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A02299 Archontorologion, or The diall of princes containing the golden and famous booke of Marcus Aurelius, sometime Emperour of Rome. Declaring what excellcncy [sic] consisteth in a prince that is a good Christian: and what euils attend on him that is a cruell tirant. Written by the Reuerend Father in God, Don Antonio of Gueuara, Lord Bishop of Guadix; preacher and chronicler to the late mighty Emperour Charles the fift. First translated out of French by Thomas North, sonne to Sir Edward North, Lord North of Kirthling: and lately reperused, and corrected from many grosse imperfections. With addition of a fourth booke, stiled by the name of The fauoured courtier.; Relox de príncipes. English Guevara, Antonio de, Bp., d. 1545?; Munday, Anthony, 1553-1633.; North, Thomas, Sir, 1535-1601?; Guevara, Antonio de, Bp., d. 1545? Aviso de privados. English. 1619 (1619) STC 12430; ESTC S120712 985,362 801

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farre and how great is the difference betweene the estate of Phylosophers and the state of Captaines betweene the skyll to reade in Schooles and the knowledge to rule an Armey betweene the science that wise men haue in bookes and the experience that the others haue in warre betweene their skill to write with the penne and ours to fight with the Sword betweene one that for his pastime is set round with deskes of bookes and an other in perill of life encompassed with troups of Enemyes For many there are which with great eloquence in blazing deeds don in warres can vse their tongues but fewe are those that at the brunte haue hearts to aduenture their liues This Phylosopher neuer saw man of war in the field neeer saw one Armey of men discomfited by an other neuer heard the terrible Trumpet sound to the horrible cruel slaughter of men neuer saw the Treasons of some nor vnderstood the cowardnes of others neuer saw how few they be that fight nor how many ther are that run away Finally I say as it is seemly for a Phylosopher and a learned man to praise the profite of peace Euen so it is in his mouth a thing vncomely to prate of the perills ' of warre If this Phylosopher hath seene no one thing with his Eyes that hee hath spoken but onely read them in sundry bookes let him recount them to such as haue neyther seene nor read them For warlike feates are better learned in the bloudy fields of Affricke then in the beautifull schooles of Greece Thou knowest right well king Antiochus that for the space of thirty and sixe yeares I had continuall and daungerous warres as well in Italie as in Spayne In which Fortune did not fauour mee as is alwayes her manner to vse those which by great stoutnesse and manhood enterprise things high and of much difficultie a witnesse whereof thou seest mee here who before my beard beganne to growe was serued and now it is hoare I my selfe beginne to serue I sweare vnto thee by the God Mars king Antiochus that if any man did aske mee how hee should vse and behaue himselfe in warre I would not aunswer him one word For they are things which are learned by Experience of deedes and not by prating in words Although Princes beginne warres by justice and followe them with wisedome yet the ende standeth vppon fickle Fortune and not of force nor pollicie Diuerse and sundrie other things Hannibal sayde vnto king Antiochus who so bee desirous to see let him reade in the Apothegmes of Plutarche This example Noble Prince tendeth rather to this end to condemne my boldnesse and not to commend my enterprise saying that the affayres of the common wealth bee as vnknowne to mee as the dangers of the warres were to Phormio Your Maiestie may iustly say vnto me that I being a poor simple man brought vp a great while in a rude Countrey doe greatly presume to describe how so puissant a Prince as your Highnes ought to gouerne himselfe and his Realme For of truth the more ignorant a man is of the troubles and alterations of the world the better he shall be counted in the sight of God The estate of Princes is to haue great traines about them and the estate of religious men is to bee solitary for the seruant of God ought to be alwaies void from vaine thoughts to be euer accompanied with holy meditations The estate of Princes is alwayes vnquiet but the state of the religious is to bee enclosed For otherwise he aboue all others may be called an Apostata That hath his body in the Cell and his heart in the market place To Princes it is necessary to commune and speake with all men but for the religious it is not decent to be cōuersant with the world For solitary men if they do as they ought should occupy their hands in trauel their bodies in fasting their tongue in prayer and their heart in contemplation The estate of Princes for the most part is employed to war but the estate of religious is to desire procure peace For if the Prince would study to passe his bounds and by battell to shed the bloud of his enemies the religious ought to shed teares and pray to God for his sinnes O that it pleased Almighty God as I know what my bounden duty is in my heart so that hee would giue me grace to accomplish the same in my deedes Alas when I ponder with my selfe the weightines of my matter my Pen through slouth and negligence is readie to fall out of my hand and I halfe minded to leaue off mine enterprize My intent is to speake against my selfe in this case For albeit men may know the affaires of Princes by experience yet they shall not know how to speake nor write them but by science Those which ought to counsell princes those which ought to reforme the life of princes and that ought to instruct them ought to haue a cleare iudgement an vpright minde their words aduisedly considered their doctrine wholesome and their life without suspition For who so wil speake of high things hauing no experience of them is like vnto a blinde man that would leade and teach him the way which seeth better then hee himselfe This is the sentence of Xenophon the great which saieth There is nothing harder in this life then to know a wise man And the reason which hee gaue was this That a wise man cannot bee knowne but by another wise man wee may gather by this which Xenophon sayeth That as one wise man cannot be knowne but by another wise man so likewise it is requisite that he should be or haue bin a Prince which should write of the life of a Prince For hee that hath bin a marriner and hath sailed but one yeare on the Sea shall bee able to giue better counsell and aduise then he that hath dwelled ten yeares in the hauen Xenophon wrote a booke touching the institution of princes bringeth in Cambyses the king how hee taught and spake vnto king Cyrus his sonne And he wrote an other book likewise of the Arte of Chiualry and brought in king Philip how he ought to teach his sonne Alexander to fight For the philosophers thought that writing of no authoritie that was not entituled and set foorth vnder the Names of those Princes who had experience of that they wrote Oh if an aged Prince would with his penne if not with word of mouth declare what misfortunes haue happened since the first time hee beganne to raigne how disobedient his subjects haue bin vnto him what griefes his seruants haue wroght against him what vnkindnesse his Friendes haue shewed him what wiles his enemies haue vsed towards him what daunger his person hath escaped what jarres hath bin in his Pallace what faultes they haue layde against him how manie times they haue deceyued straungers Finally what griefes hee hath had by day and what sorrowfull sighs
to bee drunkards or gluttons for whereas the familiars ought principally to serue their Princes with good counsel in mine opinion a man being full surcharged with excesse is more like to bleach and breake wind after his surfet then able to giue any profitable counsell in the Common wealth In the Pallace of Princes ought not to be resiant nor familiar blasphemers for the man which is a servant and openly dare blaspheme his Creator will not spare in secret to speake euill of the Lord. In the palace of Princes ought not to be of counsell nor familiar the negligent and delicate persons for there is nothing next vnto the diuine prouidence that helpeth Princes more to be puissant and mighty then when their seruants are faithfull and diligent In the pallace of Princes defamed men ought not to haue familiarity for the Prince cannot excuse himselfe to bee thought culpable when they doe rebuke him if in his house he maintaine seruants which openly are defamed In the pallace of princes they ought not to suffer Ideots and fooles for the realmes are not lost for that the Princes are young vncircumspect and vitious but for that their Counsellours are simple and malitious Woe woe be to the land where the Lord is vitious the subiect seditious the seruant couetous and the Counsellour simple and malitious for then the common wealth perisheth when ignorance and malice raigneth in the prince and gouernour of the same Those words passed betweene the noble Knight Estilconus and the wise Philosopher Epimundus vpon the bringing vp of those two princes Archadius and Honorius And because that princes and prelates might see which now haue the charge to gouerne people how much the Auncients did desire to haue sage men about them notwithstanding that I haue spoken I will shew you heere some notable and ancient examples CHAP. XLV How Cresus King of Lydea was a great friend and louer of Sages Of a letter the same Cresus wrote to the Philosopher Anacharsis And of an other letter of the Philosophers answere to the King IN the yeare of the Creation of the World 4355. and in the third age Sardanapulus being king of the Assyrians Ozias King of the Hebrewes and Elchias being high Bishop of the holy temple at that time when Rea the mother of Romulus liued in the second yeare of the first Olimpiade the great and renowmed Realme of Lydes had beginning as Plinie in the fift booke of the Naturall History sayth Lidia is in Asia minor and first was called Meonia afterwards was called Lidia and now is called Morea This Realme of Lydes had many worthy Cities that is to say Ephese Colose Aclasomena and Phorea The first King of Lydes was Ardisius a man of great courage and a Grecian borne and raigned 36. yeares The second was Aliaces who raigned 14 yeares The third was Meleus and he raigned 12. yeares The fourth was Candale and raigned 4. yeares The fift was Ginginus and raigned 5. yeares The sixt was Cerdus and raigned 6. yeares The 7. was Sadiates and raigned 15. yeares The eight was Allates and he raigned 49. yeares and the ninth was Cresus and raigned 15. yeares and of this King Cresus Zenophon declareth that hee was more valiant in feates of warre then comely of personage for though he was lame of one foote blemished of one eye lacking one eare and of body not much bigger then a dwarfe yet for all this hee was a iust man very constant stoute mercifull couragious and aboue all hee was a great enemie to the ignorant and a speciall friend to the Sage Of this king Cresus Seneca speaketh in his booke of Clemency and sayeth that the Sages were so entirely beloued of him that the Greekes which had the fountaine of eloquence did not call him a louer but entituled him the loue of Sages for neuer no man did so much to attaine to the loue of his Lady as hee did to draw to him and to his Country sage men This king Cresus therefore beeing Lord of many barbarous nations the which loued better to drinke the bloud of the innocent then to learne the science of the wise like an excellent prince determined for the comfort of his person and remedy of his Common wealth to search out the greatest Sages that were in Greece At that time flourished the famous and renowmed Philosopher Anacharsis who thogh he was born and brought vp amongst the Seythians yet hee was alwayes resident notwithstanding in Athens For the Vniuersity of Athens did not despise those that were Barbarians but those that were vitious The King Cresus sent an Ambassadour in great authority with riches to the Philosopher Anacharsis to perswade and desire him and with those gifts and presents to present him to the end it might please him to come and see his person and to set an order in his Common wealth Cresus not contented to send him gifts which the Ambassadour carried but for to let him vnderstand why he did so wrote him a letter with his owne hand as hereafter followeth The letter of King Cresus to Anacharfis the Phylosopher CResus King of Lydes wisheth Anacharsis great Phylosopher which remainest in Athens health to thy person and increase of vertue Thou shalt know how well I loue thee in that I neuer saw thee nor knew thee to write vnto thee a letter For the things which with the eyes haue neuer bin seen seldomtimes with the heart are truely beloued Thou doest esteeme little as truth is these my small gifts and presents which I send thee yet I pray thee greatly esteeme the will and heart wherewith I do visite thee For noble hearts receiue more thankefully that which a man desireth to giue them then that which they do giue them in deede I desire to correct this my Realme and to see amendement in the common-wealth I desire good order for my person and to take order touching the gouernement of my palace I desire to communicate with Sages somethings of my life and none of these things can bee done without thy presence for there was neuer any good thing made but by the meane of wisedome I am lame I am crooked I am bald I am a counterfeit I am blacke and also I am broken finally amongst all other men I am a monster But all these imperfections are nothing to those that remaine that is to say I am so vnfortunate that I haue not a Phylosopher with me For in the world there is no greater shame then not to haue a wise man about him to be conuersant with all I count my self to be dead though to the simple fooles I seeme to bee a liue And the cause of death is because I haue not with me some wise person For truely he is onely aliue amongst the liuing who is accompanyed with the Sages I desire thee greatly to come and by the immortall gods I coniure thee that thou make no excuse and if thou wilt not
thinke thou wilt do so For by the faith of a good man I sweare vnto thee that my heart neither suspected i● nor yet the aucthority of so graue a Romane doth demand it for to thee onely the fault should remaine and to me the wonder Heartily I commend vnto thee thy honesty which to thy selfe thou oughtest and the care which behooueth so worthy and notable a widow For if thou art tormented with the absence of the dead thou oughtest to comfort thee with the reputation of the liuing At this present I will say no more to thee but that thy renowne among the present be such and that they speake of thee so in absence that to the euill thou giue the bridell to be silent and to the good spurres to come and sefue thee For the widow of euill renowne ought to be buried quicke Other things to write to thee I haue none Secret matters are dangerous to trust considering that thy heart is not presently disposed to heare newes It is reason thou know that I with thy parents and friends haue spoken to the Senate which haue giuen the office that thy husband had in Constantinople to thy sonne And truly thou oughtest no lesse to reioyce of that which they haue said of thee then for that they haue giuen him For they say though thy husband had neuer beene Citizen of Rome yet they ought to haue giuen more than this onely for thy honest behauiour My wife Faustine saluteth thee and I will say I neuer saw her weepe for any thing in the world so much as shee hath wept for thy mishap For shee felt thy losse which was very great and my sorrow which was not little I send thee foure thousand sexterces in money supposing that thou hast wherewith to occupy them as well for thy necessaries as to discharge thy debts For the complaints demaunds and processes which they minister to the Romane Matrons are greater then are the goods that their husbands doe leaue them The gods which haue giuen rest to thy husband O Claudine giue also comfort to thee his wife Lauinia Marcus of mount Celio with his owne hand CHAP. XXXIX That Princes and Noble men ought to despise the world for that there is nothing in the world but plaine deceit PLato Aristotle Pythagoras Empedocles Democrates Seleucus Epicurus Diogenes Thales and Methrodorus had among them so great contention to describe the world his beginning and propertie that in maintaining euery one his opinion they made greater wars with their pens then their enemies haue done with their lances Pythagoras sayde that that which wee call the World is one thing and that which wee call the vniuersall is an other the Philosopher Thales said that there was no more but one World and to the contrarie Methrodorus the Astronomer affirmed there were infinit worlds Diogenes sayd that the world was euerlasting Seleucus sayd that it was not true but that it had an ende Aristotle seemed to say that the world was eternall But Plato sayde clearely that the world hath had beginning and shall also haue ending Epicurus sayd that it was round as a ball Empedocles saide that it was not as a bowle but as an egge Chilo the Philosopher in the high Mount Olimpus disputed that the world was as men are that is to say that hee had an intellectable and sensible soule Socrates in his Schoole sayeth and in his doctrine wrote that after 37 thousand yeares all things should returne as they had beene before That is to say that he himselfe should bee borne anew and should be nourished and should reade in Athens And Dennis the Tytant should returne to play the Tyrant in Syracuse Iulius Caesar to rule Rome Hannibal to conquer Italy and Scipio to make warre against Carthage Alexander to fight against King Darius and so foorth in all others past In such and other vaine questions and speculstions the auncient Philosophers consumed many yeares They in writing many bookes haue troubled their spirites consumed long time trauelled many Countryes and suffered innumerable dangers and in the end they haue set forth few truthes and many lyes For the least part of that they knew not was much greater then all that which they euer knew When I tooke my penne in my hand to write the vanity of the world my intention was not to reproue this material world the which of the four Elements is compounded that is to say of the earth that is cold and drie of the water that is moist and cold of the ayre that is hote and moist of fire that is drie and hote so that taking the world in this sort there is no reason why we should complaine and lament of it since that without him we cannot liue corporally When the Painter of the world came into the world it is not to be beleeued that he reproued the water which bare him when hee went vpon it nor the ayre that ceased to blow in the sea nor the earth that trembled at his death nor the light which ceased to light nor the stones which brake in sunder nor the fish which suffered themselues to bee taken not the trees which suffered themselues to be drie nor the monuments that suffered themselues to bee opened For the creature acknowledged in his Creator omnipotency and the Creator founded in the creature due obedience Oftentimes and of many persons wee heare say O woefull world O miserable world O subtill world O world vnstable and vnconstant And therefore it is reason wee know what the world is whereof the world is from whence this world is whereof this world is made and who is lord of this world since in it all things are vnstable all things are miserable all things deceitfull all things are malicious which cannot be vnderstood of this materiall worlde For in the fire in the aire in the earth and in the water in the light in the Planets in the stones and in the Trees there are no sorrowes there are no miseryes there are no deceytes nor yet any malice The world wherein wee are borne where we liue and where we die differeth much from the world whereof we doe complaine for the world against whom wee fight suffereth vs not to be in quyet one howre in the day To declare therefore my intention this wicked World is no other thing but the euill life of the Worldlings the Earth is the desire the fire the couetise the water the inconstancie the ayre the folly the stones are the pride the flowers of the Trees the thoughts the deepe Sea the heart Finally I say that the Sunne of this world is the prosperity and the moon is the continuall change The Prince of this so euill a world is the diuell of whom IESVS CHRIST laid The prince of this world shall now be cast out and this the Redeemer of the World sayeth For he called the worldlings and their worldly liues the world For since they be seruants of sinne of
What is there to see but hath bin seene what to discouer but hath bin discouered what is there to read but hath bin read what to write but hath bin written what is there to knowe but hath bin knowne Now-adayes humaine malice is so experte men so well able and our wittes so subtill that wee want nothing to vnderstand neyther good nor euill And wee vndoe ourselues by seeking that vaine knowledge which is not necessary for our life No man vnder the pretence of ignoraunce can excuse his fault since all men know all men reade and all men learne that which is euident ●n this case as it shall appeare Suppose the Plough-man and the Learned-man do goe to the Law and you shall perceyue the Labourer vnder that simple garment to forge to his Counsellour halfe a dozen of malitious trickes to delude his aduersarie as finely as the other that is learned shall bee able to expound two or three Chapters of this booke If men would employ their knowledge to honesty wisedome patience and mercy it were well but I am sorry they know so much onely for that they subtilly deceiue and by vsury abuse their neighbours and keepe that they haue vniustly gotten and dayly getting more inuenting new trades Finally I say if they haue any knowledge it is not to amend their life but rather to encrease their goods If the deuil could sleep as mē do he might safely sleepe for whereas he waketh to deceyue vs wee wake to vndo our selues Well suppose that all this heretofore I haue sayde is true Let vs now leaue aside craft and take in hand knowledge The knowledge which we attaine to is small and that which wee should attain to so great that all that wee know is the least part of that wee are ignorant Euen as in things naturall the Elements haue their operations according to the varietie of time so morall Doctrines as the aged haue succeeded and sciences were discouered Truly all fruites come not together but when one fayleth another commeth in season I meane that neyther all the Doctors among the Christians nor all the Philosophers among the Gentiles were concurrant at one time but after the death of one good there came another better The chiefe wisdome which measured all thinges by iustice and dispearseth them according to his bounty will not that at one time they should bee all Wisemen and at another time all simple For it had not beene reason that one should haue had the fruit and the other the leaues The old world that ranne in Saturnes dayes otherwise called the golden world was of a truth much esteemed of them that saw it and greatlie commended of them that wrote of it That is to say it was not guided by the Sages which did guild it but because there was no euill men which did vnguilde it For as the experience of the meane estate and Nobility teacheth vs of one onely person dependeth as well the fame and renowne as the infamy of a whole house and parentage That age was called golden that is to say of gold and this our age is called yron that is to say of iron This difference was not for that gold then was found and now yron nor for that in this our age there is want of them that be sage but because the number of them surmounreth that be at this day malicious I confesse one thing and suppose many will fauour mee in the same Phauorin the Philosopher which was master to Aulus Gelius and his especiall friend saide oft-times that the Phylosophers in olde time were holden in reputation Because there were fewe teachers and many learners We now-adayes see the contrarie For infinite are they which presume to bee Maisters but fewe are they which humble themselues to be Schollers A man may know how little Wise-men are esteemed at this houre by the great veneration that the Phylosophers had in the olde time What a matter is it to see Homer amongst the Grecians Salomon amōgst the Hebrewes Lycurgus amongst the Lacedemonians Phoromeus also amongst the Greeks Ptolomeus amongst the Egiptians Liuius amongst the Romaines and Cicero likewise amongst the Latines Appolonius amongst the Indyans and Secundus amongst the Assyrians How happie were those Phylosophers to bee as they were in those dayes when the world was so full of simple personnes and so destitute of Sage men that there flocked great numbers out of diuers countreys and straunge Nations not onely to heare their doctrine but also to see theyr persons The glorious Saint Hierome in the prologue to the Byble sayth When Rome was in her prosperitie then wrote Titus Lyuius his deedes yet notwithstanding men came to Rome more to speake with Titus Linius then to see Rome or the high capitol therof Marcus Aurelius writing to his friend Pulio saide these wordes Thou shalt vnderstand my Friende I was not chosen Emperor for the Noble bloud of my predecessors nor for the fauour I had amongst them now present For there were in Rome of greater bloud and Riches then I but the Emperour Adrian my Maister set his eyes vpon mee and the Emperor Anthonie my Father in law chose mee for his Sonne in law for none other cause but for that they saw me a friend of the Sages and an enemie of the ignoraunt Happie was Rome to chuse so wise an Emperour and no lesse happie was he to attaine vnto so great an Empire Not for that hee was heire to his predecessours but for that hee gaue his minde to studie Truely if that Age were then happie to enioy his person no lesse happie shall ours bee now at this present to enjoy his doctrine Salust saith they deserued great glory which did worthie feates and no lesser merited they which wrote them in high stile What had Alexander the great bin if Quintus-Curtius had not written of him what of Vlysses if Homer had not bin borne what had Alcybiades bin if Zenophon had not exalted him what of Cyrus if the phylosopher Chilo had not put his actes in memorie what had been of Pyrrus king of the Epyrotes if Hermicles chronicles were not what had bin of Scipio the great Affricane if it had not bin for the Decades of Titus Liuius what had been of Traian if the renowmed Plutarch had not bin his friend what of Nerua and Anthonius the meeke if Phocion the Greeke had not made mention of them How should wee haue knowne the stoute courage of Caesar and the great prowesse of Pompeius if Lucanus had not written them what of the twelue Caesars if Suetonius Tranquillus had not compyled a booke of their liues And how should we haue knowne the antiquities of the Hebrues if the vpright Ioseph had not beene Who could haue knowne the comming of the Lombardes into Italie if Paulus Dyaconus had not writ it How could we haue knowne the comming in and the going out of the Gothes in Spayne if the curious Roderious had not showed it vnto
thing very dishonest most noble Prince the which to write vnto thee I am ashamed which is for to enlarge thy new Palace thou hast plucked down an old Temple the which thing thou shouldest neyther haue done nor yet haue thought for in the end though the stones of the Temple be of small importance yet the Gods to whom they were dedicated were of much value Pardon me excellent Prince though I et thee vnderstand that this fact hath beene done in such sort that thereby I was amased and all Rome also offended the sacred Senate thou hast greatly vexed and further all iudge thee a dissolute man and all men procure that thou mayst be extreamly punished and hereof maruell not For in Rome they beleeue that the Prince which dareth plucke downe Temples doth little feare the Gods For that thou art a noble Prince and an olde friend of mine I haue trauelled to bring thee in fauour with the Senate and because thou hast no means to excuse thy errour committed they doe not determine to forgiue thee this fault before they see in thee a token of amendment And of truth me thinketh they haue reason For there is nothing that troubleth poore men more then to see that they and not the rich for theyr offences are chastised and punished That which the sacred Senate hath ordayned is that forthwith thou begin to build the Temple a new and that it should be more large hie beutifull and richer then euer it was So that thou take as much of thy Pallace to enlarge the Temple as thou tookest of the Temple to beautifie thy Pallace After thou hast performed this though now thou thinke thy selfe halfe dishonoured thou wilt then thinke thy selfe very happy For not thou of the Gods but the Gods of thee shall haue taken thy house to make their Temple I beleeue well it will be great cost and charges vnto thee before thou hast finished the Temple Wherefore I send thee 40. thousand sexterces to helpe thy building to the end it should be more secret I send thee them by my Secretary Panuntius to whom in all and for all thou shalt giue credite I send thee likewise a coller of gold which one brought me from the riuer of Nyle and because it was too narrow for mee I suppose it will be fit for thee one hath brought me moyles out of Spaine whereof I send thee two Panuntius my Secretary bringeth with him a very good Moyle the which hee esteemeth much so that there is no man that can eyther buy her or borrow her I delight in her so much that I desire thou cause her eyther to be bought or stollen and sent vnto mee here in Rome My wife Faustine saluteth thee to the excellent Queene thy Wife of her part and mine as much as is possible do our commendations these Popingeyes Faustine presenteth vnto her Marcus the Romane Emperour writeth to thee with his owne hand CHAP. XIX How the Gentiles honoured these which were deuout in the seruice of the Gods THe ancient Romane Historiographers agree that at the beginning there were seuen Kinges which gouerned Rome for the space of 24. yeares The second whereof was named Pompilius who amongst all the other was most highly esteemed for none other cause but for that hee was a great worshipper of the Gods and a sumptuous builder of the Temples For the Romane Princes were as much beloued for seruing the Gods as they were honoured for vanquishing their enemies This mā was of such sort that he allowed Rome wholy for the Gods made a house for himselfe without the City For it was an ancient Law in Rome that no man should bee so bolde to dwell in any house consecrated for the gods The fift King of the Romanes was Tarquinius Priscus And as Tarquinius Superbus was vicious and abhorred of the people so was this vertuous and welbeloued of the Gods was greatly praysed in all his doings because hee feared God and continually visited the Temples and not contented with those which were finished but built also in the High Capitoll the sacred Temple of Iupiter For no Prince could build any house in Rome for himselfe vnlesse first hee made a Temple for the Gods of the Common-wealth This Temple was had in so great reuerence that as the Romanes honored Iupiter for the God aboue all other Gods so was that Temple esteemed aboue all other Temples In the warres betweene the ●alisques the Carpenates two Romane Captaines were vanquished or the which the one named 〈◊〉 dyed whereupon rose such a great 〈◊〉 among thē that many flying 〈…〉 the warres came backe againe to Rome For the victorious hath alwayes this Priuiledge That though they bee fewe yet they are alwayes feared of them that be ouercome This occasion m●ued the Romanes to chuse new Captaines and truely they did like wise men For oftentimes it ha●neth by 〈◊〉 the Captaines of the warres fortune likewise chaungeth her doings And the Captaine that was elected for the wars was Marcus Purius Camillus who though he were stout and hardy yet before he went to the wars he offered great sacrifices to the Gods and made a vow that if hee returned to Rome victorious hee would build a solemne Temple For it was the custome in Rome that immediately when the Romane Captaine would enterprise to doe any notable thing he should make a vow to build Temples Now when Camillus returned afterwards victorious hee did not onely build a Temple but also furnished it with all manner of implements thereunto belonging which he got by spoyle and vanquishing his enemies And sith he was for this reprehended of some saying that the Romane Captaines should offer theyr hearts to the Gods and diuide the Treasures among the Souldiers hee answered these words I like a man did aske the Gods but one triumph and they like Gods did giue mee many Therefore considering this it is but iust s●th I was 〈◊〉 in promising that I should be large in perso●●ing For euen as I did thanke them for that they gaue me double in respect of that I demaunded so likewise shall they esteeme that which I doe giue in respect of that which I promised At that time when the cruell war was betwixt Rome and the City of Neye the Romanes kept it besieged 5. yeares together and in the end by policie tooke it For it chaunceth sundrie times in warre that that City in short time by policie is won which by great strength a long time hath been defended Marcus Furius Dictator of Rome and at that time Captaine commanded a Proclamation to be had throgh his Host that incontinently after the City was taken none should be so hardy as to kill any of the Citizens but those which were found armed Which thing the enemies vnderstanding vnarmed themselues and so escaped And truly this example was worthy of nothing For as the Captaines ought to shew themselues fierce and cruell at
end count they well or euill all passeth amongst men because they are men but what shall the vnhappy Princes doe which shall render no account but to God onely who will not bee deceiued with words corrupted with gifts feared with threatnings nor answered with excuses Princes haue their Realms full of cruell Iudges to punish the frailetic of man they haue their courts full of Aduocates to plead against them that haue offended they haue their Pallaces 〈…〉 and Promoters that note the offences of other men They haue through all theyr Prouince Auditours that ouersee the accounts of their routs and besides all this they haue no remembrance of the day so strict wherein they must render an account of their wicked life Me thinkes since all that which Princes receyue commeth from the hands of God that the greatest part of the time which they spend should bee in the seruice of God and al their trade in God and they ought to render no account of their life but vnto God then sith they are Gods in authority which they haue ouer temporall things they ought to shew themselues to resemble God more then others by vertues For that Prince is more to be magnified which reformeth two vices among his people then hee which conquereth ten Realmes of his enemies But we wil desire them from henceforth They presume not any more to bee Gods on the earth but that they endeuour themselues to bee good Christians in the Commonwealth For all the wealth of a Prince is That hee bee stout with strangers and louing to his owne Subiects Fiftly Princes ought to bee better Christians then others For the prosperity or aduersity that chanceth vnto them commeth directly from the hands of God onely and none other I haue seene sundry times princes which haue put their whole trust and confidence in other Princes to be on a sodaine discomfited and for the contrary those which haue litle hope in men and great confidence in God haue alwayes prospered When man is in his chiefest brauery and trusteth most to mens wisedome then the secret iudgement of God soonest discomforteth him I meane that the consederates and friends of Princes might helpe and succour them but God will not suffer them to be holpen nor succoured to the ende they should see their remedy proceedeth not by mans diligence but by diuine prouidence A Prince that hath a Realme doth not suffer any thing to bee done therein without his aduice therefore since God is of no lesse power in Heauen then Princes are on the earth it is reason that nothing bee done without his consent since he taketh account of all mens deedes and as hee is the end of all things so in him and by him all things haue their beginning O Princes If you knew how small a thing it is to bee hated of men and how great a comfort to be beloued of GOD I sweare that you would not speake one word althogh it were in iest vnto men neyther would you cease night nor day to commend your selues vnto God for God is more mercifull to succour vs then wee are diligent for to call vpon him For in conclusion the fauour which men can giue you other men can take from you but the fauour that God will giue you no man can resist it All those that possesse much should vse the company of them which can doe much and if it bee so I let you Princes know that all men cannot thinke so much together as God is able to doe alone For the crye of a Lyon is more fearefull then the howling of a Wolfe I confesse that Princes and great Lords may sometimes gaine and winne of them selues but I aske them whose fauour they haue neede of to preserue and keepe them we see oftentimes that in a short space many come to great authority the which neyther mans wisedome sufficeth to gouerne nor yet mans force to keepe For the authority which the Romanes in sixe hundred yeares gained fighting against the Gothes in the space of three yeares they lost Wee see daily by experience that a man for the gouernment of his owne house onely needeth the counsell of his friends and neighbours and doe Princes and great Lords thinke by their own heades onely to rule and gouerne many realmes and dominions CHAP. XXI What the Philosopher Bias was of his constancy when hee lost all his goods and of the ten lawes hee gaue worthy to bee had in memory AMong all nations sorts of men which auaunt themselues to haue had with them sage men the Grecians were the chiefest which had and thought it necessary to haue not onely wise men to reade in theyr schooles but also they chose them to bee Princes in their dominions For as Plato sayeth Those which gouerned in those dates were Philosophers or else they sayde and did like Philosohers And Laertius writeth in his second booke De antiquitatibus Graecorum That the Grecians auaunted themselues much in this that they had of all Estates persons most notable that is to say Seuen women very sage seuen Queenes very honest seuen Kings very vertuous seuen Captaines very hardy seuen Cities very notable seuen buildings very sumptuous and seuen Philosophers very well Learned which Philosophers were these that follow The first was Tales Milesius that inuented the Carde to sayle by The second was Solon that gaue the first lawes to the Athenians The third was Chilo who was in the Orient for Ambassadour of the Athenians The fourth was Pittacus Quintilenus who was not onely a Philosopher but also Captaine of the Mitilenes The fifth was Cleobolus that discended from the ancient lynage of Hercules The sixt was Periander that long time gouerned the realme of Corinth The seuenth was Bias Prieneus that was Prince of the Prieneans Therefore as touching Bias you must vnderstand that when Romulus raigned at Rome and Ezechias in Iudea there was great warres in Grecia betweene the Metinences and the Prieneans and of these Prieneans Bias the Philosopher was Prince and Captaine who because hee was sage read in the Vniuersity and for that hee was hardy was Chiefetain in the warre and because hee was wise he was made a Prince and gouerned the Common-wealth And of this no man ought to maruell for in those daies the Philosopher that had knowledge but in one thing was little esteemed in the Common-wealth After many contentions had betweene the Metinenses and Prienenses a cruel battell was fought whereof the Philosopher Bias was Captaine and had the victory and it was the first battell that euer any Philosopher gaue in Greece For the which victory Greece was proud to see their Philosophers so aduenturous in wars and hardy of their hands as they were profound in their doctrine and eloquent in their tongues And by chance one brought him a number of women and maides to sell or if hee listed to vse them otherwise at his pleasure but this good Philosopher did not
Azotes carryed away the Arke full of Relickes vnto their temple in the Cittie of Nazote and set it by Dagon theyr cursed Idoll The most High true God which will not suffer any to be coequall with him in comparison or in anie thing that hee representeth caused this Idol to be shaken thrown downe and broken in pieces no man touching it For our God is of such power that to execute his Iustice he needeth not worldly helpe God not contented thus though the Idoll was broken in pieces but caused those to bee punished likewise which worshipped it in such sort that al the people of Azotes Ascalon Geth Acharon and of Gaza which were fiue auncient and renowmed Citties were plagued both man and woman inwardly with the disease of the Emerodes So that they could not eate sitting nor ride by the wayes on horse-backe And to the end that all men might see that their offences were grieuous for the punishment they receyued by the diuine Iustice he replenished their Houses Places Gardens Seedes and Fields full of Rats And as they had erred in honouring the false Idol and forsaken the true God So hee would chastice them with two Plagues sending them the Emerodes to torment their bodyes and the Rats to destroy their goods For to him that willingly giueth his soule to the diuel it is but a small matter that God against his will depriue him of his goods This then being thus I would now gladly knowe whether of them committed most offence Eyther the Azotes which set the Arke in the Temple which as they thought was the most holiest or the false Christians which with a Sacrilegious boldnesse dare attempt without anie feare of GOD to robbe and pill the Church goods to theyr owne priuate commoditie in this world Truely the Law of the Azotes differed as much frō the Christians as the offence of the one differeth from the other For the Azotes erred not beleeuing that this Arke was the Figure of the True God but we beleeue it and confesse it and without shame cōmit against it infinite vices By this so rare and seuere a sudden punishment mee thinks the Princes great Lords should not only therefore acknowledge the True God but also Reuerence and honour those things which vnto him are dedicated For mans lawes speaking of the reuerence of a Prince doe no lesse condemne him to die that robbeth his house then him which violently layeth hands on his person ¶ The cause why Prince Oza was punished IN the booke which the sonne of Helcana wrote that is the second booke of the Kings and the vi Chapter hee saith That the Arke of Israel with his Relikes which was Manna the rodde and two stones stood in the house of Aminadab which was the next neighbour to the citie of Gibeah the sonne of Esay who at that time was King of the Israelites determined to transpose the Relikes into his Cittie and house For that it seemed to him a great infamy that to a mortal Prince a house should abound for his pleasures to the immortall God there should want a Temple for his reliques The day therefore appointed when they should carrie the Relique of Gibeah to Bethlehem there met thirty thousand Israelites with a great number of Noble men which came with the King besides a greater number of strangers For in such a case those are more which come of their owne pleasure then those which are commaunded Besides all the people they say that all the Nobility of the Realme was there to the end the relique should bee more honoured and his person better accompanied It chanced that as the Lords and people went singing and the King in person dancing the wheele of the Chariot began to fall and go out of the way the which prince Oza seeing by chance set to his hand and his shoulder against it because the Arke where the Relique was should not fall nor breake yet notwithstanding that suddenly and before them all hee fell downe dead Therefore let this punishment be noted for truly it was fearefull and ye ought to thinke that since God for putting his hand to the Chariot to holde it vp stroke him with death that a Prince should not hope seeking the destruction and decay of the Church that God will prolong his life O Princes great Lords and Prelates sith Oza with such diligence lost his life what doe yee hope or looke for sith with such negligence yee destroy and suffer the Church to fall Yet once againe I doe returne to exclaime vpon you O Princes and great Lords sith Prince Oza deserued such punishment because without reuerence hee aduanced himselfe to stay the Arke which fell what punishment ought yee to haue which through malice helpe the Church to fall Why King Balthasar was punished DArius King of the Perses and Medes besieged the auncient City of Babylon in Chaldea whereof Balthasar sonne of Nabuchodonozar the great was King and Lord who was so wicked a child that his father being dead hee caused him to be cut in 300. peeces gaue him to 300. hawkes to be eaten because hee should not reuiue againe to take the goods riches from him which he had left him I know not what father is so foolish that letteth his Son liue in pleasures and afterwards the entralles of the Hauke wherewith the sonne hawked should be the wofull graue of the Father which so many men lamented This Balthasar then beeing so besieged determined one night to make a great feast and banquet to the Lords of his Realme that came to ayde him and in this he did like a valiant and stout Prince to the end the Perses and Medes might see that hee little esteemed their power The noble and high hearts do vse when they are enuironed with many trauels to seeke occasions to inuent pleasures because to their men they may giue greater courage and to their enemies greater feare He declareth of Pirrus King of the Epirotes when hee was besieged very straightly in the City of Tharenta of the Romane Captaine Quintus Dentatus that then hee spake vnto his Captaines in this sort Lordes and friendes bee yee nothing at all abashed since I neuer here before saw ye afraid though the Romans haue compassed our bodies yet we haue besiged their harts For I let you to know that I am of such a complection that the straighter they keepe my body the more my heart is at large And further I say though the Romanes beate downe the walles yet our hearts shall remaine inuincible And though there bee no wall betweene vs yet wee will make them know that the hearts of Greekes are harder to ouercome then the stones of Tarentine are to be beaten downe But returning to King Balthasar The banquet then being ended and the greatest part of the night beeing spent Belthasar the King being very well pleased that the banquet was made to his contentation though he
was not the sobrest in drinking wine commaunded all the cups of gold siluer with the treasure hee had to be brought and set on the table because all the bidden guests should drinke therein King Balthasar did this to the end the Princes and Lords with al his Captains should manfully helpe him to defend the Siege and also to shew that hee had much treasure to pay them for their paines For to say the truth there is nothing that encourageth men of warre more then to see their reward before their eyes As they were drinking merily at the banquet of these cups which Nabuchodonozar had robbed from the Temple of Hierusalem suddenly by the power of God and the desert of his offences there appeared a hand in the wall without a body or arme which with his fingers wrote these words Mane Thetel Phares which signifieth O King Balthasar God hath seene thy life and findeth that thy malice is now accomplished Hee hath commaunded that thou and thy Realme should bee weighed and hath found that there lacketh a great deale of iust weight wherfore he commaundeth that thy life for thine offences bee taken from thee and that thy Realme bee put into the hands of the Persians and Medes which are thine enemies This vision was not frustrare for the same night without any longer delay the execution of the sentence was put in effect by the enemies The King Balthasar dyed the Realme was lost the treasures were robbed the Noble men taken and al the Chaldeans captiues I would now know sith Balthasar was so extreamely punished onely for giuing his Concubines friends drinke in the sacred cups what paine deserueth Princes and Prelates then which robbe the Churches for prophane things how wicked soeuer Balthasar was yet hee neuer chaunged gaue sold nor engaged the treasures of the Synagogue but what shall wee say and speake of Prelates which without any shame waste change sell and spend the Church goods I take it to be lesser offence to giue drinke in a Chalice as King Balthasar did to one of his Concubines then to enter into the Church by Symony as many do now a daies This Tyrant was ouercome more by folly then by couetousnesse but these others are vanquished with folly couetousnes and Symony What meaneth this also that for the offence of Nabuchodonozar in Ierusalem his sonne Balthasar should come and bee punished For this truely mee thinke not consonant to reason nor agreeable to mans Lawe that the Father should commit the Theft and the sonne should requite it with seuen double To this I answer That the good child is bound to restore all the goods that his Father hath left him euill gotten For hee that enioyeth the theft deserueth no lesse punishment then hee that committeth the theft For in the end both are theeues and deserue to bee hanged on the gallows of the diuine iustice Why King Ahab was punished IN the fifth Booke of Malachie that is to say in the third booke of Kings the 8. Chapter It is declared that Asa being King of Iudea and prophesying in Ierusalem at the time Omri was King of Israel and after him succeeded Ahab his sonne being of the age of 22 yeares This Ahab was not onely young of yeares but younger of vnderstanding and was numbred among the wicked Kings not onely euill but too euil for the Scriptures doe vse to call them by names infamed whose liues deserued no memory The vices of this King Ahab were sundry and diuers whereof I will declare some as hereafter followeth First of all hee followed altogether the life and steps of the King Ieroboam who was the first that entised the children of Israel to commit Idolatrie which thing turned to great reproach and infamy For the Prince erreth not imitating the pathes of the good but offendeth in following the wayes of the euill Secondarily this King Ahab married the daughter of the King of the Idumeans whose name was Iezabel which was of the stocke of the Gentiles and he of the Hebrewes And for a truth the marriage was vnaduisedly considered for sage Princes should take wiues conformable to their lawes and conditions vnlesse they wil repent themselus afterwards Thirdly hee built againe the City of Hierico which by the commaundement of God was destroyed and cōmanded that vpon grieuous pains it should not bee reedefied againe because the offences that were therein committed were so great that the Inhabitants did not onely deserue to lose their liues but also that in Hierico there should not one stone remaine vpon another Fourthly King Ahab built a sumptuous Temple to the Idol Baal in the City of Samaria and consecrated a wood vnto him which he had very pleasant and set in the Temple his Image of fine gold so that in the raign of this cursed King Baal the wicked Idol was so highly esteemed that not onely secretly but also openly they blasphemed the true liuing God The case was such that one day Ahab going against the King of Syria to take him and his City called Ramoth Gilead being in battell was shot into the brest with an arrow wherewith he not onely lost his life but also the dogges did lap vp his bloud that fell to the earth O Princes and great Lords if you will giue credite vnto mee you shall haue nothing more in recommendation then to bee good Christians Sith yee see that as this Prince in his life did serue strange Idols so it was reason that after his death his bloud should bee buried in the entrals of rauenous dogs why King Manasses was punished THe King Manasses was the sonne of Ezechias and Father of Amō which were all Kinges And truly they differed so much in manners and conditions that a man could scarcely iudge whether the vertues and prowesses of the Father were more to be desired or the vice and wickednesse of the children to bee abhorred This Manasses was a wicked Prince for as much as he built new Temples to Baal and in the Cities made Hermitages for the Idols and in the mountaines repayred all the Altars that heretofore were consecrated to the Deuill Hee consecrated many Forrests and Woods to the Idolls he honoured the Starres as the Gods did sacrifice to the Planets and Elements for the man that is abandoned by the hand of God there is no wickednesse that his obstinate heart doth not enterprise So that hee had in his Pallace all manner of false Prophets as Southsayers Prophesiers Witches Sorcerers Enchaunters and Coniurers the which dayly hee caused to giue sacrifice to the Idols and gaue such credite to Sorcerers and Inchaunters that his seruants were all for the most part Sorcerers and in them was his chiefe delight and pleasure And likewise he was skilfull in all kind of mischiefe and ignorant in all vertues He was so cruell and spilt so much innocent bloud that if it had beene water put together and the bodies of them that he slew layd
his mone to God of his griefe and God hearing his complaints said vnto him Samuel Be not sad nor lament not for their demaunding a King as they doe they doe not mislike thy person but they disprayse my prouidence and maruell not though they forsake thy children for they are somewhat too young sith they haue forsaken mee their God and worship false Idols Sith they demaund a King I haue determined to giue them one but first tell to them the conditions of the King which are these The King whom I will giue you shall take your Children with your Charriots and beasts and shall send them loaden with burdens And yet therewith not contented hee shall make your children poastes by the way Tribunes and Centurions in his Battells and shal make them labourers and gardeners in his gardens he shal make them sow his seeds paste his bread and furbish his harnes and Armor You shall haue besides both delicate and tender daughters the which you shall little enioy For the King that I will giue you shall commaund them to keepe and attend those that are wounded in the wars hee shall make them Cookes in his Pallace and Caters of his expences The King that I will giue you if hee handle your Sonnes and Daughters euil much worse hee will handle your goods For on the beasts and fertile Fieldes that you haue his Heard shall feede he shal gather the best grapes of your vines he shall choose of your Oliue trees the best olyues and oyles And if any fruit afterwards remaine in your fieldes hee will they shall bee gathered not by you but of his workemen And afterwards the King that I wil giue you shal oppresse you much more For of euery pecke of corne you shal giue him one of ten sheepe you must needes giue him one so that of all things which you shal gather against your wils you shal giue the tenth Of your Slaues the King shall be serued sooner then you and he shall take all your Oxen that labour and trauaile in your owne Possessions and shall bring them to plough in his owne ground and tenements So that you shall pay tribute the King shall take his owne profit for the wealth and commoditie of his Pallace And all this which I haue rehearsed before the King shall haue whom I will giue you The Historie which here I haue declared is not Ouid nor yet the Eglogges of Virgil nor yet the fayning of Homer but it is the sentence and the very word of God O mortall ignoraunce that wee demaund and know not why nor wherefore to whom nor where neither whē wee demaund which causeth men to runne into sundry errours For fewe men are so wise that they offend not in choosing and that they can aske with reason The Hebrewes asked as they thinke the better and GOD giueth them the worse they aske one to gouern them and God giueth them a Tyrant to destroy them they aske one that should maintaine them in Iustice and hee threatneth them with tyrannie they require one that shuld giue them and hee giueth them one which robbeth them They require one to deliuer them from bondage hee ordaineth one to keepe them as slaues And finally the Hebrewes trusting to be deliured of their Iudges which ruled not according to their appetits God shal giue thē a king that shal take away their goods from them by force Oh how many times ought wee to pray vnto GOD to giue vs Princes in our Common-wealth and Prelates in our Churches which doe knowe how to gouerne vs and minister vnto vs not according to the weight of our soule but according to the measure of his mercie Plato saith in the first booke of lawes that one of the most Excellent lawes which the Siciones had in theyr Prouince was to keepe their Cities that they should not chaunge nor alter any thing therein Truely those Barbarous were sage in theyr doing and Plato was very discreete to commende them therein For nothing destroyeth a Common-wealth sooner then to suffer chaunges ofttimes therein All these things seemed to bee true in the Hebrues the which in their gouernment were very rash and vndiscrete For first they gouerned themselues by Patriarckes as Abraham was After they were gouerned by Prophets as Moses By Captaines as Iosuab by Iudges as Gedeon by Kings as Dauid and after they gouerned themselues by Byshops as Abdias was and in the ende the Hebrewes not contented with all these GOD suffered that they should fal into the hāds of Antichus Ptholomeus Herodes all Tirants This punishment fell according to the iust iudgement of God vpon them for theyr offences for it was euen meete that they that would not enioy the pleasant libertie of Iudea should taste the cruell seruitude of Babylon The condition which chaunced in the gouernment to the vnconstant Hebrewes the same happened vnto the proud Romains The which in the beginning of their Empire were gouerned by Kings afterwards by x. men Then by the Consuls so by the Dictators by the Censors and afterwards by the Tribunes and Senators and in the ende they came to be gouerned by Emperours and tyrannous Princes The Romaines inuented all these alterations in their gouernmēts for none other cause but to see whether they could be deliuered from the commaundement of another For the Romains in this case were so proud harted that they had rather dye in libertie then liue in captiuitie God had so ordained it and their wofull case did so promise it when they were aboue all other Kings and Realmes of the Earth that then the slaue should be obedient to his yrons and the subiect should acknowledge the homage to his Master And though that subiects doe moue warres though Kings also do winne Realms and Emperors conquer Empires yet wil they or nill they both great and small should acknowledge themselues for seruants For during the time of our fleshly life we can neuer withdraw our selue from the yoke of seruitude And say not you Princes for that you are puissant Princes that you are exempted from seruitude of men For without doubt it is a thing more vntollerable to haue theyr hearts burdened with thoughts then their necks loden with yrons If a slaue be good they take from him some yrons but to you that are Princes the greater you are the greater cares you haue For the prince that for his Common-wealth taketh care hath not one momēt of an houre quiet A slaue hopeth to be deliuered in his life but you cannot looke to be deliuered till after your death They lay yrons on the slaue by weight but thoughts burden you without measure For the wofull hart is more burdened with one houre of care then the body is pressed with twēty pound of yron A slaue or prisoner if hee be alone many times fyleth off his yrons but you Princes when you are alone are more grieuously tormented with thoughts For solitary
at my desire doe it for that thou art bound For many men oft-times condiscend to doe that which they would not more for vertues sake then to satisfie the demand of any other Thou shalt take that which my Embassador shall giue and beleeue that which he shall tell in my behalfe and by this my letter I doe promise thee that when thou shalt ariue here I will make thee treasorer of my coffers only counsailour of mine affaires secretary of my counsell father of my children reformer of my Realme master of my person and Gouernour of my Commonwealth finally Anacharsis shall be Cresus because Cresus may be Anacharsis I say no more but the gods haue thee in their custody to whom I pray that they may hasten thy comming The Embassadour departed to goe to Athens bearing with him this letter and many sewels and bagges of gold and by chance Anacharsis was reading in the Vniuersitie at the arriuall of the Ambassadors of Athens Who onely sayd and did his message to Anacharsis presenting vnto him the gifts and the letter Of which thing all those of the Vniuersitie maruelled for the barbarous Princes were not accustomed to seek Phylosophers to gouern their commonwealth but to put them to death and take from them their liues After the great Phylosopher Anacharsis had heard the Ambassage seene the gifts and receiued the lerter with out altering his countenance or elation of his person impediment in his tong or desire of the riches immediatly before the phisophers sayd these words which hereafter are written The letter of the Phylosopher Anacharsis to the king Cresus ANacharsis the least of the Phylosophers which to thee Cresus most mightie and puissant king of Lides the health which thou wishest him and the increase of vertue which thou sendest him They haue told vs many things here in these parts as well of thy Realme as of thy person and there in those parts they say many things as wel of our Vniuersitie as of my selfe For the heart taketh great pleasure to know the conditions and liues of all those in the world It is well done to desire and procure to know all the liues of the euill to amend our owne It is well done to procure and know the liues of the good for to follow them but what shall we doe since now a daies the euill doe not desire to know the liues of the euill but for to couer them and keepe them secret and doe not desire to know the liues of the good for to follow them I let thee know king Cresus that the Phylosophers of Greece felt not so much paine to be vertuous as they felt in defending them from the vitious For if a man once behold vertue immediatly she suffereth to be taken but the euill for any good that any man can doe vnto them neuer suffers themselues to be vanquished I beleeue well that tyrannie of the Realm is not so great as they talke of here neither oughtest thou likewise to beleeue that I am so vertuous as they report me to be here For in mine opinion those which declare newes of strange countries are as the poore which weare their garments al patched and peeced wherof the peeces that were sowne on a new are in more quantitie of cloth then the old which before they had when they were first made Beware king Cresus and bee not as the barbarous Princes are which vse good words to couer the infamy of their cruel deeds Maruel not though we Phylosophers readers in schooles desire not to liue with princes and gouernors of realms For euil Princes for none other intent seeke the company of wise men but onely because they would through them excuse their faults For doing as thou doest of will and not of right you will that the vulgar people thinke you do it by the counsel of a wise man I let thee vnderstand king Cresus that the prince which desireth to gouerne his people well ought not to be content to haue one onely Sage in his Pallace For it is not meete that the gouernement of many do consist in the aduise of one alone The Ambassadour hath sayde by word and the selfe same thy letter testifieth that thou art certified that I am counted for Sage throughout all Greece that this presupposed I wold come to thee to gouerne thy commonwealth And for the contrary thou doing thus as thou doest condemnest mee to be an Idiot for thou thinking that I would take thy gold is nothing else but for to raile vpon me as a foole The chiefe point wherein true philosophy is knowne is when he despiseth the things of the world for there neuer agreeth together the libertie of the soule and the care of the goods in this life O king Cresus I let thee vnderstand that hee which knoweth most the cause of the Element is not called Sage but it is he which least knoweth the vices of this world For the true phylosopher profiteth more by not knowing the euill then by learning the good I let thee vnderstand I am threescore and seuen yeares old and yet neuer before this time there reigned ire in me but when thy Ambassage was presented to me and that I saw layde at my feete such treasures and riches For vpon this deed I gather that either wisedome lacketh in thee or that great couetousnes aboundeth in me I doe send thee thy gold againe which thou sendest me and rhy Ambassadour shall declare as witnesse of sight how greatly it hath slandered all Greece For it was neuer seene nor heard of that in any wise they should suffer gold to enter into the Vniuersitie of Athens For it should not onely bee a dishonour to the Phylosophers of Greece to haue riches but also it would turne them to great infamie to desire them O King Cresus if thou knowest it not it is but reason thou know it that in the Schooles of Greece wee learne not to command but to obey not to speake but to be silent not to resist but to humble our selues not to get much but to content vs with little not to reuenge offences but to pardon iniuries not to take from others but to giue our owne not to be honored but to trauaile to be vertuous finally we learne to despise that which other men loue and to loue that which other men despise which is pouertie Thou thoughtest that I would accept thy gold or else that I would not If thou thoughtest I would haue taken it then thou haddest had reason not to haue receiued me afterwards into thy Palace for it is a great infamie that the couetous man shuld be acceptable to a Prince If thou thoughtst that I wold none of it thou wert not wise to take the pains to send it for Princes ought neuer to take vpon them things wherein as they thinke that subiects should lose their honestie in receiuing them Seeking Cresus and behold that by diligence it litle auayleth
to search for the physition and afterwards to doe nothing of that which by him is ordained I meane that it shall not profit but rather it shall be harme that I come into thy commonwealth and that afterwards thou wilt not do that which I shall ordaine therein for great dangers ensue to alter the humors with siropes vnlesse they take afterwards a purgation to purge away the same For to redresse thy barbarous realme and to satisfie thy good desire I am determined to condiscend vnto thy request and to accomplish thy commandement vpon condition that thou shalt ensure mee of these things following For the laborer ought not to sow his seede before the ground be plowed and tilled The first thou shalt for sake the euill custome which ye barbarous kings dovse that is to say to heape vp treasures and not to spend them For euery Prince which is couetous of treasures is scarcely of capacitie to receiue good counsell The second thou shalt not onely banish out of thy palace but also out of thy court al flatterers for the Prince that is a friend to flatterers of necessitie must be an enemie of the truth The 3. thou shalt end the wars that thou at this present doest maintaine against the people of Corinth for euery Prince that loueth forraine warres must needs hate the peace of his commonwealth The fourth thou shalt banish from thy house all Iuglers comediants and ministrels For the Prince which occupieth himselfe to heare vaine and trifling things in time of necessitie shall not apply himselfe to those which bee of weight and importance Fiftly thou shalt prouide that all loyterers and vacabonds bee expulsed from thy person and banished thy palace for iidlenesse and negligence are cruell enemies of wisedome Sixtly thou shalt banish from thy court and palace and liers all seditious men for when liers are suffered in the Palace of Princes it is a signe that the king and the realme falleth into vtter destruction The seuenth thou shalt promise that in the dayes of thy life thou shalt not presse me to receiue any thing of thee for the day that thou shalt corrupt me with gifts it is necessary that I corrupt thee with euill counsels For there is no counsell that is good but that which proceedeth from the man that is not couetous If on these conditions the king Cresus desireth the Philosopher Anacharsis the Philosopher Anacharsis desireth the king Cresus and if not I had rather bee a disciple of sage philosophers then a king of the barbarous people Vale felix Rex Sith this letter doeth declare it it is needlesse for my pen to write it that is to say what was the humanitie and goodnesse of king Cresus to write vnto a poore Phylosopher and how great the courage of a philosopher was to despise the gold and to say as he did in this behalfe Therefore let princes note heare that such ought the Sages to bee they should chuse and let Sages note here also vpon what conditions they ought to enter into the palace of princes For this is such a bargaine that it seldome times chanceth but that one of the parties are deceiued CHAP XLVI Of the wisedome and sentences of Phalaris the tyrant and how he put an Artisan to death for inuenting new torments IN the last yeare of the Latines and in the first yeare of the Romaines Ezechias being king of the Iewes and Azaria great Bishop of the holy temple Abacucke Prophet in Iewrie and Merodach being king in Babylon and when the Lacedemonians built Byzance which now is Constantinople Phalaris the famous Tyrant was then liuing Of this Phalaris Ouid saith that he was deformed in his face pore blinde of his eyes and exceeding couetous of riches and neuer obserued any thing that he promised He was thankfull to his friends and cruell to his enemies finally he was such a one that tyrannies which seuerally were scattered in others in him alone were altogether assembled Amongst all the iniquities that he inuented and amongst the tyranies that he committed he had one vertue very great which was that euen as he was head of all tyrannies so was he chief louer and friends of all phylosophers and sage men And in all those sixe and thirtie yeares which he gouerned the Realm by tyrannie they neuer found that any man touched his beard nor that any man sate at his table with him spake vnto him or slept in his bed nor that any man saw in his countenance any mirth vnlesse it were some Phylosopher or Sage man with whom and to whom hee liberally put his body in trust The Prince that absenteth himselfe from Sage men and accompanieth with fooles I say vnto him though hee bee a Prince of his commonwealth he is a cruel person For it is a greater paine to liue among fooles then to die amongst Sages Pulio in his first booke Degestis Romanorum sayth that a worthy and excellent painter presented a table to Octauian the Emperour wherein were drawne all the vertuous Princes and for their Chiefetaine Octauian the Emperour was drawne at the foote of this table were all the tyrannous princes painted of the which Phalaris was chiefe and Captaine This table viewed by Octauian the Emperour he commendeth the worke but hee disallowed the intention thereof saying Me thinks not meete that I being a liue should be set chiefe and principall of all the vertuous men that are dead For during the time of this wicked life we reall subiect to the vices of weake feeble flesh Also it seemeth vnto me an vniust doing that they should put Phalaris for principall and Captaine of all the tyrants since he was a scourge and enemie to fooles and ignorant men and so earnest a louer and friend of Sages and wise Phylosophers The fame of this cruell Phalaris being knowne and his extreme cruelties he vsed spred through all Greece A neighbour and Artificer of Athens called Perillus a man very excellent in mettels and a great worker in works of fountaines came to Phalaris the tyrant saying that he would make such a kinde of torment that his heart should remaine reuenged and the offender well punished The matter was that this workeman made a Bull of Brasse wherein there was a gate by the which they put the offender and in putting the fire vnder the Bull it roared and cryed in manner as it had bene aliue which thing was not onely a horrible and cruell torment to the miserable creature that endured it but also it was terrible to him or those that saw it Let vs not maruell neither at the one nor at the orhet for truely the pitifull heart which is not fleshed in in crueltie hath as much pitie to see another man suffer as of the sorow and torment which hee himselfe feeleth Phalaris therefore seeing the inuenuention of this torment whereof the inuentor hoped for great reward prouided that the inuentor of the same should bee put within the
thee I shall not follow my selfe and beeing thine I shall cease to bee mine Thou art come to haue the name of the Great Alexander for conquering the world and I haue attained to come to renowme of a good Phylosopher in flying the world And if thou dost imagine that thou hast gotten and wonne I thinke I haue not erred nor lost And since thou wilt be no lesse in authoritie then a King doe not thinke that I will lose the estimation of a Phylosopher For in the world there is no greater losse vnto a man then when hee looseth his proper libertie When he had spoken these words Alexander saide vnto them that were about him with a lowde voyce By the immortall Gods I sweare and as god Mars rule my hands in Battell if I were not Alexander the Great I would bee Diogenes the Phylosopher And hee saide further In mine opinion there is no other Felicitie vpon the earth then to bee King Alexander who commaundeth all or to bee Diogenes to commaund Great Alexander who commaundeth all As king Alexander was more familiar with some Philosophers then with others so hee esteemed some bookes more then others And they say he read oftentimes in the Iliades of Homer which is a booke where the story of the destruction of Troy is and that when he slept he layd vnder his head vpon a bolster his sword and also his booke When the great King Alexander was borne his father Philip king of Macedonia did two notable things The first was that hee sent many and very rich gifts into the I le of Delphos where the Oracle of Apollo was to the ende to present them with him and to pray him that it would please him for to preserue his sonne The other thing that hee did was that immediately hee wrote a letter to the great Philosopher Aristotle wherin he sayd these words The letter of King Philip to Aristotle the Phylosopher PHilip King of Macedonia wishes health and peace to the philosopher Aristotle which readeth in the Vniuersitie of Greece I let the vnderstand that Olympias my wife is brought to bedde of a goodly man childe whereof both she and I and all Macedonia do reioyce For kings and Realms ought to haue great ioy when that there is borne a sonne sueccssour of the natural prince of the prouince I render thankes vnto the immortall gods and haue sent many great gifts to the Temples and it was not so much for that I haue a son as for that they haue giuenhim vnto me in the time of so great and excellent Philosopher I hope that thou wilt bring him vp teach him in such sort that by heritage hee shall be Lord of my patrimony of Macedonia and by desert he shall be Lord of Asia to that they should call him my sonne and thee his father Vale foelix iterumque vale Ptolomeus father in law who was the eight king of the Aegyptians did greatly loue the Sages as well of Caldea as of Greece and this thing was esteemed for a great vertue in king Ptolome For there was as much enuy betweene the phylosophers of Greece and the Sages of Egypt as betweene the Captaines of Rome and the Captaines of Carthage This Ptolome was very wise and did desire greatly to bee accompanied with Phylosophers and after this hee learned the letters of the Latines Caldes and Hebrues for the which cause though the kings named Ptolomei were eleuen in number and all warrelike men yet they put this for the Chiefe and Captaine of all not for battels which hee wanne but for the sentences which he learned This king Ptolomeus had for his familiar a Philosopher called Estilpho Magarense who was so entirely beloued of this Prince that laying aside gentlenesse and benefits which hee shewed him hee did not onely eate with the king at his table but oftentimes the king made him drink of his owne cup. And as the sauours which Princes shew to their seruants are but as a watch to proue the malitious it chanced that when this king gaue the philosopher to drinke that which remayned in his cuppe an Egyptian knight moued with enuy sayde vnto King Ptolome I thinke Lord how thou art neuer satisfied with drinking to leaue that which remaineth in the cuppe for the Philosopher to drinke after thee To whom the king answered Thou sayst well that the Phylosopher Estilpho is neuer filled with that which I doe giue him For that which remaineth in my cup doth not profite him so much to drinke as the Phylosophy which remaineth in him should profite thee if thou wouldst take it The king Antigonus was one of the most renowmed seruants that king Alexander the great euer had who after his death enherired a great part of his Empire for how much happy the king Alexander was in his life so much hee was vnhappy at the time of his death because he had no children which might enherite his goods and that hee had such seruants as spoyled him of his renowme This king Antigonus was an vnthrist and excessiue in all vices But for all hee loued greatly the phylosophers which thing remained vnto him from king Alexander whose pallace was a schoole of al the good phylosophers of the world Of this ensample they may see what great profite ensueth of bringing vp of them that bee yong for there is none that euer was so wicked or inclined vnto euill but that in long continuance may profite somwehat in his youth This king Antigonus loued two philosophers greatly the which florished in that time that is to say Amenedius and Abio of which two Abio was wel learned and very poore For in that time no phylosopher durst openly reade philosophy as if hee were worth any thing in temporall goods As Laertius sayth and as Pulio declares it better in the book of the rulers and noble men of the Greekes The Schooles of the Vuiuersitie were so correct that the philosopher which knew most had least goods so that they did not glorifie of any thing eise but to haue pouertie and to know much of philosophy The case was such that the phylosopher Abio was sicke and with that sickenes he was so vexed that they might almost see the bones of his weake bodie The king Antigonus sent to visite him by his owne sonne by whom hee sent him much money to helpe him withall For hee liued in extreame pouertie as it behoued the professors of phylosophy Abio was sore sicke being aged and crooked and though he had made himselfe so leane with sicknesse yet notwithstanding he burned alwayes vpon the weeke of good life I meane that he had no lesse courage to despise those gifts then the king Antigonus had nobles to send them This Phylosopher not contented to haue despised those gifts in such sort sayd vnto the sonne of Antigonus who brought them Tell king Antigonus that I giue him great thankes for the good entertainement hee gaue me alwayes
in my life and for the gifts he sends mee now at my death For one friend can doe more to another then to offer him his person to depart with his proper goods Tell the king thy father that I maruell what hee should meane that I now beeing foure score yeares of age and haue walked all my life time naked in this world should now be laden with vestures and money since I must passe so great a gulfe in the Sea to go out of this world The Egyptians haue a custome to lighten the burden of their Camels when they passe the Desartes of Arabia which is much better then to ouercharge them I meane that he onely passeth without trauell the dangers of the life which banisheth frō him that thought of temporall goods of this world Thirdly thou shalt say to the King thy Father that from hence forth when any man will dye he doe not succour nor helpe him with Money Golde nor Riches but with good and ripe counsell For Golde will make him leaue his life with sorrow and good Counsell will moue him to take his death with patience The fifth king of the Macedonians was called Archelaus who they say to be the grandfather of king Philip father of the great Alexander This king boasteth himselfe to descend from Menelaus King of the Grecians and principall Captaine which was at the destruction of Troy This king Archelaus was a great friend to the Sages and amongst others there was a Poet with him called Euripides who at that time had no lesse glory in his kinde of Poetrie then Archelaus in his king dome being king of Macedonia For now a dayes we esteeme more the Sages for the bookes which they wrote then we do exalt kings for the Realms which they ruled or the battels which they ouercame The familiaritie which Euripides had with the king Archelaus was so great that in the Realme of Macedonie nothing was done but first it was examined by the hands of this Philosopher And as the simple and ignorant would not naturally be subiect to the Sage it chanced that one night Euripides was talking a long time with the King declaring vnto him the ancient Histories and when the poore Poet would depart to goe home to his house his enemies espyed him and let the hungrie dogges flie vpon him the which did not onely teare him in peeces but also eate him euery morsell So that the intrayles of the dogges were the wofull graue of the most miserable Poet. The King Archelaus being certified of this wofull case immediately as soone as they told him was so chafed that almost he was bereft of his senses And hereat maruell not at all For gentle hearts doe alter greatly when they are aduertised of any suddaine mishappe As the loue which the King had to Euripides in his life was much so likewise the sorow which he felt at his death was very great for he shed many teares from his eyes he cut the hairs off his head he rounded his beard hee changed his apparrell which he ware and aboue all he made as solemne a funerall to Euripides as if they had buried Vlisses And not contented with al these things he was neuer merry vntill such time he had done cruell execution of the malefactors for truely the iniury or death which is done vnto him whom wee loue is no other but as a bath and token of our owne good wills After iustice was executed of those homicides and that some of the bones all gnawne of the dogs were buried a Grecian Knight said vnto King Archelaus I let the know excellent king that all Macedonta is offended with thee because that for so small a losse thou hast shewed so great sorrow To whom king Archelaus aunswered Among Sages it is a thing sufficiently often tryed that noble hearts ought not to shew themselues sad for mishaps and sodaine chances for the king being sadde his Realme cannot and though it might it ought not shew it selfe merry I haue heard my father say once that Princes should neuer shed teares vnlesse it were for one of these causes 1 The first the Prince should bewaile the losse danger of his common wealth for the good Prince ought to pardon the iniuries done to his person but to reuenge the least act done to the Common-wealth he ought to hazard himselfe 2 The second the good Prince ought to lament if any man haue touched his honour in any wise for the prince which weepeth not drops of bloud for the things touching his honour deserueth to be buried quicke in his graue 3 The third the good Prince ought to bewayle those which can little and suffer much For the Prince which bewayleth not the calamities of the poore in vaine and without profit liueth on the earth 4 The fourth the good Prince ought to bewayle the glory and prosperity wherein the tyrants are For that Prince which with tyranny of the euill is not displeased with the hearts of the good is vnworthy to bee beloued 5 The fift the good Prince ought to bewayle the death of Wise men For to a Prince there can come no greater losse then when a wise man dyeth in his Common wealth These were the words which the King Archelaus answered the Grecian Knight who reproued him because he had wept for the death of Euirpides the Philosopher The ancient Historiographers can say no more of the estimation which the Philosophers and wise men had as well the Greekes as the Latines but I will tell you one thing worthy of noting It is well knowne through all the world that Scipio the Ethnicke was one of the worthiest that euer was in Rome for by his name and by his occasion Rome got such a memory as shall endure And this was not only for that he conquered Affricke but for the great worthinesse of his person Men ought not to esteeme a little these two giftes in one man that is to say to be happy and aduenturous For many of the Auncients in times past wanne glory by their swords and after lost it by their euill liues The Romane Historiographers say that the first that wrote in Heroicall meeter in the Latine tongue was Ennius the Poet the workes of whom was so esteemed of Scipio the Ethnick that when this aduenturous and so luckie Romane dyed he commaunded in his will and testament that they should hang the image of this Ennius the Poet ouer his graue By that the great Scipio did at his death wee may well coniecture how great a friend he was of Sages in his life since he had rather for his honour see the Statue of Ennius on his graue then the banner wherwith he wonne and conquered Affricke In the time of Pirrus which was King of the Epirotes and great enemy of the Romanes flourished a Philosopher named Cinas borne in Thessaly who as they say was the Disciple of Demosthenes The Historiographers at that time did so much
discend of the Linage of the Troyans and therefore when king Eneas and prince Turnus had great Warres betweene them which of them should haue the Princesse Lauinia in Marriage the which at that time was onely heyre of Italie king Euander ayded Eneas not only with goods but also sending him his owne Sonne in person For the friendes ought for their true friendes willingly to shead their bloud and in their behalfe without demaunding they ought also to spend their goods This King Euander had a Wife so well learned that that which the Greekes sayde of her seemeth to bee fables That is to say of her eloquence and wisedome for they say that if that which this woman wrote of the warres of Troy had not been through enuie cast into the fire the name of Homer had at this day remayned obscure The reason hereof is because that woman was in the time of the destruction of Troy and wrote as a witnesse of sight But Homer wrote after the destruction of Troy as one affectioned vnto the Prince Achilles as a friend of the Greekes and enemie of the Troians And truely when a Writer is affectioned to any person his writing of force must be suspected The wife of this King Euander was called by her name Nicostrata albeit others called her Carmenta for the eloquence shee had in her verses For they say that she made as easily in meeter as others doe in prose The Historiographers of the Gentiles say that shee prophefied the destruction of Troy fifteen years before She tolde the comming of Aeneas into Italy and spake of the warres that should be before the marriage of Lauinia and said how Ascanius the sonne of Enea should builde Alba longa She sayde further that of the Latine Kings should descende the Romaines and that the reuenge which Rome should take of Greece should bee greater then that which Greece did take of Troy And shee sayde also that the greatest Warre which Rome should haue should be against the Princes of Affricke and that in the end Rome should triumph ouer all the Realmes of the earth and finally a nation vnknowne should triumph for euer in Rome As Eusesebius Caesarten saith The Routaines kept these writings in as great estimation in the high capitoll as the Christians kept their faith vnto GOD. King Darius after he was vanquished in the first Battell by King Alexander the great before he was in the second battel vtterly destroyed trauelled and sought many wayes and means to the ende he might be friend vnto Alexander And in very deede King Darius was sage to seeke it but not so happie to obtain it For to Princes the peace is more worth that is honest then is the victorie which is bloudie Betwixt these two so stoute Princes Truce was made for three moneths and in the meane time the Priests of the Chaldeans treated peace with these conditions that the great Alexander should marry the daughter of king Darius and that Darius should giue her a great quantity of gold and besides this that he should endow her with the third part of his realme And truely these meanes were good For among Princes there is nothing that sooner pacifieth olde iniuries then to make betweene them newe Mariages King Alexander excused himselfe of this marriage saying that hee was but xxiiij yeares of age and that hee was too young to bee marryed because amongst the Macedonians there was a custom that the woman could not be marryed vntill xxv yeares of age nor the man vntill xxx The Daughter of King Darius was faire rich and noble but the best she wanted for she was not wise And this was the cause why K Alexander refused her for his wife for in those dayes women were not marryed because they were rich but beloued because they were wise And finally the woman that had studyed best came commonly to the highest Marriage Antonius Rusticus and Quintus Seuerus say that the great Alexander after he had forsaken the daughter of king Darius marryed a wife which was a poore woman and deformed called Barsina which indeede was neyther with riches nor beautie endued but without doubt in the Greeke and Latine tongue most excellently learned And when the Princes of Macedonie would haue withdrawn him from that marriage asking him why hee esteemed the rich lesse then the poore he aunswered thus I see my Friends in Marriage it suffiseth the husband to bee rich and the woman wise For the Office of the husband is to winne that which is lost and the Office of the wife is to keepe safe that which is wonne Strabo de situ Orbis saith that the fifte Queene of Lides was Mirthas the which of her bodie was so little that shee seemed to bee a Dwarffe and in quicknes of wit so high that they called her a giant For the man that hath a stout stomack and a little body may well be called a giaunt and hee that hath a great body and a cowards hart may iustly be named a Dwarffe For that this excellent Queen Mirtha was such a wise wife when she was marryed and afterwards also a widowe very honest and aboue all things in Phylosophie excellently learned The Lides counted this Queen Mirtha amongst the seuen Kings of the which they vaunted themselues to be gouerned as of glorious Princes For the Auncients gaue as much glorie to Women learned in Letters as vnto the valiant and stoute men expert in Armes Cornificius the Poete as Laertius saieth had a sister called Cornificia the which in Greeke Latin letters was not onely learned but also in making Metre and Epigrames very expert They write that of this Woman which of few men the like hath been heard That is to say that she made verses and Epigrams better at the first sight then her brother did with much study And it is not too much incredible to put any doubt in that that is spoken for the penne hath more swiftnesse of the liuely spirit then the tongue hath of the small vnderstanding This Poet Cornificius was resident a long time in Rome and was alwayes poore and voide of all fauour thogh indeede hee was better learned then others which were in greater estimation the which thing dayly chaunceth in the Court of Princes For there is no difference whether they bee fooles or wise but whether they be acceptable to the Princes Aristotle sayeth Vbi multum de intellectu ibi parum de fortuna Meaning thereby that men which of memory and vnderstanding are most rich of the goods of this world are commonly most poore This Poet Cornificius therefore going through Rome little set by of any by chaunce a Romane named Calphurnius to scoffe at him sayd Tell me Cornificius hast thou had any fortunate day since thou wert borne for in these twenty yeers that I haue known thee I neuer saw thee in fauour and if I bee not deceyued it is fifteene yeeres since I knew thee haue
the warres were between Carthage and Rome the Common wealth of Carthage was very well gouerned and as it beseemed such a noble City but it is an ancient priuiledge of the warre that it killeth the persons consumeth the goods and aboue all engendreth a new passion and misery and in the end destroyeth all good ancient customes The Carthagenians therefore had a custome that the children and especially those which were of honest men should be put in the Temples from three yeeres till twelue and so from twelue till twenty they learned crafts sciences and occupations and from 20. til 25. they instructed thē in the feates of war and at the end of 30. yeares they gaue themselues to marriage for amongst them it was a Law inuiolable that no man should marrie vntill he were thirty yeares of age and the woman 25. And after that they were married the moneth following they ought to present themselues before the Senate and there to choose what kinde of estate they would take vpon them to liue in and what their mindes most desired that is to say if they would serue in the Temples follow the warre or trauell the seas or get their liuing by land or follow their occupation which they had learned And looke what estate or office that day they chose the same they kept and occupyed during their life and truely the law was very good because such change of estates and Offices in the World are occasion that presently so many come to destruction All the excellent and ancient Princes had many great Philosophers for their Masters and this seemeth to be true by this that king Darius had Lichanins the philosopher for his master the great Alexander had Aristotle the Philosopher for his Master King Artaxerces had Pindarus the philosopher for his Master The aduenturous and hardy captaine of the Athenians Palemo had Xenocrates the philosopher for his master Xemaides onely king of the Corinthians had Chilo the philosopher for his Master and tutour to his Children Epamynundus Prince of the Thebanes had for his master and councellour Maruchus the Philosopher Vlysses the Greeke as Homer sayeth had for his master and companion in his trauels Catinus the philosopher Pirrus which was King of the Epirotes and a great defendor of the Tharentines had for his Master and Chronicler Arthemius the philosopher of whom Cicero speaketh ad Atticum that his sword was sharper to fight then his penne ready for to write The great King Ptholomeus Philodelphus was not onely Scholer of the most singular Philosophers of Greece but also after he was King he sent for 72. Philosophers which were Hebrewes Cirus King of the Persians that destroyed the great Babylon had for his Master Pristicus the Philosopher Traian the Emperour had Plutarch for his Master who did not onely teach him in his youth but also wrote him a booke how he ought to gouerne himselfe and his commōwealth By these few examples which I haue expressed and by many other which I omit Princes at this present may see how carefull princes were in times past to giue their children wise and learned men O princes great Lords since you at this present do presume and take vpon you that which your Forefathers did I would that now you would consider who brought them to so high estate who leaueth them eternall memorie for without doubt noble men neuer wan renown for the pleasurs they had in vices but for the trauels they had in vertues Againe I say that Princes in times past were not famous for their stoutnes apt disposition of their bodies nor for discent of noble lynage nor for the possessiō of many Realmes or heaping vp of great treasures but they wanne and obtained immortall renowne for that their Fathers in their youth put them vnder the tuition of wise and learned tutours which taught them good doctrine and when they were of age gaue them good counsellours to gouerne the common-wealth Laertius in the life of the Phylosophers and Bocchas in the Booke of the linage of Gods say thus That among the Phylosophers of Athens there was a custome that no straunge Phylosopher should reade in their Schooles before hee were first examined in naturall and morall Phylosophie For among the Greekes it was an auncient Prouerbe That in the schoole of Athens no vicious man could enter nor idle word be spoken neyther they did consent that any ignorant Phylosopher should come in to reade there Now as by chaunce many phylosophers were come from the Mount Olympus amongst the refidue there was one came to see the philosophers of Athens who was natiue of Thebes a man as afterwardes hee declared himselfe in Morall and naturall phylosophie very well learned And since he desired to remaine in Athens hee was examined and of many and diuers things demanded And amongst the others these following were some of them First they asked him what causeth women to bee so froward since it is true that nature made them shamefaste and created them simple The Phylosopher answered A woman is not froward but because shee hath too much her will and wanteth shame Secondarily they asked him why young men are vndone hee answered because Time aboundeth them for to doe euill and Maisters wanteth to enforce them to doe good Thirdly they asked him why are Wise men deceyued as well as the simple he answered The wise man is neuer deceyued but by him that vseth faire wordes and hath euill conditions Fourthly they asked him of whom men ought most to beware he aunswered That there is to a man no greater enemie then hee which seeth that thing in thee which hee desireth to haue in himselfe Fifthly they asked him why manie princes begunne well and ended euill hee aunswered Princes begin well because their nature is good and they ende euill because no man doth gaine-say them Sixtly they asked him why do princes commit such follyes hee answered Because Flattterers aboundeth that deceyue them and true men are wanting which should serue them Seuenthly they asked him why the Auncients were so sage and men at this present were so simple hee aunswered Because the Auncients did not procure but to knowe and these present doe not trauell but for to haue Eightly they asked him why so manie vices were nourished in the pallaces of princes hee aunswered Because pleasures abound and counsell wanteth The ninth they asked him why the most parte of men liued without rest and fewe without paine he aunswered No man is more without and suffereth more paine then hee that dyeth for the goods of another and little esteemeth his owne The tenth they asked him whereby they might knowe the Common-wealth to bee vndone hee aunswered There is no Common-wealth vndone but onely where the young are light and the old vicious The 11. they asked him wherwith the Common-wealth is maintained he answered The common wealth cānot decay where iustice remaineth for the poore punishment for the tyrants
continueth still his letter speaking against cruell Iudges and reciteth two examples the one of a pitifull king of Cypres and the other of a cruell iudge of Rome BY the saith of a good man I sweare vnto thee friend Antigonus that I being yong knew a Iudg in Rome whose name was Licaronicus a man of high stature his flesh neither too fat nor too leane his eyes were somewhat bloudy and red he was of the linage of the Senators and on his face hee had but a little bearde and on his head he had many white hayres This Lycaronicus of long time was Iudge in Rome in the Romane Lawes hee was very well learned and in Customes and policies very skilfull and expert of his owne Nature hee spake little and in the aunsweres hee gaue hee was very resolute Amongst all those which were in Rome in his time he had this excellencie which was That to all hee ministred equall iustice and to suters with great speede hee gaue briefe expedition and dispatched them immediatly They could neuer withdrawe him by requests neuer corrupt him with gifts nor beguile him with words nor feare him with threatnings neither would hee receyue a bribe of any man that would offer it him And besides this he was very seuere in condition churlish in wordes vnflectible in requests cruell in punishments suspitious in affaires and aboue all hee was hated of manie and feared of all How much this Lycaronicus was hated it cannot bee reported and of how manie hee was feared no man can thinke For in Rome when any man was iniuried hee saide I pray God that Lycaronicus may liue long When the children did crie the mothers said vnto them Take heede of Lycaronicus and streight way they helde theyr peace so that with the only name of Lycarcnicus people were astonyed and children kept silence Thou oughtest also to knowe Antigonus that when any commotion did arise in a Cittie or in anie other Prouince or that any sclaunder arose and increased therein they were assured and they saide that none other should goe thither but onely Lycaronicus And to say the truth when he was arriued at that Citie or prouince the rebells were not onely fledde but also diuers innocents were for feare of his crueltie hidde For Lycaronicus was so resolute a person that some for euill factes others for consenting Some for that they fauoured not the good right others for that they kept them secrete none escaped to be tormented of his person or punished in goods Thinkest thou Antigonus that they haue bin fewe whome this Iudge hath caused to bee whipt and carted cast into deepe wells beheaded taken banished and put in the stockes during the time that the Romaines had him with them By the immortall Gods I sweare vnto thee and as god Genius the God of nature may helpe me that the Gallowes and Gibbettes were so furnished with feete handes and heads of men as the shambles were with Oxen Sheepe and Kyddes This Lycaronicus was so fleshly to shead humaine bloud that he was neuer so conuersant nor hee neuer had so merrie a countenance as the same day when he should cause any man to be drowned in the riuer of Tyber hanged in Mount Celio beheadded in the streete Salario tormented or cast into the prison Marmortina Oh cruell Oh fierce and vnspeakeable condition that this Iudge Lycaronicus had For it was not possible that hee should be brought vppe betweene the delicate armes of the Romanes but in the vile entrails of you venemous Serpents I returne once more to say that it is vnpossible he should be nourished with the delicate milke of women but with the cruell bloud of Tygres If this Lycaronicus were cruell why did they giue him such aucthoritie I curse such aucthoritie If hee did for that hee had great zeale to Iustice I curse such zeale of iustice If he did it to winne more honour I curse that honour For that man shall be cursed of the Gods and hated of men which taketh life from others although it bee by iustice onely to increase his renowme The Gods are much offended and the people greatly damaged where the Senate of Rome called the Iudge gentle which is corrupted and him that is cruell iust So that nowe amongst the Romaine people those which heale with oyle are not credited but those onely which cure with fire If any mā think it at the least I doe not thinke it that when Licaronicus dyed all the cruell Iudges did end with him For through all the Romane Empire there was no more but one Lycaronicus and at this present there is aboue three or foure in euery Common wealth Not without teares I speake that which I will speake which is that in those dayes as all the Iudges that ministred were pittifull so was this Licaronicus renowmed for cruell But now since all are cruell wee hope in a Iudge which is pittifull In the 12. yeare of the foundation of our mother Rome the first king thereof was Romulus who sent a commaundement to all the neighbours and inhabitants therabouts to the end that all banished men al those which were afflicted all those which were persecuted and all those which were in necessity should come to Rome for they should bee defended from their enemies and succoured in their necessities The fame being spredde throughout Italy of the pitty and clemency which Romulus shewed in Rome if the Annalles of the Auncients do not deceiue vs Rome was more peopled with inhabitants in ten yeers then Babylon or Carthage in a hundred O noble heart of Romulus which such things inuented blessed bee that tongue which commaundeth that the famous Rome with clemency and pitty should bee founded In the originall bookes which were in the high Capitoll once I found diuers letters written to the sacred Senate and Romane people in the beginning of the letters the words sayd thus Wee the King of Parthes in Asia to the Fathers conscript of Rome and to the happy Romane people of Italy and to all those which with the Romane Senate are confederate which haue the name of Romanes and the renowne of clemency health and tranquility to your persons wee doe send you and desire the same of the gods for our selues Behold therefore Antigonus what titles of clemency had our first Romanes and what example of clemency did the Emperour leaue for them to come so that since the barbarous strangers called them pittifull it is not to be beleeued that to their subiects or naturall countreymen they were cruell And as the Auncients haue trauelled of all to be well beloued so they at this present through their cruelties seeke nothing but to bee feared If the gods perhappes should reuiue the dead and should compare the liuing before them in iudgement I suppose they would say these are not their children but their enemies not encreasers of the Common-wealth but destroyers of the people I beeing thirty seuen yeares of
age lay in Winter season in an Isle called Chetyn which now is called Cypres wherein is a little mountain as yet full of Wood which is called the mount of Archadia where groweth an hearbe called Ilabia which the Auncients say that if it bee cut it droppeth bloud and the nature of it is that if one doe rubbe any man with the bloud thereof hote although hee would not yet hee shall loue him and if they doe annoint him with the bloude that is colde hee shall hate him Of this hearbe wee neede not doubt any thing at all for I did proue it and anointed one with that bloud who would sooner loose his life then that loue which he bare mee There was a Kingin that Isle of great example of life and greatly renowned of clemency though in deed neyther by writing nor by wordes I could neuer know his name but that hee was buried vnder foure pillars in a Tombe of Marble and about the Tombe were engrauen these Greeke and ancient letters where amongst other things these wordes were engrauen The mighty gods whiles they drew out the length Of my weake yeares to passe the floud of life This rule I had my Common wealth to strength To nourish peace and stint vaine blasts of strife By vertues way if ought I could obtaine By vices path I neuer sought to get By dreadles peace if I could right attaine By clattering armes blind hazard could not let By curteous meanes if I could ouercome By raging threates I heaped vp no dread By secret shiftes if I might guide my dome By open force I nowlde the paine were spread By gentle read if I could chastice eke By sharpe wayes no further proofe I sought In outward sight I neuer thought to stricke Before I had to couerte chekes them brought My free consent could neuer vainely heare My tongue to tell one sweet entising lye Nor yet my hollow eares would euer heare Their crooked tales that flatter oft awry My schooled heart was alwayes taught to stay From eager lust of others heaped good I forst my selfe his proper wealth to way And stand content as fortune iudgement stoode My friends decay I alwayes watcht to ayde And recked not for bent of enuies bow In huge expence I neuer lauish payde My glittring golde nor spared yet to low For grieuous faults I neuer punisht wighi With mind appeased but erst I would forgiue My griefe did grow when iust reuenge did hight And eke I ioyed to pardon men to liue A mortall man amongst blinde heapes of men Nature my mother produced me here And therefore loe inclosed in this denne The eagre wormes my senselesse carcasse teare Amongst the Wights that vertue did enhaunce A vertuous life I freely passed on And since that death his kingdome did aduance My heauenlie sprite to haunt the Gods is gone HOw thinkest thou Antigonus what Epitaph was this and what prince ought he to be of whom I should say his life ought to bee glorious and his memory eternall I sweare vnto thee by the law of a good man and as the Gods may prosper me I tooke not so much pleasure in Pompey with his Hierusalem in Semiremis with her India in king Cyrus with his Babylon in Caius Caesar with his Gawles in Scipio with his Affrike as I haue in the king of Cypres in his graue For more glorie hath that king there in that sharpe mountaine being deade then others haue had in prowde Rome beeing aliue CHAP. IX ¶ Marcus Aurelius continueth his Letter against cruell Iudges Of the words which the Emperor Nero spake concerning Iustice and of the instructions the Emperour Augustus gaue to a Iudge which hee sent into Dacia NEITHER for that which I write in this Letter nor yet for that king Cirus had in his Graue my intention is not to defende the euil to the ende that for their euill deedes and outragiousnesse they should bee punished for by this means it shold bee worse for mee to fauour them then for them to bee euill for they through debility do offend and I by malice doe erre But in this case it seemeth vnto mee and to all others which are of good iudgement that since frailety in men is naturall and the punishment which they giue is voluntary Let Iudges therefore in ministring iustice shew that they do it for the weale of the Common-wealth and not with a mind for to reuenge To the end the faulty may haue occasion to amned the faultes past and not reuenge iniuries present the diuine Plato in the books of his Common-wealth sayde that Iudges ought to haue two things present before their eyes that is to say that in iudging things touching the good of others they shew no couetousnes and in punishing any man they shew no reuenge For Iudges haue licence to chastice the bodie but therefore they haue no licence to hurt theyr hearts Nero the Emperour was greatly defamed in his life and verie cruell in his iustice And withall his cruelties it chanced that as one in a day brought him a iudgement for to subscribe to behead certain murtherers Hee fetching a great sigh sayd these words O how happy were I if I had neuer learned to write onely to bee excused to subscribe this sentence Certainely the Emperour Nero for speaking such a pittifull word at that time deserued immortal memory but afterwardes his so cruell life peruerted so notable a sentence For speaking the truthe one euil word sufficeth to deface manie good wordes O how many realmes and countreyes haue bin lost not so much for the euills which in those the wicked haue committed as for the disordinate Iustices which the ministers of iustice therein haue executed For they thinking by rigour to correct the dammages past haue raysed vppe present slaunders for euer It is knowne to all men who and what the Emperour Augustus hath bin who in all his doings was exceeding good For he was noble valiant stout fierce and a louer of iustice and aboue all very pittifull And for so much in other things hee shewed his pitie and clemencie he ordained that no prince should subscribe iudgements of death with his owne hand neyther that hee should see iustice done of any with his owne eyes Truely the law was pittifully ordained and for the cleannes purenes of Emperors very necessary For it seemeth better for Princes to defend theyr Landes with the sharpe sword then to subscribe a sentence of death with the cruell penne This good Emperour Augustus was very diligent to chuse ministers of iustice and very carefull to teach them how they should behaue themselues in the Common-wealth admonishing them not onely of that they had to doe but also of that they ought to flie For the ministers of iustice oftentimes faile of theyr duetie In Capua there was a gouernour named Escaurus who was a iust iudge though hee were somewhat seuere whom the Emperour Augustus sent to the realme of Dace to take charge
the diligence which the Iudges vsed towards the Senat to the end they might giue them offices the selfe same ought the Senate to haue to seeke vertuous men to commit such charge into their hands For the office of iustice ought to be giuen not to him which procureth it but to him that best deserueth it In the yeare of the foundation of Rome 642. yeares the Romane people had many warres throughout all the world That is to say Caius Celius against those of Thrace Gneus Gardon his brother against the Sardes Iunius Scilla against the Cimbres Minutius Rufus against the Daces Seruilius Scipio against the Macedonians and Marius Consull against Iugurtha King of the Numedians and amongst all these the warre of the Numidians was the most renowmed and also perillous For if Rome had many Armies against Iugurtha to conquer him Iugurtha had in Rome good friends which did fauour him King Boco at that time was king of the Mauritans who was Iugurthas friend in the end hee was afterwards the occasion that Iugurtha was ouerthrowne and that Marius tooke him These two Kings Marius the Consull brought to Rome and triumphed of them leading them before his triumphant chariot their neckes loaden with yrons their eyes full of teares The which vnlucky fortune al the Romaines which behelde lamented and tooke great pitie of the strangers whō they heard The night after the triumph was ended it was decreede in the Senate that Iugurtha should bee beheaded leauing king Boco aliue depriued of his Country And the occasion thereof was this The Romaines had a custom of long time to put no man to execution before that first with great diligēce they had looked the ancient bookes to see if any of their predecessors had done any notable seruice to Rome whereby the poore prisoner might deserue his pardon It was found written in a booke which was in the high Capitoll that the Grandfather of King Boco was very sage and a speciall friend to the Romane people and that once hee came to Rome and made diuers orations to the Senate and amongst other notable sentences there was found in that book that he had spoken these words Woe be to that realme where all are such that neyther the good amongst the euill nor the euil amongst the good are known Woe vpon that realme which is the entertainer of all fooles and a destroyer of all Sages Woe is that Realme where the good are fearefull and the euill too bold Wo on that realme where the patient are despised and the seditious commended Wo on that Realm which destroyeth those which watch for the good and crowneth those that watch to doe euill Woe to that realme where the poore are suffered to bee proud and the rich tirants Wo to that realme where all know the euil and no man doth follow the good woe to that realme where so many euill vices are openly committed which in another countrie dare not secrrtly bee mentioned Wo to that realm where all procure that they desire where all attaine to that they procure where all thinke that this is euill where al speake that they thinke and finally where all may doe that which they will In such and so vnfortunate a realm where the people are too wicked let euery man beware hee bee not inhabitant For in short time they shall see vpon him eyther the yre of the Gods the fury of the men the depoputation of the good or the desolation of the Tirants Diuers other notable thinges were contained in those Orations the which are not at this present touching my letter But forasmuch as we thought it was a very iust thing that they should pardon the folly of the Nephew for the deserts of the wise grandfather Thou shalt reade this my letter openly to the Pretours and Iudges which are resident there and the case shall bee that when thou shalt reade it thou shalt admonish them that if they will not amend secretly wee will punish them openly I wrote vnto thee the last day that as touching thy banishment I would be thy friend and be thou assured that for to enioy thy old friendshipp and to performe my word I will not let to danger my person I write vnto Panutius my Secretary to succour thee with two thousand Sesterses wherewith thou mayest releeue thy pouerty and from hence I send thee my letter wherewith thou mayest comfort thy sorrowfull hear I say no more to thee in this case but that thorough the Gods thou mayest haue contentation of all that thou enioyest health of thy person and comfort of thy friends the bodily euils the cruell enemies the perillous destenies bee farre from me Marke In the behalfe of thy Wife Rufa I haue saluted my wise Faustine shee and I both haue receyued with ioy thy salutations and with thankes wee sent them you againe I desire to see thy person here in Italy and wish my feuer quartens there with thee in Scicilie CHAP. XII An exhortation of the Author to Princes and Noble men to embrace peace and to eschew the occasions of warre OCtauian Augustus second Emperour of Rome is commended of all for that hee was so good of his person and so wel beloued of all the Romane Empire Suetonius Tranquillus sayth that when any man dyed in Rome in his time they gaue great thanks to the Gods for that they tooke their life from them before their Prince knew what death meant And not contented onelie with this but in their Testaments they commaunded their heires and children that yearely they should offer great sacrifices of their proper goods in all the Temples of Rome to the end the Gods shold prolong the dayes of their Prince That time indeed might bee called the golden age and the blessed land where the Prince loued so well his subiects and the subiects so much obeyed their prince for seldome times it hapneth that one will be content with the seruices of all neyther that all will bee satisfied with the gouernement of one The Romans for none other cause wished for the good Prince more then for themselues life out because he kept the commonwealth in peace The vertue of this Prince deserued much prayse and the good will of the people merited no lesse commendation he for deseruing it to them they for giuing it to him for to say the truth there are few in number that so heartily loue others that for theyr sakes will hate themselues There is no man so humble but in things of honour wil be content to goe before saue only in death where he can be content to come behinde And this seemeth to bee very cleare in that that now dyeth the father now the mother now the husband now the wife now the sonne now his neighbour in the end euery man is content with the death of an other so that he with his owne life may escape himselfe A Prince which is gentle patient stout sober honest and
prosperous he loseth his goodes and honour and if he perchauce attaine to that he desired peraduenture his desire was to the damage of the Common-Wealth and then hee ought not to desire it For the desire of one should not hurt the profite of all When God our Lord did create Princes for Princes and people accepted them for their Lordes It is to beleeue that the Gods did neuer commaund such things nor the men would euer haue excepted such if they had thought that Princes wold not haue done that they were bound but rather that whereunto they were inclined For if men follow that wherunto their sensuality enclineth them they alwayes erre therfore if they suffer themselus to be gouerned by reasō they are alwayes sure And besides that Princes shold not take vpon thē warres for the burdening of their consciences the mis-spending of theyr goods and the losse of their honour they ought also to remember the duties that they owe to the Common-wealth the which they are bound to keepe in peace and iustice For wee others need not gouernours to search vs enemyes but good Princes which may defend vs from the wicked The diuine Plato in his 4. booke De Legibus sayth that one demaunded him why hee did exalt the Lydians so much and so much dispraise the Lacedemonians c Plato aunswered If I commend the Lydians it is for that they neuer were occupyed but in tylling the Fielde and if I doe reproue here the Lacedemonians it is because they neuer knew nothing else but to conquere realmes And therfore I say that more happy is that realme where men haue their hands with labouring full of blysters then where their arms in fighting are wounded with Swordes These words which Plato spake are very true and would to GOD that in the gates harts of Princes they were written Plinius in an Epistle sayeth that it was a Prouerbe much vsed amongst the Greekes That hee was king which neuer saw king The like may we say that he onely may enioy peace which neuer knewe what warres meant For simple and innocent though a man bee there is none but will iudge him more happy which occupieth his hand kerchiefe to drye the sweate off his browes then he that breaketh it to wipe the bloud off his head The Princes and great Lords which are louers of warres ought to consider that they doe not only hurt in generall all men but also especially the good and the reason is that although they of their owne wills doe abstaine from Battell doe not spoyle doe not rebell nor slay yet it is necessary for them to endure the iniuryes and to suffer their owne losse and damages For none are meete for the warre but those which little esteeme theyr life and much lesse their consciences If the warre were only with the euill against the euill and to the hurte and hinderance of the euill little should they feele which presume to be good But I am sorrie the good are persecuted the good are robbed and the good are slaine For if it were otherwise as I haue saide the euill against the euill we would take little thought both for the vanquishing of the one and much lesse for the destruction of the other I aske nowe what fame what honour what glorie what victorie or what Riches in that warre can be wonne wherin so many good vertuous and wise men are lost There is such penurie of the good in the world and such neede of them in the common-wealth that if it were in our power we with our tears ought to plucke them out of their graues and giue them life and not to leade them into the Warres as to a shambles to be put to death Plinie in one Epistle and Seneca in another say that when they desired a Romaine Captaine that with his armey he should enter into a great danger whereof great honour should ensue vnto him and little profite to the Commonwealth He made answere For nothing would I enter into that daunger if it were not to giue life to a Romane Citizen For I desire rather to goe enuironned with the good in Rome then to goe loaden with treasures into my Countrey Comparing Prince to Prince and law to law and the Christan with the Pagan without comparison the soule of a Christian ought more to be esteemed thē the life of a Romane For the good Romane obserueth it as a law to dye in the warre but the good christian hath the precept to liue in peace Snetonius Tranquillus in the second Booke of Caesars sayeth That among all the Romane Princes there was no Prince so well beloued nor yet in the warres so fortunate as Augustus was And the reason hereof is because that Prince neuer beganne any war vnles by great occasion he was thereunto prouoked O of how manie princes not Ethnicks but Christians we haue heard and read all contrary to this which is that were of such large conscience that they neuer took vpon them any warre that was iust to whom I swear and promise that since the warre which they in this worlde beganne was vniust the punishment which in another they shall haue is most righteous Xerxes King of the Persians being one day at dinner one brought vnto him verie faire and sauourie figges of the prouince of Athens the which beeing set at the table hee sware by the immortall Gods and by the bones of his predecessors that hee would neuer eate figges of his Countrey but of Athens which were the best of all Greece And that which by words of mouth king Xerxes sweare by valiant deedes with force and shield hee accomplished and went forthwith to conquer Grecia for no other cause but for to fill himselfe with the figges of that Countrey so that hee beganne that warre not only as a light prince but also as a vitious man Titus Liuius sayeth that when the French men did taste of the wine of Italy immediately they put them selues in Armes and went to conquer the Country without hauing any other occasion to make warre against them So that the Frenchmen for the licoriousnesse of the pleasant wines lost the deare bloud of their owne hearts King Antigonus dreamed one night that hee saw King Methridates with a Sithe in his hand who like a Mower did cut all Italy And there fell such feare to Antigonus that hee determined to kill King Methridates so that this wicked prince for crediting a light dreame set all the world in an vprore The Lumbardes being in Pannonia heard say that there was in Italy sweet fruits sauourie flesh odorifetous Wines faire Women good Fish little colde and temperate heate the which newes moued them not onely to desire them but also they tooke weapons to goe conquer Italie So that the Lumbardes came not into Italy to reuenge them of their enemies but to bee there more vicious and riotous The Romanes and the Carthagenians were friendes of long time but after they
more sure when by white hayres they seemed to bee olde when they retired to the Aultars of the Temples Oh what goodnesse Oh what wisedome what valiantnesse and what innocencie ought the aged men to haue in the auncient time since in Rome they honoured them as Gods and in Greece they priuiledged those whyte haires as the temples Plinie in an Epistle he wrote to Fabarus saith that Pyrrus king of the Epyrotes demaunded of a phylosopher which was the best citie of the world who aunswered him thus The best Citie of the world is Molerda a place of three hundreth Fyres in Achaia because all the walles are of blacke stones and all those which gouerne haue hoary heads And further he saide Woe bee vnto thee Rome Woe be vnto thee Carthage Woe be vnto thee Numantia Wo be vnto thee Egipt and woe bee vnto thee Athens Fyue Cittyes which count themselues for the best of the Worlde whereof I am of a contrary opinion For they auaunte themselues to haue whyte Walles and are not ashamed to haue young Senatours This phylosopher saide very well and I thinke no man will say lesse then I haue saide Of this word Senex is deriued the name of a Senatour For so were the gouernours of Rome named because the first King that was Romulus chose an hundred aged men to gouerne the Common-wealth and commaunded that all the Romane youth should employ themselues to the warres Since wee haue spoken of the honour which in the old time was giuen to the auncient men it is reason wee know now from what yeares they accounted men aged to the end they should reuerently bee honoured as aged men For the makers of lawes when they hadde established the honours which ought to be done to the Aged did as well ordain from what day and yeare they should beginne Diuers auncient phylosophers did put six ages from the time of the birth of man vntill the houre of his death That is to say Childe-hood which lasteth vntill seuen yeares Infancie which lasteth vntill seuenteene yeares Youth which continueth till thirtie yeares Mans estate which remaineth till fiftie and fiue yeares Age which endureth till three-score and eighteene yeares Then last of all Crooked-age which remaineth till death And so after man had passed fiue and fifty yeares they called him aged Aulus Gelius in his tenth booke in the 27 Chapter sayth that Fuluius Hostilius who was King of the Romanes determined to count all the olde and yong which were amongst the people and also to know which should be called Infants which yong and which old And there was no little difference among the Romane Philosophers and in the end it was decreed by the King and the Senate that men till seuenteene years should bee called Infants and till sixe forty should be called young and from sixe and forty vpwards they should be called olde If wee will obserue the Law of the Romanes wee know from what time we are bound to call and honor the aged men But adding hereunto it is reason that the olde men know to what prowesses and vertues they are bound to the end that with reason and not with fainting they bee serued for speaking the truth if wee compare duty to duty the olde men are more bound to vertue then the young to seruice Wee cannot deny but that all states of Nations great small young and old are bound to bee vertuous but in this case the one is more to bee blamed then the other For oftentimes if the young men doe offend it is for that hee wanteth experience but if the old man offend it is for the aboundance of malice Seneca in an Epistle sayde these words I let thee know my friend Lucillus that l am very much offended and I doe complaine not of any friend or foe but of my selfe and none other And the reason why I thinke this is that I see my selfe old in vices so little is that wherein I haue serued the Gods and much lesse is that I haue profited him And Seneca sayeth further Hee which prayseth himselfe most to bee aged and that would bee honoured for being aged ought to bee temperate in eating honest in appartell sober in drinking soft in words wise in counsell and to conclude he ought to be very patient in aduersity and far from vices which attempt him Worthy of prayse is the greate Seneca for those wordes but more worthy shall the olde men if they wil conforme their workes according to these words For if wee see them for to abandon vices and giue themselus to vertues we will both serue them and honour them CHAP. XVIII That Princes when they are aged should be temperate in eating sober in drinking modest in apparrell and aboue all true in communication IT is consonant to the counsell of Seneca that the aged should bee temperate in eating which they ought to doe not onely for the reputation of their persons but also for the preseruation of theyr liues For the olde men which are drunke and amorous are persecuted with their owne diseases and are defamed by the tongues of other That which the ancient men should eate I meane those which are noble and vertuous ought to bee very cleane and well dressed and aboue all that they doe take it in season time for otherwise too much eating of diuers things causeth the young to bee sicke and enforceth the olde to die Young men though they eate dishonestly very hastily and eate speaking we can doe no lesse but dissemble with them but the olde men which eate much and hastily of necessitie we ought to reproue them For men of Honour ought to eate at table with a great grauitie as if they were in any counsell to determine causes It is not mine intention to perswade the feeble olde men not to eate but onely to admonish them to eate no more then is necessarie We doe not prohibite them to eate delicate things but to beware of superfluous things We doe not counsell them to leaue eating hauing need but to withdraw themselues from curiositie For though it bee lawfull for aged men to eate sufficient it is not honest for them to eate to ouercome theyr stomacks It is a shame to write it but more shame ought they to haue which doe it which is that the goods which they haue wonne and inherited by their predecessours they haue eaten and drunken so that they haue neyther bought House not vyne nor yet marryed any Daughter but they are naked and their poore children goe to the Tauernes and Innes and the miserable Fathers to the Hospitalles and Churches When any man commeth to pouertie for that his house is burned or his shippe drowned or that they haue taken all from him by Lawe or that hee hath spent it in pleading against his enemies or any other in conueniēce is come vnto him me thinketh we are all bound to succor him and the hart hath cōpassion to behold him
thousand to helpe to marry her and the other thousand to helpe for to releeue your pouerty My wife Faustine is sicke and I send you another 1000. Sesterces to giue to the Vestall virgins to pray to the Gods for her My wife sendeth to thee Claudine a Cofer by the immortall Gods I sweare vnto thee I cannot tell what is in it I beseech the Gods sithence you are aged to giue you a good death and to me and Faustine they suffer vs to leade a good life Marcus of mount Celio with his own hand writeth this CHAP. XXIII Princes ought to take heede that they be not noted of auarice for that the couetous man is both of God and man hated THe great Alexander King of Macedony and Darius the vnfortunate King of Persians were not onely contrary in wars and conquests which they made but also in the conditions and inclinations which they had For Alexander naturally loued to giue and spend and Darius to the contrarie to heape locke and keepe When the fame of Alexander was spredde abroade throughout all the word to bee a Prince of honour and not couetous his owne loued him intirely strangers desired to serue him faithfully The miserable King Darius as he was noted of great auarice and of small liberality so his did disobey him and strangers hated him whereof may be gathered that Princes and great Lords by giuing do make them selues rich and in keeping they make themselues poore Plutarch in his Apothegmes declareth that after King Darius was dead and Alexander had triumphed ouer all the Orientall parts a man of Thebes being in the market place of Athens setting forth the fortune of Alexander for the sundry Countryes which hee had conquered and describing the euill fortune of Darius for the great number of men which hee had lost a Philosopher with a loude voyce sayd O man of Thebes thou art greatly deceyued to think that one prince loseth many seigniories and that the other Prince winneth many Realmes For Alexander the Great wann nought but stones and couerings of Cities for with his liberality hee had already gotten the good wils of the Citizens and on the contrary the vnfortunate Darius did not lose but stones and the couertures of Cities for with his couetousnesse and auarice hee had now lost all the hearts of those of Asia And further this Philosopher sayde vnto him that Princes which will enlarge their estates and amplifie their realmes in their conquests ought first to winne the hearts and to bee noble and liberall and afterwards to send their armies to conquer the Forts and wals for otherwise little auayleth it to winne the stones if the hearts do rebell Whereby a man may gather that that which Alexander wanne he wanne by liberality and stoutenesse and that which King Darius lost he lost for being miserable and couetous And let vs not maruell hereat for that Princes and great Lordes which are ouercome with auarice I doubt whether euer they shall see themselus Conquerours of many realmes The vice of auarice is so detestable so euil so odious and so perillous that if a man should employ himselfe for to write all the discommodities thereunto belonging my penne shoulde do nought else then to presume to drye vp all the water in the sea For the stomacke where auarice entreth causeth a man to serue vices worship Idols If a vertuous man would prepare himselfe to thinke on the great trauel and little rest that this cursed vice beareth with him I thinke that none would be vicious therein Though the couetous man had no other trauell but alwayes to goe to bed with daunger and to rise vp with care Mee thinketh that it is a trouble sufficient for such a one when he goeth to bed thinketh that hee should bee killed in his bedde or that sleeping his coffers should be rifled and from that time he riseth hee is alwayes tormented with feare to lose that which he hath wonne and carefull to augment that little too much The diuine Plato in the first booke of his Common-wealth sayde these words The men be made rich because they neuer learned to bee rich for he which continually and truly will become rich first ought to abhorre couetousnesse before he begin to occupie himselfe to locke vppe goods For the man which setteth no bond to his desire shall alwayes haue little though hee see himselfe Lord of the world The sentence of the Stoyckes doth satisfie my mind much whereof Aristotle in his politikes maketh mention where he sayth That vnto great affayres are alwayes required great riches and there is no extreame pouertie but where there hath beene great aboundance c. Thereof ensueth that vnto Princes and great Lordes which haue much they want much because vnto men which haue had little they can want but little If wee admonish worldlings not to be vicious they will alwayes haue excuses to excuse themselues declaring why they haue been vicious the vice of Auarice excepted to whome and with whom they haue no excuse For if one vaine reason be ready to excuse there are two thousand to condemne them Let vs put example in all the principall vices and wee shall see how this onely of Auarice remaineth condemned and not excused If we reason why a noble Prince or great Lord is hautie and proude He will aunswere that hee hath great occasion For the naturall disposition of men is rather to desire to commaund with trauell then to serue with quyetnes and rest If we reproue any man that is furious and giuen to anger hee will aunswere vs that we maruell not since we maruell not of the proude For that the enemy hath no more authority to trouble any man then the other to take reuenge of him If we blame him for that he is fleshly and vicious he will answer vs that hee cannot abstaine from that sinne For if any man can eschew the actes he fighteth continually with vncleane thoughts If wee say that anie man is negligent hee will answere vs that he deserueth not to be blamed For the vilenes of our nature is such that if we do trauell it immediately it is wearie and if we rest it immediately it reioyceth If wee rebuke any man that is a glutton hee will answere vs that without eating and drinking wee cannot liue in the world for the Diuine Word hath not forbidden man to eate with the mouth but the vncleane thoughts which come from the heart As of these few vices we haue declared so may wee excuse all the residue but to the vice of couetousnesse none can giue a reasonable excuse For with money put into the coffer the soule cannot profite nor the bodie reioyce Boetius in his booke of consolation said That Money is good not when wee haue it in possession but when wee want it And in very deede the sentence of Boetius is very profound For when man spendeth money he attaineth to that he
them but that God hath forgotten thee and the seas do know thee I pray thee what goest thou to seeke since thou leauest the gouernement of thy house and saylest in Alexandrie Peraduentur thou goest to the gulfe Arpin where the mariners cast in thy lead Take heede Mercury and consider well what thou doest for peraduenture where as thou thinkest for to take from the fish the hard lead thou maiest leaue vnto them thy soft flesh I haue knowne many in Rome which for to recouer one parte of that they haue lost haue lost all that which was left vnto them O my friende Mercury note note Note well this last word whereby thou shalt know what it is that you couetous men doe gape for in this life Thou seekest care for thy selfe enuy for thy neighbours spurs for strangers a baite for theeues troubles for thy body damnation for thy renowne vnquietnesse for thy life annoiance for thy friends and occasion for thy enemies Finally thou serchest maledictions for thy heyres and long sutes for thy children I cannot write any more vnto thee because the Feuer doth so vehemently vexe mee I pray thee pray to the Gods of Samia for me for medicines little profite if the Gods bee angry with vs. My wife Faustine saluteth thee and shee sayeth that shee is sorry for thy losse she sendeth thee a rich iewell for Fabilla thy daughter and I doe send thee a Commission to the end they shall giue thee a ship in recompence of thy leade If thou saylest with it come not by Rhodes for we haue taken it from their Pirates The Gods bee in thy custody and giue mee and Faustine a good life with ours and a good name among straungers I doe not write vnto thee with mine owne hand for that my sicknesse doth not permit it CHAP. XXXII That Princes and Noble men ought to consider the misery of mans Nature and that brute beasts are in som points reason set apart to bee preferred vnto men MIdas the auncient King of Phrygia was in his gouernment a cruell Tyrant and contented not himselfe to play the Tirant in his owne proper Countrey but also maintained Rouers on the Sea and theeues in the land to robbe straungers This King Mydas was well known in the Realmes of the Orient and in such sort that a friend of his of Thebes sayde vnto him these words I let thee to know K. Mydas that all those of thy owne Realme doe hate thee and all the other Realmes of Asia doe feare thee and not for this that thou canst do much but for the crafts and subtilties which thou vsest By reason whereof all strangers and all thine owne haue made a vow to God neuer to laugh during the terme of thy life nor yet to weepe after thy death Plutarch in the booke of Politiques sayeth that when this King Mydas was borne the Ants brought corne into his cradell and into his mouth and when the nurse wold haue taken it from him hee shut his mouth and would not suffer any person to take it from him They beeing all amazed with this strange sight demaunded the Oracle what this betokened who aunswered That the childe should bee maruellous rich and withall exceeding couetous which the Antes did betoken in filling his mouth with corne And afterwards hee woulde not giue them one onely graine and euen so it chaunced that King Mydas was exceeding rich and also very couetous for hee would neuer giue any thing but that which by force was taken from him or by subtiltie robbed In the Schooles of Athens at that time nourished a Philosopher called Sylenus who in letters and purenesse of life was highly renowned And as King Mydas was knowne of many to haue great treasures so this Philosopher Silenus was no lesse noted for despising them This Philosopher Silenus trauelling by the borders of Phrygia was taken by the theeues which robbed the Country and being brought before King Mydas the King sayd vnto him Thou art a Philosopher and I am a King thou art my prisoner I am thy Lord I will that immediately thou tell mee what ransome thou canst giue mee to redeeme thy person for I let thee to know that I am not contented any Philosopher should perish in my Country because you other Philosophers say that you will willingly renounce the goods of the World since you cannot haue it The Philosopher Silenus answered him Mee thinketh King Mydas that thou canst better execute tyranny then to talke of Philosophy for we make no account that our bodies bee taken but that our willes bee at liberty Thy demaund is very simple to demaund ransome of me for my person whether thou takest mee for a Philosopher or no. If I bee not a Philosopher what moueth thee to feare to keepe me in thy Realme for sooner shouldest thou make mee a Tyrant then I thee a Phylosopher If thou ●akstst mee for a Philosopher why doest thou demaund money of mee since thou knowest I am a philosopher I am a Crafts man I am a Poet and also a Musitian so that the time that thou in heaping vp riches hast consumed the selfe same time haue I in learning spent Of a Philosopher to demaund either gold or siluer for ransome of his person is eyther a word in mockerie or else an inuention of tyranny For sithence I was borne in the World riches neuer came into my hands nor after them hath my heart lusted If thou King Mydas wouldest giue mee audience and in the faith of a prince beleeue mee I would tell thee what is the greatest thing and next vnto that the second that the Gods may giue in this life and it may bee that it shall bee so pleasant vnto thee to heare and so profitable for thy life that thou wilt plucke mee from my enemies and I may disswade thee from tirannies When King Mydas heard these words hee gaue him licence to say these two things swearing vnto him to heare him with as much patience as was possible The Philosopher Silenus hauing licence to speake freely taking an instrument in his hands began to play and sing in this wise The Senate of the Gods when they forethought On earthly Wightes to still some royall grace The chiefest gift the heauenly powers had wrought Had beene to sowe his seede in barren place But when by steppes of such diuine constraint They forced man perforce to fixe his line The highest good to helpe his bootelesse plaint Had beene to slyp his race of slender twine For then the tender babes both wante to know The deere delight that life doth after hale And eke the dread that grisly death doth shew Ere Charons bote to Stigian shore doth sayle THese two things the Philosopher proued with so high and naturall reasons that it was a maruellous matter to see with what vehemency Sylenas the Philosopher sang them and with what bitternesse Mydas the Tyrant wept Without doubt the sentences were maruelous
vpon the needle and thrust it into her breast whereby the mother dyed Gneus Ruffirius which was a very wise man and also my Kinsman one day combing his white hayres strake a tooth of the combe into his heade wherewith hee gaue himselfe a mortall wound so that in short space after his life had end but not his doctrine nor memory How thinkest thou Domitius By the immortal Gods I do sweare vnto thee that as I haue declared to thee this small number so I could recite thee other infinite What mishappe is this after so many fortunes what reproch after such glory What perill after such surety what euill lucke after such good successe what darke night after so cleare a day what euill entertainement after so great labour what sentence so cruell after so long processe O what inconuenience of death after so good beginning of life Being in their steade I cannot tell what I would but I had rather chuse vnfortunate life and honorable death then an infamous death and honourable life That man which will bee counted for a good man and not noted for a brute beast ought greatly to trauell to liue well and much more to dye better for the euill death maketh men doubt that the life hath not bin good and the good death is the excuse of an euill life At the beginning of my Letter I wrote vnto thee how that the gowte troubleth mee euill in my hand I say it were to much to write any longer and though the Letter bee not of my owne hand these two dayes the loue that I beare thee and the griefe that holdeth me haue striued together My will desireth to write and my fingers cannot hold the penne The remedy hereof is that since I haue no power to doe what I would as thine thou oughtest to accept what I can as mine I say no more herein but as they tell mee thou buildest now a house in Rhodes wherefore I do send thee a thousand sexterces to accomplish the same My wife Faustine saluteth thee who for thy paine is sore grieued They tell vs thou hast beene hurt wherefore she sendeth thee a weight of the Balme of Palestine Heale thy face therewith to the end the scarres of that wound doe not appeare If thou findest greene Almonds new nuts Faustine desireth thee that thou wilt send her some By another man shee sendeth a gowne for thee and a kirtle for thy wife I conclude and doe beseech the immortall Gods to giue thee all that I desire for thee and that they giue me all that thou wishest me Though by the hands of others I write vnto thee yet with my heart I loue thee CHAP. XXXV That Princes and Noble men ought to bee aduocates for widdowes Fathers of Orpnans and helpers of those which are comfortlesse MAcrobius in the 3. booke of the Saturnals sayeth That in the noble Citie of Athens there was a temple called Misericordia which the Athenians kept so well watched and locked that without leaue licence of the Senate no man might enter in There were the Images of pittifull Princes onely and none entered in there to pray but pittifull men The Athenians abhorred always seuere and cruell deeds because they would not be noted cruell And thereof commeth this manner of saying that the greatest iniurie they could say vnto a wan was That hee had neuer entred into the Schoole of the Philosophers to learne nor into the Temple of Misericordia to pray So that in the one they noted him for simple and in the other they acused him for cruell The Historiographers say that the most noble linage that was at that time was of a King of Athens the which was exceeding rich and liberall in giuing and aboue all very pittifull in pardoning Of whom it is written that after the great Treasures which he had offred in the temples and the great riches he had distributed to the poore hee tooke vpon him to bring vp all the Orphans in Athens and to feede all the widdowes O how much more did that statute of the sayde pittifull King shine in that Temple who nourished the Orphanes then the Ensignes which are set vp in the Temples of the Captains which had robbed the widows All the auncient Princes I say those that haue beene noble and valiant that haue not had the name of Tyrants though in some thinges they were noted yet they alwayes haue beene praysed esteemed and commended to be mercifull and gentle so that they recompenced the fiercenesse and cruelty which they shew to their enemies with the mercy and clemency which they vsed to the Orphans Plutarch in his Politiques sayeth that the Romanes among themselues ordained that all that which remayned of banquets and feastes which were made at mariages and triumphs should bee giuen to Widdows and orphanes And this custome was brought to so good an order that if any rich man would vse his profite of that which remayned the Orphanes might iustly haue an action of felony against him as a thing robbed from them Aristides the Philosopher in an Oration hee made of the excellency of Rome sayth That the Princes of Persia had this custome neuer to dine nor suppe but first the Trumpets should blow at their gates the which were more loude then harmonius And it was to this end that all the Widdowes and Orphanes shoulde come thither for it was a Law amongst them that all that which was left at the royall tables should bee for the poore and indigent persons Phalaris the Tirant writing to a friend of his sayde these wordes I haue receyued thy briefe Letter with the rebuke likewise which thou gauest me therein more bitter then tedious And admit that for the time it grieued mee yet after I came to my selfe I re ceyued thereby great comfort For in the ende one louing rebuke of his friēds is more worth then a fayned flattery of his enemie Amongst the things whereof thou accusest mee thou sayest that they take mee for agreat tyraunt because I disobey the Gods spoyle the Temples kyll the Priestes pursue the innocents robbe the people and the worst of all that I doe not suffer mee to be entreated nor permit that any man be conuersaunt with mee To that they say I disobey the Gods in very deede they say true For if I did all that the Gods would I should doe I should doe little of that men doe aske mee For as much as they say I robbe the Temples there vnto also I graunt For the immortall Gods doe demaund rather of vs pure hearts then that wee should buylde their Temples For that they say I kill the priests I confesse also that it is true For they are so dissolute that I thinke I doe more seruices to the Gods to put them to death then they doe in doing their Sacrifices while they liue For that they say I robbe the Temples I also confesse it For I defending it as I doe
the world wil do For all that the world hath giuen me hath beene but mockery and deceite but that which the gods haue giuen mee I haue gouerned and possessed without snspition For this last houre my sonne I haue kept the best the most noble and richest iewell that I haue possessed in my life time and I doe protest vnto the immortall gods that if as they doe commaund mee to die they would giue me lieence to reade in the graue I would command it to be buried with me Thou shalt know my sonne that in in the tenth yeare of my Empire a great warre arose against the vnrulie people of Persia where by euill lucke it was appointed for mee in person to giue the battell the which wonne and all their Countrey destroyed I returned by the olde City of Thebes in Egypt to see if I could finde any antiquitie of those in times past In the house of an Egyptian Priest I found a little table which they hanged at the gate of the Kinges pallace the day of his Coronation And this poore Priest tolde mee that that which was in his table was written by a king of Egypt named Ptholomeus Arasides I beseech the immortall god my sonne that such bee thy works as the words of this table require As Emperour I leaue thee heyre of many Realmes and as a father I giue thee this Table of Counsels The words which the Fathers do teach vnto the children at the last houre the children ought to keepe continually in their memory Let this therefore be my last word with the Empire thou shalt be feared through out all the World and with the counsels of this Table thou shalt bee loued of all Nations This talke being ended and the table giuen the Emperour turned his eyes lost his sences and for the space of a quarter of an houre lay languishing in extreame paine and within a while after yeelded vp the Ghost In this table were certaine Greeke Letters which weere in meeter and in our tongue signifie thus A Table left by the Emperour Marcus Aurelius to his Soune Commodus ONn Honours stall I doe no Tirant heaue Nor yet the poore suppresse if hee were tust For riches rule I nould to pardon cleaue For want of wealth nor follow rigors lust For naked loue I neuer spent reward Nor would correct for onely enuies heate Of vertues impes I alwayes had regard And mischiefes mates haue plagude with torment great To others doome I neuer would commit Of open right the quarrell to decide Ne yet of doubtfull strifes in trust of wit The finall end alone I would diuide To them that sought for iustice equall sway Her golden rule I neuer would deny Ne yet to such for whom desert would lay Their slender faults might well be slipped by To feele the griefe that waued in my mind With others smart I neuer could sustaine Nor yet rewards my princely words would binde When sweet delight had chiefest ioy to raine In high estate when most blinde for tune smilde A recklesse life I restlesse ranne not on Nor yet when change these happy dayes beguilde To colde despaire my quiet mind was gone By boyling heate of malice endlesse fire To vices traine I cast no eagre eye Ne yet for lust of pining wealths desire Vnlawfull facts I rechlesse would applye The trayterous brest I neuer could embrace Nor lend mine eares to swallow flattering talke Of vices slaues I wayed not the grace Nor left vnsought good will in vertues walke Poore Irus band for that I did relieue Whose needy state doth stoppe in Croesus swaye The greatest gods whose heauenly wracke doth grieue The prowdest crownes was aye my present state The end of the thirde Booke THE FOVRTH BOOKE OF THE DIALL OF PRINCES COMPILED By the Right Reuerend Father in God ANTONIE of Gueuara Bishop of Mondogueto Preacher Chronicler and Councellor to CHARLES the fift Emperour of ROME Containing many Instructions and Rules for the fauoured of the Court being once in fauour easily to keepe and continue themselues in fauour still Very necessary and profitable for all Princes and Noble men and Gentlemen Courtiers that seeke to continue themselues in honour and estimation LONDON Imprinted by Bernard Alsop 1619. THE EPISTLE TO THE READER WHat detracting tongues report of mee and my first trauell in the translation of this Dyall enlarging them at pleasure to work my defame disabling my doing herein by brute it was no worke of mine but the fruit of others labour I need not much force since by dayly proofe wee see that ill disposed minds can neuer frame an honest tongue of head For my obiect and reproof of this their slaunderous and malignant speech I can alleadge courteous Reader two principall causes which thou reading iudging with indifferency mayest easilie aproue if I should seem to glose with thee First the basenesse of my Stile the plain humble words couched in the same the meane rude and ill contriued sentences layde before thee together with the simple handling of the whole plainely sheweth to thee whence they are and easily acquainteth thee with the curious Translator Who protesteth to God and confesseth to the world that hee more rashly then wisely plunged himself into so graue and deepe a matter and whose young yeeres and vnskilfull head might both then and now haue excused his fond enterprises herein For the second and last I must needs appeale to all the worshipfull and my bebeloued companions and fellow students of our house of Lincolnes Inne at that time from whence my poore English Diall tooke his light To whose iust and true reports for thy vndoubted satisfaction and discharge of my poore honesty I refer thee and wholy yeeld me These recited causes for purgation of my suspected fame as also for established assurance of the like and thy further doubt of mee hereafter I thought good Gentle Reader to denounce vnto thee I might well haue spared this second and last labour of mine taken in the rformation and correction of this Diall enlarging my selfe further once againe with the translation of the late and new come fauoured Courtier and which I found annexed to the Diall for the 4. and last booke If my proceeding trauell taken in the setting forth of the first three bookes and the respect of mine honesty in accomplishing of the same had not incited mee vnwillingly to continue my first begunne attempt to bring the same to his perfect and desired end which whole worke is now compleat by this last booke intituled the fauored Courtier which first last volume wholly as it lyeth I prostrate to the iudgemēt of the graue and wise Reader subiecting my self and it to the reformation and correction of his learned head whom I beseech to iudge of mee with fauour and equity and not with malice to persecute my fame and honest intent hauing for thy benefite to my little skill and knowledge imployed my simple talent crauing no other guerdon of thee
of Seneca What he might do that might be acceptable to Nero his Lord and Master Seneca answered him thus If thou desire to bee acceptable to Princes Doe them many seruices and giue them few words And so likewise the diuine Plato sayde in his bookes de Repub That those that haue to moue the Prince in any thing in any case be briefe for in delating too much they should both comber the prince and make him also not giue attentiue eare neither could hee haue leysure to heare them nor patience to tarry them And hee sayde further Those matters and subiects they treate with princes in and that are vsed to bee tolde them ought to be graue and sententious eyther tending to commodity of the weale-publike to his honour or profite or to the seruice of the King to whom he speakes These counsels and aduertisements of Plato and Seneca in my poor opinion deserue to be noted and had in memory And notwithstanding all that I haue spoken I say yet further to you that there is nothing disposeth the prince better to loue and fauour his seruants then to see them diligent in seruice and slow in speaking For to rewarde him onely that seekes it by meanes of his tongue and by words It is onely in our free willes to doe it but to recompence him that by his diligent seruice onely craueth a good turne and not in words wee are in conscience bound to it And hereof springeth the vulgar prouerbe The good seruice is demaund sufficient though the tongue be silent CHAP. V. What manners and gestures become the Courtier when hee speaketh to the Prince WHen the Courtier determineth to speake to the Prince hee must first shew himselfe vnto him with great reuerence before he come at him and if the the King be set hee must kneele to him vpon one knee with his cappe in his left hand holding it neyther too farre nor too neere his body but rather downwards towards his knee with a good grace and comely fashion not too lustily nor too much boldly but with a set shamefast grauity putting himselfe on the left hand of the prince to speake with him whether he bee sitting or standing For placing our selues on the left hand wee leaue the King on the right as duty willeth vs For the right hand belongeth euer to the best person Plutarch sayth that in the banquets the Kings of persia made they sate him whom they loued and made most account of cheeke by cheeke and on the left hand of the prince where the heart lyeth saying that those whome they loued with their heart should bee set downe also on that side the heart lay and in no other place Blondus sayeth to the contrary that the Romans did honor the right hand so much that when the Emperour entred into the Senate no man durst euer put himselfe on his right hand And he sayth moreouer that if a yong man were perchance found sitting on the right hand of an old man or the Setuant on the vpper hand of his maister the Sonne on the right-hand of his Father or any Page Prentice or Seruing man on the vpper-hand of a Burgeis or citizen they were no lesse punished by Iustice for that faulte and offence then if they had done any notable crime or delict Whosoeuer will speake vnto the Prince must speake with a soft voyce and not too hastily For if hee speake too lowde those that stand by shall heare what hee sayth to the King and in speaking too fast the King shall not easily vnderstand what he saith And hee must also ere he speake vnto the Prince premeditate long before what hee will say to him and put into him good wordes and aptly placed For wise men are more carefull what wordes their Tongues should vtter then what their hands should doe There is a great difference betwixte speaking well and doing well For in the end the hand can but strike and offend but the Tongue can both offend and defame Euen when the Courtyer is telling his tale to the Prince let him be aduised in all his actions and gestures and that he play not with his cap from one hand to an other much lesse that he behold the Prince too earnestly in the face For in the one he should be taken for a foole and esteemed in the other for a simple Courtyer He must take great heed also that he spit not coffe nor hawke when hee speakes to him and if it be so hee be constrained by Nature to it then let him holde downe his head or at least turne at one side that he breath not in the Kings face Plinie writing to Fabatus sayth that the Kings of India neuer suffered any man in speaking to them to approch so neere them that their breath might come to their face And they had reason to do it to auoyd strong and vnsauorie breaths growing rather of the indisposition of the stomacke or of the putrefaction of the Lungs or of the corruption of the braine And if the Courtyer haue to speake with the King after dinner or supper Let him beware hee eate no Garlycke nor Onyons nor drinke wine without water For if he sauour of garlicke or onyons the King may thinke hee lacketh discretion to come with those Sents to his presence or if his breath were strong of Wine that hee were a drunkard Hee must be very circumspect also that when hee speaketh to the King he speake not with his Head as well as with his Tongue nor that hee play not with his hands nor his feete nor that he stroke his beard nor winke with his eyes For such fonde countenances and gestures doe rather become a Foole or iester then a ciuill or honest Courtyer And in his discourse with the prince that hee exceede not in superfluous words more then shall only be needfull and touching his matter and not to seeme in his prefence to depraue or detract any man Hee may honestly alledge and that without reproache that seruice hee hath done him but not to laye before him others faultes and imperfections For at such a time it is not lawfull for him to speake yll of any man but onely to communicate with him of his owne affayres And he may not go so farre also as to remember him with too great affection the bloud spent by his Auncestors in his seruice nor the great actes of his Parents For this onely word saide to the Prince I did this better pleaseth and liketh the Prince then to tell him a hundred other words of that his predecessours had done It pertayneth only to women and they may iustly craue recompence of the Prince for the liues of their husbands lost in the Princes warres but the valiant worthy Courtier ought not to demaund recompence but for that he onely hath done by pearsing launce and bloudy sword He must beware also that hee shew no countenance to the King of insatisfaction neyther to be
wee now at this present doe also aduise them to take heede that they doe not accept and take all that is offered and presented although they may lawfully doe it For if hee be not wise in commaunding and moderate in taking a day might come that hee should see himselfe in such extremity that he should be inforced to call his Friends not to counsell him but rather to helpe and succour him It is true that it is a naturall thing for a Courtyer that hath twenty crowns in his purse to desire suddenly to multiplie it to an 100. from a 100. to 200. from 200. to a 1000. from a thousand to 2000. and from 2000 to an hundred thousand So that this poore wretched creature is so blinded in couetousnes that hee knoweth not nor feeleth not that as this Auarice continually increaseth and augmenteth in him so his life daily diminisheth and decreaseth besides that that euery man mocks and scorns him that thinketh The true contentation consisteth in commanding of Money and in the facultie of possessing much riches For to say truly it is not so but rather disordinate riches troubleth and grieueth the true contentation of men and awaketh in them daily a more appetite of Couetousnes We haue seen many Courtiers rich and beloued but none indeede that euer was contented or wearyed with commaunding but rather his life should faile him then Couetousnes Oh how many haue I seene in the Court whose legges nor feete haue bin able to carry them nor their bodie strong enough to stand alone nor their hands able to write nor their sight hath serued them to see to reade nor their teeth for to speake nor their iawes to eate nor their eares to heare nor their memory to trauell in any suite or matter yet haue not their tongue fayled them to require presents and giftes of the Prince neyther deepe and fine wit to practise in Court for his most auaile and vantage So incurable is the disease and plague of auarice that hee that is sicke of that infirmity can not bee healed neyther with pouerty nor yet bee remedied with riches Since this contagious maladie and apparant daunger is now so commonly knowne and that it is crepte into Courtiers and such as are in high fauour and great authoritie by reason of this vile sinne of auarice I would counsell him rather to apply himselfe to bee well thought of and esteemed then to endeauour to haue enough Also Queene Semiramis was wife to king Belius and mother of king Ninus and although by nature shee was made a woman yet had shee a heart neuer otherwise but valiant and Noble For after shee was widdow shee made her selfe Lord by force of armes of the great India and conquered all Asia and in her life time caused a goodly tombe to bee made where she would lye after her death and about the which she caused to bee grauen in golden Letters these words Who longs to swell with masse of shining golde And craue to catch such wealth as fewe possesse This stately Tombe let him in hast vnfolde Where endlesse heapes of hatefull coyne do rest Many dayes and kinges raignes past before any durst open this Sepulchre vntill the comming of the great Cyrus who commaunded it to be opened And being reported to him by those that had the charge to seeke the treasure that they had sought to the bottomlesse pit and Worldes end but treasure they could find none nor any other thing saue a stone wher in were grauen these words Ah haplesse Knight whose high distracted mind By follies play abused was so much That secret tombes the carcasse could none binde But thou wouldst reaue them vp for to be rich Plutarch and also Herodotus which haue both written this history of Semiramis doe shew and affirme that Queen Semiramis got great honour by this iest and King Cyrus great shame and dishonour If Courtiers that are rich thinke and beleeue that for that they haue money inough and at their will that therefore they should be farre from all troubles and miseries they are deceyned For if the poore soule toyle and hale his body to get him onely that he needeth much more dooth the rich man torment and burne his heart till hee be resolued which way to spende that superfluitie he hath Iesu what a thing is it to see a rich man how bee tormenteth himselfe night and day imagining and deuising with himselfe whether hee shall with the mony that is left buy leases milles or houser anuities vines or cloth lands tenemēts or pastures or some thing in see or whether he shal enrich his sonne with the thirds or fifts and after all these vaine thoughts Gods will is for to strike him with death suddenly not onely before he hath determined how hee should lay out or spend this money but also before he hath made his will I haue many times tolde it to my friends yea and preached it to them in the Pulpit and written it also in my bookes that it is farre greater trouble to spend the goods of this world well and as they ought to be spent then it is to get them For they are gotten with swette and spent with cares Hee that hath no more then hee needeth it is hee that knoweth well how to parte from them and to spend them but he that hath aboundance and more then needfull doth neuer resolue what hee should doe Whereof followeth many times that those which in his life time were enemies to him shall happen to bee heyres after his death of all the goods and money he hath It is a most sure and certaine custome among mortall men that commonly those that are rich while they are aliue spend more money vainely in thinges they would not and that they haue no pleasure in and wherein they would lest lay it out and after their death they leaue the most part of their inheritance to those whom they loued least for it hapneth many times that the sonne which hee loueth worst enheriteth his goods that sonne which hee loued best and made most of remaineth poore Therfore continuing still our matter I say that I know not the cause why the fauoured of the Court desire to bee so rich couetous and insatiable sith they alone haue to gette the goods where afterwardes to spende them they haue need of the counsell and aduise of many Let not those also that are in fauour with the Prince make too great a shew openly of their riches but if they haue aboundance let them keepe it secret For if their lurking enemies know not what they haue the worst they can doe they can but murmur but if they see it once they will neuer leaue till they haue accused him To see a Courtier builde sumptuous houses to furnish them with wonderfull and rich hangings to vse excesse and prodigality in their meates to haue their cupbordes maruellously decked with cups and pots of golde and siluer to
then all others and otherwise to fall in disgrace and to make the Prince forget all the good seruice he hath don him his whole life time hee need but the least displeasure and fault he can commit Eusenides was maruellously beloued with Ptolomey who after Fortune had exalted and brought him to honour and that he was grown to great wealth sayde one day to Cuspides the Philosopher these words O my friend Cuspides tell mee I pray thee of thy faith is there any cause in mee to be sadde sith Fortune hath placed me in so great authoritie and honour as she can deuise to doe and that the King Ptolomey my Lorde hath now now no more to giue me he hath already beene so bountifull to me To whom the Philosopher aunswered saying O Eusenides if thou wert a Philosopher as thou art a beloued seruant thou wouldest tell mee an other tale then that thou tellest mee now For although King Ptolomey hath no more to giue mee knowest thou not that spightfull fortune hath power to take away from thee many things For the noble heart feeleth more griefe and displeasure to come downe one stayre or steppe then to clime a hundred Not many dayes after these words passed betweene Cuspides and Eusenides it happened that one day King Ptolomey found Eusenides talking with a Lemman or Curtesan of his which hee loued dearely whereat hee was so much offended that hee made her straight drinke a cuppe of poyson and caused him to bee hanged before his owne gates The Emperour Seuerus had one in so great fauour and credit which was called Plautius and he loued him so extreamely and trusted him so much that he neuer read letter but Plautius must reade it and hee neuer graunted commission or licence to any man but it must passe vnder Plautius Seale neither did hee euer graunt anything but at the request of Plautius nor did make warres or peace without the counsell and aduise of Plautius The matter fell out so that Plautius entring one night into the Emperours Chamber with a priuy coate his ill happe was such that a little of his breast before was open whereby was spyed the male which Bahhian seeing being the Emperours eldest Sonne sayde vnto him these sharpe words Tell me Plautius Doe those that are beloued of Princes vse to come into theyr Bed-Chambers at these howers Armed with yron-coates I sweare vnto thee by the immortall Gods and so let them preserue me in the succession of the Empyre That since thou commest with yron thou shalt also dye with yron Which presently tooke place For before hee went out of the Chamber they strake off his head The Emperour Commodus that was sonne of the good Emperour Marcus Aurelius had a Seruant called Cleander a wise and graue man olde and very pollitike but withall a little couetous This Cleander was oft times requested of the Praetorian company that is to say of the whole band of souldiers that he would commaund they might be payd their pay due vnto them and to perswade him the better to pay it they shewed him a bill signed from the Emperour to which he answered That the Emperour had nothing to do in the matter For althogh he were lord of Rome yet had he not to deale in the affayres of the Common-weale These discurteous and vnseemely wordes related to the Emperour Comodus and perceyuing the small obedience and respect of duty that Cleander shewed to him hee commaunded forthwith he should be slaine to his great shame and that all his goods should be confiscate Alcimenides was a great renowned King among the Greekes as Plutarch writeth of him and hee fauoured one Pannonius entirely well to whom only hee did not commit his person his trust but also the whole affaires and doings of the common weale and hee might dispose of the goods of the king at his will and pleasure without leaue or licence So that all the Subiects found they had more benefite in seruing of Pannonius then in pleasing of the King Therefore the King and the beloued Pannonius playing at the ball together they came to contend vpon a Chase and the one sayde it was thus the other sayde it was contrary and as they were in this contention the king commaunded presently those of his guarde that in the very place of the Chace where Pannonius denyed they should strike off his head Constantius the Emperour also had one whome hee liked very well and made much of called Hortentius which might well bee counted a Princes darling for hee did not onely rule the affayres of the common weale of the pallace of warres his goods and person of the Emperour but also hee was euer placed aboue all the Ambassadours at his table And when the Emperour went in progresse or any other iourney he euer had him to his bedfellow Thus things being in this state I tell you it happened that one day a Page giuing the Emperour drinke in a glasse the glass by mishappe fell out of the Pages hand and brake in pieces whereat the Emperour was not a little displeased and offended And euen in this euill and vnhappy howre came Hortensius to the king to present him certaine billes to the signe of hasty dispatch which was a very vnapt time chosen and the Emperour yet contented to signe it could neyther the first nor the second time because the penne was ill fauouredly made the inke so thicke that it woulde not write which made the king so angry that euen presently for anger he commaunded that Hortensius head should be strucken off But to the end wee may come to the knowledge of many things in few words I will shew you how Alexander the Great slew in his choller his deere accounted Cratherus and Pirrhus king of the Epirotes Fabatus his Secretary The Emperour Bitillion his greatest friend Cincinnatus Domitian the Emperour Rufus of his Chamber Adrian the Emperour his onely fauoured Ampromae D●cclesian his friende Patritius whom he loued as himselfe and alwayes called him friend and companion Diadumeus Phamphilion his great Treasurer for whose death hee was so sorrowfull that hee would haue made himselfe a way because he caused him to be so cruelly slaine All these aboue named and infinit others also some were Masters some Lordes some kings and som of great authority and fauour about Princes by whose tragicall histories and examples wee may plainely see that they did not onely loose their goods fauor and credit but also vpon very light occasions were put to death by sword Therefore mortall men should put no trust in worldly things sith that of little occasion they become soone great and of much lesse they suddenly fall and come to worse estate then before And therefore king Demetrius asking one day Euripides the Philosopher what hee thought of humane debility and of the shortnesse of this life answered Mee thinkes O king Demetrius that there is nothing certaine in this vnstable life sith all men liuing
vice and sinne But the further we seeke to flye from it the more daunger we finde to fall into it And albeit to auoyd other vices and sinnes it shall suffice vs to bee admonished yet against that alone of the flesh it behoueth vs to bee armed For there is no sinne in the world but there are meanes for men to auoyd it This only excepted of the flesh wherewith all wee are ouercome and taken Prisonners And to proue this true it is apparant thus Where raigneth Pride but amongst the Potentates where Enuie but amongst equalls Anger but amongst the impacient Gluttony but amongst gourmands auarice but amongst the Rich slouth but amongst the ydle And yet for all these the sinne of the Flesh generally reigneth in all men And therefore for not resisting this abhominable vice we haue seen kings lose their kingdoms Noblemen their Lands and possessions the marryed wiues their auowd faith the religious nunnes their professed virginitie So that wee may compare this sinne to the nature and condition of the venemous serpent which being aliue stings vs and after hee is dead offendeth vs with his noysome stinke Examples by Dauid who for all his wisedome could not preuaile against this sinne nor Salomon for al his great knowledge nor Absolon for all his diuine beautie nor Sampson with his mighty force which notwithstāding the great Fame they had for their renowmed vertues yet through this only defect they lost all accompanying with harlots licentious women Into which shameful felowship fell also Holofernes Haniball Ptholomeus Pyr-Pirrhus Inlius Caesar Augustus Marcus Antonius Seuerus and Theodorius and many other great Princes with these aboue recited the most part of the which we haue seene depriued of their Crownes and afterwards themselues haue come to their vtter shame and dishonour on their knces to yeelde themselues to the mercy of these their infamed louers crauing pardon and forgiuenesse Many graue Writers of the Grecians say that the Ambassadours of Lidia comming one day into the chamber of Hercules vpon a suddaine to speake with him they found him lying in his Curtesans lappe she pulling his rings off on his fingers hee dressed on his head with her womanly attire and she in exchnnge on hers bedect with his royall crowne They write also of Denis the Syracusian that albeit of nature hee was more cruell then the wild beast yet he became in the end so tractable and pleasant by meanes of a Curtezan his friend called Mirta that she only did confirme all the prouisions and depeches of the affayres of the Weale publike and he onely did but ordaine and appoint them And if the Histories written of the Gothes deceyne vs not wee finde that Antenaricus the famous king of the Gothes after he had triumphed of Italy and that hee had made himselfe Lord of all Europe hee became so farre in loue with a Louer of his called Pincia the whilest shee combed his head hee made cleane her slippers Also Themistocles the most famous Captaine of the Greekes was so enamoured of a woman hee had taken in the Warres of Epirns that shee beeing afterwardes very sicke when shee purged her selfe hee would also bee purged with her If shee were let bloud hee would also bee let bloud and yet that that is worst to bee liked is that hee washed his face with the bloud that came out of her Arme so that they might truly say though shee were his prisoner yet hee was also her slaue and subiect When King Demetrius had taken Rhodes there was broght to him a faire gentlewomen of the Cittie which he made his friend in loue and this loue betwixt them in time grewe so great that she shewing her selfe vpon a time to be angry with Demetrius and refusing to sit neare him at the Table and also to lye with him Demetrius vtterly forgetting himselfe and his royall estate did not onely on his knees pray her to pardon him but also imbracing her conueighed her in his armes into his chamber Myronides the Grecian albeit hee had made subiect to him the kingdom of Boetia yet hee was notwithstanding made subiect with the beautie of Numidia his louer Hee enflamed thus with loue of her she likewise strucken with couetous desire of his goods in fine they agreed that he shold giue her all the spoyle he had wonne in the warres of Boetia and that she should let him lye with her in hir house onely one night Hanniball made warres xvii yeares with the Romaines and in all that time he was neuer vanquished till hee was ouercome with the Loue of a young mayden in the cittie of Capua which proued a most bitter loue to him sith thereby it happened that whereas hee had so many yeares kept in subiection all Italie hee now was made a subiect at home in his owne countrey Plutarch in his booke De Republica writeth That Phalaris the Tyraunt would neuer graunt a man any thing that he desired neyther euer denyed any thing that a dissolute Woman requested No small but great disorder happened to the Common-weale of Rome by the occasion of the Emperour Caligula who gaue but 6000. Sexterces onely to repayre the Walls of Rome and gaue otherwise for furring one one gowne alone of his Lemmans a 10000. sexterces By all these examples aboue recited wee may easily vnderstand how daungerous a thing it is for the Courtier to haue friendshippe and acquaintance with women of so vile a facultie For the woman is of like quality that a knot tyed of corde is which is easily tyed of sundry knots and very hardly afterwards to bee vndone againe Heretofore wee haue besought Courtiers and the fauoured of Princes that they should not bee so liberall in commaunding and now once againe wee pray them to beware of fornication and adultery for albeeit this sinne of the flesh be not the greatest in fault yet it is the most daungerous in fame There is no King Prelate nor knight in this World so vicious and dishonest of life but would be glad to haue honest vertuous and well conditioned seruants so that it is impossible therefore for the fauoured Courtier liuing dishonestlie to continue any long time in fauour with his Prince For wee haue seene many in Princes Courts and Common Weales also that haue lost their honour fauour riches not for any pride they shewed in themselues nor for enuy that they had nor for any treasure nor riches that they robbed nor for any euil words that they should speake neither for any treason that they committed but onely through the euill fame that went of them for haunting the company of naughty women for women be of the right nature of Hedge-hogs which without seeing or knowing what they haue in their heart do notwithstanding drawe bloude of vs with their prickes And let not any man deceyue himselfe hoping that if hee did commit a fault through the flesh that it shal be kept from the Princes cares or
one meale a day but I saw him suppe many times in the night O diuine Plato if thou wert aliue as thou art dead and present with vs in this our pestilent age as thou werte then in that golden how many shouldest thou see that doe not onely dine and sup well but before dinner breake their fast with delicate meates and wines banket after dinner and supper also before they goe to bed So wee may say though Plato saw then but one Tyrant suppe hee might see now euery body both dine and suppe and scant one that contenteth him with one meale a day in which the brute beasts are more moderate then reasonable men Sith we see that they eate but so much as satisfieth them and are not contented to eate inough yea till they be full but more then nature will beare And brute beasts haue not also such diuersity of meates as men haue neyther seruants to wait on them beds to lye in wine to drinke houses to put their heads in money to spende nor Physitions to purge them as men haue And yet for all these commodities wee see men the most part of their time sicke And by these things recited we may perceyue that there is nothing preserueth so much the health of man as labour and nothing consumeth sooner then rest And therefore Plato in his time once spake a notable sentence and worthy to be had in minde and that is this That in that City where there are many Physitions it must needs follow of necessitie that the Inhabitāts there of are vicious and riotous persons And truly we haue good cause to carry this saying away sith wee see that Physitions commonly enter not into poore mens houses that trauell and exercise their body dayly but contrarily into the rich and wealthy mens houses which liue continually idely and at ease I remember I knew once a Gentleman a kinsman of mine and my very friend which hauing taken physicke I came to see how he did supposing hee had beene sicke and demaunding of him the cause of his purgation he tolde mee hee tooke it not for any sicknesse hee had but onely to make him haue a better appetite against hee went to the feast which should be two or three daies after And within sixe dayes after I returned again to see him and I found him in his bedde very sicke not for that he had fasted too much but that hee had inglutted him selfe with the variety of meates hee did eate at the feast So it happened that when hee purged himselfe once onely to haue better stomacke to eate hee needed afterwards a dozen Purgations for to discharge his loaden stomacke of that great surfet hee had taken at the feast with extreame eating And for the foure howres hee was at the Table where this Feast was hee was lodged afterwardes in his Chamber for two monethes to pay vsury for that hee had taken and yet it was the greate grace and mercy of GOD hee escaped with Life For if that it bee ill to sinne It is farre worse to seeke procure occasions to sinne And therefore by consequent the sin of Gluttonie is not onely dangerous for the conscience hurtfull to the health of the body and a displeasing of God but it is also a worm that eateth and in fine consumeth wholy the goods and faculties of him that vseth it Besides that these gurmands receiue not so much pleasure in the eating of these dainty morsels as they do afterwards griefe and displeasure to heate the great accounts of their stewards of their excessiue expences It is a sweet delight to bee fed daylie with daintie dishes but a sowre sauce to those delicate mouthes to put his hand so oft to the purse Which I speake not without cause sith that as wee feele great pleasure and felicitie in those meats that enter into our stomackes so doe we afterwards thinke that they plucke out of our heart the money that payeth for these knackes I remember I saw written in an Inne in Catalogia these words You that hoast here must say when you sit downe to your meate Salue regina Yea and when you are eating vitae dulcedo yea and when you reckon with the hoste Ad te suspiramus yea and when you come to pay him Gementes flentes Now if I would goe about to describe by parcels the order and maner of our feasts and banquets newly inuented by our owne Nation there would rather appeare matter to you to lament and bewayle then to write And it had beene better by way of speech to haue inuented diuers fashiōs of tables formes and stooles to sit on then such diuersity of meates to set vpon the Tables as wee doe vse now a dayes And therefore by good reason did Licurgus king of Lacedemonia ordaine and command that no stranger comming out of a strange Countrey into his should be so hardy to bring in any new customes vpon paine that if it were knowne he should be straite banished out of the Countrey and if he did vse and practise it he should be put to death I will tell you no lye I saw once serued in at a feast 42. sorts and kindes of meates in seuerall dishes In an other feast of diuers sortes of the fish called Tuny And in an other feast being flesh day I saw diuers fishes broyled with larde And at an other feast where I saw no other meat but Troutes and Lamperies of diuers kinds of dressing And at an other feast where I saw onely vi persons agree together to drinke each of them three pottles of wine a peece with this condition further that they should bee 6. houres at the table and he that dranke not out his part should pay for the whole feast I saw also an other feast where they prepared three seuerall Tables for the bidden guests the one boorde serued after the Spanish manner the other after the Italian and the thirde serued after the fashion of Flanders And to euery table there was serued 22. sorts of meates I saw also at an other feast such kinds of meates eaten as are wont to bee seene but not eaten as a horse rosted a cat in gely little lysers with hote broth frogges fryed and diuers other sorts of meats which I saw them eat but I neuer knew what they were till they were eaten And for Gods sake what is he that shall reade our writings and see that is commonly eaten in feastes now a dayes that it will not in a manner breake his heart and water his plantes The onely Spices that haue beene brought out of Calicut and the manner of furnishing of our boordes brought out of Fraunce hath destroied our Nation vtterly For in the old time they had no other kinds of Spices in Spaine but Saffron Comin Garlicke and Onions and when one friend inuited an other they had but a peece of beefe and a peece of veale and no more and it was a rare and dainty
ought to bee secret but most secret For the esteemed Courtier must haue a better consideration of his princes secrets committed vnto him then of the benefites receyued of him Sure it is no small but a great and most necessary vertue in a man to bee close and of fewe words and so secret in deede that he make no more countenance of that was tolde him priuily then if he had neuer heard it spokē of I know an other kinde of people so proane to speake yll that they cannot keepe secret theyr owne faultes much lesse others faults publishing them in euery corner Cecilius Metellus beeing asked one day of a Centurion what he meant to doe the next day following aunswered thus Thinke not Centurion that those things I am determined to doe my hands shall so lightly discouer for I am of this minde if I knewe that my shyrt had any knowledge of that I will doe tomorrow I would put it off and throw it straight into the fire see it burned before my face It is not alike trust to put money into one mans handes of trust and to commit secretes to the breast of another and this to be true we see it plainly that the prince deliuereth his goods and treasure to the custodie of manie but his secrets hee committeth onely to one The fauoured of Princes ought to be so secrete that whatsoeuer they see the Prince doe or say be it in the presence of diuers and that they are tolde of it by many Yet they ought not to be acknowne of it For indeede the Prince speaketh many things cōmonly for his pleasure which being reported againe of the Fauoured Courtyer wil be thought true and most certain Therefore speaking generally of this matter I say that surely Friendes are greatly bound to keepe the secretes of their friends For that day I discouer my intent to any the selfe-same I make him lord of my libertie Therefore let that man thinke he hath wonne a maruellous treasure that hath a secrete friend For without doubt it is no such matter of importance to keepe treasure safely locked vp in a chest as it is to commit and trust secretes vnto the heart of another Plutarche writeth that the Athenians hauing warres with King Philip of Macedonie because there came certain leters of K Philips to their hands intercepted by their scowtes directed and sent vnto his wife Olimpia which they no sooner vnderstoode but they presently returned again safely sealed and vntouched of them as they came first vnto them saying That sith by theyr law they were bound to be secret they wold not reueale the secrets of others notwithstanding they were their mortall enemies as K Philip was to them and therefore they would neyther see them nor read them openly Diodorus Siculus sayth also that among the Egyptians it was a criminal act for any man to bewray the secrets of another which was proued true by the example of a Priest that in the Temple of the Goddesse Isis had defloured a virgine and they both trusting to the fidelitie of another Priest making their loue knowne vnto him euen as they were in Venus sweete delights hee not regarding any longer their secrets in ipso facto exclaimed and cryed out and thereupon conuict and apprehended by the Iustice these poore Louers were miserably executed and this spightful and vnfortunate Priest condignely banished And this banished Priest complaining of the vniust sentence saying that which he reuealed was in fauour of the Religion and for the behoose of the Common wealth the Iudge aunswered him thus If thou haddest knowne their offence of thy selfe without their notice giuen thee thou haddest had reason to haue complained of our sentence but since they trusted thee with their doings and thou gauest them thy word and promise to be secret if thou hadst called to minde the bonde thou werte bound to them in and that thy selfe did freely without their compulsion submit thy selfe vnto thou wouldest not once dared to haue published the fact as thou hast done Plutarch in his booke de exilio sayeth that a man of Athens once demaunded an Egyptian Disciple of a Philosopher what hee had vnder his cloke aunswered him thus Truely thou hast studyed little and borne away lesse although thou art an Athenian borne sith thou seest that I carry secretly that thou demaundest because thou nor none other shoulde know it and yet thou askest it of my selfe what it is that I carry Anasillus that was a Captaine of the Athenians was taken of the Lacedemonians and put to the torture because he should tell that hee knew and what the King Agesilaus his Lord and Master did to whome hee gaue this answere You Lacedemonians haue liberty to dismember me and to hewe mee in pieces but so haue not I to reueale my Lord and Masters secrets For in Athens wee vse rather to dye then to bewray the secrets of our friend King Lisimachus entreated the Philosopher Philipides very earnestly that he would come and dwell with him but hee made them this answere I would bee very glad to bee in your company knowing you to bee a fauourer of Philosophy and if you will goe to the warres I will follow you and if you trust mee with your goods I will keepe them carefully and faithfully if you haue children I wil teach them with all my heart if you will vse my counsell in your affaires I will giue you the best I can And if you will also giue mee the charge of your common wealth I will gouerne it with my best discretion Onely one thing I will request you that you will neuer commaund mee that is not to make mee pertaker of your secrets For it might happen that what you had tolde me in secret your selfe vnawares at a time might tell it openly and yet not thinke of it and beeing afterwards tolde you by some other you would presently enter into suspect that it came to knowledge by me This Phylosopher would first indent with the Prince before hee would come to his seruice that hee should neuer heare any of these things the knowledge whereof bringeth many a man to their end or at the least to some great mischiefe onely to shew vs the eminent perill and daunger the Secretary of a prince standeth in For our heart is such a friende of newes that euery hower it feeleth a thousand temptations to vtter that to others that was deliuered to vs of secret In this our age we do not vse for to keepe secrets so well as in olde time the Grecians were wont sith wee see by experience that if one friend haue to day told his friend a thing in secret tomorrow yea perhaps the selfe same night before it was tolde among the neighbours There are also some kinde of men so desirous to heare newes that for to know it they will sweare a thousande othes neuer to reueale it againe to any But so soone as they know it they are
described Cares that are incident to them that hoorde vp riches Deceyuers neuer go vnpunished either in this life or the other A good counsell to reframe frō couetousnes Couetousnes alwayes accursed A saying of Pisistratus the Tyrant The opiniō of the Philosopher Lido concerning a couetous man A custome among the Lumbards worthy to be noted and followed Couetousnes in great personages a greater blemish thē in the poore The safetie of Princes consists in the loue of his subiects A Question lemau ded of great Alaxander his answere An olde prouerbe A worthy ●aying of the Emperour Seuerus The prayse of King Ptolomeus A wise saying of King Ptolomeus A worthy saying of Titus the Emperour A worthy saying of great Alex to king Darius A worthy saying of Phocion the phylosopher Great difference betweene the anciēt warriours these of our times An ancient custome among the Romanes A Letter of the Emperour to Mercurius What profiteth it a man to couet much since his day ●s are so short Riches neuer letteth man be in quiet Socrates teacheth vs how to esteeme the goods of this world The conclusion of the Emperours letter shewing the nature of couetous men A superscriptio written ouer the gates of the King of Lacedemonia The vices of Rome and Alexandria layd open What it is that couetous men doe long for in this life The tyranny of Mydas described The answere of the Oracle concerning the life of King Mydas Conference betweene Mydas and the Philosopher Silenus The speech of the Philosopher Silenus A worthy thing to bee considered of among Christians A worthy saying of Eschynes the Philosopher Beasts more prouicent in their kinde then man The miserable estate of man in his infancy Nature of men and beasts compared both together The cares troubles that followe man in this life Man of all other creatures subiect to dangers Brute beasts an instrument to punish man Malitious men worse then brure beasts We ought not to regard where our dead corpes are enterred A Letter of the Emperour to a banished man When good orders were obserued in Rome The time when good orders were broken in Rome The reason that Domitius was banished A worthy speech of Seneca to his mother Albina How little wee ought to regard the flatteries of forune Alexaander the great after his so many conquests dyed by poyson How quickly sodaine death ouertaketh many men How carefull men ought to be to liue wel A worthy example of an Atheniā King A good custome among the ancient Romanes A rebuke of a friēd more acceptable then the slattring words of foes The pittifulnes of the Emperour Claudius The speech ●t King Alexander to king Darius Wherefore the worthie Anthoninus was renowm d. A worthy saying of the Emp worthy to be followed How accessarie it is for a wife to be in her owne house A custome vsed by widdowes in ancient times What a cōfort a good husband is to a woman The care that Worldlings haue Sorrowes that women haue in bringing vp their children A saying of Seneca Troubles and cares incident to Widdowes 〈…〉 An ancient Law amōg the Carthagenians The life vertues of Claudinus described How little this life is to bee respected How little we ought to esteeme of this life Mē in their kinde more cruell then beasts The prosecutiō of the Emperours letter to widowes The dutie that euery Christian ●●eth to God A custome vsed by the Romains in visiting widdowes A custome vsed among the Romane widowes An admonition of the Emperour to widowes to leaue off mourning 〈…〉 What punishment ought to be inflicted vpon a widow of light behauiour The opinion of sundry Philosophers of the description of the world 〈…〉 The deceitfulnes of the world layd open A worthy saying of K. Salomō Nothing in this worlde but vanitie The vaine hope of the worldly minded man The speech of the Emp Traian The answer of Plutarch How little we ought to esteeme the flatteries of the world The inconstancie of the world How the world deceiueth sinfull men The vaine opinion of the worldly minded mē How suddēly Death assaulteth vs comfor● 〈…〉 if the Emp Marc Aur. How a true friend is to be knowne The loue of Marcus Aurelius to his friend The considerations that euery man ought to haue A worthy saying of Plato No man in safety to long as hee liueth in this world The Emperour perswedeth mē to trust in the world What the world is compared vnto How malicious vnconstāt the world is Fortune Nature two contrary enemyes Doe what thou canst at last the world will deceyue thee Examples of the vncōstancy of the world Plutarch commendeth the Lacedemonians in obseruing their lawes A saying of Plutarch The laws of Plutarche Wherfore the Romans esteemed Fencers An ancient custome among the Romaines The reason wherefore the Romās allowed Iesters Allowance giuen by the Romans to Iuglers The difference betweene Roscio the Iester and Cicero A good and ancient Law amōg the Lacedemonians Punishment infflicted by Augustus vpon a Iester An other worthy sentence of the Emperour Augustus The vanity of men in maintaining Iesters such idle persons How necessarie it is to bee beneficiall to the poore How hatefull Iesters and loyterers ought to be in a Common-wealth A custome vsed by the Romanes worthy to be vsed of euery Nation The cause wherefore the Emperour wrote this letter The Emperour bewayleth the folly of the Romanes Such company as mē haunt the same shall they shew in their life To what sorts of people men ought to giue to eate The Emp cōmendeth the isle of Helespont How reuerently the Sages were esteemed in former time The noble minded respect antiquities What vnloked for mischiefes arise at such meetings The reason wherefore the Emperour banished fooles and loyterers The reward a poore Philosopher had for speaking truth Idlenes the mother of all vices The folly of fooles ought to be contemned of the wise The great riches of two Parasites The property of Iuglers A true patterne for good and vertuous children Death the best gift that can be giuen to mortall men How little we ought to esteeme of Death Comforts against the feare of death A Question of Plato demaunded of Socrates A question demanded of Cato his answer A worthie sentence of Seneca A sentence of Plinie A worthie speech of the Emp Theodose None ought to procrastinate or deny their amendment A great discouragemēt to lo●e so worthie a personage Extreame sorrows oppressed the good Emp M Aur. Men ought to prouide a cleare conscience to depart this life c. Good counsell against the feare of death Wise men prepare thēselues before death Death terrible to all men Repentance not to be omitted What care is had to inherit transitory goods The worthy secretary Panurius his speech The reason why men studie is to learne to liue well Stedfastnes of minde is commendable The words of a wise man workes strange effects How loath great