoniani that he could not prorogue the term of ten dayes lest he should discontent those Catholicks who being obedient to the Church had ever and did yet uphold Religion and that that time was sufficient having nothing else to treat of that it was not fit he should speak unto the Cardinals having been admitted as a private man not as an Ambassador and that as concerning the Prelats that came along with him he could not admit them to his presence unless first they submitted themselves to Cardinal Santa Severinâ— the chief penitentiary to be examined by him This was the Popes last resolution for though the Duke obtained another audience yet could he not alter his determination but he sent Cardinal Toledo to let him know the same things with whom having had many long discourses the substance of the business varied not and though the Duke very much troubled with a Catarrhe was of necessity fain to stay beyond the time of ten dayes yet could he not prevail any thing at all and finally being brought to his last audience in the Popes presence after having at large repeated all his reasons he fell upon his knees and beseech'd him that at least he would give the King absolution in Foro Conscientiâ— but neither could he obtain this and departed exceeding ill satisfied having finally with more liberty and spirit than he was wont aggravated the wrongs that were done unto the King and the injuries that were put upon his own person who forgetting his want of health his age and quality had taken the pains to come that journey for the safety and quiet of Christians After he was gone from his audience Cardinal Toledo came to him again and told him that if the Prelats did so much abhor the face of Cardinal Santa Severina they should be heard by the Cardinal of Aragon Chief of the Congregation of the Holy Office but the Duke answered that they being come as Ambassadors in company with him he did not mean they should be used as Criminals but that the Pope should admit them to his presence for to him as Head of the Church they would give a good account of their actions but the Cardinal replied that it was not decent for them to contend and dispute with the Pope the Duke added that he would be content if the Pope would but admit them to kiss his feet and that then they should render an account to Cardinal Aldobrandino his Nephew But neither would the Pope accept of this condition whereupon the Duke of Nevers having distinctly set down in writing all that he had done departed from Rome taking the Prelates with him and went to the City of Venice where the Bishop of Mans published a little book in Print wherein he set forth the reasons that had moved the Prelates to absolve the King one of which was that the Canons permit the Ordinary whom it concerns to absolve from excommunication and every other case when the penitent is hindred by a lawful cause from going to the Popes feet hiâ—self and another that in the point and danger of death the penitent might be absolved by any one in which danger the King manifestly was being every day exposed in the encounters of War to the peril of his enemies and besides that conspired against a thousand wayes by their wicked treacheries to which reasons adding many others he concluded they had power to absolve him ad futuram Cautelam reserving his obedience and acknowledgment to the Pope which he at that time fully rendred him When the Duke was gone the Pope having assembled the Cardinals in the Consistory declared That he had not been willing to receive the King of Navar 's excuses and obedience because his conscience would not suffer him to lend his faith so easily to one that had formerly violated it that to admit one to so potent a Kingdom without great regard and due caution would have been a very great lightness and being certain that others would have believ'd and follow'd his judgment it was not fit proceeding blindly to make himself a guide to the blind and to lead the good French Catholicks to the ruinous precipice of damnation and that therefore they should be assured he would continue constant and would not accept of false dissimulations and politick tricks in a matter of so great consequence Thus the Spaniards remained satisfied and the Catholicks of the League contented yet was not the King moved with all this or turned aside from his first intention the Sieur de la Chelle's relation having applyed an antidote to that so bitter potion The King at this time was at Melun in which Town one Pierre Barriere was taken and put in Prison who had conspired to kill him but by whom he was instigated is not well known he was born obscurely in the City of Orleans and followed the profession of a Waterman in those Boats that are wont to go upon the Loyre but being known for a man of a brutish cruel nature he had been made use of in the acting of many villanies from which and the dissoluteness of his carriage being grown to a vagabond kind of life he was as last fallen upon a thought of this fact which having imparâ—ed to two Fryers the one a Capuchin the other a Carmelite he was as he â—aid earnestly persuaded to it by them but being yet doubtful and uncertain in his mind he would needs reveal his Secret also to Seraphinâ— Banchi a Dominican Frier born in Florence but living in Lyons This man struck with horror to hear the boldness and wicked intent of this Fellow dissembled nevertheless and told him It was a thing to be well considered and not to be so soon resolved on and bad him come again the next day for his answer which he would think upon and study to know how he should determine the question in the mean time thinking how the King might be warily advertised of it he intreated the Sieur de Brancaleon a servant of the Queen Dowagers who was then in the City to come to him the same day and hour he had appointed and they being both of them come at the same time he made them stay and talk a great while together to the end that Brancaleon might know Baâ—riâ—re perfectly then having told him he could not yet resolve what counsel he should give him because the question was very full of difficult doubts he dismissed him and discovered the whole business to Brancaleon to the end that giving the King notice of it the mischief might be prevented Barriere going from
with so much pains to endevour and with so much tenderness to embrace the conversion of every meanest sinner and the people being persuaded by a desire of Peace and rest and abhorring civil discords which had produced so many mischiefs both in publick and in private were much the more ready to take a resolution and shelter themselves under the Kings obedience and yet the Legate either persevering in his old opinions or his heart not suffering him to unsay what he had writ and advised at Rome continued firmly to uphold the League as well with the Pope as among the French Lords themselves with whom he was every day at close consultations Equal to his was the trouble and terror of the King of Spains Ministers who seeing some of them were fallen off whom they accounted the most confiding men and though pieced up yet not totally trusting to the intelligence they held with the Duke of Mayenne not seeing that the Duke of Guise himself was very well satisfied they knew that all their hopes would vanish if the present need were not speedily succoured which was very difficult as well by reason of the want of money as the ill conditions of the affairs of Flanders and though they bestirred themselves with all their power they could neither find any that would pay their bills of exchange nor that would have to do with them and to be fain to stay for those provisions that came slowly out of Spain was a remedy too late and too far off they resolved therefore to make use of the nearest assistance which was that of Flanders and dispatched many messengers to hasten the advance of the Army and at last Iuan Baptista Tassis went thither himself but besides that there was no way to pay their Forces for want whereof some Spanish Tertia's and a great many Italian Horse had mutined Count Charles of Mansfield also who was to command the Army desiring for his own interests not to stir from Flanders either because he inclined not to obey the Duke of Mayenne or else not thinking that with so few men and no money he could come off with honour interposed many delays and many hinderances so that the Spanish Camp small in number ill provided and disagreeing durst not advance from their own confines But the Duke of Mayenne was more afflicted and troubled than all the rest He saw the Count de Carsy and the Mareschal de la Chastre lost in whom he was formerly wont to confide more than in any others the City of Lyons gon to which place he had resolved what ever happened to â—educe the reliques of his fortune his Brother the Duke of Nemours no longer Prisoner to the City but to the King himself Meaux and Pontoyse in the Kings hands which Town so nearly bridled the City of Paris the people whereof allured on the one side by the benefits of Peace and Plenty and on the other spurred on by their ancient inclination and respect of Conscience wavered in their resolutions and it was uncertain to which Party they would at last incline For all these câ—uses he was many times thinking to make his peace with the King before he was forsaken of all to which the Sieur de Villeroy persuaded him with frequent Letters proposing to him honourable and advantageous Conditions which he shewed him that when he was brought lower he could not be able to obtain but would be forced to capitulate not as the Head of the Vnion nor as Lieutenant-General of the Crown but as a particular Prince and private person but on the other side he knew not how to quit his old hopes in which the Spaniards did all they possibly could to confirm him besides that to make his Peace without the Popes consent to whose judgement he had refeâ—red himself seemed to him so undecent a thing and so contrâ—ry to his reputation that he could not accommodate his mind unto it and whatsoever the event of businesses should be he was resolved rather to perish than shew that the past War had been imbraced by him out of an ambitious end and not for the maintenance of Religion and he made less reckoning of his own ruine and the destruction of his Family than of the loss of his honour and reputation which he thought he should lose if he digressed it never so small a matter from the will and determination of the Pope and the Apostolick See for which reasons he depended wholly upon those informations that were expected from Rome and from the Court of Spain and in the mean time had sent Monsieur de Rosne into Flanders not onely to hasten that Army but also that by him he might be sincerely advertised of the quality of those Supplies which he might certainly hope for from thence In this interim Cardinal Ioyeuse and the Baron de Senecey sent last of all by him to the Pope and the Abbot of Orbais sent by the Duke of Guise were come to Rome upon the Two and twentieth of Ianuary and being brought to have audience of the Pope after the narration of all things that had past the sinister course of which they imputed to the evil Counsel and the too evident covetousness of the Spaniards they beseeched him that he would be Mediator to know King Philip's last resolution and firm determination and that he himself would be pleased with men and money to succor the danger of Religion and the urgent necessity of the League as his Predecessors had done to which Propositions the Pope after having related what had past with the Duke of Nevers answered That as concerning the Catholick King 's determination he would endeavour to know what it was and to confirm him in the good intention of defending the Faith and upholding the League but as for his assisting with men and money he began to excuse himself from that by the emergent occasion of the War with the Turk in Hungary in which he was necessitated for the universal safety of Christians to imploy the sinews of his strength and yet he said That in as much as he was able he would not fail to lend his assistance also to the affairs of France It was not very difficult for the Ambassadors and particularly for the Baron de Senecey a man of a quick understanding to apprehend the Popes meaning he being very backward to spend money and not well satisfied in the affairs of the Vnion wherefore they wrote unto the Duke of Mayenne that he must think to furnish himself by other means for from the Pope there was nothing to be hoped for nor was he to depend upon him for the obtaining of any considerable Supplies In the like course also went the negotiation in Spain for the Sieur de Mâ—â—tpezat having after many delayes treated with the King himself and besought him that without referring himself to his Ministers that were in France he would declare his pleasure as well in matter of the election and
marriage of the Infanta as of the supplies of men and monies for the establishment of the Princes that should be elected and also of the Conditions he would grant the Duke of Mayenne he could never draw any other conclusion from him save that he would write to Rome and to the Arch-Duke Ernest to settle what should be resolved on and done and that it was necessary to expect the informations and answers from both places which coldness and irresoluteness openly shewed that the King either through weariness or weakness was little inclined to go on with the War but on the other side Don Bernardino Mendozza by his long abode there well versed in the affairs of France having before this written to the Sieur de Rombouillett that if any body were sent to the Court of Spain to treat in the name of the House of Bourbon it was very probable that the Catholick King would agree to Peace the King not passing by that occasion had caused the Sieur de la Varenne a Gentleman of great understanding and deep reach and one whom he trusted under pretence of going to see that Court and travelling through several parts of the World as the French use to do to joyn himself even with the company of Montpezat and to go to the Court of Spain along with him where having conferred oftentimes with Mendozza and others of the Council of State he brought back word at his return that the Spaniards would certainly conclude a Peace if means could be found that it might be propounded and negotiated with their reputation which though it was attributed to the arts of that Counsel to make use of the same engines against the Duke of Mayenne that he used against them yet being come to his knowledge either purposely or by chance it confirmed him in the suspition he was fallen into by reason of the doubtful answers which his Ambassador had received from the Kings own mouth But whilst at Rome they refer the resolution of Affairs unto the Court of Spain and in Spain they are referred to the Advertisements from Rome and Flanders the humour of the French which was not capable of so much patience wrought so effectually in favour of the King that all things were in great commotions and the Vnion of the Confederates dissolved of it self in all places The people of Paris murmured and kept a noise being reduced to exceeding scaâ—â—ity and the benefit they had felt a while before during the Truce made their present sufferings more troublesome more intollerable the dearth grew every day more necessitous and the interruption of commerce and the decay of trading had brought the common people to extreme misery for want of victual insomuch as that powerful incentive failing wherewith the Chief among them were wont to keep them to the League which was the danger of Religion since that by many signes the King's conversion was seen to be real and unfeigned every one inclined to free himself from trouble and by peace to make an end of the continued sufferings of so many years They saw that in those places that submitted themselves to the King's obedience the Catholick Religion was maintained the Clergy-mens goods restored to them Garrisons taken away from those places that belonged to Churches the exercise of the Hugonot Religion excluded the Corporations maintained in their priviledges the Catholicks had their Offices confirmed upon them the Governments put again into the hands of the same Commanders and that there appeared no innovation nor danger of any kind whatsoever The â—ame of the King's devotion flew abroad and his inclination to the benefit of the Catholick Religion that his Council was composed of all Prelats and persons bred up in the same Faith his clemency and benignity were exalted his mind far from revenge commended and besides all this the plenty and quiet they of his party enjoyed were envied by those of the League in the extremity of their sufferings The covetousness of the Spaniards and the ways they had gone in had filled every one with discontent the discords that raigned among the heads of the Faction put every understanding man in despair of expecting any prosperous end after so long toyls and labours wherefore the people began to make many Conventicles and Meetings and the Politicks failed not to represent fitting considerations to all degrees and qualities of Persons nor did the Count de Belin who as Governor had the charge to hinder the progress of this inclination seem to take any care of it either because he was indeed unsatisfied with the Duke of Mayenne and the Spaniards or because he thought it impossible longer to withhold the City from revolting and therefore agreed to get the King's favour that he might by him be confirmed in that Government But the Duke being present it was not hard for him to find out what way the Governor went and being instigated by the importunities of the Legate and Spanish Ambassadors he resolved to remove him from the Government which when iâ— was known the Parliament opposed it stifly but in vain because the Duke of Mayenne after having severely reprehended the Counsellors of Parliament would by all means have the Count de Brissac accepted whom he desired to satisfie by that means he wonted Government of Poâ—ctiers having been violently taken from him a while before by the Duke of Elboeuf in which change the Duke was very much deceived for Brisâ—ac though he depended upon and had been antiently bred up in his family yes hâ—ving spent all his own to follow the Duke's fortunes he had also lately been deprived of that Government which he onely loved whereupon he was full of secret discontent and was not likely to omit those occasions that should represent themselves to set his fortune right again nor was the Government of Paris proposed to make him amends for besides the expence which the splendor of that charge carried along with it which was very unproportionable to his present ability he was also certain that he should not continue in it for there was a Treaty already of giving the Government of the Isle of France to the Marquiss of S. Sâ—rlin and though they talk'd that it should be given him excluding the City of Paris yet was it very probable that by the importunities of his Mother he at last would obtain it But the Duke after he had settled Brissac in the Government confiding absolutely in him resolved to go from Paris to Sâ—issons and from thence to the Army believing 〈◊〉 it was true that his lying idle lessen'd his reputation and gave the people greater conveniency to revolt and yet at his departure many things crossed him and he was put in a suspition of the new Governors fidelity and of the intelligence which the Prâ—vost des Merchands held with many Politicks that were affected to the Kings party The Legate and the Spanish Ambassadors exhorted him likewise not to go but their words were
â—ot taken in good part he thinking they desired his abode in the City that they might confer the charge of the Army and of managing the wâ—r upon the Duke of Guise indeed he was something moved by the perswasions of his Mother Madam de Nemours she telling him that the sum of all things consisted now in the conservation of Paris and that she had discovered some practises that past between the Politicks of the City and the new Governor but neither was that able to disswade him from his departure for it diminished his reputation and prejudiced the course of affairs too much to stand with his hands at his girdle and let himself be straightned to the last necessities without seeking any remedy and he considered that if the King being Master of Pontoyse and Meaux and by consequence also Master of the Rivers and having Dreux Orleans and Chartres in his power should have a mind to besiege Paris he should be locked up in the City and not be able to do any thing to relieve it and having notice that the King had made a Levy of Six thousand Switzers which were ready to enter into the Kingdom and knowing that the Queen of England was sending new supplies of Men and Ammunition he thought it necessary to draw the Forces of the Confederates together to make opposition in the Spring-time if the King should take the Field with a great Army which could not be done unless he himself in person were active in the business not judging the Duke of Guise or the Duke of Aumale either for authority or experience sufficient to raise or command the Army in which charge the secret intentions of men now more suspected by him than ever would not suffer him to trust any other person Moved by these reasons and not being able to perswade himself that the Count de Brissac would forsake him and change that Faith which he his Father and his Grandfather had ever constantly kept he at last departed and took his Lady and his Son with him leaving his Mother his Sister the Cardinal-Legat and the Spanish Ambassadors at Paris But he was no sooner gone when the Governour finding himself alone and little valuing all the rest that were in the City thought that occasion for the raising of his fortune again was not to be lost wherefore having drawn Iehan Viller the Prevost des Marchands and the two chief Eschevins which were Guilliaume du Ver Sieur de Neret and Martin l' Anglois Sieur de Beauripaire unto his party he went on to deal with the first President and the other Counsellors of the Parliament These were displeased with the Duke of Mayenne because in many occasions and particularly in the last of changing the Governour he had as they said used them sharply and ingratefully and openly derided and abused them and much more were they disgusted at the Spaniards by reason of the Proposition of the Infanta against whose election they had shewed themselves openly but that which imported most of all was That the Presidents and Counsellors of the Parliament as men distrusted and disaffected were ill used by the Catholick Kings Ambassadors and by the Garison of Italians Walloons and Spaniards which depended on them so that they not only heard proud threats and opprobrious speeches against themselves to their very faces with often mentioning the name of Brisson but their Servants and Caterers were abused in the Markets by the Souldiers even to the violent taking away from them whatsoever they bought for which they having often complained to the Duke of Mayenne had not gotten any remedy but only perswasions to be patient but at last from this long sufferance they turned to fury which wakening mens minds as it was wont had made them see how near they were to the hated servitude of strangers and how much better it was to secure their own fortune with the stronger party and free themselves at last from anguish and trouble wherefore it was not hard to draw them to the opinion of the rest and bring them to consent to submit the City to the Kings obedience Things being thus setled within and the Governour thinking himself to be in such a condition as to dispose of the people his own way began to treat with the King by means of the Count de la Rochepâ—t with whom he had an exceeding near affinity and friendship and being come from the beginnings of a Treaty to agree upon the conditions the Count de Schomberg Monsieur de Bellieure and the President de Thou were employed in the business who within a few days concluded what was to be done as well to satisfie the Count de Brissac as to gain the City without tumult or bloodshed and finally the Count himself having conferred in the Field with the Sieur de St. Luc who had married one of his Sisters under pretence of treating about her Portion about which they had been long in suit it was jointly agreed upon That in the City of Paris the Fauxbourgs thereof and ten mile round about there should be no publick exercise permitted save of the Roman Catholick Religion according to all the Edicts of former Kings That the King should give a general pardon to all of what state or condition soever that had in word or deed upheld and fomented the League stirr'd up the people to sedition spoken evil of his person written or printed against him thrown down or despised his Royal Arms or the Arms of the Kings his Predecessors or that were guilty in any kind whatsoever of the past seditions excepting those that had traiterously conspired against his Person or that were accessary to the murther of the late King That the goods and persons of the Citizens should be free from violence and plunder all the Priviledges Prerogatives and Immunities confirmed and kept in the same degree they were wont to be in the times of former Kings That all Places Offices and Benefices into which the Duke of Mayenne had put men when they were vacant by death as well within the Parliament as without should be confirmed unto the same persons but with an obligation to take new Patents from the King That all the present Magistrates of the City should be confirmed if they would submit themselves to the Kings obedience That every Citizen that would not stay in the City might have free liberty to depart and without further leave carry away his goods That the Cardinal-Legat Cardinal Pellevé and all the Prelats with their Servants might with their goods and furniture freely stay or go how and when they thought it seasonable That the Princesses and Ladies that were in the City might stay or go in like manner with full liberty and security That the Spanish Ambassadors with their attendants goods and families might also have Pass-ports and Safe-conducts from the King to go securely whither they pleased That the Souldiers of the Garison French and strangers of any Nation soever
of the Marquiss de Menelay killed by Lieutenrnt Magny at la Fere and finally all things done till the end of the War which he with honourable expressions declared and certified to have been undertaken and continued for the sole respect and defence of Religion He granted him the Government of the Isle of France and the Superintendence of the Finances and to his Son the Government of Chalon separated and divided from the superiority of the Governour of Bourgongne He comprehended in the Capitulation all those that together with him should reunite themselves under his obedience and particularly the Duke of Ioyeuse the Marquiss of Villars and the Sieur de Montpezat the Duke of Mayenne's Sons-in-law Monsieur de l' Estrange Governour of Puyts Monsieur de S. Offange Governour of Rocheforte the Sieur du Plessis Governour of Craon and the Sieur de la Severie Governour of Ganache He suspended the Sentences and Judgments past against the Duke of Mercoeur and against the Duke of Aumale till it were known whether they would be comprehended in the Accommodation granting to every one besides the oblivion of what was past and the full enjoying of their Estates Offices and Dignities leave within six weeks time to come into the Capitulation and adhere unto the peace Within these principal Conditions and many other lesser ones the Duke of Mayenne concluded the Agreement but there was enough to do to get this Decree accepted in the Parliament of Paris for though the King with his own mouth forbad the Queen-Dowagers Ministers to oppose the publication of it yet was there notwithstanding as great an obstacle and opposition for Diana de Valois Dutchess of Angoulesme and Bastard-Sister to the late King appearing personally in the Parliament presented a Petition written and subscribed with her own hand whereby contradicting the confirmation of the Decree she urged to have them proceed in the Inquest about the Kings death whereupon most of the Counsellors being stirred up because the major part of their Fathers had either been created by that King or highly offended by the League the acceptation of the Decree could not be obtained and yet the King with very vehement Letters reprehended the Parliament and declared that the publick peace and safety requiring that the Decree should be registred his will and command was that it should be accepted Yet neither by this were the Counsellors of the Parliament quieted but they came to this resolution That the Decree should be published but with two conditions one That it should be no prejudice to the right of the Duke of Mayenne's Creditors the other That he should be obliged to come into the Parliament and with his own mouth swear that he had not been any way accessary to the fact that he detested the murther committed upon the Kings person and promised not to save protect or favour any one that in time to come should be questioned for it At which stubbornness the King more than moderately incensed with grave resenting words replied That they should take heed how they put him to the trouble of leaving the War to come personally into the Parliament That he was their King and that he would be obeyed by them But neither did this protestation suffice for they determined to accept the Decree but with such words as should shew that it was done by force of the Kings express command which neither pleasing him nor the Duke of Mayenne it was necessary for the High Chancellour to go to Paris and after a long effectual demonstration of the interests of the general quiet cause the Decree at last to be approved without clauses or conditions The Duke of Meyenne's example was followed not only by those that were named in the Capitulation but also by the Marquiss of St. Soâ—â—â—n the City and Parliament of Tholouse and all the rest which formerly held the party of the League except the Duke of Aumale who having accorded with the Spaniards and being exasperated by the Sentence published this year by the Parliament wherein he had been declared Rebel would not consent to submit himself unto the Kings obedience The Duke of Mercoeur though by means of his Sister the Queen-Dowager he kept the Treaty of Agreement alive yet being still full of hopes by the help of the Spaniards to retain the Dutchy of Bretagne he deferred it and put off his determination till another time But in the interim while the conditions of these Accommodations were treated of and discussed in the Council the King exceedingly afflicted for his late misfortune and sollicitous by some means to repair the losseâ— he had received wherein he seemed to bear a great part of the blame as well by reason of his too long stay at Lyons as of the ill-satisfaction he had given the Citizens of Cambray in their requests was still contriving in himself and continually consulting with his Commanders to what enterprise he should apply himself The Duke of Nevers had formerly an intention to assault one of the places of the County of Artois belonging to the King of Spain not only to do the same mischief unto his Country which he had done to the Jurisdiction of the King of France but also because he believed that long peace had abased the courage of that people and made many of their provisions for defence useless Whereupon he had exhorted the King that increasing his Army to the greatest number he could he should unexpectedly fall upon Arras or some other great City in those quarters judging that the Condé de Fuentes troubled with the many mutinies of several Nations and reduced to extream want of money would very hardly be able to reunite his Army time enough to relieve the place that should be assaulted But after that he being spent with a tedious indisposition departed this life at Nesle this intention which was set on foot by the reputation of the Author came to nothing for the other Commanders thought it too dangerous an attempt to invade the Bowels of an Enemies Country where all the Towns are populous and powerful while by the loss of so many places they were so much troubled at home and while the Spanish Garisons over-running all parts kept the whole Country in fear and terrour True it is that of all the places that were lost their opinions concurred not so well in the choice of that which they should assault as they did in refusing to invade the Enemies Country for some held it best in the same heat of affairs to besiege Cambray to try to recover it before the Spaniards had setled themselves by mending the breaches that were lately made but the smallness of the Kings Army excluded this opinion it not being sufficient to begird a City of so great circuit exceedingly well fortified with a very strong Garison Many others counselled to fall upon Dourlans to take the same way to streighten Cambray which the Spaniards had done but the oppositions against
said that it would not be so difficult to relieve the besieged from thence but being come to Boulogne and the same winds holding the difficulties were the same or perhaps greater nor was there any thought of giving the besieged any succor by Land as well the Bridge of Nieulet as Casal de Mer being strongly guarded and the Enemies whole Army encamped on that side wherefore the King for a last resolution having put some chosen Foot aboard certain ships sent them forth to ride thereabout and fight with the diversity of weather that they might be ready upon the first gale of a favourable wind to get by some means or other into the Haven but neither was this course any way beneficial for the Ships long tossed and driven into several places could never get near the Haven and if they hag they would certainly have been beaten back by the Risbane At the same time the King dispatched many Shallops to the English Fleet to hasten the coming of it hoping if those men could be landed time enough to make some gallant attempt and force the Cardinal to raise his Camp from before that Town but it was all in vain for the English Fleet gathered together in the Haven at Dover and ready to set sail was yet detained by the Queens different intention The French Ambassadors and particularly Monsieur de Sancy newly gone thither for that purpose treating closely of the Conditions upon which the men should land about which the Parties being not able to agree by reason of the variety of interests the time ran on without coming to any conclusion But in the interim the Spanish Artillery having plaid upon Easter Munday from break of day till evening and the opportunity of low water hapning at that time the Spanish Foot advanced on both sides to give a resolute Assault Fortune was not altogether so favourable to du Rosne's intentions in this as she had been before For though the wind had sate right all that day for his Artillery a thing of no small advantage to free him from the smoke that he might play the faster yet in the evening continuing nay blowing more stifly every hour it would not suffer the Tide to fall so low as that the farther part of the Haven might be quite dry wherefore his Foot were fain to go above the knees in water and in some places to the girdle which retarding the Assault proved no small impediment and yet having overcome that obstacle and fought till Nine of the Clock at night the Moon shining brightly in the Full the French having lost above an hundred of their men and among them one of the Holland Captains resolved to retire and having fired the Suburb in all places got safely into the Town Upon Tuesday du Rosne drew his Artillery into the Suburb which they had quitted and there being no Flanks on that side that could hinder the Battery he without any difficulty planted two and twenty pieces upon the edge of the Moat with no other defence but single Gabions and those not very high and the next day began to batter the Wall with so great fury that not being lined with Earth it in a few hours gave a large conveniency of assaulting it But while the Infantry being Spaniards Walloons and Italians mixt together prepare themselves to fall on the Defendents terrified at the wideness of the breach and the smallness of the number they were reduced to send forth a Drum to Parley and the same evening capitulated to leave the Town and retire into the Castle which they promised to surrender into the Cardinals hands if they were not relieved within six days The King who was at Boulogne quickly had notice of the composition of Calais and of the Earl of Essex his answer who was General of the English Land-forces with whom Monsieur de Sancy having conferred had entertained great hopes of getting the English to land and that being re-inforced by them the Castle might be relieved within the appointed time but the Earl was not so forward as he desired for the King having often promised to give some place upon the Coasts of his Kingdom for the conveniency and security of the English and afterward with divers excuses deferred to do it and his Ambassadors to Queen Elizabeth having at last to get the Fleet to move for his relief condescended to promise that it should be performed the Earl refused to put into any Haven or land men unless first the promise were effectually observed and though Sancy urging the exigency of the need and the shortness of the time desired the Earl to consider of what importance the conservation of Calais was to their common interests yet was it not possible to move him from his determination wherefore he was necessitated to write to the King to know his pleasure who highly incensed thaâ— his Confederates should make use of his adversity to constrain him to their own appetites answered resolutely That he would rather be robbed by his Enemies than by his Friends and being minded to try what he could do by himself he saw the fury of the wind which had been so contrary all those days past not at all abated and therefore he sent the Sieur de Matelet Governour of Foix with three hundred Foot backed with a good â—umber of the Duke of Bouillon's Cavalry to strive to pass thorow the Enemies Guards and get in to relieve the Castle These coming by night close by the Quarter of the Italians commanded by the Marquiss of Trevico found such slack and careless Guards that without being perceived they got all into the Castle where the Sieur de Matelet having encouraged the Governour no less then the Inhabitants and Souldiers that were in it after the time of truce was expired they not only refused to surrender but protested they would defend themselves to the last man wherefore the Cardinal being assured that some relief was got in unknown to him gave order to Monsieur du Rosney valiantly to prosecute the assault who having planted his Cannon against the great Towers or as we may call them Bulwarks of the Castle battered them with so much diligence that upon the six and twentieth day it was in a fit condition to be stormed All the Italian Foot fell on the next morning who being desirous to cancel the reproach of having so carelesly suffered relief to pass in fought desperately and being seconded first by the Walloons and then by the Spaniards after a most bloody fight of six hours the Governour Bidossan being slain and above four hundred Souldiers cut in pieces they at last entred the Castle where the Italians put all the rest to the Sword except Monsieur de Campagniole and some few others who having taken refuge in a Church were received upon discretion Above two hundred of the Spanish Army were killed among which Count Guidubaldo Pacciotto an Engineer of high esteem and about one hundred wounded
to Aâ—golesme 51. where he is conspired against Villeroy fâ—menting the business by secret order from the King 356. returned to his former greatness treats a Truce with the King of Navarre 389. standing upon precedency will not sign the writing to make him King f France parts from Court 411. recalled by the King 486. recovers all the Towns heâ—d by the Duke of Savoy as far as Vare 568. will not be removed from the Government of Provence but refers himself to the Constable who declares he should go out 659 Duke of Feria and Mendozza Spanish Ambassadors and Juan Baptista Tassis at the meeting of the States urge and propose the Infanâ—a to be chosen Queen 592 c. thâ—ir Answer concerning a Husâ—band for her 604. promise to give her to the Duke of Guise as soon as she shall be chosen Queen 608. are abused going through the streets of Paris 611. Duke of Guise falls into disgrace with K. Francis 7. recalled to management of affairs 17. Keyes of the Palace taken from him and given to the King of Navarre 46. as first Peer of France is declared to precede the rest 47. his union with the King of Navarre and Constable 52. is hurt with a stone in a conflict between his Servants and the Hugonots A saying of his made him thought Author of the War 57. giving it under his hand that he would leave the Court the Catholick Lords leave the Camp 66. takes the Prince of Condé Prisoner 83. sups and lies in the same Bed with the Prince of Condé his bitter Enemy Made General of the Kings Forces 84. shot in the shoulder treacherously by one Poltrot a Hugonot whereof â—e dyes 86. leaves three Sons Henry Duke of Guise Lodowick a Cardinal whom Henry III. caused to be murthered and the Duke of Mayenne who was after Head of the Catholick League 94 Charles Duke of Guise having been long Prisoner at Tours escapes at noon day and flees to Bourges 510. tells the Spaniards his being chosen King would prove ridiculous to others and ruinous to himself 613. he and the Duke â—f Mayenne unite to favor each other to be choâ—en King 623. leaves the League and makes his composition with the King 655. as Heir of the House of Anjou pretends right to Provence ib. ploâ—s to get into Marseiâ—les 699. makes himself Master of it 700 Francis Duke of Guise recovered Calais from the English anno 1557. invited by their negligence in guarding it 702 Henry the young Duke of Guise gets great reputation by sustaining the Siege of Poictiers 156. admitted to the Cabinet Council 158. resoâ—ves to marry Catharine de Cleves 173. besets the Admirals house 183. shot in the face 216 by his cunning politick discourses are brought into Assemblies instituted for Devotion 221. Causes that moved him and his Brothers to frame the League 224. v. 325. they foment the peoples hatred against the King 237. forâ—sâ—eing their own ruine contrive new designs 247. by means of Preachers and Fryars in Pulpits and other places of Devotion labours to insinuate the Catholick League into the people 250. besieges and takes Ausone 305. falls upon the Germans in their quarters and gives them a sudden assault at Auneau and with a great slaughter obtains a famous Victory 326. causes a Writing to be presentâ—d to the King with many cunning demands redounding to his own benâ—fit 332. is discontented at the Kings declaring the Duke of Espernon Admiral of the Kingdom and Governor of Normandy 333. disobeys the King commanding him not to come to Paris 337. goes to wait upon the Queen-mother visits the King who is angry with him in words and looks perceiving what danger he was in takes leave and departs 338. being fearful of the King is strongly guarded and goes with 400 Gentlemen privately well armed to the Louvre to wait upon the King to Mass his discourse with the King and Queen-mother 339. makes the Parisians believe the King meant to put One hundred and twenty of the chief Catholicks to death 341. ceases to force the Louvre and appeaseth the people seeing the King as it were a Prisoner and the City in his power 343. he and his adherents are stung at the Kings Speech at the Assembly of Blois 359. sends with the King and States to the Duke of Savoy to demand restitution of the Marquisate of Saluzzo and upon refusal to denounce War 365. his consultation with the Archbishop of Lyons the Cardinal his brother and Duke d'Elbeuf 369. hath an Handkerchief sent him by his Secretary Pelicart to bid him save himself but it comes not to his hands swoons in the Council-chamber an ill omen of his approaching death slain as he lifts up the hangings of the Closet-door all his chief Adherents made Prisoners 't was reported he received two millions of Crowns from Spain 370. his and the Cardinal his brothers bodies burnt in quick-lime and their bones buried in an unknown place his virtues and endowments both in body and mind Page 373 Duke of Joyeuse at Coutras prepares to Battel with great confusion 321. is thrown to the ground offers 100000 Crowns in ransom yet is slain 322 Duke of Lorrain agrees secretly with the Duke of Mayenne not to elect any to be King that was not only a stranger but not of their family 513. offers the grand Duke of Thuscany in the Kings behalf the Princess Catharine in marriage to the Duke his son 610 Duke of Mantua Ludovico Gonzaga marries Henrietta de Cleve sister to the Duke of Nevers 99 Duke of Mayenne commands his mutinous Soldiers to be cut in pieces 18. persuaded by his sister Madam de Monpensier makes himself Head of the Holy Union at Paris is declared Lieutenant General of the Crown of France 384. refuses a Truce 388 defeats the Count de Brienne and takes him Prisoner 397. assaults the Kings Army at Tours fights a long time but supplies coming from the King of Navâ—rre gives off 398. a Treaty of Agreement between him and Henry IV. 436. he will not hearken to it 437. makes the Archbishop of Lyons his High-Chancellor ibid. layes siege to Melun 439. after twenty five dayes raises the siege and marches towards Rouen to appease new Troubles 440. invites the Deputies of the Provinces upon the death of the Cardinal de Bourbon to choose another King 460. confers the Government of Paris on the Duke d'Esguillon his eldest Son and appoints the Marquis of Belun his Lieutenant 448. is troubled at the attempts of his Family designs of the Duke of Savoy and delays of the Spaniard 489. is not satisfied with the new Pope sends President Jeannin to the King of Spain and Sieur des Portes to the Pope to sollicite aid ibid. orders Marquis Menelay to be killed gives a Scalado to Manâ—e but is beaten off 504. goes to assault the Suisses at Hudam but forced to return 505. marches to Han to give courage to the besieged of Noyon 506. will not hazard a Battel with the King
moved at the King of France his answer to their Ambassadors raise an Army under the conduct of Prince Casimir which being come into Alsatia was forty thousand men led by the Baron d'Onaw Lieutenant-General to Prince Casimir Rodolphus the Second the Emperor commands the Baron d' Onaw by a publick Edict to disband the Army raised without his leave and to desist from the business upon pain of the Impeâ—ial banishment to which the Baron answers with excuses that he ought not to desist * Or Crâ—ates Care taken by the Duke of Lorain that the German Army might not stay in his Country The first assault given by those of the League to the Germans in Lorain A bold act of a German Trooper The German Army going out of Lorain rich with spoil enters France where not esteeming the Duke of Guises small Forces they continue to pillage and destroy the Country The great abundance of all things causing surfeits brings great morttality in the German Army Hâ—nry the III. goes in person with an Army to oppose the Germans and to keep thâ—m from joining with the King of Navarre The German Army mutinies At Coutras the D. of Ioyeuse with his Army prepares himself to Battel but with great confusion The King of Navarre takes opporâ—unity â—y the Enemies slowness aâ—d puts his Army in excellent order * Thâ— French Translation sayes and to the Maâ—quess of Galerande The Armies face one another and the Battel begins The Albanians break through a Squadron of Cuirassiers run to Couâ—ras pillage the Hugonots baggage and could no more be rallied in the Battel The D. of Ioyeuse thrown to the ground offers 100000 Crowns in ransom yet is slain The Catholicks lose the day are all killed and taken prisoners except a very few that save themselves by flight The King is not displeased at the loss nor at the Duke of Ioyeuse death The Swisses do not willingly fight when they see the Ensignes of their Cantons displayed in the Enemies Army The Duke of Guise jested at by the Duke of Mayenne for saying he would assault the Enemy because they were indiscreetly quartered The D. of Guise knowing the want of discipline and experience in the German Army resolves though much inferiour in number to fall upon them in their quarters The Baron dâ— Onaw gets out of Vilâ—ory and having fought is wounded in the head and saves himself by favour of the night The Duke of Guise gives a sudden assault to the Germans at Auneau and with a great slaughter of them obtains another famous Victory The Duke of Espernon begins again to treat an Agâ—eement with the Swisses of the German Army and they have leave granted them to return with a safe-conduct to their own home The Reiters and the Geâ—mans following the exaâ—ple of the Swisses do thâ— same All the Army that was commanded by the Baron d' Onau disbands at last The Duke of Bouillon flies to Gâ—â—â—va and diâ—s there A Woman kills 〈…〉 with a knife * And therefore usually called Colonel Alfonso Corso The miserable end of the reliques of the mighty Army of the Germans 1588. Vast thoughts of the House of Lorain too much puffed up by prosperous successes The Duke of Guise causes a Writing to be presented to the King with many cunning demands redounding to his own benefit The King declares â—he D. of Espâ—â—non Admiral of the Kingdom and Governour of Normandy to the great discontent of the Duke of Guise The Council of Sixteen informâ— the Duke of Guise of 20000 men in readiness for any design The Duke of Aumale is in a readiness with 500 Horse to assist the conspiracy of the Parisians A Conspiracy against the Kings person Nicholas Poulain reveals the whole Plot to the High Chancellour and confirms it also to the King himself Henry Prince of Conde poisoned at S. Iehan d' Angâ—ly by his own servants * He that will stir up a Wasps-nest had first need to cover his face well A saying of the Queen-Mother Resolutions taken to free themselves of the Conspiracy of the Parisians The Kings preparations to make himself sure of the Conspirators to block up the passages about Paris and keep victuals from thence The Council of Sixteen by the Kings preparationâ— begin to suspect that their Plot is discovered and the Heads being dismayed send for the Duke of Guise to Paris The King commands the Duke of Guise not to come to Paris but he disobeys The Duke goes to wait upon the Queen-mother who becomes pale and affrighted * I will strike the Shâ—pherd and the Sheep shall be scattered The King being visited by the Duke of Guise shews himself angry both in words and looks because he was come to Paris contrary to his command The Queen disswades the King from his boughts aâ—gainst the Duke of Guise who perceiving in what danger he was presently takes his leave and departs The King and Queen are strongly guarded for fear of the Duke of Guise and he being fearful alsâ— takes the same care The Duke of Guise goes with 400 Gentlemen privately well armed to the Louvre to wait upon the King to Mass. Discourses that pass between the King the Queen-mother and the Duke of Guise The King commands fiâ—teen thousand strangers to be driven out of Paris but the execution is hindered whereupon he resolves to suppress the Insurrection by force The Duke of Guise makes the Parisians bâ—lieve that the King meant to put Sixscore of the chief Catholicks to death The Kings Soldiers come into Paris and guard the Loâ—vre with the streets about it as also the Bridges and Market-places of the City The Parisians raised at the ringing of the bells make barricadoes cross the streets and blocking up all the Kings Corps de Garde come up to the Louvre and begin to assaule the Royalists The Duke of Guise seeing the City in his power and the King as is were a prisoner ceaseth to prosecute the forâ—eing of the Louvre and appeaseth the people Aleâ—â—andro Farâ—â—se Duke of Parma his saying of the Duke of Guise The opinion that the Duke of Guise made way for his designs to seise upon the Crown of France and possess it after the death of Henry the III. The Queen-Mother goes to the Duke of Guise in her Sedan being denied passage in her Coach confers with him but brings back nothing but complaints and exorbitant demands While the Queen returns to the Duke of Guisâ— treaâ—s with him the King with sixteen Gentlemen leaves Paris and retires to Chartres The cause of distaste between the Duke of Espernon and Villeroy The Duke of Espernon coming to Court is not received by the King with his wonted favour by his order quits his Government of Normandy and retires to Angoulesme The Conditions of Peace between the King and the League The Duke of Guise goes with the Q Mother to Câ—artres to the King and is received by him with great demâ—nstrations of honour in appearance Pope Sixtâ—s
Quintus writes congratulatory Letters to the D. of Guisâ— full of high praises The Pope thought he saw not cleerly into the affairs of the League The Pope chuseth Giovaâ— Francesco Moresini Bishop of Bergamo Legat to the Congregation of the States he being much desired by the King to whom he was Nuncio At the same time he is made Cardinal The Duke of Espernon is conspired against at Angoulesme Secretary Villeroy fomenting the business upon a secret order from the King The King according to the example of his Grand-father dismisseâ—h many old servants for their too much wisdom In the place of the High-Chancellour Chiverny Francois Sieur de Mâ—ntâ—elon is chosen Garde de Seaux * Lord Keeper The Assembly of States-General called at Blois upon the agreement between the King and the League begins with extraordinary preparations The King begins the Assembly with a fine Speech which sâ—ings the Duke of Guise and his adherents Monthelon the Garde des Seaux prosecutes and amplifies the King's Speech * Râ—naud de Beaune * Michel Marâ—eaâ— The King and the States swear in solemn manner to perform the Edict made before or persevâ—ring in the Catholick Religion The common opinion that the Duke of Guise aspired to the authority which the Masters of the Palace were wont to have * Les Maires du Palais Câ—ipâ—ric King of France of an effeminate nature put into a Monastery by Charles Martel and Pâ—pin Masters of the Palace The Proposition of receiving the Council of Trent made in the Assembly of the States-General is rejected with great contradiction The King is râ—quested to declare the King of Navarre incapable of the Crown and all others suspected of heresie after much opposition he consents coldly unto it The King seeing the râ—solution of the States against the King of Nâ—varre procures an abâ—oluâ—ion at Rome for the Prince of Câ—nâ—y and Count Soissons of the House of Bourbâ—â— which much troubles the Duke of Guisâ—â— Charles Emanuel Duke of Savoy possesseth himself of the Marquesate of Saluzzo Causes alledged by the Duke of Savoy in excuse for his surprisal of the Marquesate of Saluzzo They send to the Duke of Savoy to demand the restitution of Saluzzo and upon his refusal to denounce War A fray happens among the Lords Pages one of the Duke of Guises is slainâ— the uproar riseth to that height that the whole factioâ—â— are divided under the names of Royalists and Guisaâ—ds the King himself being armed goes to the quarrel The King admits Giâ— Mocenigo Ambassador from Venice though he were not one of the Sauii dâ— Tâ—â—ra Firma * Magistrates so called at Venice because they have the principal adminâ—stration of affairs by land and the care of matters belonging to Peace and War Chrestienne de Lorain which should have been given to the King of Navarre is married to Ferdinandâ— de Medici Grand Duke of Thuscany The King desiring â—o free himself of the Duke of Guâ—se proposeâ— his design to four of his most trusty Confidents who after long consultation resolve to have him killed * Le porche aux Bretons The answer of Grillon Captain of the Guards Lognâ—c promiseth the King that the Duke of Guise should be slâ—in The King's resolution against the Duke of Guise comes to the ear of the Duke of Guise himself A consultation between the Duke of Guise the Cardinal his Brother the Archbishop of Lyons and the Duke d' Elbeuf The order taken by the King for the killing of the Duke of Guise The Captains invention to double the Guards and not be suspected by the Duke of Guise * The French Translation says Grand Mastre de la Garde robbe Pelicart the Dukes Secretary sends him a Note in a Handkerchief to bid him save himself but it comes not to his hands The Duke of Guise swoonin theCouncil-Chamber An ill omen of his approaching death The Duke of Guise is slain as he lifts up the hanging of the Closet-door The Cardinal of Guise and Archbishop of Lyâ—â—s are made prisoners as also all the Lords and other chief adherents of the Duke of Guise * The ordinary Iudge of the Kings houshold his command extends to all places within six leagues of the Court. It was reported that the Duke of Guise had received from Spain the sum of two millions of Crowns The King admitting every one into his presence speaks very resentingly The King says to his Mother Now I am King of France for I have put to death the King of Paris The King discourseth a long while with the Cardinal of Moresini about the Duke of Guises death The King seeing that the Legat shewed no trouble at the imprisonment of the Cardinals commands that Lewis of Lorain Cardinal of Guise be also put to death Du Gast a Captain of the Kings Guard causes the Cardinal of Guise to be slain by four Souldiers The bodies of the two Brothers were burned in quick Lime and their bones buried in an unknown place The Duke of Guise's Virtues and Endowments both in body and mind The Archbishops of Lyons being often examined would never answer alledging that as Primate of all France he had no other Superiour but the Catholick Church The Cardinal of Bourbon the Prince of Iainville now called Duke of Guise the Archbishop of Lyons and the Duke d'Elbeuf are all put into the Castle of Amboyse Charles Duke of Mayâ—nne third Brother to the Guises being advertised of his Brothers death flees from Lyons 1589. Katherine de Medicâ—s Wife to Henry the Second died on Twelfth-Eve in the 70 year of her age thirty whereof she spent in the Regency and in the management of the greatest affairs and troubles of the Kingdom of Franceâ— 1588. 1589. The Insurrection of the Parisians at the news of the Duke of Guise's death Charles of Lorain Duke of Aumale being made Governor of Paris by the City armes the people and orders them regularly under Commanders The Preachers detracting from the King celebrate the Duke of Guise his Martyrdom with exceeding high praises The Colledge of Sorbonne declares Henry the Third to have forfeited his Right to the Crown and his Subjects free from their Oath of Allegiance The King's Arms and Statues are thrown down the Navarrists and Politicks persecuted and slain All the Counsellors of Parliament and Officers who adhered to the King are imprisoned in the Bastille A Decree is made to combine themselves for the defence of Religion and it is called the Holy Vnion The Dutchess of Guise comes to the Parliament and demands justice they determine to do it her and chuse those that should form the Process Places and Cities which rise and unite themselves with the Parisians * Rather in Languedâ—â— A description of the miserable condition that France fell into by the means of the Duke of Guise his death The Names which the Factions gave one another * Bandes Blanckes Sixtus 5. being told of the Cardinal of Guise's death is highly offended and answers
the King ' Ambassadors very sharply who came to excuse it to him Sixtus Quintus chuseth a congregation of Cardinals who were to consult about the affairs of France * The French sayes Commandeur Vn Commandeur is one that having Ecclesiastical Livings may not Marry and yet is not compelled to be a Priest as the Grand Prior of France and all the Knights of St Iohn's in Iâ—rusalem Commines lib. 7. cap. 9. The King writes kind Letters to the Duke of Mayâ—nne promising him very great things The Duke of Mayenne notwithstanding the Kings promises being perswaded by Madam de Montpensier his sister makes himself Head of the Holy Vnion * Oâ— sâ—veral C urâ—s The Duke of Mayenne being come to Paris is declared Lieutenant-General of the Crown of France The Council of the Union is chosen consisting of forty of the chiefest persons of the League The Bishop of Mans is sent by the King on purpose to demand absolution for the Cardinal of Guise his death The Abbot of Orbais sent to Rome by the Duke of Mayenne treats of the affairs of the League very effectually The Legat propounds a Truce to the Duke of Mayenne but he refuseth it The King of Navarre grants Liberty of Conscience in those places he had taken and publisheth a Manifâ—st offering to take Arms against those that rebelled against their natural King The Duke of Espernon returned into his former Greatness treats a Truce with the King of Navarre Cardinal Moresini the Legat makes grievous complaints unto the King The Spanish Ambassador departs from Court without taking leave and goes to Paris Cardinal Moresini stays with the King and the Pope falling into suspicion of him accounts him guilty The peace is concluded between the King of France and the King of Navarre Capt. du Gast who killed the Cardinal of Guise treats an agreement with those of the League by the perswasion of the Archbishop of Lyons The prisoners given in custody to Captain du Gast Governour of Amboise are sent to several fortresses under safer guards The Truce is concluded for a year between the most Christian King and the King of Navarre Cardinal Mâ—resini the Legat assoon as the Peace is concluded with the Hugonots departs from Court to go out of the Kingdom * Two thousand pounds sterling The Legat moves the Duke of Mayenne to an accommodation who refuses to hearken to it The Parisians at the news of the Truce between the King and the Hugonots besides many publick signs of contempt forbid the King to be prayed for any longer in the Canon of the Mass. The Duke of Montpensier begins the war against those of the League and besieges the Falaise The Gautiers Country people up in Arms to the number of 16000 fight for the League Montpensiâ—r defeats the Count de Brissac's Forces who came to divert the siege of Falaise The Gautiers being fortified in three places after they had fought a long time some are cut in pieces and some yield Vendosme taken by the League by agreement with the Governour * Or Plessis les Tours The Interview between the most Christian King and the King of Navarre at Tours The Duke of Mayenne defeats the Count de Brienne and takes him prisoner The Duke of Mayenne assaults the Kings Army at Tours where they fight a long time The King himself orders and disposes his Souldiers puts himself among those that fight At last supplies coming from the King of Navarre the Duke of Mayenne gives off the enterprise St. Malin who gave the first wound to the Duke of Guise at Blois slain in the Fight at Tours his death is boasted of as a Miracle and as a presage of Victory The Duke of Aumale besieges Sâ—nlis Monsieur de Longueville goes with small forces to relieve it and raises the siege with a great slaughter of the Leaguers The Duke of Aumale loses the day with his Artillery Baggage and thirty Colours Monsieur de Sancy having raised great Forces in Switzerland and begun the War with Savoy marches-towards Paris against the Leaguers The Count de Soissons assaulted at Chasteau-Gyron by the Duke de Mercoeur is taken prisoner The Sieur de Saveuse going with 400 horse to joyn with the Duke of Mayenne is routed by the Sieur de Chastilloâ— and taken prisoner The King takes Gergeau and Piviers Chartres voluntarily sets open the Gates The Pope by a Monitory declares the King liable to Censure if within 60 dayes he releases not the Prelates and does not Penance for the Cardinal of Guise's death The King troubled at it fasts forty hours Words of Hen. the Third upon the Excommunication thundered out against him The King of Navarr's Answer The King taking Estampes hangs the Magistrates and gives the pillage of the Town to the Soldiers The Swisses arrive and joyn with the King at Poissy The King with a victorious and numerous Army lays siege to Paris having taken all those placâ—s that furnisht it with victual A saying of the Kings who having been to discover the Enemies Works staid at a place from whence he looked upon the whole City of Paris The birth age and condition of Iaques Clement a Fryar of the Order of St. Dominick The King is called Henry of Valois the Tyrant and Persecutor of the Faith Frier Iaques Clement having advised with the Prior and others of his Order resolves to kill the King and to that end goes from Paris A Question made to the Frier and his Answer Upon the first of August the Frier brought in to the King gives him a Letter and then drawing a Knife thrust it into his Belly The King strikes the same Knife into the Friers Forehead Monsieur de la Guesle runs him thorough and being cast out of the window he is torn in pieces The death of Hen. the third upon the first of August at night Anno 1589 he having lived 36 years and reigned 1â— and two months the House of Valois ended in him and the Crown devolved upon the House of Bourbon The King of Navarre having many Lords in the Camp ill-affected to him in respect of Religion and other private causes is in great perplexity Causes of hatred between the King of Navarre and the Duke of Espernon The Catholicks assemble themselves to consult about the future Kâ—ng The Catholicks resolve to declare the K. of Navarre K. of France upon assurance that he would change his Religion The Duke of Luxembourg delivers the resolution of the Catholick Lords in the Camp to the K. of Navarre The King thanks the Catholicks and his answer about changing his Religion The Sieur de la Noue a Hugonot tells the King that he must never think to be King of France if he turn not Catholick The Catholicks of the Camp swear fidelity to the King by a Writing signed and established and the King Swears to the maintenance of the Catholick Religion by the same Writing The Duke of Espernon standing upon precedency will not sign the
at Sun-set again it is plain the Author meant 2 hours within night which according to the time of Sun-set there in that season of the year must needs be before Nine a Clock for after 2 they could not have had time enough before day-light to march so far and to make a several attempts to scale the City The King marches towards St. Denis but in the midst of the night gives a scalado to the walls of Paris yet the vigilancy of the Duke of Nemours makes it ineffectual The Kings soldiers return at break of day to scale the walls again â— ladders are set up but being discovered they are repulsed with the death of the first that went up Errors imputed to the King and his Army Excuses in favour of the King The King being come to St. Denis without money or victorâ— separates his Army which was oppressed with many diseases The King assaults and batters 〈◊〉 so violently that upon the third day he takes and sacks it Câ—aude Prince of Iainville defends Troyes and beats back Monsieur de Tinteville who had like to have surprised it by intelligence with some of the Citizens The Duke of Parma against his own will lays siege to Corbeil The French of the League begin to hate the Duke of Parma's Souldiers The Duke of Parma takes Corbeil Rigaut the Governour is slain with most of the defendents and the place sacâ—ed The death of Siâ—tus Quintus The Duke of Parma though earnestly intreated to stay in France prepares nevertheless for his departure Vrban the VII created Pope after Sixtus V. he lives but twelve days and is succeeded by Gregory XIV a Milanese The ordering of the Spanish Army in their return into Flanders The Baron de Guiry recovers Corbâ—il and Lagny which had been taken by the Duke of Parma The Spanish Army marching towards Flanders and the Kings Army following they skirmish many dayes but upon the 25 of November the King making shew that he would fight the Baron de Biron engageth himself so far that being relieved by his Friends he had much ado to escape with help of night The King assaults the Spanish Army again and his Horse having encompassed the enemies Rereguard would have cut it in pieces if Georgio Basti a famous Captain of those times had not disengaged them with his Lanciers The Duke of Parma takes leave of the Duke of Mayenne leaving him a Tertia of Italians and another of Spaniards and 500 Horse The Duke of Mencoeurs pretensions to the Dutchy of Bretagne The Prince of Dombes Governor for the King in Bretagne opposes the Duke of Morcoeurs designs and causes Fort Dombes to be built which is demolished bâ— the Spaniards The Sieur de Vins and the Countess de Seâ—â—x conclude to give the superâ—â—â—ity of Provence to the Duke of Savoy he goes to Aiâ— and is by the Parliament declared Head of the Politick and Military Government The Duke of Mayenne writes resentingly to the Parliament of Aix and to the Sieur de Vins who repenting himself begins to dis-favour the Duke of Savoys designs Grenoble in Dauphine after a long siege returns to the Kings obedience 1591. The King assaults Corby and takes it 1591. The Catholicks make great complaints for the Kings persevering in Calvinism Remedies used by the King to conserve the affections of those of his party and keep them in obedience The King recalls the Duke of Espernon to the Army and other Catholick Lords to reconcile them unto him * The Visâ—ount The Viscount of Turenne obtains asâ—istance from Queen Elizabeth the Hollanders and the Protestant Princes of Germany The party of the League take a disgust against the D. of Mayenne which is fomented by the Spaniards The Lords oâ— the House of Lorain begin to be displeased and to grow jealous of one another The Duke of Nemours for some discontents received from his brother the Duke of Mayenne refuses the Government of the City of Paris which the Duke of Mayenne confers upon his eldest Son the Duke of Esguillon appointing the Marquiss of Belin his Lieutenant The Complaiâ—ts of the Widow Dutchess of Guise 1590. The Duke of Mayenne is troubled at the attempts of those of his Family at the designs of the Duke of Savoy and at the delays of the Spaniards The Duke of Mayenne is not satiâ—fied with the new Pope Gregory the 14. doubting his too great dependency upon Spain and the unactiveness of his nature The Duke of Mayenne dispatches President Ieannin to the King of Spain and the Sieur des Portes to the Pope to sollicite aid 1591. The Chevalier d' Aumale goes to surprise St. Denis and without resistance enters with all his men but the Governor with only thirty Horse charges and routs the enemy the Chevalier d' Aumale being run thorow the throat and left dead It was observed that the Chevalier d' Aumale fell dead before an Inn whose sign was a Sword embroidered with Golden Flower-de-luces and that his body being set in the Church was gnawn by Moles The French says Rats President Brisson one of the principal adherents to the League having changed his mind plots insurrections in favor of the King Eighty Captains and other Reformadoes disguised with as many horseâ— load of Corn and Meal receive order to go up to the Port St Honore about midnight and to attempt to surprise Paris The Marquis de Belin Lieutenant Governour of Paris advertised of the Kings design and of some tokens of President Brissons practices makes a severe Proclamation and orders and disposes the Militia and the Citizens for the defence of the the City * Or Wards The order observed by the Kings Souldiers for the surprising of Paris The fourscore disguised Reformadoes are discovered by the Sieur de Tâ—emblecourt The Parisians that they might not be lest unprovided receive a Teâ—â—ia of Spaniards and another of Neopolitans into the City The Duke of Mayenne jealous of the Spanish designs procures a Treaty so far that for many days the Peace was certainly thought to be concluded Pope Gregory the XIV resolves to send meâ— and money to assist the League Marsilio Landriano a Milanese is chosen Legat to the Kingdom of France by Gregory the XIV Gregory the 14. assigns 15000 Crowns by the month for the service of the League The description of the siâ—uation of Chartres before which the Mareschal de Byron lays siege The Sieur de Chastillon's stratagem to cast up his Trench by night without errour For want of Ammunition the Battery goes on so slowly at Chartres that the King thinks to raise the siege The Defendents of Chartres not being relieved surrender the Town The Duke of Mayenne besieges Chasteau-Thierry a place more pleasant than strong the Governor whereof was the Secretary Pinart Secretary Pinart having brought all his goods into the Castle for fear of losing them treats a Composition with the Sieur de Villeroy The Duke of Mayenne receiveth the place and Castle with the
cut in pieces The Prince of Conty without ever turning his face saves himself with all the Horse at Chasteau-â— ntier The Declaration made by the Duke of Mayenne for the congregation of the States published the fifth of Ianuary 1593. 1593. 1592. 1593. * Mem. de la Ligne Him The Tenor of another Declaration published by the Cardinal Legat wherein he exhorts the Catholicks of the Kings party to forsake the Heretick and unite themselves with the States to elect a Catholick King Pope Clem. 8. sends Innocentio Malvagia into France in the place of Commissary Matteucci with more particular Commissions to Cardinal Sega the Legat but they work small effect The Spanish Council resolves to propose the election of the Infanta Isabella to be Queen of France Diego d' Ivarra ill affected to the Duke of Mayenne practises with the Deputies of the States apart to dispose them to the election of the Infanta but every one of his private treaties comes to the Duke of Mayenne's knowledge The Spanish Ministers ill informed of the inclinations of the French and of the Duke of Mayenne's authority contrary to Iuan Baptista Tassis's opinion prosecute their Treaty a wrong way The Duke of Mayenne knowing the Spanish practices as he was certain that without his consent none of their designs would take effect so was he troubled at the pretensions which the Lords of his House had to the Crown as well as he The Overture of the States is made in Paris Ian. 26. 1593. The Duke of Mayenne fitting under the Cloth of State as King in the Hall of the Louvre makes the Overture of the States exhorting them to elect a Catholick King able to sustain the weight of the Crown The Cardinal Legats Proposition The Arch-bishop of Lyons his Answer A Trumpet of the Kings comes to Paris and brings a Packet to thâ— Governor which being opened by the Duke of Mayenne in the presence of the Confederates contains an offer from the Catholick Lord and Prelats of the King's party The Sieur de Villeroy averse from the Spaniards and a friend to peace writes to the Sieur de Fleury to advertise the Catholicks of the danger the King was in and of the attempts to cause the Infanta Isabella to be elected Queen The Duke of Bouillon a Hugonot was ever of opinion That the King could not be a peaceable possessor of his Crown unless he turned Catholick perhaps to the end he might remain Head of the Hugonots The Legate's opposition against the Propositions of the King 's Catholicks It is concluded by the Votes of the major part of the Lords in the private meeting that the Writing should be read in the assembly of the States notwithstanding the opposition of the Legat and the Spaniards The tenor of a Manifest published by â—he King at Câ—arâ—â—es 1592. The Duke of Mayenne resolveth to deferr the business of the protestation of the Kings Catholicks till he had conferred with the Duke of Feria Ambassador from Spain to the Assembly of the States The Duke of Mayenne having left order with the Deputies not to meddle with matters of importance till his return goes to Soissons where having conferred with the Spanish Ambassadors they break out in disgusts The Duke of Feria and Mâ—ndozza Spanish Ambassâ—dors urge the Duke of Mayenne for the election of â—he Infanta Isabella to the Kingdom The Answer of the Catholick Ambassadors to the Duke of Mayenne The Duke of Mayenne by reason of the answers and threats of the Spanish Ambassadors departs in anger from the Meeting The Popes Ministers and others labour so far that the differences between â—he Duke and the Spaniards are composed in show but not in their hearts The Duke of Mayennâ— with the Spanish Forces commanded by Câ—aâ—lâ—s of Mâ—nâ—fâ—lt and with the Popes commanded by Appiâ— Conti and with his own besieges Noyon Monsieur d'Estrâ—e surrenders Noyon to the Duke of Mayenne afteâ— a few days siege It is determined at Paris that the Popes Forces should enter into the City â—ut their Commander being killed and the Souldiers dismissed the Duke of Mayâ—nne sends hiâ— Sonâ— Regiment thither to put heart into his adherents Count Soissons to whom the King had formerly promised his Sister the Lady Catherine to wife departed from the Camp and went secretly into Bearne where being assisted by Madam de Granmont once beloved and after forsaken by the King he intends to marry the Princess but the King being advertised goes into those parts and bringing back his Sister with him cuts off the Counts designs The Writing of the Kings Catholicks sent to the Convocation of the Stateâ— is damned by the Spaniards for Heretical and therefore they urge that it should neither be accepted nor answered The Cardinal-Legat perswaded by the Archbishop of Lyons consents in secret that an answer should be given to the Catholicks of the Kings party The Tenor of the Answer wherein the Conference demanded is accepted Surenne is chosen for the place of conference The persons elected on both sides to intervene at the Conferenâ—â— The Lords of the House of Lorain being met at Rheims to treat about the election of a King differ in opinions by reason of their own interests Girolamo Gondi with the Grand Duke of Thuscany's consent treats an Agreement with the Duke of Lorain in the Kings behalf offering him the Princess Catherine in marriage for the Prince his Son and the Count de Schombergh treats an agreement with the Duke of Mayenne but with weak hope of success A Truce is concluded and published for four Leagues about Paris and as much about Surenne for the security of them that treated the Parisians rejoyce at it very much May the 19 1593 there is a private meeting in the Legats Palace where the Lords of the House of Lorain are present and other Deputies representing the three Orders The Duke of Feria in the meeting proposeth the election of the Infanta to be Queen being Daughter to Philip the Second King of Spain by Elizabeth elâ—est sister to Hâ—nry the Third King of France The Bishop of Senlis though a â—ieâ—er Enemy to the King answers the 〈…〉 The Duke of Mayenne dextrously excuses what the Bishop of Senlis had too freely spoken Iuan Baptista Tassis and Inigo Mendozza propose the Election of the Infanta in the publick Assembly of the States The Spanish proposition is ill relished by the Deputies and esteemed unjust The Spanish Ambassadors Answer concerning a Husband for the Infanta The Duke of Mayenne being assured that none of his Sons should be named for the Infanta's Husband prosecutes the Treaty with the Royallist Pretenders to the Infanta out of hope to attain the Crown The Royallists excluded from the hopes of reigning and weary of their toils make great complaints against the Kings obstinacy saying That whereas before they had a King of gold they had now a King of iron The King perswaded by those he trusted in and by necessity causes a Proposition to be
made in the Conference at Suâ—enne to find how his Conversion would be relished if he should resolve to turn The Arch-Bishop of Bourges tells them in the Conference that the King inspired by God would turn to the Catholick Religion The Deputies of the League answer the Archbishop of Bourges his proposition The Kings Deputies present a writing to those of the League which is accepted The Spaniards fearing the propositions of the Royallists offer that their King should give the Infanta in marriage to one of the Princes of the House of Lorain The Cardinal Legat writes to Cardinal Pelleve to make protestation in his name unto the States that they can neither treat of the Kings conversion peace nor any thing else because of the Decree of the Canons and the Oath the Deputies had taken The King to give reputation to his party besiegetâ— Dreux The defendents quit the Town and having fired many houses to gain time to save themselves retire into the Castle The Spanish Ambassadors promise in their Kings behalf to give the Infanta in Marriage to the Duke of Guise as soon as she should be chosen Queen which troubles the Duke of Mayenne The Sieur de Bassompierre Ambassador for the Duke of Loraâ—n demands to have that Treaty suspended till his Master were advertised of it The Duke of Mayenne desirous to disturb â—he Proposition of the Spaniards pâ—ss many difficulties into the Duke of Guise his consideration * Rubicon the nâ—me of a River in Italy which Julius Caesar passed in the beginning of his expedition against Pompey whâ—nce To pass the Rubicon is become a phrase for to enter into a dangerous exploit The Duke of Guise though inwardly of another mind answers that he will not digress from his Uncles Counsels The Duke of Mayenne faining to be glad but desiring indeed to hinder the Duke of Guise's greatness askâ— exorbitant conditions of the Spaniards The Duke of Mayenne seeing himself excluded from the Crown begins a Treaty to bring in the Cardinal of Bourbon The Duke of Mayenne to hinder the Spanish design gets the Parliament of Paâ—is to make a Decree that the Crown should not be transferred upon strangers and to give order to him to hinder all such like Treaties The Spanish Ambassadors going through the streets of Paris are mocked and abused with ill language The King sends for Prelates and Divines from several places and being instructed at Mante publishes that he will go to Mass at St. Deniâ— upon the Five and twentieth of Iuly The Archbishop of Bourges tells them in the Conference at Surenne that the King is resâ—lved to reconcile himself to the Church The Duke of Guise tells the Spaniards that his Election to be King of France would prove ridiculous to others and ruinous to himself The Ceremonies used in the Act of the Kings Conversion upon St. Iames his day Anno 1593. by the Archbishop of Bourgâ—s in the chief Church of St. Denis The Duke of Mayenne tells the Spanish Ambassadors in the name of all the States that they had determined to defer the electâ—on of their future King till another time The Truce is concluded and published for three monthâ— the States are dismissed and invited to meet at the same place in October following having first made a Decree for the receiving the Council of Trent 1593. Lodovico Gonzaga Duke of Neveâ—s is chosen Ambassador of obedience to the Pâ—pe from the King after hiâ— Conversion and four Prelates are appointed to accompany him The Duke of Mayeâ—â—e sendâ— the Sieur de Montpezâ—t into Spain to treat with the Catholick King that tâ—e Infanta being elected Queen of â—rance might be given in marriage to his eldest Son The Pope neither approves of the Infanta's election nor marriage as things not feâ—sable but only seems to consent unto them not to disgust the Spaniards Pope Cleâ—â—nt could have wished that some Catholick Prince of the House of Bourbon might be elected to the Crown and that he should marry the Infanta but when he heard the Kings intention to turn Catholick he began to encline to hiâ— Giacopo Sanâ—esio a Servanâ— to the Family of Aldobrandino favoured by Clement the â—ighth was afterward enriched and elected Cardinal Arnaud d' Ossâ—t Agâ—nt at Rome for the Queen Dowager of Henry the Third Giacopo Sannesiâ— a Friend of d' Ossats hath order from the Pope to treat with him but as of himself about the affairs of the King of France and the Kingdom Monsignore Serafino Olivario having received Letters from the King brought by Monsieur de la Clielle shews them to the Pope The Sieur de lâ— Clielle is brought secretly to the Pope leaves the Kings letters and departs with no very good answer Cardinal Toledo treats often with la Clielle but resolves that the Pope cannot admit the Kings desires he being a relapsed Heretick D' Ossat gives order to la lielle to perâ—wade the â—King to go on in shewing himself a Catholick Divers Treatises are printed against the Absolution of Henry the IV given him by the French Prelates D' Ossat answers them but cannot geâ— leave to prinâ— his discourse The Pope sends Antonio Possevino a Jesuitâ— to tell the Duke of Nevers that he should not come to Româ— to execute his Embassy because the King was not yet acknowledged a Catholick thereupon the King goes to Manâ—uâ— The Pope sends Posseviâ—o again to the Duke of Nâ—verâ— to bid him come â—n to Rome where he should bâ— received as a Catholick Italian Prince though not as an Ambassador An â—nsurrection in the City of Lyonâ— against the Dâ—â—e of Nâ—mours who being Governor plotted to make himself absolute Lord but being discovered he is imprisoned and the Government given to the Archbishop of the City By a Decree of the chief heads of the City of Lyons the Duke of Nemours is puâ— out of the Gâ—vernment and the Marquisâ— of St. Sâ—â—lin out of â—hat of Dâ—upâ—iâ—e Thâ— Duke of Maâ—ennâ— and Guisâ— united thâ—mselves in affection and agrâ—e jointly to favour each other in thâ— electioâ— to be King Tassis being returned from Flanders treatâ— with respect and confidence with the Duke of Mayenne The King of Spain provided the Infanta might be elected resolves to give her any husband The Truce is prolonged for two months more The Pope seâ—dâ— the D. of Neuers word he intends not be shall stay at Rome above ten dayeâ— The Duke of Nevers being entred privately into Râ—me goes the same evening to kiss the Popeâ— feet The Pope lets the Duke of Nâ—verâ— know that he cannot prolong the term or ten dayes and that he could not admit the Prelates who came along with him to his presence unless they submitted themselves to the Penitentiâ—ro Maggierâ— who is the chief Officer that hath power to absolve a Penitent The Duke of Nevers falling upon his knees beseeches the Pope at least to give the King absolution in Foro Consâ—ientiae anâ— it is denied The Duke of Nâ—vers goes away dâ—sâ—ontented from
Rome The Duke comes to Venâ—ce where the French Prelaâ—es print a Book of the reasons that moved them to absolve the King Pie re Barriere a Vagabond fellow having conferred with two Fryers resolves to kill the King but being discovered he is takeâ— tortured and put to death * No Money no Vitry Monsieur de Vitry Governor of Meaux goes over to the King's Party and causes the Townsmen to send Deputies to the King to deliver the place into his hands The Duke of Alva by granting a strict ambiguous pardon to the Flemmings alienates more Cities from the Catholick King than his former punishments and rigours had done The Deputies of Meaux are graciously received by the King who grants them many Priviledges and confirms the Government upon Monsieur de Vitry and his Son 1594. The Sieur de Estrumel and Monsieur de la Chastre compound with the King for themselves and their Government The City of Lyons declares for the Kings Pâ—rty The City of Aix in Provence besieg'd by the Duke of Espernon being not relieved submits to the Kings obedience The substance of a Writing set forth by the Cardinal Legat to keep the Catholick League on foot The Duke of Mayenne 〈◊〉 avering iâ— so manâ— adversities â—hinks to make his peâ—ce with the King The Pope being sued to by the Duke of Mayennes Ambassadors for supplies of men and money excuses himself by the War of Hungary against the Turk The King of Spain shows the same coldness in assisting the League to the Sieur de Montpezat The Parisians murmur by reason of their sufferings which they begin again to feel and so much the more because the point of Religion being taken away they every day hear of the Kings good usage of the Catholicks The Count de Belin is removed from the Government of Paris and the Count de Bâ—â—ssaâ— elected in his place The Duke of Mayenne being resolved to lie no longer idle to the lessening of the reputation of his Party goes from Paris The Count de Brissac presently begins to deal with the chief men of the City to perswade them to submit to the Kings obedience Conditions of agreement concluded between the King and the Governour of Paris Particular conditions concluded in the favour of the Count de Brissac The King desires to be crowned some object that it cannot be done but at Reimes where the Sante Ampoule or holy Vial is kept which they say was brought from Heaven by an Angel to anoint King Clouis * The French says Dinan The obligation of France upon the day of their consecration By an artifâ—câ— of the Governour of Paris a Proclamation is made that upon pain of death and confiscation of goods none should assemble but in the Town-house The Count de Brissac having agreed to receive the King into Paris sends forâ—h the â—orces he distrusâ—s feigning that the Duke of Mayenne was sending Supplies and that it was necessary to meet them The manner used by the Governour to bring the King into the City of Paris The manneâ— how the King and his Forces entered into Paris After eight years space for so long it was since King Henry the III. fled from thence the City of Paris returns into obedience and Henry the Fourth enters into it The Count de Brissac cries Vive le Roy and the same cry runs thorow the whole City The people strive who shall mark themselves first with white Ribbands and white Crosses in their Hats and open their Shops the City being quiet within two hours The Cardinal-Legat goes out of the Kingdom Many out of jealousie depart with the Cardinal-Legaâ— and with the â—panish Ambassador The Bastile after five days resistance is surrendâ—ed to the King by the Sieur du Bourg Monsieur de Vâ—llars Governor of Rouen submits himself to the Kings obedience The Duke of Montpensier lays siege to Hâ—nfl ur which was the only place that held for the League in lower Normandy * Tarling is small pieces of Iron for which kind â—f Charge the narrow â—ore of Falconets is not very prâ—per and therefore I rather ghâ—ss they were Perriers which are commonly used for that puâ—pose The Kings Forces going on to the Assault without having well discovered the Moat are killed in it with showers of Musket-Bullets * Or Cuttings off Honfleur is delivered up to the Duke of Montpensier Places that â—ield themselves to the Kings obedience The Duke of Elâ—oeuf is the first of the House of Lorain that makes his peace with the King The Lords of the House of Lorain meet at Bar to treat of their common interests The Duke of Mayenne seeing the Lords of his Family were inclined to peace permits the Duke of Lorain to treat of it in all their names and in the mean time endeavours to reinforce himself that being armed he might obtaiâ— the better Conditions The Archduke Ernest at the news of the loss of Paâ—is resolves to think no longer of the Infanta's elecâ—ion but to seize upon some places in the Provinces confining upon Flandâ—rs to make amends for the past expences The Vice-Seneschal for money put a Spanish Garison into la Fere. The Duke of Aumale for 40000 Crownâ— Pension revolts unto the Spaniard with the places under his Government The Archduke Ernest informs them in Spain of the state of affairs and lets them know his determinations The Archdukes resolutions are approved and imbraced in Spain The Duke of Mayenne seeing the thred of his hopes broken and knowing himself to be constrained to one of two Resolutions wavâ—â—â— in determining and interposes obstacles to gain time The Pope permits Cardinal Gondi who had stayed some time in Florence to come to Rome but with a command not to speak a word about the Affairs of France Count Charles of Mansfelt enters into France with his Army and besieges la Cappelle The Sieur de Mailleraye Governour of la Cappelle surrenders to Count Mansfâ—lt The Parliament of Paris decrees That the King ought to be obeyed as lawful Prince declares them Rebels that disobey and takes away the Duke of Mayenne's Office of Lieutenant General * The Court of Accompts or Exchequer there is one of them in every Parliament The Colledge of Sorbonne declares the Kings Absolution valid and the Doctors thereof come to do him solemn homage at the Louvre The Duke of Mayenne goes to Bruxelles to treat with the Archduke The Spanish Ministers advise to keep the Duke of Mayenne prisoner in Flanders It is resolved at Bruxelles that the Duke of Mayenne shall join with Count Mansfelt to oppose the King together The King besieges Laon in which the Duke of Mayenne's Son was with much of the Dukes wealth Count Mansfelt having received order from the Archduke to relieve Laon with his forces as the Duke of Mayenne should think fit marches within a league of the Kings trenches The Spaniards â—eat the Kings forces out of a Wood where they had fortified themselves The Kings forces
That the Emperour the Catholick King the Queen of England the Republick of Venice the Duke of Savoy and the Commonalty of the Swisses should give security That neither the Duke of Guise nor the Constable should return into the Kingdom or raise any Army until such time as the King came to the age of two and twenty years Every man being incensed with these Conditions the Governours of the Kingdom resolved to send Monsieur de Fresne one of the Kings Secretaries to Estampes in the mid-way between Orleans and Paris who with a publick Proclamation should warn the Prince of Conde the Admiral Andelot and the rest of their Adherents within ten days after to lay down their Arms to deliver up the Towns they possessed and to retire privately to their own houses which if they did they should obtain pardon and remission for all that was past but if they refused to obey this his Majesties express Command it being an immediate Act of Treason and Rebellion they should be deprived of their estates and dignities and proceeded against as Rebels Which being published accordingly it was so far from working any thing upon the Hugonots that on the contrary either through desperation or disdain become more resolute they united themselves by a publick Contract in a perpetual Confederacy to deliver as they said the King the Queen and the Kingdom from the violence of their oppressors and to cause obedience to be rendered to his Majesties Edicts through all his Dominions They declared the Prince of Conde Head of this Confederacy and with their wonted liberty published in print a long Narration of the causes and end of this their Union The Queen for all this still employed her thoughts how to compass an agreement For besides the hopes she had to effect it nothing was more advantageous to her then gaining of time and by delaying the War to keep things from coming to an issue till her Son was out of his Minority which they pretended was at fourteen years of age She began already to endeavour by her usual arts to regain the Constable and the Guises and having given evident proof of her resolution to persevere in the Catholick Religion and continue constant to that party since when she was even in the Hugonots Camp she returned notwithstanding back to them again she had in great part removed and purged her self of those jealousies which they were wont to have of her inclinations insomuch as besides that they left her a more absolute power in the Government they sought by complying to make her approve of their proceedings Wherefore having more hope than ever to find some means of accommodation she began to deal with the Catholick Lords under the pretence of Justice and detestation of a Civil War that to shame the Hugonots and for their own honour they should be content to depart first from the Court as they were the first to come thither She laid before them how greatly it would commend their sincerity by one action only to extinguish that horrible flame which was now kindling in every part of the Kingdom to consume all things both sacred or prophane That they would merit much more of their Country by this so pious a resolution than by all their former exploits put together though never so glorious and beneficial For this would bring safety whereas those added only greatness and reputation She told them further that to absent themselves from the Court was but a ceremony of a few months for if nothing happened before to make it necessary to call them back again when the King came to age which would be shortly he would soon sâ—nd for them and in the mean while this short time of absence might be employed to their honour and advantage For every one retiring to their several Governments with which they were intrusted they might with industry keep the Provinces in peace and purge those that most needed it of the pestiferous humours that infected them whereas staying at the Court they served for nothing else but to foment and stir up a War She assured them she would never change resolution in matters of Religion or the Kings Education that never any thing of importance should be determined without their privity that the present Insurrections once quieted she would take care that with the first possible opportunity they should be recalled and that in all times they should find her gratitude answerable to so great a benefit if really they resolved to perform what she proposed With which kind of practises she so far prevailed that at the last the Duke of Guise the Constable and the Mareshal de St. Andre were contented to depart first from the Court and the Army provided that the Prince of Conde came presently without Arms to render himself to the Queens obedience and to follow such orders as she should think most expedient for the welfare of the Kingdom which though every one of them thought a very hard condition yet such was the general applause that resulted from thence to their own augmentation and glory and so firm the belief that the Prince would never be perswaded to return to the Court unarmed as a private person that they were induced to consent to it believing withal perhaps that there could not want pretences and interpretations speedily to licence their return and so much the rather because the King of Navarre being then so exasperated that they thought him irreconcileable with his Brother remaining still an assistant in the Government they were in a manner secure that the form of things would not be changed and that they should have the same power in their absence as if they were present But the Queen having gotten this promise from them and keeping it very secretly to her self forthwith sent the Bishop of Valence and Rubertette one of the Secretaries of State to the Prince of Conde who having given them this answer That if the Catholick Lords departed first he would not only lay down his Arms and return into obedience to the Queen but also for the more security forthwith leave the Kingdom and often reiterating and making large professions of the same though with an assured opinion that those Lords would neither for their reputation nor safety be willing first to lay down their Arms and depart The Bishop and Rubertette praising his readiness desiring he would write what he had said to the Queen shewing that whereas for the present he was held for the Author of these scandals and of the War by this free offer he would silence his enemies and confound the Faction of the Guises justifying to all the World the candour of his intentions and counsels The Prince perswaded by the fair apparence of the proposition and with hope to add to his force a shew of reason which is always of very great moment among the people was content to write to the Queen That when the Catholick Lords were retired to their houses