sign of the falsity of his Religion And the Credulous and Wavering people many times mistake those Reproaches which if they were allowable wou'd only affect the Reputation of the Author for Reasons prejudicial to his Doctrine Yet these Deceits and Frauds serv'd chiefly to lay those flat who were already staggering and who were only seeking for a plausible pretence to Change Of this Number at that time was St. Marie du Mont a Gentleman who was resolv'd to part with his Religion and only delay'd the Formalities of Renunciation till du Plessis had been ill treated at Fontainblean suffer'd himself to be perswaded by du Perron and others that du Plessis had falsly quoted a great many passages and being with him in Paris at the Princess of Orange's he justify'd to his face that he had found many passages of this Nature in his Book This Gentleman was one of those whose Learning being very mean and shallow gives them however a great share of Confidence and being fully resolv'd as I said to turn Catholic he was willing to think all those reasons very good with which they had inspir'd him But du Plessis who had stood firm as a Rock against all the Storms which his Book had rais'd against him cou'd not support the Calumny of being thought a Falsifier and therefore reckon'd his Honour was concern'd to make good the Sincerity of his Quotations So toward the end of March he publish'd a Writing wherein he invites his Accusers to join with him in presenting a Petition to His Majesty to appoint Commissioners before whom he might justify the passages from Line to Line Some few days after du Perron receiv'd one of these Writings and Answer'd it in accepting the Challenge and Offering to shew Five hundred enormous falsities in Plessis's Book in down-right Number and without Hyperbole and at the same time Writ to the King to desire the Conference Du Plessis would not let this Bravado pass without a Reply But for Fear this multiplicity of Writing to and fro should break off the design of the Conference Villeroy hinder'd the Bishop from Answering this In the mean time du Plessis Writ to the King and caus'd the Marshal de Bouillon to present his Petition to him The King being desirous of this Conference readily comply'd with it and at the very beginning of April gave Order to the Chancellour to endeavour to procure it But at first great Difficulties arose about it which held the thing long in suspense The Nuncio oppos'd it for as they were to appoint Commissioners in a matter of Religion he alledg'd it was a Prerogative of the Ecclesiastical Authority which the King would violate if he took upon him the Nomination of them besides he thought it might give occasion for people to suspect that the King had still some doubts about the Truth of the Romish Doctrine The Arch-Bishop of Bourges likewise Remonstrated the consequences of it to the King Benoit Nominated for the Bishoprick of Troyes but to whom the Pope would never Grant his Bulls because he was too good a French man and too little respectful to Rome represented in like manner his scruples about the same thing Cardinal de Gondi Bishop of Paris was strangely surpriz'd to hear say that this Conference was like to be held in his Diocess Others likewise made their trivial Objections But the King satisfy'd 'em all assuring 'em that matters of Doctrine should not be touch'd upon that the Commissioners should not be Judges of any thing relating to Religion that they shou'd only be meerly Spectators Witnesses and Vouchees of the verity of the Acts that they shou'd only give their Opinions of the Sense of the Words not medling any farther then in this particular relating to du Plessis to know whether his Quotations were False or not And he promis'd besides that such care shou'd be taken that the Romish Religion shou'd lose nothing by it On the other hand there were several Persons who advis'd du Plessis not to carry on the thing too far telling him that they had left him passages enough the Truth of which was unquestionable to save his Honour tho he should concede the others to them But he could by no means endure the Word False and he was so well assur'd of his own exactness that he did not believe that all the Bishops Craft could do him any Injury He rely'd chiefly on the King's Justice and tho he believ'd him not a little displeas'd with the Publication of his Book yet he hop'd that the Memory of his Services the Fear of too much provoking the Reformed and of lessening the Royal Majesty by a proceeding that deviated from Justice would oblige that Prince to see that he had not the least Foul Play On both sides people long'd for the Conference every one expecting the Triumph of his Party and even before the Combat rejoycing at the Defeat of his Adversary Insomuch that on either side there were people enough to invalidate the Reasons of those who desir'd to hinder the Dispute It was therefore Resolv'd upon and du Plessis found himself too far engag'd to Retreat But on the King's part such wary measures were taken that 't was impossible that du Plessis should come off with Honour For if he should break off the Conference then they would have Charg'd him with declining the Combat for fear of being confounded and if he shou'd maintain it then they had laid the Snare so cunningly that he could not avoid it 'T is very hard to know whether the King's design was in good Earnest rather to break off this Conference or to procure it But it is certain however that du Plessis was oblig'd to keep it up and that on such very hard Terms as 't is likely they would not have propos'd 'em to him but to engage him to quit his Resolution for they would rather have Triumph'd in his Flight then have undertook a Conference in good Earnest with a person whom they knew so well skill'd in the Art of defending himself which will easily appear by the particulars of the principal Circumstances After those Difficulties were remov'd which the Chief of the Clergy had suggested and that it was found more expedient to hold the Conference at Fontanbleau then at Paris whether it were to satisfie the Bishop of that place or to hinder the Commonalty from intermedling in this Dispute or whether it were to deprive du Plessis of those helps which he might have had from the Libraries and the Learned Men who were so Numerous there the Chancellour Writ to du Perron to come to Court but du Plessis had no Notice sent him for his coming there tho the King had commanded that he should Of which the Chancellour clear'd himself by telling the King when he ask'd him the Reason of it that he did not imagine his Majesty had any such Intention But as the Terms wherein such a Command is
of Henry III. was to their disadvantage through the Policy of that Prince who excluded 'em from all â—…ratifications a powerful means to infect the minds of those â—ho are oversway'd by their own Interests The King himself perform'd the office of a Converter and his Reasons which he â—â—compani'd with Favours or Denials as he thought proper â—egâ—in'd to his Religion all those who had a design to please him several also who continu'd in the Reformed Religion for their â—…wn Soul's health yet bred their Children up in the Roman Religion for the security of their Fortunes Jeannin adds farther â—â— demonstrate how disadvantageous a Peace would be to the â—eformed for that when they had a mind to betake themselves â—o their Arms after a long rest they always found it a difficult â—…ing to rouze up from their Repose and Tranquility those â—ho had for some time bin tasting the delights of Peace â—eâ—ides that there was less danger in attacking 'em after they â—ad â—â—â—eminated themselves with the charming softnesses of an â—â—sy life And he was so possess'd with this Opinion that as he wrote before the Peace to oblige the King and his Council 〈…〉 make it so he publish'd another Writing after it was concluded to advise 'em to keep it But the King's Infirmity lying on his Conscience side theâ— who assail'd him in his weakest part prov'd most successful anâ— for fear the Counsellors of Peace should by their more weight Reasons deface the Impressions which they had fix'd in his minâ— they got him out of Paris as it were in hugger-mugger in hope they should have more power over him when they had him at thâ—… head of an Army To say the truth there was a strange alteration 〈…〉 Affairs after the King's return to Paris But it seems he thoughâ— a Peace would not be for his Honor in the present Conjunction On the other side the Reformed had almost every where regain'd fresh Courage The Duke of Soubise had recover'd their Affairs in the Lower Poitou and in the Islands La Force had re-incourag'd to the defence of their Liberties some of those Cities which their Governors had sold He had wrested St. For oâ— of Theobon's hands by means of a Female Intrigue in regarâ—… that Gentleman was in love with one of his Kinswomen Toâ—…neins Clairac and several other Strong-holds once more acknowledg'd the Reformed for their Masters The Duke of Roâ—aâ— elected General of the Circle of Lower Languedoc had by 〈…〉 Policy and Prudence his Frankness and his Patience reconcil'd the Differences which had for some time disunited that Province so that the King had almost lost all the fruit of the preceding Campaign which had cost him so much men anâ— money The King departed from Paris upon Palm Sunday and by receiv'd Intelligence that the Duke of Espernon having drawn oâ— all his Forces for the security of his own Governments there waâ— not any strength in the Lower Poitou that could make head against the Duke of Soubise therefore he was constrain'd to begin his Campaign in those Quarters where the Duke either for want of Judgment or through the Infidelity of those who commanded under him became the unfortunate Spectator of the slaughter of his men and in one day lost the fruit of all his Labours Royan was surrender'd to the King after a Siege of some few days and these Successes buri'd in oblivion the Treaties of Peace which had bin observ'd till that time and the Duke of Rohan's Commissioners not arriving till after the Rout of his Brother were enforc'd to return as they came On the other side the King upon some jealousy of the Duke of Treâ—…ouille who had remov'd to Sedan the Prince of Talmont his Eldest Son afterwards known by the Title of Prince of Tarente whom he had left at Thouars under the tuition of the Dutchess Dowager dismissed from Taillebourg the person entrusted with the Command of that place and secur'd the Castle for himself which was of some consequence at that time After this the King march'd into Guyenne where he presently retook all that The Reformed were Masters of and where he utterly ruin'd 'em by the Agreement which he concluded with la Force In pursuance of which he honour'd him with the Batoon of Marshal of France which had bin promis'd him above Twelve years before Moreover he gave him a Gratuity of Two hundred thousand Crowns to recompence him for the loss of his Governments which both he and his Children were oblig'd to quit Thus it comes to pass sometimes that Rebellion is more fortunate then Merit and that a man by rendring himself formidable secures to himself the reward of his Services La Force surrenders to the King the City of St. Foy where the King solemniz'd the Festival which the Catholics call by the name of Corpus Christi day the Ceremony of which that City had not beheld for many years before But la Force treated only for himself obtaining for his Friends no more then a bare Act of Oblivion which created him many Enemies in the Countrey where many of the Nobility had follow'd him before Moreover 't was twenty to one but that the King had broke his word with him when he had left himself to the discretion of the Court because his Son still held out one of the Strong-holds which belong'd to the Reformed and made some Scruple to surrender it which resistance they would fain have had to have bin lookt upon as a Collusion between the Father and the Son But that Advice was rejected as well for fear of the Consequences as for the Reasons which the Prince of Condé gave who obstinately oppos'd it The King now hastning into Languedoc was so fortunate as to meet with no Opposition by the way and for that the Cities which he had no design to have attack'd surrender'd merely out of fear of being besieg'd Negrepelisse and St. Antonin small Cities not far distant from Montauban were taken by Assault and all the Cruelties imaginable committed The Women suffer'd all that could be fear'd from the sensuality of Brutish Common Soldiers and the Men were almost all massacr'd The Pretence was That Negrepelisse had cut the Throats of the Garison which the King left there the year before and that St. Antonin had stay'd took long before it surrender'd They also who retreated to the Castle first of all after the Town was surrender'd had their share of the same usage And when they had surrender'd at discretion the Council order'd twelve of 'em to be hang'd There were some that follow'd the King who by no means approv'd these Cruelties who rescu'd as many as they could out of the Soldiers Clutches and redeem'd some Women and Virgins that were threaten'd extremity of outrage with their own Money But the King who was naturally good natur'd and under whose Name these Cruelties were committed was more concern'd then any body So that his abhorrence of such Barbarities
to be paid the Governors Lieutenant if he have any the Captains and Souldiers according to the Agreements order'd by the Governours and Captains the Serjeant Major the Drummers the Canoneers and other necessary Officers also for Wood and Candles for the Corps du Guard where the Inhabitants of the Cities find none Matts Bedding Ruggs new Arms repair of the Watch-Towers Bridges Barriers Pallisado's and new Carriages for the great Guns when the Council of the Province think it convenient and are able to do it without too much prejudice to the ordinary Garrison And because it shall be the care of the said Council or of those whom they shall appoint for that purpose to make an estimate as neer the Truth as may be of what the Annual Charges may amount to to the end there may be a Fund still ready and not to put upon the Governours and Captains more Men then they are able to bear and of all that Administration there shall be an account given to the said Council as also of the Charge that shall be laid upon the said two thirds in the presence of the Governor nor shall the said extraordinary charges above mentioned exceed a third or fourth of the said two third parts for every Year If any Fund be given by their Majesties for the Reparations and Fortifications of the said Places the said Governour shall Order how the Money shall be laid out as having more interest in what it ought to be most properly employ'd and best Judges of what is most necessary Nevertheless the Commissioners of the Council shall have an Inspection into it to the end the Disposals Proclamations Adjudications and Abatements may be duly made and without Monopolizing and that the Business may be done as they desire Or if the Fund be otherwise rais'd for the said Reparations it shall be manag'd by him whom the Council shall appoint who in the Presence of the Governour shall give an Accompt to the Council Where there shall be publick Magazines they shall take care that the Corn Wine and other Provisions without any prejudice to the Kings Officers be supply'd in Time and Season to the end they may not be empty Also that the Powder Match and other perishable Ammunition may be dry'd refresh'd and reground with as much good Husbandry as may be And in a Word the Governours are exhorted not to take in ill part the care which the Deputies of the Council shall take as to what concerns the Preservation of the said Places and to give all Assistance and Encouragement to those that shall be sent by ' em The said Deputies of the Council shall labour in pursuance of the strict Union which ought to be between those of the Religion by all amicable means as far as in 'em lies either by their own Pains or the Mediation of proper Persons to prevent and reconcile all Suits Quarrels Animosities that may arise upon any occasion whatever If any of the Captains or Governors of Places happen to dye they shall endeavour that the Regulation which their Majesties have been pleas'd to grant their Subjects may be exactly observ'd in all the Circumstances of it The Provinces and their Councils shall hold a strict Correspondence with their Neighbours and to the end they may be the better able to keep it up they shall be careful to cause their Deputies to Meet at the Provincial Assemblies And for the General Correspondence between the whole Body they shall take and receive it from the General Assembly so long as it shall sit by the Kings Permission but that breaking up they shall have recourse to the General Deputies residing near their Majesties in Order to the Church Affairs And for the upholding a Necessary Union between all the Churches they shall meet every Year at a certain Time and Place and appoint one of the Council of every Province to be there exactly To which purpose the Assembly at their breaking up shall appoint the Council that ought to nominate the Day and Place for the first Year which shall take care to appoint the most commodious Time for the Meeting with the least Noise and Bustle and to render it the most Beneficial that may be to the Conjuncture of Affairs Those few Days of Conference will soder their Union revive the common Resentment of their Interests and inform one another of their present Condition Done and Decreed at the General Assembly of the Reformed Churches of France held at Saumur by the Kings Permission August 29. 1611. Answer to the Writing of the Assembly of Saumur upon the 52. and 53. Article Writing of the Aslembly of Saumur 1611. THe Deceased King Henry having formerly declared his Will and Pleasure upon a demand of the same Nature in his Answer to the Writing March 23. 1602. viz. That what had been alter'd in the â—nd Edict and the Private Articles which was but a very small matter had been done for the general good and to facilitate the Execution of it and also with the Consent of the Principal of the said pretended Reformed Religion who were call'd to the Consultations about it which was likewise accepted and executed at their Instances and Sollicitation Therefore the King at present Reigning desiring â—â—â—form himself to the good and Pious Resolutions of the Deceased King â—â—â— Father is pleas'd and his meaning is that they should be content with the Edict in the form as it is verified in his Soveraign Courts and as it has since been executed I. THe Deputies of the Reformed Churches of France Assembl'd at Saumur by the Kings Permission continuing their most humble Remonstrances Petitions and Supplications presented from Time to Time upon several occasions by the said Churches since the Year 98. most humbly supplicate his Majesty that they may fully enjoy the whole Contents of the Edict which it pleas'd the Deceased King Henry the Great of blessed Memory to Grant and Sign after a long and solemn Treaty by the Advice of the Princes of the Blood the rest of the Princes and Officers of the Crown and other great and eminent Persons in his Council of State and in the same form as it was drawn up at Nantes and accepted by their Deputies in the said Year 98. and Presented to the Court of Parliament of Paris and not according to the Form as it was verified by the said Court as having been alter'd and par'd in several Articles of great Importance without the Consent of the said Churches who several times since but more especially by their Deputies sent to his Majesty at the City of Blois in the Year 99. and by the Writings drawn up by the Assembly at Sainte Foi in 1601. and answer'd in March and August 1602. have declare that they cannot rest satisfi'd with the said verified Edict and humbly therefore supplicate his Majesty to restore and establish that which was granted 'em before  II. They likewise supplicate his Majesty that they may enjoy the full Contents
pronouncing it I well know what has formerly been said and what may now be retorted upon those who strive this way to inveagle the Reader into a good Opinion of their Works 'T is better to abstain from committing Faults where it is in our Power than to beg pardon on purpose to render 'em more tolerable I night have let writing alone because I was not constrain'd to it and if I were afraid of not pleasing all the World in a Work of this Importance 't was long of my self that I displeas'd anybody who might have avoided the occasion of committing faults which no body perhaps will have the goodness to pardon which I might have easily done by sitting still and not writing at all But I must confess that the fear of seeing the design of so necessary a History quite given over prevail'd with me above all these considerations which might have diverted me from it and that I thought it more profitable for the Publick to oblige the World with such a Work as I was able to produce upon this Subject than to leave men ill informed of so woful a Revolution as has befallen the Affairs of the Reform'd And that which has the more confirm'd me in this resolution is this that other persons having labour'd upon the same Subject a little before I appli'd my self to it I found in their writings a great deal of Apology but little History tho I observ'd solidity sufficient Now this is that which appears to me in writing what has pass'd both for and against the Reformed to be principally indispensable to give a just extent to the matters of Fact which concern 'em to the end that considering them on every side with all their circumstances about 'em it may be the more easie to judge whether they be the Marks of a Factious Licentious and turbulent Spirit as their Adversaries give out or the effects of a necessary prudence and a lawful precaution as the Reform'd pretend When â—â— read a History in Abridgement the matters of Fact being too naked and too bare afford not scope enough to the Reader 's judgment So that before he can give his Opinion upon what the Historian has related to him he frequently desires to know the circumstances which the Author's brevity has conceal'd from him As for example Look into the Writings of Maimbourg Soulier la Croix or any such like Authors who have only taken their Pens in their Hands to render the Reformed odious and if any one finds there in abstract that the Reformed having persever'd about eight or nine Years in the pursuite of certain Petitions which King Lewis did not think fit to grant 'em the Prince being importun'd by their sollicitations took Arms to reduce 'em to his Will took from 'em their places of Hostage broke their Vniâ—n despoil'd 'em of several of their Priviledges â—ere is most certainly real matter of Fact but the â—revity of the Relation does not satisfie the Reader Therefore that he may judge knowingly of the matter â—is necessary that he should be inform'd of the nature â—â— the things demanded by the Reformed and the reaâ—ns why they were demanded with so much perseveâ—ance it behov'd him to know what were the grounds â—â— the Courts refusals and what was the occasion of â—â—eir taking Arms to stop the course of those demands which were made 'em with so much importunity Without this 't is impossible to know whether the â—ars of the Reformed were just or no whether their complaints were lawful whether the Courts refusals proceeded from ill will or from the injustice of the Requests nor is it possible otherwise to judge whether the Reformed were duly punish'd as Rebels or oppress'd as unfortunate innocent persons by the War which the Court declar'd against ' em Therefore the matter of Fact is to be unfolded and laid open before the Reader 's Eyes It must be made clear to him why the Reformed complain'd how they came to be under new fears and apprehensions every day Why the Court accus'd 'em of Disaffection and sought all manner of ways to surprize and destroy ' em Thus the Reader having understood the state of the Question is at liberty to judge whether the fears of the Reformed were Vain and whether the Court had reason to overwhelm 'em as they did If he be not equitable in his sentence that 's no fault of the Historian because he has given the Reader light sufficient to judge with knowledge Now in regard that this Reflection may be appli'd to all matters of Fact that concern Religion I thought it not enough to publish a History in Epitome of the misfortunes of the Reformed Churches in France but that they ought to be set down at large that by going back to the Original of the whole matter and setting forth the Progress and Series of what has befallen 'em good or ill not only the variety would render the reading of Work the more delightful but that the display of the most important circumstances would make it likewise more profitable and would serve for the more solid foundation of an Apology for those forlorn and disconsolate Flocks at this day scatter'd over the Face of Europe To this purpose I propos'd to my self to do that which I saw no body else preparing to undertake and to the end I might give an occasion of judging more soundly whether the revocation of the Edict of Nantes which we have seen in our days were an Act of Justice and Sincerity I have endeavour'd faithfully to set down whatever I could learn concerning the manner how it was pursu'd obtain'd publish'd put in execution or violated while there was yet some respect and reverence shew'd to the name and Author of it To this purpose I have under taken to write the History of whatever past in France upon the account of Religion from Luther to the Time that this Edict was set forth to the end it might the better be known what right the Reformed had to demand it what reasons oblig'd 'em to be satisfi'd with it why there happen'd so many Contests about some Articles which it contain'd why the King had so much trouble to grant it why the Clergy were so unwilling to consent to it and the Parliaments shew'd so much reluctancy to verifie it To this purpose it is requisite that we should shew what figure the Reformed made in the Kingdom what Tyes and Obligations there were between Them and the King when â—e came to the Crown who were their Friends or their Enemies and what were the reasons either of their hopes or fears 'T was my opinion that in order to this design it would be sufficient to set down in few words the most remarkable and most unquestionable Events from the Reformation till the death of Henry III. as being enough to give at least an Idea and a Taste of the general Affairs of that time On the other side I judg'd it meet to be more profuse and
Munificence it may appear â—â—â—â— the uninterrupted course of so many Lâ—rels was not so much Your Encouragement to more Ambitious undertakings aâ—â— cultivate Peace among your Neighbours and to restore Tranquillity and Repose â— your Subjects tyr'd and almost worn â— with the vexation and turmoile of â— preceding Wars Continue and prosper then Great Sâ—â— in your most generous purpose and proceed to establish that Peace which â—â—â— have procur'd your Kingdom and 〈…〉 Country at the Expence of so much â—â— and Labour by restoring the Authority of the Laws as already you have been begun to do and be assur'd that the Mind the Soul the Counsel and Authority of a Commonweal reside altogether in the Laws and that as a Body without a Soul so neither can a City without Laws make use of â—er Organs her Nerves her Blood and Members Consequently that the Magistrates and Judges are but the Ministers and Interpreters of the Law and lastly that we are all the Servants of the Law to the â—nd we may be truly Freemen and enjoy â—he Blessing of our Liberty In hopes of obtaining this Liberty under â—our Reign and taking advantage of the â—â—me recover'd by Your Means in the general Hurry and Confusion and after â—ur Troubles were compos'd I wrote the History of this Age the first part of which â— now make publick to the World and deâ—icateit to Your most August Name for many reasons of greatest Consequence both â— reference to my own Person and the thing it self It would have argu'd me â—angely ingrateful not to acknowledge â—y Advancement begun by your Predecessour of Blessed Memory and by your Majesty still dignifi'd with greater Advantages of higher Preferment And because â—as continually attending both in the Camp 〈…〉 at the Court Your Majesty entrustâ—â—â— me with several Commissions of Importance by the management of which I attain'd to the Knowledge of many things â—â—quisite to carry on the work which we had been in hand This farther Advantage â—o I had from my familiar converse 〈…〉 several Illustrious Personages grown â— in the service of the Court more diâ—ently to examin the Truth of many things â—at were publish'd upon several occasions concerning our Affairs in various Anonymous Pamphlets And thus I improv'd my knowledge during my Attendance on your Majesty in the midst of publick Business till the Duty of my Employment constrain'd me into this Workhouse of the Law The honour of my being known to Your Majesty is of no fresh date For it is now above twenty years ago that I was sent with other Commissioners of Parliament by the deceased King to attend Your Majesty in Aquitaine at what time You were pleas'd to vouchsafe me particular Demonstrations of Your Particular Favour and Benevolence And since that I presum'd to a peculiar Considence that the Fruits of my Wit if it were possible for so barren a Plant to bear any would not be unacceptable to Your Majesty But there is yet another more important Reason why this Work should be devoted to Your Majesty for that he who undertakes an Enterprize so full of Danger must of necessity stand in need of powerful support against the Detractions of repining Calumny nor could I desire a more piercing Judgment then Your Majesties wherewith you govern your own Affairs to examin the Truth of all those Great Transactions which I have transmitted to future Ages For to Your Censure as it behoves me I dare be bold to stand whether you command me to impart the rest or stifle what I have already publish'd which indeed cannot be said so much to be made public as to be laid at your Feet a Specimen to be rejected or approv'd What ever you ordain or command concerning it shall be to me in place of a Celestial Oracle Nor do I question but whatsoever you allow will be unanimously suffer'd to pass currant over all the World Or if there be any who are not pleas'd with your unerring Approbations they must be such who having been advanc'd to high degree by the Freaks of Fortune yet never doing any thing worthy to be remember'd in story think it an Injury to themselves when there is a true accompt given of all mens Actions But as I should wrong my Reputation by a compliance with their unjust desires so neither will my Conscience permit me wickedly to bury in silence their Vices generally in conjunction with the ruin of the State I cannot make a better Conclusion of this Preface then with my vows and wishes Great God the Author and Giver of all our Blessings who with thy only Son together with the Holy Ghost art God in three Persons yet one in Goodness Wisdom Mercy and Power always one in all things who wa st before all things and wilt be Eternally in all things who by thy Prudence disposest and govern'st lawful Dominion without which nor any private Family nor City nor the whole Race of all Mankind nor Nature it self by thee created out of Nothing can pretend to any thing of stedfast and durable Thee with the Prayers of the whole Kingdom I implore and most humbly adjure that what thou hast vouchsaf'd to France and consequently to all Christendom thou wouldst be pleas'd to appropriate the same to us and as an accumulation to thy Blessings to make 'em Diuturnal In order to which we put up to thy sacred Throne but this one Supplication more which comprehends all the rest that thou wouldst preserve the King and the Dauphin For upon their safety we must acknowledge that our Peace our Concord our Security our Wealth and Welfare and what ever else is desirable on Earth depend To which purpose direct his Counsels to rule with moderation that Empire which he has rescu'd from Destruction while the Young Prince springs up like an auspicious Tree that grows upon the Banks of some delightful River to the end he may prove a Protecting Shade to our Children's Children under the security of which to be at leasure to improve the more noble Arts of Peace and promote both Learning and Piety Grant that both may raign together over France in that order which is most acceptable to all good men that by their means the pristin Sincerity and Religion the Ancient Manners the Institutions of our Ancestors and the Laws of our Country may be restor'd to their Primitive luster that all new Monsters of Sects new Fictions of Religions and other Forgeries of Artifice and Ambition to inveagle and corrupt the weak and inadvertent may be utterly confounded and that at length all Schism and Discord remov'd Peace may be establish'd in the House of God quiet iâ— Consciences and security in the Common-weal Lastly we invoke and beseech thee most Great and Merciful God through the Grace of thy Holy Spirit without which we neither are nor can do any thing that as well they who are now living as Generations to come when they shall read what I am now preparing to declare to all the World
declared Regent and suspended the War with the Protestants by a Truce of 2 months by which she gave them leisure to make an Assembly at Millau where they chose the Prince of Conde for their Chief but this also served their Enemies to recruit their Army and make their advantages The New King Henry III. receiv'd good advice at Vienna Venice and Turin where he was exhorted to give peace to his people but the Queen-Mother and her Favourites quickly effaced all the impressions of those good Counsels The Council was divided into 2 Factions one follow'd the Maxims of the Chancellour of the Hospital and were for peace the other follow'd those of Morvillier Bishop of Orleans who was Keeper of the Seals some time and these were for destroying the Protestants at any rate soever This last party was animated by the particular hatred of the Queen-Mother against the reformed by the ambition of the Guises and by the Intrigues of Spain who had a great influence in the Council Morvillier added the Charm of some Bigottry which he had in his Head and which was enough to dazle the ignorant people The Protestants provoked the Cabal yet more by a Memorial which they presented in which they demanded satisfaction in 92 Articles which touched the disorders of the Court too much to the quick to be heard favourably there and they principally insisted on the calling the General Estates to remedy the miseries of the Kingdom In the mean time the Princes were set at liberty by the King when the Queen-Mother presented them to him at his arrival in France tho there wanted not some to watch them so narrowly that they were little better than Prisoners But at last the Duke of Alenzon retired from Court and a little while after the King of Navar did the same It is observed of this latter that passing by Alenzon he there went to the preaching The Psalm which the Minister sung before the Sermon was the 21st which begins with these words Seigneur leRoy s'ejouira D'avoir eu delivrancee par ta grande puissance c. The King shall joy in thy strength O Lord and in thy Salvation how greatly shall he rejoyce v. 1. He enquir'd if this was sung because of him and when he understood that it was according to the Order that the Psalms were sung for that day he took it for a good presage of Success in his Enterprises Howsoever it was a good while before he fixed intirely to the reformed Religion His Life at that time had more of the Libertine in it than of Devotion But the year after his Servants who saw that this indifference in Religion did not accommodate his Affairs obliged him publickly at Rochel to repair the fault which he had been forc'd to at Paris by the terror of death These Conjunctures extorted from the Court a Truce of six months and in the end a Peace which they needed to break the Vnion of the Confederates and to separate the Duke of Alenzon from their party They granted an Edict to the Protestants such an one as they were used to make when they were not willing to keep it this is that which introduced the name of the Religion pretendedly Reform'd They gave them 8 places of Security and at the same time concluded upon their ruin with the Legate and with Don John of Austria and in the very same year it was openly talked that the Edict should be revoked and that they had granted it only by force They put it under Consultation whether Faith should be kept with Hereticks and it was publickly Preached that according to the Council of Constance they were not obliged to it After this then the Peace was broken and the Estates General which the Protestants had demanded with so much earnestness concluded to destroy them and to oblige Henry III. to make himself chief of the League because he was afraid that some other should This League so famous was form'd of the Vnion of many particular Leagues all which had Religion for their pretence but the principal end of this general League was to set the Duke of Guise upon the Throne and that the King could not doubt of There was a Writing which a certain Advocate of Paris brought from Rome which contain'd the Reasons and Methods for Deposing the Descendents of Hugh Capet and restoring the Crown to the Posterity of Charlemagne which fell into the hands of the Protestants who Published it Viâ—onne Ambassadour in Spain sent another Copy of the same Writing and reveal'd the whole Mystery of the League The King being of a timorous and unsetled temper followed the advice of Morvillier who was as timorous as himself and believed he should more easily destroy this Cabal by making himself the Head of it than by Methods more firm and agreeable to his Dignity He passed further and declared That as he had promised by Oath at his Coronation upon the most holy Sacrament of the Altar to suffer no Religion in his Estates but the Catholick he warned his Subjects not to believe any thing he should either say or do to the contrary and that if he was reduced to make peace he would not keep it but till such time as he could get an occasion to break it But all these Protestations hindred not but in a little time after he made a Peace with the King of Navar. Mompensier who went to see that Prince to sound his intentions advising him thereto at his return and the third Estate likewise helped the King out of his perplexity declaring that they were of advice to bring back the stray'd sheep to the Roman Church by all convenient methods but that they had not counselled the War The Honourable manner with which the King of Navar received the Deputies and the Letters of the Estates facilitated the Treaty He answered in Writing That he was ready to quit his Religion if by any better instructions they could shew that his own was not good This clause was taken as an ill augury by the Ministers of his Court who therefore razed it out but he interlined it again with his own hand The Prince of Conde shew'd a greater Spirit for he would neither acknowledg the Estates nor receive their Letters nor give them an Answer Thus Peace was made and confirmed by an Edict given at Poictiers which they themselves who excus'd it with the Pope acknowledged to be less favourable than any that had been granted to them before But the Bigots were angry at it nevertheless because of the Article which declares the Protestants capable of Offices and Honours In short it struck at the Designs of the Guises and it was easy to extend it to the Princes That their Religion ought not to render them incapable of the Crown since it did not render other Protestants incapable of Employs suitable to their Birth This Calm gave opportunity to Hold some Synods That of St. Foy
have put him in a way of quitting the Reformed Religion with more decency because he should have prevented their Complaints by making their condition sure But the Catholicks passion was so great that they did consider nothing and that they would have perhaps desired no better than to drive the Reformed to some Mutiny for to agree with the League at their cost and upon condition of turning against them their united Forces But the Reformed lost not patience for all these Injustices The King was forced to take other measures for to enduce them to see his change by fair means and without making a stir In order whereunto they made use of the Pretence of Conferences Ten or twelve Conferences had been already held with the Leaguers without doing any good a new one was renewed amongst the Royal Catholicks and them and that they might not be thwarted by du Plessis they agreed for a Preliminary that no Heritick should be admitted thereto The pretence of it was to concur with the States of Paris to put a Catholick King on the Throne and to reunite the Suffrages in the Person of Henry IV. in case of his Conversion Therefore from the very opening of the Conference he published a Declaration that he had prepared for to assure the Catholicks of his desire to receive Instruction At the same time the Reformed of the Court were sollicited not to hinder the Kings Conversion and the Duke of Boüillon was chiefly intreated because his opposition would give the greatest difficulty De Thou wrote to him upon â—his Subject to perswade him that it would be advantagious for he Reformed to have a Catholick King of whose good Intentions they might have full assurances The Duke was deeply oâ—liged to the King and his Mouth was stopt with such a heap of promises that it would have been very difficult for him not to â—ave been overcome The King himself promised by a Writing that was signed by the Princes and the chief Lords of the Council that the profession which he was about to make of the Romish Religion would cause no change in the Edicts which the Reformed had obtained and that no resolution would be taken in the Conference to their Prejudice In the mean time for to baffle the Reformed of the Provinces another sort of Conference was proposed under pretence of instructing the King but as his change was resolved upon that seâ—â—ous and grave Conference so much spoken of was no more to be expected It was only a Conference in shew to which the King invited those that he pleased by express Letters assigning their Convention at Mantes on the 20th of July 'T is true Plessisâ—â—tered â—â—tered the Superscription of the Letters and that instead of senâ—ing them to some private Persons as the King had ordered he â—â—tained of him that they should be sent to the Churches that â—â—ey might appoint fit persons for that matter No outward â—â—ction of the King could as yet discover his design of changing and he continued in his Court the Exercises of the Reformed Religion as he had accustomed Nay he desired that all the Reformed throughout the Kingdom should betake themselves to Fasting and Praying for to implore of God a happy Issue of this pretended Conference as if he had been still dubious which Party to cleave to But at last the Masque was taken off and it was evident that the whole Instruction would be reduced to the hearing of the Bishops without admitting any Ministers in order to answer them The Clergy had desired that the business might thus go on because they never set Victory at a compromize and that they were not so sure of the King's Conversion as that an orderly Dispute where these Pastors should be admitted might not make him have quite contrary Thoughts Notwithstanding the King thought to make use of his Compliance to the Clergy for to perswade the Reformed that he yielded but to Necessity that he abjured his Religion but in Words that he would hear but Catholicks because that he being forc'd to turn it was more to the advantage of the Reformed that he should do it without hearing them than otherwise that they might have it to say they were not vanquished whereas if the King should turn after a Dispute of both Parties this Change of his had been a real Triumph for the Catholicks But the Mystery was revealed by a Letter from the Chancellor to the Bishop of Chartres which was seen by the Reformed wherein he advertis'd that Prelat That he might come with a full assurance without troubling himself with Divinity Hereby it was seen that a set Conference was not agreeing to the Bishops Palat and they chose rather to overcome without fighting But tho' this kind of Instruction seem'd very strange to the Reformed and that they judg'd it a very singular thing that the King should be as 't were the Judge of so great a Cause after having only heard one of the Parties They notwithstanding thought they should not omit to send their Deputies to Mantes either to obtain by their Presence something in favour of their Religion or to take from the Bishops the Pretence of Boasting that the Ministers had shunn'd the Conference Time has declar'd how necessary this Precaution was seeing that not only in our days but almost at that same time and in the Presence of those who knew how things had been carried on they published that the Ministers had fled before them and had not the Courage to come to the Dispute It is true that the Ministers of the Court entred not into Conference But that we may not repeat over that the King's Instruction was agreed upon to be without them I shall at least say that none should admire That either those who were gained to favour the King's Design had seigned to give way or that the rest seeing the Snares that were laid for them and knowing the King 's secret Intentions had requir'd that all the Deputies of the Churches might be expected before the broaching of a business of so great consequence However they took another Precaution more formal against the vain Reproach of the Prelats and they engaged by a Publick and Authentick Writing to maintain in the Presence of what Persons soever in a set Conference the Doctrine that the King had learned in the Reformed Religion It was Plessis's desire that the Ambassadors of the Protestant Princes and some learned Ministers should be at Mantes that the Presence of these Ministers might delay if it were possible the King's Change or at least that it might more forcibly oblige him to give the Reformed tolerable Conditions But the precipitation of the Clergy gave not time for all these Measures They waited neither the coming of the Deputies of the Churches nor of the Strangers And after an Instruction of half a day where only such were present as were not willing to hinder it the King appeared to be satisfied with the
Roman Doctrine and the very next day abjured at St. Denis the Reformed Religion It 's true he never would promise to ruine the Hereticks of his Kingdom which the Clergy would have him Swear to Whether he acted thus only through a sincere Affection for the Peace of his Subjects or that it was a premeditated Denial to take away the Fears his Change might give the Reformed Neither would he by any means sign a Formular which had been prepared for him by which he was to Swear one after another to all the Articles of the Romish Faith and in like manner to abjure all the pretended Heresies of the Reformed They were forc'd to draw up one on purpose where Roni interven'd and where without an express Profession or Abjuration of any Article he in sum submitted himself to the whole Doctrine of the Catholicks But as there was a necessity of satisfying the Pope the first Formular was sent him in the King's Name which was counterfeited by Lomenie Secretary of State who had us'd to Sign for him and who imitated his Writing pretty well The King agreed to this Writing which could neither set his Conscience at rest nor please the Court of Rome where the Craft could not be long kept hidden nor make the Reformed believe that he kept their Religion in his Heart tho' he had these different Prospects in this Artifice The End of the Second Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes BOOK III. The CONTENTS of the Third Book Mistrusts produced by this Change Boldness of the Leaguers Renewing of the Vnion-Oath Conspiracy of Barriere Pretence of the Rebels that the King's Conversion is not sincere That he must have the Popes Blessing Deputies from the Reformed on their March The King's Precautions against their Reproaches A Letter upon the King's Change The Insults of the Catholicks Artifices to keep the Deputies from seeing him and to hinder him from giving them satisfaction Project of an Edict A Precaution against the Order of the Holy Ghost and Coronation The Reformed not very well contented with the Project neither accept nor refuse it Assemblies permitted Vnion renew'd with the King's Approbation Artifices for to corrupt the Ministers A Design of a Re-union The Duke of Nevers obtains nothing at Rome The Fears that the King 's and Pope's Reconciliation give the Reformed A Truce prejudicial to the King The Reducing Meaux and other Towns Clauses in the Treaties that are to the prejudice of the Reformed The Coronation Oath The power of the Jesuits Injustices done to the Reformed The Characters of the Chief of the Reformed A Synod at Montaubon Orders Prayers for the King's Prosperity and for his returning to his Religion Disclaims the Province of the Isle of France in several points Assembly at St. Foy Propositions and Regulations for the General Council and for those of the Provinces Secret Articles Sedition of the Croquans Deputies amused at Court Pretensions of the Duke of Mercoeur Overtures of Reconciliation with the Pope The King wounded by Chatel Jesuits banished Pyramid Testimony that d' Ossat renders the Reformed The Courts Thoughts upon the Vnion of the Reformed The King's Thoughts upon this Subject Causes for which it is resolv'd to declare the Reformed capable of Employs The Prince of Conde drawn from under their hands Methods for to succeed in it The Article of the enabling the Reformed to be in Places passes with much ado The Attorney General 's ill-grounded Wrangling and the reason of new Mistrusts Assembly at Saumur at first displeases the King who at at last authorizes it Reasons for the permitting it Necessity of importuning the King The Assembly demands a new Edict and Securities The King 's desired Absolution His Reasons for yielding the first Commissaries chosen for to treat about it Du Perron and d' Ossat The Popes high Pretensions Precise Instructions to the Attorneys for the contrary Testimony rendred to the present and past Services of the Reformed Prevarications of the Attorneys in the Words and thing it self Articles of Penitence Complaints of the Reformed The Excuses of the Attorneys Punishment of two Protestants at Rome Secret Articles believed to be promised to the Pope THis Conduct of the King changed once more the Countenance of Affairs The Reformed Religion which the Death of Henry III. had put upon the Throne was on a suddain removed far from it and the Heads of that Party began to fear That seeing it had been possible to make the King by so many Artifices quit his Religion he should by little and little be dispos'd to destroy them Which was so much the more probable that it being impossible for the King to be ignorant of the mortal Grief they had for his Change he was likewise to consider them as Men who perhaps for the future would consult only Despair and who at least would live with him in continual Diffidence Thence he on the other hand must take occasions of Suspicions and Jealousies and perhaps according to the natural Inclination of Man who never fails to hate those of whom â—e no more deserves to be belov'd to pass from the fear of their Resentments to the resolution of ruining them Men look upon the Presence of those that have rendred them too good Services â—nd whom they for a Recompense have manifestly injur'd as a perpetual upbraiding of whom they think to rid themselves by â—estroying these troublesom Accusers And the Reformed seemed to be in a case of excepting no other Usage seeing the sight of them could not but trouble the King's Conscience by continually upbraiding him with their Services their Misery and his Change They saw moreover that a Negotiation with Spain was on foot which ought to make them fear that the Alliance should be made â—ut at their Cost La Varenne a Man of Fortune who notwithâ—tanding had a share in the King's Confidence because he was one of the Ministers of his Love-tricks took a Journey into Spain â—nder certain Pretences but in effect to propose a Peace and the Marriage of Henry IV. with the Infanta for to see that Princess in the King's Name for to bring him her Picture and to promise to send a Lord of Note if the King of Spain would â—earken to it It is not known whether the King's Intention â—as really so or if he endeavour'd by the Overture of that Proposition to make Spain abandon the Interests of the League But â—is Voyage alarm'd the Protestants both at home and abroad â—o ' England and the Vnited Provinces had been included in the â—roject of this Peace because they feared lest at one time or anoâ—â—er their Ruine to be the fruit of that Alliance But in Franceâ—â—e â—â—e Reformed changed not their Conduct They were content to â—â—rug their Shoulders through Astonishment to exhale their Grief â— bitter Complaints and to expect the Issue of their Deputation whose Members were on their way to wait on the King who had given them fine Promises for
at the same time bestowed upon their Enemies Divers pretences were contriv'd either to hinder them from fortifying the places they held or to perswade them that the keeping 'em was not worth while Valognes in Normandy was taken from 'em under a pretence that it signifi'd nothing to keep it because two or three useless Forts about it were ras'd Mention was made of demolishing all the places that kept Poitiers block'd up as soon as that great Town wou'd be reduc'd The Baron of Courtomer also was depriv'd of the Government of Argentan to put Medavi in his place and elsewhere many the like Subjects of Complaint were given The King to appease the Murmurings that were occasion'd by such Acts of Injustice pay'd the Reformed with the Parable of the Young Man at whose return after a shameful wasting of his Wealth his Father kill'd the fatted Calf for Joy of his Repentance But they answer'd that they ought at least to be treated as the Son that had always been faithful and to whom his Father said Son all that I have is thine That if they were resolv'd to spend the revenue of the Family in favour of a Prodigal to reclaim him it was but just at least to make him a sharer to whom it was said Son thou hast always been with me That certainly the obedient Son was not to be Sacrific'd for the return of the other nor to be despoil'd of his Rights to confer 'em on him that trampl'd under Foot the Authority of his Father Besides these general affairs there happen'd others particular in many places which were enough to weary the Patience of the most prudent and moderate The Lieutenant Civil of Paris put out an Order commanding the Reformed to bow to Crosses Images Banners and Shrines when they shou'd meet 'em in the streets This seem'd to be of consequence because it was done as 't were in the very Presence of the King who seem'd to Authorize seeing he did not hinder it An order of the Judges of Lyons drove from the City and its Jurisdiction upon pain of Death all those that shou'd not profess the Catholick Religion The Parliament of Rheims prohibited on pain of corporal Punishment the selling reading or keeping Books for the use of the Reformed Religion That of Bourdeaux had made an Act that authoriz'd the digging up of the Bodies of the Reformed which in the space of fifteen years had been buried in the Churches or Church-yards of the Catholicks The orders taken with those that had the management of the King's Exchequer for the payment of Ministers were of no effect The Courts that were promis'd for the Administration of Justice in Guyenne and Languedoc were not set up though the Passion of the Parliaments of Bourdeaux and Thoulouse against the Reformed wanted but little of Fury At Orleance the Officers already receiv'd were deposed The Parliament of Roan caus'd the Proctors and Advocates to make a publick Abjuration before they were permitted to plead or argue at the Bar And even at Tours the Parliament before it's return to Paris had caus'd a Judge Assistant of Saumur to make his Abjuration afore his Pattents could be register'd which appear'd so much the more strange that Saumur was a Town of Safety Among the Reformed Lords there were some that took no great Care of the Affairs of their Party Lesdiguieres minded no body but himself in Dauphine where he was very powerful His manners were irregular and his Life not very edifying He was covetous ambitious and debauch'd and he had join'd himself to the Reformed in his outward Profession rather because their Religion had been the raising of his Fortune then out of any real Piety There was a Proposal also of marrying his only Daughter with la Trimouille or the Marshal de Bouillon which would have very much advanc'd the Affairs of the Reformed But the Court prevented those Alliances and a little after that Lesdiguieres marry'd her to Crequi a zealous Catholick Neither was Roni less cold in the matter of Religion He was one of those wary Blades that will be always serving God on the winning side so that his Religion consisted only in Appearances and those but very superficial too There were also Governours both of the Provinces and of strong Towns whose Character was much the same who though in the main they were perswaded that their Religion was right nevertheless were so strongly engag'd with the Court that 't was not very probable they would break with Her to serve their Brethren But there were several others who laid things more to heart and who us'd all their Endeavours to prevent the Reformed from falling into any Snare upon the account of fair Promises and would not permit 'em to lose the Opportunity of securing their Persons and the Exercise of their Religion The Mareschal de Bouillon was one of these and in greatest Authority A Person of great Merit and great Ambition He had the Reputation of a good Head-peice in the Council and of a great Captain in the Field in Credit with Foreign Princes and capable to be the Head of a Party His Estate was considerable and he had Places of Strength in his Hands More especially Sedan which as he said belong'd to him by the last Will and Testament of his Wife who dy'd but a little before without Children and was a Place of great Consequence as being an Inlet for Foreign Armies into the Kingdom La Trimouille was next to him Neither had Competitorship made 'em so jealous of each other but that they aim'd both at the same Mark. Besides they were united afterwards by a more strict Alliance in regard they married two Sisters of Prince Maurice to whom the Vnited Provinces had granted part of that Power which William his Father had exercis'd until his Death La Trimouille was Young Brave Resolute Daring Courteous Generous Powerful in Poictou and drew a great Train of Nobility after him The Court accus'd him of being a Lover of Quarrels and of being Head-strong But others gave him a better Character That he was one who would listen to Reason understood it and was capable of good Counsel and look'd upon him as a Person endu'd with great Qualities happy natural Parts and one who only wanted a little Age and Experience to ripen him for a perfect Heroe The Honour he had to see the Prince of Conde his Nephew Presumptive Heir of the Crown because the King had no Legitimate Issue and was by no means to be reconcil'd to Queen Margaret de Valois his Wife somewhat lifted up Tremouille's Heart and made him look'd upon with more Respect by the Reformed who despair'd not one day to see him their Masters Governour But on the other side it render'd him suspected and odious to the Court where his Genius was dreaded Some Proceedings of his at St. John d' Angeli where the Prince of Conde was brought up were much disgusted of which I shall tell the reason in
not upon the Catholic Relicks or Ornaments of their Churches as holy things and it wou'd have made a great noise if they had been prosecuted as criminal for Pillages of this nature whereas the Catholicks very far from being treated civilly upon such accounts might in pursuance of the Canons be prosecuted as guilty of Sacrilege The Thirteenth commanded the restitution of all Ecclesiastical Goods of what nature soever and forbad the detaining of them even under the pretence of Reparations Amendments or any thing of the like nature and gave a Grant of Possession of the Livings belonging to the Bishops of Dags Bayonne Tarbes and Aize which had been seized of in Bearn This Article might interest many of the Reform'd who were very probably entred upon the possession of these Goods on the credit of the Attachment But this was the main Design of all the Attempts the Clergy had made In their Harangues nothing was so much press'd as the restitution of their Livings and Charity was not the Motive that induced them to desire Peace but a Fear that instead of regaining what they had already lost they might yet lose more in a new War These Intrigues of the Clergy continued near half a Year but in the beginning of them the Traty with the Duke of Mayenne was concluded which had been put off for so long a time in which the Duke had proposed an Article of being exempted out of the Enquiry that might be made into the Murder of Henry the Third whether it was that he knew himself too nearly concern'd in it which made him willing to secure himself from the Prosecution of the Queen Dowager or that he look'd upon it as a reparation of the Death of his Brothers whom the late King had caused to be slain at Blois to leave those unpunished that had revenged him even upon the Person of the King The Parliament had much ado to pass this Article and perhaps it was the only one amongst all that was agreed between the Leaguers upon which there was so great a contestation They wou'd have oblig'd the Duke to have clear'd himself by an Oath that he had no hand in the Parricide or upon his refusal to have ratified the Article with this Modification That it was agreed to because of the urgent necessity of Affairs The Attorny-General who had innocently introduced into Henry the Third's Chamber the Monk that assassinated him thought himself obliged to bring the guilty to punishment and form'd great difficulties which the zeal of the Parliament seconded very briskly But in the end it was pass'd and the Orders of the King were so strong that they confirm'd the Edict without restriction The King was obliged by many Reasons to prosecute the Revenge of Henry the Third besides the common interest of Kings who ought to their utmost to preserve the glorious Priviledges of their Persons he ow'd this Revenge to his own Glory to the end that he might not appear to have advanced himself at the expence of his Predecessor's life and he had also engaged himself to do it by formal Promises to the Queen and to the Officers of the former Court But the present Affairs made him forget both his Duty and his Promises and the Death of Henry the Third was not reveng'd Upon which one thing may be observ'd worthy the Reader 's attention Henry the Fourth was also basely assassinated as his Predecessor had been but there was so little care taken to revenge his death that even those were punished that endeavoured to discover the Authors of it And in these two cases only the Executors of both these Parricides were put to death for they did not what they ought or what they might have done either to punish or to discover the accomplices So that Henry the Fourth had the like respect shew'd him after his death as he had shew'd to him that reign'd before him This Remark is in the History of the Reform'd for there was none in the Kingdom which complain'd lowder than they did that revenge was not taken on the Murderers of their preserver But to return to the Duke of Mayenne who only demanded the exclusion of the Exercise of the Reformed Religion for six Years in those Towns which he gave up to the King and he was indeed after his reconciliation one of the most equitable of the Court when it was in dispute whether such an Edict shou'd be granted as might comprehend the Reform'd Nevertheless they saw nothing which cured their distrusts not only the remembrance of what had passed gave them just fears of what was to come as Impartial Historians acknowledge but they gave them every day new occasions which made a Secretary of State ingeniously confess to du Plessis in a Letter which he wrote to him that they continually gave them too much subject of complaint But still Prudence wou'd not let them push their Patience to the extremity in a time wherein it might have been the cause of strange disorders Throughout the Kingdom there was almost none less powerful than the King the Governours look'd upon their Places and Provinces almost as a Possession that belonged to them by propriety they were only made obedient by the power of Caresses and Benefits So that the State seem'd remiss in the same point it had formerly been when the House of Cartienna began to decay upon which some unquiet and ambitious Spirits built a like Project to that which brought Hugo Capet to the Crown This Prince bestowed part of his Kingdom upon those which had assisted him in the gaining it and gave the Dukes and Earls a Propriety to such Countries as they were Governors of keeping to himself with that Country which belong'd to him by Inheritance only the Sovereignty and Homage of all these Lords with the Condition of Reversion to the Crown in certain Cases This same Method was proposed to the King as a good Expedient to pacifie the Kingdom The young Duke of Mompensier was ingaged in this Project and was to tell the King of it but the King's Answer so cast down this young Prince as made him sensible it was a slender experience had engaged him in this undertaking but this did not put an end to the design for it yet continued in the minds of several persons and if the Reform'd had but stirr'd then many without doubt wou'd have taken an advantage of the occasion There were strange Intrigues carried on in France The Duke of Mercoeur had already retired into Bretagny and Du Plessis had stopt a Courier of the Arch Duke's who was carrying Letters to this Prince which discovered very strange things to them the greatest part of the Catholic Lords were interested therein Even Biron who afterwards suffered himself quite to be corrupted was ingaged in this Conspiracy and it was plain enough that whatsoever fomented the Troubles at home proceeded from a strange inspiration If the Authors of these Intrigues cou'd but have
Neighbours to her help caused the Child to be christened in a Catholick Church That at Bourdeaux a Lady had been forced to abjure her Religion to keep the guardianship of her Children and having a little while after reunited herself to the communion of the reformed Church the Attorney-General sued her at Law and got her bound to remain a Catholick that a Child being deposited in the hands of his Grandfather at Orleans when that Town was in the power of the League and his Father demanding him back again after the reduction of the place the Judge refused to deliver him up to his Father that a Man was debarred from all his Rights by the Court of Angiers until he had got his younger Brothers out of the reformed School at Loudun to put them in the Catholick Colledge of Angiers contrary to the last Will of their deceased Father who had crdered them to be brought up in the reformed Religion that the same Judges had appointed a Catholick Guardian over a Maid who refused to go to Mass Then followed sad and grievous Complaints of the unjust way of dealing with the Prince of Conde whom the Reformed had surrendred to the King even beyond the hopes of the Catholicks they said that this young Prince had bitterly wept and strugled long with those who brought him away from St. John d'Angeli that since being kept at Court he was used to withdraw into his Closet there to sing Psalms to Pray and Catechise his Pages but that at last they were taken away from him notwithstanding all the marks of his anger for it They complained afterwards that to all these so great and so publick Grievances the Court had hitherto applied no other remedy but Reasons of State as if the Interest of the State ought to have been opposed to their Consciences or that the Reformed had not been part of the State or that the State could not stand but by their fall Then returning again to the particulars of the Injustice that were done them they complained of their being forced to keep Lent that at Rennes the Parliament caused the Houses to be searched to see if their Orders in this point were obey'd that the Bishop of Agde did the same by his own authority in the Towns of his Diocess that keeping of Holidays was also forced upon them that even at Saumur one of their Towns of security a Man had been sent to Prison for being surprised at work within his House on such days that their School masters had been expelled out of several places even without any form of Justice that divers Parliaments had refused to verifie the Patents obtained by the Reformed from the King for the establishment of some Schools even after reitera ted Orders from Court but that nothing was comparable in this particular to the boldness of the Parliament of Grenoble who did not so much as vouchsafe to answer a second Order sent them from the King for setting up a reformed School at Montelimar that even so in several places they refused to admit in or turned out such of the Reformed as were appointed to teach and instruct the Youth which Article was concluded with these remarkable words Are they then willing to beat us into Ignorance and Barbarity so did Julian Next they complained of their Poors ill usage That the Laws of Equity were so little regarded in this point that in those very places where the Reformed contributed most to the publick Alms the Poor of their Religion had no share therein that in many places the Reformed were deprived of their Birth-right and not suffered to live there though they promised to be quiet and make no publick Exercise of their Religion that the Judges of Lyon had banished out of their Town those who having formerly left the Kingdom on account of Religion were returned thither after the change of affairs and that it had been confirmed by the Edict of Reduction upon occasion whereof they complained here that the Reformed were called Suspected People by the King himself whom they had served with so much Fidelity and Courage letting this gentle Reproach slip withal that for one and the same cause the King had been declared unable to inherit the Crown and the Reformed banished from their Houses but that since he had been restored to his Throne by the assistance of the Reformed he had not yet restored them to their Houses Here the Parson of Saint Stephen of Furant was brought again upon the Stage he did not suffer the Catholicks to let out their Houses to the Reformed and constrained them to turn out before the term such as had already taken any he hindred Tradesmen by grievous Fines from admitting any Reformed into the freedom of their Trades This mad Fellow of a Priest had caned a Man born in that place but setled elsewhere who was come to the Town upon some business his pretext for abusing him was that he had forbid him to come thither as if he had authority to banish whom he pleased But that Man seeing himself abused with so much injustice and that no body took his part kill'd the Priest in a passion and so rid the Country of this furious Beast The King granted him his Pardon but the Catholicks hindred it from being allow'd by the Judges They remonstrated besides that the Reformed were excluded from Trades and to colour their exclusion the Companies made new By-laws by vertue whereof none but Catholicks were to be admitted to them That in several places Violences against the Reformed were countenanced by impunity that a Man seventy five Years old having complained that some Children had hurried him in the Streets with injurious Clamours was sent to a Goal instead of having satisfaction from whence afterwards being released he was pursued anew and pelted with Stones in the very sight of the Judges who did but laugh at it that a Fraternity of Penitents called The Beaten Brothers walking barefoot in order of Procession their Feet happened to be cut by some broken Glass spread in the Streets which they did immediately lay upon the Reformed because the Glass was found before the House of a Goldsmith of their Religion that thereupon a Sedition was stirred up against them but that at last the whole was proved to be a trick of the Priests Then they began to give particular Instances of the crying Injustice done them about Offices That in several places they were kept from those of the Town-house and that it was publickly said at Lyon that none ought to be admitted to them who either was now of the Reformed or ever had been so nay not even any Son of one that had been so that the States of Perigord had declared void the Election of a Sheriff made by the Town of Bergerac according to the custom of that Province meerly because the party elected was one of the Reformed that even those who were appointed by
of those Times and in the Writings of those who have endeavour'd to justify the War that Lewis XIII made against the Reformed under the pretext of regaining the Places of Security This is one of their Reasons That since the King had not consented to leave them wholely to them but only under their Names to keep these Places for himself against the secret Factions which might trouble the State it was therefore no longer just to suffer them in their Possession after these Factions were extinct We have already seen how dissatisfied the Marquess d'O was because the King had put as many Places as he could into the Hands of the Reformed and that for this Reason he had rather see a Place taken by a Spaniard than kept by an Huguenot But there was besides a great difficulty about paying those Sums that were necessary for the maintaining of the Garrisons Fortifications and the Walls of their Towns There was nothing the Council was more difficult to part with than Money and the Catholicks were much offended to see so great Sums paid by the King to the Hereticks to maintain such Fortresses as rendred them very formidable nevertheless it could not be refused to Men who could say That the like had been done for the Leaguers the greatest part whereof had Pensions or their Garrisons paid them out of the King's Coffers The Contestation therefore was reduced to the means how to save the King's Money and the Reformed were contented with so little that it can hardly be believ'd that all their Garrisons could be paid with so inconsiderable a Sum And in effect there were some of the Leaguers to whom they had given or promised more Money than they had granted to the Reformed for the maintenance of their Towns for many Years together When all was thus settled a new Dispute began upon the manner whereby they should assure the Reformed of the Payment of the promised Sums They should have been very glad if they might have been permitted to have stopp'd the King's Taxes at the respective Treasuries rather than to accept of such Assignments as they fear'd would be both inconvenient and uncertain But they judged it not handsome to let the King know they so much distrusted his Word and therefore they were forc'd to be contented with the Promise he gave them of convenient and certain Assignments There were some private persons also who having neither Commands in these Places or in the Souldiery made particular Requests some of Arrearages of Pensions others of some Gift to establish their Affairs and so others again for some Gratification for their past Services which had not yet been acknowledged And thus they were all made under different Pretensions but the whole of their Demands amounted to so small a matter that altogether it would scarcely equal the least Recompence that the Leaguers had obtained When all things were agreed on there still remain'd a general difficulty concerning the manner wherein those Concessions should be publish'd an Edict appeared the most Authentick Security to the Reformed but there were so many Obstacles so many Fears of offending the Catholicks and of giving any Pretence to the Disaffected of beginning new Disturbances and such Hope 's given to the Churches of mending their Conditions with the Times That in fine they agreed upon several Forms under which diverse Concessions should be granted as had been done on other occasions First Therefore they gave an Edict which contain'd to the number of 92 general Articles by which the Exercise of the Reformed Religion was authorized in many Places under such and such Conditions The Reformed were admitted to all States and Offices the administration of Justice was regulated by the setting up of Chambers Miparties and many other things were commanded conformably to what had been practised in the Edicts of the same nature a Pardon for whatsoever might be laid to the Charge of the Reformed was expressed at full length all manner of Edicts Letters or Articles of the preceeding Times that were contrary to this New Edict were expresly abrogated by it And for the Security of this the King commanded all his Officers to take an Oath to observe it with Care and Fidelity and taking all the Inhabitants of the Towns and other Places into his Protection he put them under the care of each other to prevent Seditions and Violences To the Edict were added secret or particular Heads to the number of 56 among which there was many of great importance which well deserv'd to have been inserted into the Body of the Edict but they contented themselves with placing them in this Appendix because it was addressed to the Parliaments as the same Edict and many of them verified it Such were the Articles which exempted the Reformed in respect of many things that belong'd to the Worship of the Catholicks the Privileges of the Ministers the exercise of the Discipline of the Reformed with the holding of their Consistories their Colloquies and Synods the Education of Children the Liberty of Marriages in such degrees wherein the Catholicks are obliged to procure Dispensations the observations of Fasting and Holidays the nullity of extorted Abjurations and many others the like they forgot not the Confirmation of the Articles granted to the Heads of the League who had submitted to the Government The Shiftings made use of in our Time upon many of these Articles sufficiently shew how needful it was that general Articles should be granted thereon But what seems most singular in this Affair is that there were in these secret Articles some Passages which formally regarded only what was past or else the Time of the Edict it self that nevertheless were executed from the time it was published until its Revocation of calling them into Question such were the Articles which concerned Marriage in such a degree of Affinity as the Catholicks were not permitted without a Dispensation This in a manner made some amends for certain Articles of the Edict that had never been put in execution which permitted the Reformed freely to live in all places of the Kingdom There were all a-long many Towns wherein the Reformed could never appear with safety so far were they from living without Disturbance in them But a particular Remark may be here made upon Liberty of Conscience The Edict had aimed expresly to establish it and yet there was no formal Article in it which gave it to all the French but it was so plainly presupposed by the Edict and by that Spirit of Liberty which they always so highly pretended to even to the fancying that France was the only Kingdom in the World where Freedom had the least interruption that all the King's Subjects were suffered to enjoy it for fourscore Years without any Person 's ever being disturbed about it And indeed they durst not violate it until they had in many respects ruin'd the Edict in its most important Concessions The rest of the things that could not be
the Clergy then to any other Orders in the Kingdom that the Catholic Religion also would gain great Advantages by it That it would be admitted into all the Cities where the Reformed were most powerful and from whence it had been a long time exterminated That the Ecclesiastics would be Restor'd to the enjoyment of their Estates That the King also by means of this Edict having heal'd up the Jealousies of the Reformed would deprive the Lords of that Party of ability to sustain their Faction which only serv'd for maintenance of Heresie which loosing once the main support of it would be more easily destroy'd by the Care which the King would take in conferring of Bishoppricks and his painful endeavours to convert the principal Lords That he was not to impute the Edict to the King's Intention of which the Pontiss had Reason to be well assur'd but to necessity and the Conjuncture of Time which they supported by Examples of other Princes who had done the same in Cases of the like Nature And because they knew it would find a Gracious acceptance at Rome they Represented the King as one who was perswaded that his Authority would never be well secur'd so long as that Faction continu'd in the Kingdom from whence they concluded that he would bring it down as low as he could But that was a Task that requir'd time and was to be done by fetching a compass and winding about for that was the expression they us'd like a Pilot who fails not to reach the Port he aims at thô he cannot always steer directly forward After this to shew that the Edict was not made in a time of settl'd Peace they look'd backward as far as the surprize of Amiens and made it out that it was then that the King was constrain'd to grant the Edict to hinder the Reformed from taking Arms That althô they had not as then betak'n themselves to Force yet he lay under a sufficient Restraint in regard he might be justly afraid they would not forbear what they were usually wont to do when they suspected a Revocation of the Treaties made with 'em and for that he knew that a War would be no less pernicious to the Catholics then to others as it had been found by experience The Huguenots being both Resolute and Politic being Masters of so many strong Holds able to Command Foreign Aid and sure to be assisted by Numerous Additions of Catholic Male-contents Loose-Livers and such as sought an Asylum for their Crimes who would be the first to Pillage the Priests Churches and Monasteries That the Oppositions of the Clergy and the delays of the Parlaments were accustom'd Artifices to shew that the Clergy did not consent to War and that the Parlament were no less unwilling to hearken to that boystrous Remedy thô both the one and the other knew it would come to that at length That the King had neither constrain'd nor threaten'd 'em but quite the contrary had graciously receciv'd the Clergy's Petition and the Remonstrances of the Parlament and in pursuance of both had limited and qualify'd many Things and therefore that they had branded with falsehood a Writing that had appear'd at Rome under the Title of The King's Answer to his Parlament Afterwards they Discours'd of the difference between the Edict of Nantes and the Council of Trent which they pretended to be such that there was no Comparison between the one and the other upon which they made an Explanation at large The Rest contain'd only Justifications of the Pope against those who undertook to blame his Conduct To which they added by way of giving him that Council which he had demanded of 'em that it no way behov'd him to show his Resentment against the King nor to threaten him in the least The Pope who was not so much offended as he would needs seem to be as may be easily gather'd from the Observations I have made was half appeas'd by these Answers so that his Resentment made only a Noise at Rome where Policy requir'd that he should give some Marks of his Displeasure to see Heresie protected in France from Persecution and the Inquisitors Only he Resum'd his Discourse from time to time concerning the Council of which he was greatly desirous that the King would have made Publication in despite of the Parlament as he had done of the Edict Cardinal Aldobrandini whom the two others went to visit after they had left the Pope was much better satisfy'd only he again propos'd the Publication of the Council as the greatest Consolation which the Pope could Receive To which he added the Re-establishment of the Catholic Religion in Bearn d'Ossat wrote himself to Villeroy some days after that all the Popes Wrath would be appeas'd if there were but once a Publication of the â—ouncil and that it would satisfie all the Catholics in the Court of Rome who were unseasonably Scandaliz'd at the Edict Which shews that they would have bin content that the King should have Granted greater Favours to the Heretics would he also have allow'd the Pope some considerable Advantage by way of Compensation Moreover the Cardinals complain'd that the King had never sent 'em any Order what to say at Rome concerning the Edict so that they were forc'd to return such Answers to the Pope as came into their Thoughts By which 't is easie to be seen that the King's Intentions and Reasons for granting the Edict were not to be lookt for in their Replies in regard the King had never imparted 'em to their Knowledge but that they had fram'd Answers of their own Heads such as would be grateful to the Court of Rome and serve the Pope for an excuse to wipe off the Reproaches of the Spaniards The same Affair is often variously represented by the Ministers of Princes and Attributed to divers Motives on purpose to render it agreeable to the Relish and Interests of the several Courts to which they are to give an Accompt of it So that neither the Discourses of the said Ministers nor many times their Instructions are any great Helps to discover the Intentions of their Masters The King who did not find things so well prepar'd within his Kingdom for the Publication of the Council was nevertheless willing to gratifie the Pope upon the Second Article of Consolation which Cardinal Aldobrandini had propos'd Therefore while he lay at Fontain Bleau he Granted an Edict for Bearn no less favourable to the Catholics of Bearn then the Edict of Nantes to all the Reformed throughout the Kingdom He Re-establish'd two Bishops one at Lescar and the other at Oleron and promis'd the one a Pension of 3000 to the other a Pension of 1800 Livers for the payment of which he undertook himself He set up the Mass again in Twelve places and in all places under Laic Patronage the Patron being a Catholic He admitted the Catholics to Offices and Employments like the Rest provided they should not exceed the
and wherein the King himself pronounc'd the Articles with his own Lips This Treaty ought to be inviolable to the Parties whom it behoves to be content after the Oracle has once spoke Nay inviolable to the King himself since he is naturally as well the security for his Subjects Observation of their mutual Contracts as the Supream Arbitrator of their Differences Now it is not readily to be imagin'd that a Prince should be Legally the first Violator of Treaties who is entrusted with the Warranty for their Observation and tho Treaties grounded upon Principles of Honour and Fidelity can never be violated without Infamy 't would be less Igniminious for him to make a Breach that were only concern'd as a simple Party in the Treaty then for him that stands security for the Publick and Common Faith and who is oblig'd by that Characted to cause others to observe the Treaty It follows then that the King being on the one side as Head of the Catholics a Party with the Reformed in the Treaty upon which the Edict of Nantes was Granted and on the other being security for the Observation of it between the Catholics and Reformed by his Quality of King and Common Father 't is impossible that either as Party or Security he should ever Ordain or permit the Revocation of the Edict as being the Structure of his Paternal Love his Prudence his Justice and his Royal Authority If it be Objected that this indeed might properly concern Hen. IV. the Author of the Edict but that the Case is not the same with the King's Successors who have met with many Alterations in the Kingdom and for whom it was lawful to to take New measures according to the alter'd condition of Affairs I answer that this Objection will be more proper for another place where I shall have some Reflexions to make upon the Revocation of the Edict I shall only say by the way that when Successors ratify what has been done by their Predecessors they engage themselves in all their Obligations and that they ought to imagine any Alterations of things when the same Reasons of Justice and Humanity still continue when the Benefit is the same when the Parties Interested are still in Being nor become unworthy of the same Grants and Priviledges Here the Children supply the Room of their Parents and this is the Reason that certain Immunities remain perpetual in Families Because 't is presuppos'd that he who has obtain'd 'em never dyes so long as he leaves behind him a Posterity that renews his Life Now it is so easie to apply these Verities to the Edict that it would be needless to enlarge my Digression that must be other where Repeated I come then to the last Thing which I propos'd and which I shall conclude in a few Words It relates to the Objections that are made against the Edict which are almost all grounded upon one Principle which is deriv'd from hence that it is an imperfect Treaty to which the principal Catholics never were call'd that the Edict was drawn up without hearing the Parlaments without giving Opportunity to the Clergy to represent or defend their own Interests and without having the Popes Approbation or at least his Consent which is necessary to Legitimate the Consent of the Catholics in things that concern their Religion But this Objection is the most infirm and the fallest of all the Rest the most infirm because that tho it were True 't would stand the Raisers of it in no stead the falsest in regard there was an Assembly of all the Parties as Public and as formal as could have been desir'd I say that tho this Objection were true it would be of little or no Use because it would have been only a Defect of Formality which in things of that importance which the Edict Treats of ought not to be taken into Constderation to the Prejudice of the things themselves when they are both Just and Necessary In Civil Affairs between Man and Man such a Default might bereave the Person that falls into it of certain Advantages which might have accru'd to him had he been more exact in his proceedings but it does not deprive him of his Rights Where the Lives of Men lye at Stake 't would be yet more strange that an Unfortunate Person should be inforc'd to loose his Life for the bare Omission of a Formality And Nature would murmur to see any one Perish whose Innocence should in all things else appear well prov'd had not his Condemnation been grounded only upon a Mistake of that sort How much more strange would it be that in an Affair which concern'd the Lives and Welfare of so many Thousands of Stout and Faithful Subjects and constant in the Service of their Prince and who have no other Crime which their Enemies can Tax 'em with but that they bear a Conscience too delicate to submit to the Authority of another how much more strange I say would it be that in such an affair Men should not think themselves oblig'd to observe their Promises to these poor people under pretence that they had not Summon'd their Adversary's in Form to appear in Court for the Regulation of the Differences between ' em But tho there were nothing more in it the thing was Public 'T was impossible that either the Clergy or the Parlaments should be Ignorant that there was a Treaty on foot with the Reformed They saw their Assemblies their Deputations their Writings the going and coming of the Kings Commissioners 'T was the Discourse of all the Kingdom and it was Transacted in the Sight of all Europe In an affair that made so loud a Noise 't was the Fault of those that were concern'd therein if they neglected being present at the places of Debate so that if they were not there it must be attributed either to an affected Carelessness or a sly and over-reaching pretended Ignorance But in the Second Place this Objection is False The Parties that were to be Summon'd were present not after the business was concluded and the thing past all Recovery but before the Edict was verify'd that is to say by consequence before the Edict was ratify'd and pass'd in a determin'd matter This is so true that upon their Interposing many things were alter'd which had been agreed upon at Nantes I shall not here so much as take Notice that one of the King's Commissioners was a Member of that Parlament But give me leave to say that the Interposition of this Senate is sufficiently known by the several Deputations they made to the King after the Edict had been sent him to be Registre'd They heard his Remonstrances they consider'd his Objections they suffer'd him to speak more then once before they made a positive Order for Registring the Edict they Granted him some of his Demands and for other matters they gave him their Reasons Insomuch that the Command which succeeded that can pass for no other then a sort of
Assembly of Chateller and had remov'd to Sauthe twenty fourth of Novemâ—â—r the foregoing year where they had pass'd the Winter without much advancing Affairs because the Duke of Savoy being come into France about the Dispute of the Marquisate of Saluces which he had Usurp'd and the King had a mind to Recover the Council was wholly employ'd in Negotiatians and Intrigues But it seem'd they had no design to Adjourn till the Edict was Executed throughout the whole Kingdom lest it should be but disadvantageously Executed when there was no body to look after it 'T is true that the Edict forbid Assemblies of this Nature and this at Saumer seem'd to be a formal breach of this Article But they did not think they were oblig'd themselves to be the first to put the Edict in force seeing the Catholics cross'd the Execution of it with a thousand Obstacles from all sides The Place and Time made t more suspicious then ever and 't was difficult to be apprehended what the Discontents about du Plessis grumbling in that Assembly might then produce In a word what had pass'd at Fontainbleau much troubl'd Mens Minds But du Plessis never having made a general business of his own personal concerns would not deviate from his usual wont upon this occasion nor took advantage of this opportunity to trouble those who had so unworthily Treated him Besides the common Interest of Religion forbad the making a Publick concern of a pretended disadvantage of a particular Person for fear the Disgrace of this imaginary Defeat should fall upon the Doctrine of the Party However du Plessis and the Reformed in good time found the means to be Reveng'd on the Pope and to give New Cauâ—es of Mortification to the Court of Rome The Assembly nevertheless did not break up so soon and it was but the next â—â—ar after that they deliver'd the King and Court from their fear of New broils The End of the Seventh Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of NANTS BOOK VIII The Aagument of the 8th Book THE War of Savoy and the success of it The Estate of the Country of Gex The Keformed Governours of Places on the Frontiers of Italy A New Creation of Offices The Execution of the Edict different according to the plâ—ces The Negligence of the Reformed and their Prejudices The Exactness Commissioners The difficulty on the Edict of 1577. favourably taken away Limited Exercises Places of Bailliage Burying Places Appeals of Ordinances The Assembly of Saumer General Difficulties on their Institution and Alteratious in the Form of Naming ' em The Synod at Gergeau Papers Answer'd Gex Te Succession of England The Death of a little Child of the Admiral de Chatillon The Birth of the Dauphin and prediction of M. de la Riviere Notice given to the Reformed of a League form'd against ' em The general Assembly at Sainte-Foy and their matters The disgrace of the Marshal de Bouillon The Sedition at Rochelle The Spanish Cabal in the Council presses the Destruction of the Reformed in hopes to withdraw the King's Forces by a Civil War Jealousies and Fears are sowed among the Reformed whom the Assurance of being in the King's favour preserves in Peace Roni is provided of the Government of Poitou The Death of Queen Elizabeth The Character of King James the First who succeeds hâ—r Breaches of the Edict The Duke of Rohan The Recal of the Jesuits The Synod at Gap The Theses of Ferrier Professoâ—â— at Nimes His Character and that of Chauve An Article made to be inserted in the Confession of Faith which imports that the Pope is the Antichrist The King is Angry and threatens The Reasons of the Synod New Editions of the Confession of Faith where the Article is inserted The Artifices of the Court to evade this Decree The false Moderation of Clement the Eight Other Affairs of the Synod Conditions of the Recall of the Jesuits Satyrs against ' em Cotton Wounded Is made the King's Confessor The Character of that Jesuit Questions which he ought to propose to one possess'd The preservation of Geneva against the Attempts of the Duke of Savoy The palliating of this Enterprize in Writings of the Jesuits The Death of the Duchess â—f Bar. The Progress of du Perron's fortune The Treachery of an Officer of Villeroy The Intrigues of Spain in the Court of France WHile the Execution of the Edict was a foot the King made his Expedition into Savoy and in the Progress of this Journey did many things that were very obliging to the Reformed but very ungrateful to Rome The Ministers of Gâ—nema came to pay him their Respects near to St. Catherines Fort which the Duke of Savoy had caus'd to be Built to annoy the Town who made open War upon it under the Protection of France Beza being then above fourscore years Old made him a Speech and the King receiv'd him so Graciously that the Catholics were Jealous The King call'd him his Father A Title rarely us'd among the Reformed and their Pastors but of which the Monks are very Proud and which they have in a manner appropriated to themselves among the Catholics It was therefore a great Offence to them to give the same Appellation to a Minister of the Heretics and to him too who of all the Ministers since Calvin had done most hurt to the Roman Religion by his Reputation by his Counsels and by his Works On the other side the Garrison having deliver'd up this Fort to the King he restor'd it to those of Geneva who ras'd it to the Ground with all imaginable Expedition The Legat which the Pope had sent to Trear of a Peace between the King and the Duke was enrag'd at this business He complain'd and threatn'd as if the Roman Religion had been thereby brought to the Brink of certain Ruin The Edicts which were made for Heretics were never worse receiv'd at Rome then this little Accident One might have said that Geneva had been a New Carthage the preservation of which bereav'd Rome of the hopes of being the Mistress of the World However it behov'd to be pacify'd after a fruitless Clamour because 't was to be wish'd that the King were remov'd farther from Italy where the Neighbourhood of the French always causes some suspicion He was brought to consent to an Exchange of the Marquisat of Saluces for Bresse the Country of Gex Bugey and Val-romey which the Duke of Savoy not withoutsome regret surrender'd to him Those of Berne had made themselves Masters of this Country where the Neighbourhood of this Canton had introduc'd betimes the knowledge of the Reformed Religion The Dukes of Savoy had tolerated it there with a Proviso for a time so long as they were Masters there in expectation that a Council would have determin'd the Controversies But some years after the End of the Council of Trent they commanded all their Subjects to submit to the Doctrine that had prevail'd in that Assembly This rigour
doubted but of which he had given assurances to the Synod They forbad Ministers to be the first Aggressors in Disputes of Controversie It seem'd by the Measures that were taken in this Assembly to hinder the Abuse of removing Causes to the Chambres Miparties or Chambers half Protestant half Catholics that Litigious Cavils had made their advantage of their Institution But what was most remarkable of all that there pass'd is that the Brevet for 45000 Crowns for the Payment of Ministers having been given to the Churches but three years before Roni was so little â—zact in paying his brethren that there was due to 'em the Arrears of this Sum for three years Some Months after the seperation of the Synod the King Answer'd some Papers sufficiently Large that had been presented to him of which principal Articles were that the Reformed in Dauphine were Tax'd for the places of their Churches and of their Church-yards that in many places they depriv'd their poor of the General Alms and thrust their Sick out of the Hospitals that at Bourdeaux and Xaintes the Juâ—ats and Judges would have seiz'd upon the Money that was gathered for the poor at the Church-Doors that at Rouen they refus'd the Petitions presented in the Name of a Reformed Church Body or Community that at Orleans and elsewhere they tendred to the Officers at their Admission Oaths to live in the Roman Religion That at Gâ—rgeau the King's Proctor had Depos'd his substitute for the Sole Cause of Religion That at Lions the Chevalier du Guet would by Force accompany the Attendants at Funerals anâ— exacted excessive Fees and those who kept the Hospital of the Bridge of Rhone disturb'd these Funeral Attendants as much as they were able Upon all which they had all they could desire Granted 'em to Wit most severe Prohibitions against continuing to do 'em the same Injuries Nor were their two last Articles less favourably Answer'd By one of which the King was oblig'd to preserve the Churches of the Country of Gex in the same State in which he found 'em when he United it to the Crown and the other that the Reformed might Traffick in all the Duke of Savoys Dominions without fear of being disturb'd for their Consciences The King promis'd to the Inhabitants of the Country of Gex Liberty of Conscience and the exercise of their Religion as to the Rest of his Subjects This was as much as to say that he Granted 'em the Protection of his Edicts according to which the Roman Religion ought to be Re establish'd there and that for the rest things should remain there in the same condition in which they were found Because that was properly the General Rule for Executing Edicts In Effect he re-establish'd the Mass there in some time after and he sent the Baron of Lux on purpose to make this Re-establishment But he left the Reformed Churches in Possession of those Priviledges which they enjoy'd when the Country was yielded to him He refer'd the Reformed for the other Article to the Fifty third of the particulars of the Edict where what they desir'd was intirely Granted ' em At that time there was a Great business a Foot at Rome in which they would fain have engag'd the King It concern'd the Succession of England which the Pope labour'd to have settl'd in the Hands of a Catholie There was in prospect a Prince of the House of Parma and a Church man was sent over into that Island with the Title of Arch-Priest to incline the Catholics of the Country to it The King of Spain would have gotten this Crown for himself or for a Prince of his House and there were Writings dispers'd wherein the Jesuits did Impudently maintain that it was devolv'd to him The Motive of this Intrigue was Queen Elizabeths Age who in all probability 't was thought could not live long It wasnot known how she would dispose of the Suucession But it was well known that she would never leave it to a Catholic Prince And 't was fear'd that the King of Scotland her next Heir coming to the Crown might be capable of doing a great deal of hurt to the Roman Religion if he had an Affection and Zeal for the Reformed He was yet but young and as he had hitherto liv'd under a kind of Guardianship his Genius and his Inclinations were not yet known But they alter'd their measures when they knew how to hit his Humour and they carried things so far that they made use of him himself to endeavour the reducing of England to its former Obedience to the Pope But while they expected that things should come to that the King did not Rellish the Intrigue He gave his hand to the project of reducing this Kingdom to the Catholic Religion and during the rest of his Life he was the Mediator and confident of this design But he was not willing to aggrandize his Enemies by this change The other designs which he had in his Head did not require that there should be no more Protestants in Europe Chaâ—illon the Admiral 's Grandson was taken off this year by a Cannon shot in Ostend besieged by Arch-Duke Albert Never did a young Lord give greater hopes He was born for War and among the good Qualities that are necessary to a Commander he had the knack to make himself belov'd by his Souldiers whose Hearts and Confidence he had gain'd 'T is said that he had so great a Credit in thâ— Army of the Statâ—s that Prince Maurice could not forbear being Jealous Nor was he of less Authority amongst the Reformed of France who lov'd in him Virtues equal to his Fathers and Grandfathers He was continually talking of their Actions and aspir'd to no more then to imitate ' em The most Ardent of his desires was that of being like his Grandfather at the Head of the Reformed and to fight one Battle for their Interest His Merit made him lamented by the King when he heard the News of his Death But when Courtiers who always speak of the Dead or Absent what they durst not of people in a capacity of revenging themselves had drawn to the King what Picture they pleas'd of the Ambition and the Designs of this young Lord he took for a Sign of Prosperity what immediately before he look'd upon as a Subject of Grief It was in this year too that the Dauphin came into the World His Birth gave great Joy to all true French Men who by that saw all the Seeds of War suppress'd which the several pretensions to the Succession might have produc'd But that did not hinder the Spaniards from preparing all occasions of disturbance nor prevented from time to time the spreading of a Rumour that the King having promis'd Marriage to the Marchioness of Verneuil there was a doubt whither the Succession belong'd to the Children of Mary de Medicis There were some Spanish Casuists that made it a Question whether the Dispensation was fairly obtain'd In
which passage in the Scripture was the most clear to prove Purgatory and to shew the equality of the Pope's Power to that of St. Peter He demanded of it also in what time the Heresie of Calvin would be extinct He question'd it concerning the Depravation of Passages in the Scripture by the Heretics And he had Reason to ask the Lights of the Prince of Darkness concerning that because he had prepar'd a Work wherein he accus'd the version of Geneva of a great number of Falsifications He pass'd to Foreign Affairs to know what measures might be taken to Convert the King and Queen of England and all the Kingdom and which way to succeed therein with most Ease How the Turk might be Defeated and the Infidels Converted Whence it came to pass that Geneva had been so often preserv'd Then returning to the Affairs of the Kingdom he demanded something concerning the places of surety concerning Lesdiguieres and his Conversion and of the Duration of Heresie The Question about the preservation of Geneva no doubt was very Curious The Duke of Savoy made continual Attempts on this City and towards the end of the foregoing year he miss'd very narrowly of becoming Master of it He held intelligence with Blondel one of the Syndics of the City whose Treason was neither found out nor punish'd till many years But his Men already Masters of the Wall already enter'd the City and ready to force the Court of Guards that kept the Gates were nevertheless Defeated Those who were not kill'd were taken Prisoners and in the sequel were Executed as Robbers The Duke being desirous to gain that by force which he had been so near obtaining by surprise the King interven'd and told the Duke that he must expect him to be his Enemy if he push'd on the matter any farther Insomuch that the Duke was oblig'd to defer his designs till another time Geneva had implor'd succours of the Churches of France in this business and had written to their Deputies General to pray 'em to make a good Collection to assist 'em in the War which they thought to have against this formidable Neighbour and St. Germain did not fail to write concerning it throughout the whole Kingdom But the Interposition of the King deliver'd Geneva of this Dread and the Reformed of this Expence Cotton the Jesuit not being able to comprehend how Providence so openly had favour'd this Heretic City against the Pretensions of so Catholic a Prince was desirous that the Doemon should unfold to him the Mysteries of the Council of God and ask'd it whence it came that this City did never fall under the Attempts of a Neighbour much more Powerful then she All or most part of these Questions were set down in half Words But it was not hard to understand the meaning of every one of 'em did a Man but never so little understand what was the State of the Court and Religion in that time and that they were the Prospects and Intrigues of the Jesuits The Jesuit was so indiscreet as to Write all these Questions with his own hand upon a loose Leaf and to put 'em in a Book which Gillot Counsellor of the Parlament of Paris had lent him in 1603. Some years after returning the Book he forgot the Leaf which the President de Thou found there in Reading The thing seem'd too extraordinary to this Wise Magistrate not to endeavour to discover the Author of this curious Interrogatory It was plain enough that the Jesuit had a part in it because this Writing was found in a Book that came out of his Closet but the suspition turn'd into certainty when this Paper was compar'd with his Writing which it was not difficult to find The King did not Rellish this Piece of Curiosity but the Jesuit Reign'd there was no Noise to be made of it and the King call'd for the Paper to suppress it No Body could forbear Wondring at it Murmuring at it and fretting at it Many diverted themselves with it and found something very Comical in the design of questioning the Doemon not only upon Affairs of State but upon Religion upon the State and Conversion of Hearts and to take the Lights of this Doctor for Guides in understanding the Scripture Others expected that this Jesuit should have been Mortify'd at least by this Adventure But he did not much trouble himself about it because he was never the Worse for it at Court The Tractableness of his Temper his Complaisance his Flattering and insinuating behaviour maintain'd him in a Degree of Favor whose Cheats and Rashness ought to have thrown him down if the good Will of Kings were bestow'd on Merit They who have Written the Life of Cotton the Jesuit not knowing how to Reconcile this Adventure with all the Falsities which they put off in Honour of this Profligate Man bethought themselves of altering the Recital by all â—orts of Disguises Principally the Last of these Authors has gone beyond the Impudence of the other And as he has well judg'd that those who should compare the manner by which he Writes the History of him to that by which the President of Thou relates it would admire at this difference and would make no difficulty to believe this Venerable Magistrate before the Jesuit he endeavour'd to render him suspected of Passion and Infidelity upon this occasion But the Integrity and Exactness of this Wise Historian is so well Establish'd that his Testimony in things that have pass'd under his Eyes and through his Hands will always carry it in the Judgment of honest Men upon that from the whole Order of Jesuits That which these Authors say then that the Jesuit had not set down in this Writing but that which was permitted him by the Canons to demand of a Doemon is altogether a pure invention to Disguise the Truth There are also great variety of Copies of it which appear'd in Publick 'T is true the Jesuits themselves might sow among the people Memoirs made at pleasure to perswade those that will not ascend back again to the very source that it was a piece of Malice that was intended against their Society that every one mingling therein what came into his mind thereupon arose this multitude of Writings differing from one another But it was impossible that the President de Thou and the Counsellor Gillot Roni and the King himself who had seen the Original Piece before the thing became Publick should suffer themselves to be Cheated by this Artifice The Verification of the Writing which the Jesuit caus'd to be made by these who were most immediately at his Devotion without Form of Justice without having any party that took Notice of it and upon such a Writing that he pleas'd to produce to 'em because the Original could no be found by what his Historian says is a Trick that ought not to prevail against the Testimony of those Magistrates who had had the Original in their Hands ond who before they
to the King's Desire and to be pleas'd in the mean time to accept the two Deputies which were nominated to him by the Synod they were Villarnoul and Mirande Persons of great credit amongst the Reform'd and very zealous for the Publick Good Tho the Synod had positive orders to treat about nothing but what related to their Discipline it did not hinder them from examining several things relating to the advantage of their Churches which passed under the notion of the Instructions they were to give their Deputies and the Articles of their Petitions The deliverance of several Prisoners that were detained at Paris and elsewhere upon the account of Religion The pursuit of the establishment of the Churches where the free liberty of the exercise of their Religion was either hindered or contested The naturalization of the Reform'd Refugies of the Marquisate of Saluces The care of restraining the insolence of the Monks who often made seditious Enterprizes as it happened at Alencon where a Capuchine had affix'd injurious Libels and at La Roche foucault where the White-Fryars had often insulted the Reform'd The Affair of one Mascla who had a great Suit depending about his Mothers Burial which had cost him 7 or 8000 Livers Foreign Ministers who desired Letters of Naturalization The removing of Causes granted to the prejudice of the Jurisdiction of the Courts notwithstanding the Regulations that had been often promis'd upon that Subject were the main things the New Deputies took upon them Above all the exemption of the Ministers was recommended to them for which Letters Patents had already been obtained which the Court of Aids had already verify'd The Synod allow'd the Deputies of the City of Rochel to assist at their deliberation about the Affair of the Deputies and their Instructions by reason that it was a Political concern and that Rochel held the Rank of a Province in the Assemblies in which they treated of Affairs of that nature That Synod enjoy'd the same Liberty others had had in relation to Strangers They receiv'd Letters from Princes and from Protestant Universities and some Ministers either actually assisted at the Synod or were invited to it by the Churches tho no Natives of France But Rochel gave the Court some Discontents by their calling one Malwin a Scotch Minister He was a Prisoner in England upon the account of some Words or Writings he was accus'd of against King James and his Council That Prince to get rid of him granted him to the Rochelois declaring positively that he only gave him his Liberty on condition that he should depart his Territories and that he should go to exercise his Ministry in France This was a happy kind of Banishment in which Malwin would have found considerable advantage But one Primrose another Foreign Minister call'd to the Service of the Church of Bourdeaux reveal'd that Secret to the King in order the better to obtain leave to settle himself in that advantagious Post He might well be positive in the Matter since he was the person that had been employ'd to carry the Letters from Rochel to the King of England and who had brought that Prince's answer back again Thus Private Interest began to divide the Party and even the best among them suffer'd themselves to be drawn into little Infidelities against the General Cause The King found fault with two things in the proceeding of those of Rochel in the Case of Malwin First the manner because they had call'd him without the King's leave Secondly The person by reason that the man who was a Prisoner in England for an Offence against the Government was not proper for France where the disposition of Affairs did not permit to tolerate Persons of that Character and yet less at Rochel than any where else considering their inclination for Liberty which they indulg'd more than they ought to have done according to the Policy of Monarchies Sulli writ to the Rochelois to come to justify themselves in case they were accus'd wrongfully or to beg pardon if they were guilty But the Affair stop'd there without being attended with any ill consequences During these Transactions Chamier lost his time at the Court where he had been sent by the Synod to offer the King the Nomination of Villarnoul and Mirande and the Remonstrances of the Assembly upon the dependencies of that Affair He had been there above six Months and yet had not been able to obtain the honour to speak to the King His Person was dislik'd he being one of those Fools of the Synod the King had an aversion to one of those hard Sculs that nothing works upon of those hearts which neither threats or promises could move tho they are the strongest Machines of Courts Neither perhaps was he more acceptable to Cotton the Jesuit with whom he had formerly had a conference at Nimes in which both of them as it is most usual pretended to have the better of the other The truth is that the Jesuit had dazl'd the Auditors by Eloquent Digressions which made them lose every moment the Subject of the Dispute and that Chamier whose Arguments had much more solidity and Scholarship in them had reduc'd the Jesuit to save himself by that Artifice Those who have written the Life of that Jusuit say enough to show us that the sharpness of Chamier would have put that Hero to a stand had he not warded the Blow by Eloquence and Discourses wide from the purpose which he had at command But the Affairs Chamier came about were yet more disagreeable than his Person The King refus'd to accept the Nomination that had been made by the Synod because it was not according to the Form prescrib'd in the Brief The Council disapprov'd two things alike one of which was of necessity to be allow'd They were oblig'd either to receive the Deputies the Synod presented which could not be done handsomly the King having so positively declar'd that he did not like that Nomination or to allow a General Assembly as the only way to accommodate that Affair which was a thing the Council never did willingly They would perhaps have been glad to tire Chamier's patience by making him wait and so oblige him to give over his Suit but it was difficult to send him back without some satisfaction by reason that the Reform'd having no body at that time to mind their Affairs they daily grew worse La Noue and du Cros had no longer any power being discharg'd by the Synod Villarnoul and Mirande could not do it neither because the King would not accept them Thus the Complaints made by the Reform'd remain'd unanswer'd The Evils that requir'd speedy remedy receiv'd none Therefore all things rightly consider'd the Council thought it best to allow them to call an Assembly but that Permission was accompanied with such Limitations that no considerable Advantages could be expected from it The Matters they were to treat of were prescrib'd to them they had not
grounded on Fraud and Treachery would soon get the upper hand of the Court and that Promises would only serve as a mask to surprise the credulity of the People Therefore the Court looked upon the Reform'd as those that were best able to do a great deal of harm in those places where they were the strongest incase they would make use of their advantages But those who liv'd in places where the smallness of their number expos'd them to be insulted upon took measures which put the Court to a greater loss yet because they might perswade those who lived in distant Provinces that the Reform'd could expect no good from the Government Insomuch that many of those who found themselves too weak to make a defence retir'd in divers places where they expected to find their safety as if there had been cause to fear a second St. Bartholomew at the first Sedition This Terror not only disturb'd the minds of the People it also turn'd the Duke of Sully's brains who made a false step which serv'd for a spetious pretence to ruin him As he was a going to the Louvre upon the news of the King's Death meeting with some Lords by the way whom he invited to serve the young King and the Queen faithfully they answering him that it was a thing they were resolv'd to make others promise he immediately went back and shut himself up in the Bastille Then took up all the Bread he could meet with at the Bakers and caus'd it to be carried into the Castle as if he had been affaid of being starved there and was resolv'd to take in Provisions to sustain a Siege It is evident that grief and surprise depriv'd him of his usual Prudence and Courage but at the same time it is most certain that any other Man would have been as much at a loss had he been in his place He had reason to fear not only that his places were in danger of being taken from him but also of being called to an account for what he had got during the time of his being in Favour which was considerable enough to create a jealousie So much the rather too because he had kept all the Kings favours to himself and had imparted his good Fortune to nobody Whatever side he turn'd himself on he beheld none but Enemies the Reform'd accused him of Coldness and Neglect The Bigots beheld his Credit with Trouble because he was an Heretic He had displeased all the Courtiers by his abrupt uncivil behaviour The Queen hated him because he had often taken the late Kings part against her and that the Italians that were in her service had egg'd her on against him All these reflections crouding at once into his mind it is not to be wondered at if he found himself astonished especially because he had not a Genious to take proper Resolutions and expedients of a sudden he requir'd retirement and a little meditation to think after which he commonly chose pretty well His Terrors were also increas'd by some secret advices he received to look to himself As it had been in his power to buy Spies while he had the direction of the Treasury he was informed that as soon as the King's Death was known at Court the Queen and her Confidents let fall some words which threatened him Personally He was also informed that a secret Council had been held at the Nuncios in which he had been mentioned and that it behoved him to think of his safety A Princess whom he had ingaged in his interest by causing her Pensions to be paid with ease sent him the same advice All this being considered a little Terror was excusable and another perhaps would have been guilty of the same weakness But he did not maintain the first step he had made he went to Court the very next day upon some words of Civility that were brought to him from the Queen where that Princess received him very well and the King who was too young and of too easie a disposition not to follow his Mothers instructions in all things â—ooked kindly upon him Those Civilities blinded him and whereas he had formerly given the Queen and those she â—ov'd great causes of discontent which he had a mind to reâ—rieve he fell into another extream and offered his Services to them in terms which favoured a little of lowness He had soon after cause enough given him to repent it and to discover that they only entertained him kindly at first to laugh at him Some have been of opinion that he was obliged for the good treatment he received at first to the ready Money he had in the Bastille which they had a mind to get out of his hands for fear that in case they should have disoblig'd him he might have us'd it to his own advantage and perhaps to Arm the Reform'd in his behalf The Marshal de Bouillon who made himself fear'd by his Credit was the soonest gain'd of any He did not so much as tarry till he was courted to it he offer'd himself and made advances to the Queens Favourites which many people thought below him But there was also a necessity of satisfying the Reform'd and as it behov'd the Queen in order to maintain her Authority not to take possession of the Regency by broils she apply'd herself earnestly about it after she was once certain of it She met no great difficulty in it The Reform'd ever possess'd with the same genius desired nothing but their Bellys full of Preaching and the only way to obtain every thing from them was but to promise them the observation of the Edicts Therefore upon the very first propositions made by their Deputies General the Court granted them a confirmation of the Edict of Nantes in all the Points and Articles of it together with that of all the other Articles Regulations and Decrees granted and given upon the interpretation or upon the execution of that solemn Law The Declaration thereof was expedited on the 29th of May and verified within a few days after They would not have made so much haste about it but that they were afraid of giving those People that were allarm'd a specious pretence of taking measures together for their defence Moreover the said Declaration was couch'd in terms fit to remove the jealousies and suspicions of the most Difident insomuch that if expressions had not a very different sence in the Edicts of Kings from the Common acceptation it was sufficient to perswade the Reform'd that they should have at least as much quiet under the Government of the Son as under the Protection of the Father But they soon discover'd that those Magnificent promises were only agreeable Illusions We may judge of the stile of the Declaration by four principal things that were set out in it The first was that all the King's Subjects both Catholicks and those of the P. R. Religion endeavour'd by a laudable emulation to out do one another in
and that the whole Kingdom was in expectation to see what the said Assembly woâ—… produce which had been formerly the remedy of the peoples Grievances and the defence of their Liberties â—â— she had observ'd by the success of the last States that 〈…〉 was not impossible to make a different use of it and 〈…〉 oppress by means of the States those who expected protection and assistance by them In order whereunto she 〈…〉 what Pius the 4th had done with the Councils which 〈…〉 Predecessors stood so much in awe of He made use 〈…〉 them to break the bonds which those Assemblies wâ—… us'd to give to the authority of his See and to reform thâ—â— Princes that had a mind to reform him Thus the Queâ—â— took measures to make the States serve to maintain 〈…〉 Power and to colour the oppression of the people Therefore she resolv'd to make the Declaration of the King Majority before the Overture of the State not doubâ—â— but tho she thereby lost the Regency it would be 〈…〉 for her to preserve the Authority of it The King was 〈…〉 easie so young and so well dispos'd by the Educatioâ— and by the discourse of his Confessor and others whom 〈…〉 Queen had put about him to be Govern'd by her that theâ—â— was no likelihood she should Reign less absolutely undâ—â— her Sons name for the future than she had done 〈…〉 then The only way to maintain her Power was to makâ— that Prince speak whose Will ought to be more respectâ—â— being declar'd Major than when it seem'd inspir'd 〈…〉 him by his Mothers directions The Overture of the States being appointed on the 15th October at Paris the Queen carried the King to the Parâ—ent on the 2d of the said month to take the Act of Majority and to verifie the Declaration of the preâ—â—ing day who after having prais'd Almighty God for 〈…〉 prosperity he had granted to the State and reâ—ed the Queen thanks for her prudent conduct during Regency contain'd four or five Articles certainly â—thy to be the first Laws of a Prince who was to maâ—â— his State for the future himself and to trust no longer â—â—e viâ—ilency of others The first confirm'd the Edict of â—tes and all the Articles Regulations and Decrees that been granted to the Reform'd touching its Interpretaâ—… and Execution The second condemn'd all Corresponâ—â—â—cies Leagues and Associations at home and abroad 〈…〉 Deputations made to Foreign Princes whither â—nds or Foes without leave under any pretence whatâ—… The third depending on that forbad all those who â—iv'd Sallarys Pay or Pensions from the King to reâ—e any from any other Prince or Lord and to beat Arms â—ollow any body but the King on pain of losing their â—â—oyments Sallarys and Pensions The fourth renew'd all Ordinances against Duels without any hopes of Mercy 〈…〉 last did the same against Blasphemies and order'd the â—ent Ordinances to be publish'd a new In order to Judge â—â—e Justice necessity of the third Article we must observe there were several persons in the King's Pay who apâ—â—d themselves nevertheless to the service of certain Lords â—…m they look'd upon as their Patrons whose Will was a â—eraign Law to them In the progress the Court had â—…y made it was observ'd that two Lords follow'd the â—…g who had each of them 500 Horse to attend them â—…as glorious for the King to Command such potent â—â—â—jects but it was uncertain whether such Subjects would â—ays obey and Policy could not permit the King to pay â—â—nds and Creatures to his Subjects to act against him On the day the Queen had appointed the Deputies 〈…〉 the Provinces repair'd to Paris and made the Overture 〈…〉 the States There had been great Brigues in the Provinces 〈…〉 obtain the nomination of persons that were at the devotiâ—â— of those who design'd to profit by that Assembly The Queâ—â— had us'd her utmost endeavours to have them favourablâ— The Prince of Conde had omitted no means to get 〈…〉 strongest Party there and whereas the Publick Good 〈…〉 his Interest seem'd to be link'd together he had east found such as did embrace his Party altho he had 〈…〉 wherewith to make gratification like the Queen He wâ—â— particularly seconded by the third Estate which commâ—â—ly is the only one that keeps to the right Cause by reasâ—â— that being the first on which the weight of oppression lighâ— they are also the first that oppose the progress of Slaver The Prince had much ado to resolve to come to Court â—â—ter the mortification he had receiv'd His weakness had 〈…〉 of the Queens Power and he was afraid that coming 〈…〉 Court after an Affront for which he had receiv'd so 〈…〉 satisfaction he would make but a melancholly figure thâ—â— But the Queen would have him there by reason that otheâ—wise whatever she should cause to be ordain'd without 〈…〉 should want weight and effect and that on the first oâ—â—â—sion he should have to create new Troubles she should 〈…〉 oblig'd to begin a new She was resolv'd to ruin 〈…〉 Power by the means of the Estates in order to break 〈…〉 his measures for the future She would have met with no success in that enterprise 〈…〉 there been any Faith in the Clergy or Vigor in the Nobâ—lity But the Clergy spoil'd all according to their usual â—â—stom and betray'd the King and Kingdom for their partiâ—â—lar interest The Court engag'd them on their side 〈…〉 Complaisance and benefits and they ingag'd the Nobiliâ—â— on theirs and those two bodys being joyn'd oppressed 〈…〉 third Estate There are natural seeds of discord amâ—… those divers orders of the Kingdom The two first are 〈…〉 burdened with the Charge of the State and little valuâ— â—â—e grievances of the third which bears them all and the â—hird on the contrary having ever Complaints and Reâ—onstrances to make against the two others who seldom â—are their Blood and Labour and are very Liberal at their â—ost The Clergy having began by Masses Processions and â—â—e Communion to which they invited the other two reâ—â—lv'd to secure the Nobility and to dispose them to joyn â—ith them to act together They apply'd themselves about 〈…〉 by Deputations in form and by particular Intrigues The â—â—rongest machine they set at work even publickly was inâ—â—rest They represented to the Nobility of what use Benefiâ—es were for the Children of Noble Families They perâ—â—aded them that those two Orders made properly but one â—ody since the Clergy was for the most part compos'd of â—entlemen dedicated to the Church who possess'd the Reâ—enues of it and that therefore the Nobility ought to be â—â—ited to an Order of which they partak'd the Riches and â—ignity so advantageously In reallity Benefices are the â—â—source of the Nobility which being ruin'd in the King's â—â—rvice have no better way to maintain or to raise their â—ortunes than to make Ecclesiasticks of their younger â—ons and Nuns of their Daughters while they only keep the â—â—dest to preserve
his Motions He declar'd that he would look upon those to be Enemies to the State who should refuse to sign the Peace Moreover he was accus'd of having ingag'd himself to the King's Commissioners by writing to March against the Assembly and to make War against them in case they should disown what their Deputies had done or should continue their Session beyond the Term granted to them The Duke de la Trimouille his Nephew who was Young and Easie and who did not tread long in his Father's Steps did the same in Imitation of his Uncle But the Marshal de Bouillon design'd thereby to show that he was the Moving Spirit of the Party that his Advice was sufficient to incline them to War and his Threatnings to make them accept a Peace The Assembly gave him no cause to proceed to Extreams against them They submitted to the Treaty they did Nominate Deputies General And Berteville to whom the Marshal had given hopes of obtaining that Deputation was Elected according to his Promise Maniald was joyn'd with him After which the Assembly Dissolv'd it self without staying until the time that was granted them This Treaty was thus publish'd and Intitl'd An Edict given at Blois in the Month of May. It contain'd 54 Articles among which those that had a relation to the Publick Good were soon Converted into Illusions by the turn of Affairs that follow'd soon after Most of them only contain'd such things as are commonly imploy'd in general Pardons The Third Article was in favour of the Roman Catholick Religion which was to be restor'd in all Places where their Worship had been Interrupted during the Troubles Their Ministers were maintain'd in the Liberty of their Functions in the Injoyment of their Estates and in the Possession of their Houses of which the Restitution was order'd The Fourth was a weak Injunction to make Inquities into the Death of the late King under pretence that the King was inform'd that his Officers had been remiss in it notwithstanding their having receiv'd express Orders about it from the Queen both by word of Mouth and in Writing and the King promis'd to Write to all the Bishops of the Kingdom to cause the Decree of the Council of Constantia to be publish'd in their respective Diocesses which speaks of the Life of Kings and Soveraign Princes The Fifth revers'd a Decree of Suspension of those which the Parliament of Paris had given in favour of the Independency of Kings provided that such things as were Imported by those Decrees should remain unperform'd which had not been put in execution yet which related to the Assembly of the Princes and Officers of the Crown with the Parliament in order to the Reformation of the State That is the King revers'd those Decrees in Terms which seem'd only to reverse the Suspension of them The Sixth presupposing that the Court had gone a great way in answering of the Cahiers of the Estates General promis'd that they would proceed in it without any Discontinuation The King ingag'd himself by the Seventh to Examine the Article of the Third Estate But he did not oblige himself to pass it into a Law The next Imported that the King would give no more considerable Places to Foreigners But he destroy'd the said Promise at the same time reserving to himself the Power of bestowing them on such under the pretence of singular Merit or of great Services Some others follow'd these in Course which seem'd to be useful to the State but were couch'd in Terms as Illusory as the preceeding The Fourteenth confirm'd the Edicts and all that related to them The next Created a new Office of Councellor in the Parliament of Paris to be given to one of the Reform'd in the room of that of Berger who had only chang'd his Religion on condition that he should not be dispossessed of the said Office The Sixteenth restor'd the free Exercise of the Reform'd Religion in all places where it had been Interrupted upon the account of the Troubles The Seventeenth allow'd the Proceedings of the Prince of Conde and of his Adherents both Catholicks and Reform'd Even of those who compos'd the Assembly of Nimes which was at Rochel at the time of this Edict The Twentyfourth only related to Rochel The Forty seventh ordain'd the Restitution of the Places which had been seiz'd by the Adherents of the Prince And whereas Tartas had been taken by Surprize from the Reform'd the King order'd the present Restitution of the same before they should proceed to the Restitution of the others But in order to punish the People as it is common for the folly of the Great ones the King re-establish'd some old Impositions which he had occasion for to pay the Peace he was oblig'd to buy There were also private Articles which were no less important than the General ones The last promis'd 1500000 Livres to the Prince of Conde and the Lords of his Party The Court had no mind they should be seen by the Parliament for fear of Contradictions Therefore they were sent to them Seal'd up and the 53 of the General Articles was very positive in ordering them to be put in Execution The First maintain'd the Gallick Church in its Liberties The Second disown'd the pursuit of the Clergy for the publication of the Council of Trent and promis'd that it should have no Effect The Third excepted Leitoure from the Article about the Restitution of Places because there was a Dispute between Fontrailes and Angalin about the Captainship of the Castle The Dispute was begun before the War which was the reason that Fontrailles favour'd the surprising of the said place by the Duke of Rohan who turn'd out his Competitor He made a shift to maintain himself in it until the year 1620 and then only quitted it upon good Terms In the mean while the Article Imported that until the decision of the Dispute the King would deposit it into the Hands of an Exempt of his Guards or some other Reform'd Officer The Fourth regulated a very particular Affair Villemereau Councellor in the Parliament of Paris and le Maitre one of the Masters of Accounts of the said Court had embrac'd the Reform'd Religion The Courts which they belong'd to had hinder'd them from Exercising their said Imployments upon that Account The Reform'd took it very much to heart and seeing that Berger did not lose his place tho' he was turn'd Catholick they pretended that the others ought not to be us'd worse for embracing the Reform'd Religion The Catholicks urg'd that the Number of Reform'd Counsellors was Limited to Six by the Edict and that therefore Villemereau's place ought to be taken from them or at most that they could only pretend to keep it in compensation of that of Berger The Reform'd on the other Hand pretended that the Edict only Limited the Offices they were to have of necessity but that it did not baâ— their Access to all others which they were declar'd
vigorously press'd They were afraid that the Marshal a'Ancre after this being Proud of their Defeat and moreover an Enemy to the Reform'd would inflict a Punishment upon them for the Resolutions taken at Nâ—â—es which had reduc'd him upon the very Brink of the Precipice But his unexpected fall remov'd the pretence of those Terrors When Fortune seem'd to have plac'd him above the reach of his Enemies a Tragical End was preparing for him by means which he never could foresee nor prevent The King was hardly minded at Court He was young and of a Weak Constitution He Lov'd Hawking and Music and pass'd his time in those little Amusements leaving the sole Authority of the Government to the Queen his Mother He was nevertheless Jealous of his Power even to Excess though he neither understood it nor could injoy it During the whole Course of his Life he never could exert it himself nor suffer it into the Hands of another It was equally impossible for him not to raise his Favourites to a vast degree of Power and to endure them when Possess'd of that Grandeur to which he had rais'd them himself By making them Rich he put them in a State to displease him The Excess of his Complaisance for them was as it were the first degree of his Hatred And I question whither an Example could be found in his History of any Favourite whose Death or Ruin he was concern'd for But his Sentiments were conceal'd in his own heart And whereas he only Communicated them to few those who are of Opinion that there is always a Mystery in the Conduct of Princes accus'd him of a Black and profound Dissimulation To say the Truth the reason of his silence was that he neither confided in himself nor in others and that he had a great deal of Timorousness and Weakness Most of those who have spoken of him acknowledge that he had Courage and that he did not lose his Judgment in danger that he lov'd and understood War that he was a good Scholar but that he was not capable of Reigning There was a Man about him whom no body was Jealous of because his parts were too mean to be fear'd He was suffer'd with him as a Man who amus'd him with the pleasure of Hawking which those who had the Authority were very well pleas'd to see him imploy'd about to the â—nd that they might do what they pleas'd They say that this Man begun to insinuate himself into the King's Favour by â— present he made him of two Wary Angles taught to Fly â—t small Birds in Hedges This Animal is not much larger than a Sparrow and is naturally addicted to peck others â—nd to keep them from his Nest So that Application and Care may easily form him for that small War to which he â—s naturally inclin'd This Present Inchanted the King who â—ook a great deal of Pleasure to see those little Birds imitate those of a higher Flight They diverted him at all times â—n Rainy Weather hâ— made them fly in his Chamber or in some Gallery He affected to go often to Mass to the Capuâ—ins their House being conveniently Seated to afford him that pleasure by reason that his way thither was through â—he Thuileries a Royal Garden in which he met with Birds which he caus'd to be taken by those Wary Angles He had a little Net set up at the End of the Hedge into which those Birds being thus pursued never fail'd to Intangle themselves and he took abundance of pleasure to see them pluck'd by those little Animals which he often carried himself upon his Finger with Bells and Varvels like Hawks And lâ—st that Pleasure should fail him sometimes for want of Birds he caus'd abundance to be taken and bred which he never set free again but to be taken by those Wary Angles Whereas the Reader may perhaps never find in any other Book which were the beginnings of the greatest Fortune that ever a Subject was rais'd to I thought I might make this digression to oblige him The Person I am speaking of was Luines a Man almost unknown and even during whose Favour some question'd whither he was born a Gentleman It is certain at least that he was very Poor And 't is reported that when he came first to Paris with Brantes and Cadenet his two Brothers they had but one Cloak amongst them which they wore by turns two of them remaining at home while the other was in the City or at Court about their common Affairs No Body thought him capable to perswade the King to any thing but the Pleasures of Hawking But they were mistaken and Luines having found the Ascendent he had over the King's Mind made use of it to destroy the Marshal d'Ancres Whither he were put upon it by the Male-contents who had gain'd him or whither he were Animated by the Spaniards who dreaded the Marshal's growing so Powerful as to have no longer occasion for them or whither he design'd to raise his Fortune upon the Ruins of that Wretch he took the advantage of the King's Foible which he knew and stuff'd his Head with Jealousies and Vexations against those who abus'd his Authority and Treasure Three Men serv'd Luines in that design Deagean a Suttle Violent and Ambitious Man who was first Clerk to Barbin the Queen's Creature betray'd his Master and came every Night to give the King an Account how they play'd with his Power Marcillac an inconsiderable Person who Traffick'd for his Service seconded in the day time by his Discourse what the other had advanc'd Desplans a Souldier in the Guards had a share in the said Conspiracy Deagean was the only Man of Parts among them But he had too much Genius for Luines who in order to be rid of him bounded his Fortune to a Place of President in the Chamber of Accompts of Grenoble where he sent him to reside under pretence of watching the Conduct of Lesdiguieres The King being perswaded by those Agents of Luines who among other things never fail'd to acquaint him with the Murmurs of the People against the disorders of the Government was at a Loss which way to rid himself of his Wardship He had a mind to Fly to Meaux there to Summon his Subjects from all Parts to his Assistance Some propos'd to him to go to the Parliament upon some Pretence and there to cause the Marshal to be seiz'd in his Presence and to give an Order for his Tryal But Luines either Dreading the King's Weakness or the Queen's Authority chose to have him Seiz'd in the Louvre The King gave Order to Vitri to do it who apparently had receiv'd secret Orders from Luines about it to whom the King having sent him back again to know his Pleasure he carry'd the thing farther than it was design'd He caus'd him to be kill'd on the 4th of April under pretence that he had leave so to do in case he made any resistance Yet he
the Suspension of the Rights of France in favour of a King of Navar who having been depriv'd of part of his Dominions and reduc'd to retire with all his Court in Bearn had not been prosecuted for the said Hommage upon the account of his Zeal for the Service of France for fear of adding Affliction to the Afflicted They deny'd that ever the said Province was Infranchis'd by Charles Martel as they pretended They alledg'd the Example of the Re-union of Bretagne which had been done notwithstanding the pretensions of the People who thought their Country Independent of the Crown and who had formerly given the Name of Mauclere to one of their Dukes Nam'd Peter because thâ—â— not understanding his Rights he had acknowledg'd himself a Vassal of France So that they claim'd a Right deriv'd from an Injustice committed against the Brittons even contrary to the Articles of the Treaty made with them when Charles VIII Marry'd their last Dutchess to do the same to the Bearnois These are the Maxims of those who pretend to change the Nature of things by saying I will have it so What they have done once whither justly or unjustly becomes an Example for the future and whereas they have done it maugre the Complaints and Murmurings of the Parties concern'd they have acquir'd a Right of doing the same as often as new Occasions offer themselves In the next place they endeavoured to prove That the withdrawing of Bearn from the rest of the Crown would be liable to a Thousand Inconveniencies that considering what had happen'd to Navar by the Invasion of the Spaniards who had Usurp'd it from a Prince who was too weak to defend it every body ought to desire to see Bearn Incorporated in a State potent enough to defend it That its situation at the Foot of the Mountains which serve for a Barrier to the two Kingdoms requir'd to be united to that on the side of which it was seated Moreover that they had no Intentions to ruine the Privileges of that Principality nor to meddle with the Soveraignty of their Laws That it was necessary to create â— Parliament there not as in a Conquer'd Country to keep them within the Bounds of Obedience but to honour it as a Country in which Henry the Great was Born That there were many Examples in Antiquity of Honours done to places â—…hat were remarkable by the Birth of great Princes That it was necessary to preserve the old Laws and Customs of the Bearnois and to dismember some Lands that were under the â—…urisdiction of the other Parliaments in order to afford a larger extent of Jurisdiction to that which should be Created in Bearn They added to all this great Elogies of Marquemont Arch-Bishop of Lyons who had seconded this Proposition in the last Estates They represented that Re-union as very advantagious for the whole Kingdom of France which would â—hereby be freed on that side of forcing Incursions and for the Country of Bearn it self who would become a sharer in the Glory and Happiness of the rest of the Kingdom Finally 〈…〉 order to render the Reform'd Odious as if the Opposition â—…d only proceed from them and from a Spirit of Faction â—…e Author spoke of that Re-union or Conjunction as of a â—…hing which the Bearnois earnestly desir'd and he begg'd it â—…f the King in their Names in very pressing Terms Nevertheless the Bearnois in general were very distant from â—…hat Thought and the major part of the Catholicks concurred with the Reform'd in the Design to prevent that Important Innovation There were none but the Clergy seconded by the House of Grammont which was at odds with La Force â—…nd some others either too Credulous or prejudic'd by Bigotry or such as expected to raise their Fortunes by such an â—lteration who further'd that Enterprize No body was ignorant that the Clergy were the Authors of the aforesaid Dissertation and none look'd upon them to be so well inclin'd to the Publick Good as only to design the advantage of others Moreover there was something very singular in that the design of that Re-union had been Inspir'd by the Council of Spain which endeavour'd it with all their might Imagining perhaps that those People who are naturally hot and presumptuous would never suffer their contractual Laws to be Violated without taking up Arms to maintain them Or that the Reform'd Churches of France would never behold the ruine of â—hose of that Province without renewing the Civil Wars It is most certain at least that during the delays of that Affair Spain did powerfully excite the Council of France They furnish'd the Reasons and Proofs which were alledg'd against the pretensions of the Bearnois and which were visibly taken out of the Titles of Convents or Spanish Historians out of the Registers of Barcelonna the Archieves of the Metropolitan Church of Tarracona and other places Several Libels which were dispers'd upon that Subject which seem'd to be Printed at Avignon were nevertheless brought from Spain It was easily prov'd by the way by which they were brought and even without that it was easie to judge at the first reading that Spain had a hand in them The Stile of the League was apparent in them which in all their Writings mention'd the King of Spain One of those Libels after having admonish'd the King not to suffer himself to be persuaded out of it added these Words What would the Prince of the Church say What would the Catholick King say What would the Emperor say Which sufficiently shew'd that those Forreign Powers had a hand in it Persons of Judgment easily saw that the Promises of preserving the Rights and Privileges of that little state were nothing but an Illusion Since the method they observ'd to effect the said Re-union violated their most Essential Rights which consisted in not being members of another Body but to be a Body a part although in the Hands and under the Authority of the same Master Besides according to the Constitution of that Principality no Law could be made there nor revers'd unless by the Approbation of the Prince and the Estates Whereas the Prince would make that Re-union like an absolute Master contrary to the desire and in spite of the opposition of the People which was properly to trample upon the Law which they call'd Fundamental and Contractual As for the Reform'd they were very sensible that the Council would not stop there That this first step was only a Tryal to reduce the Reform'd Religion in Bearn on the same Terms as it was in the rest of the Kingdom The Policy of our Days would not allow such Countries as were not united to the Crown at the time of the Edict of Nantes to injoy the Privileges of that Edict because they could not be design'd to be â—…mprehended in it at that time But yet under Lewis XIII it â—ould needs have it that at whatever time the said Re-union â—…as made it was sufficient to introduce
concerning the Rights of Bearn and he added divers Reflexions to it upon the Violation of Promises and upon the omission of the usual Formalities in the Decree of Restoration This among others was of great Consequence Dâ— Vaiâ— had assisted at the Judgment by virtue of his quality of Lord Keeper though being a Bishop he ought not to sit in the Council when the Affairs of the Reform'd were treated there according to the Answer made to the fourth Article of the Cahier of Loudun in which the King declar'd expresly that the Ecclesiasticks should withdraw whenever those Affairs were treated of there He observ'd the Unjust Precipitation of that Decree made after having return'd all the Writings and Productions to the Parties â—s if they had design'd to give it over notwithstanding which â—t had been judg'd without any new Adjournment given to the Parties concern'd And to the end they might not say that they had examin'd all the said Writings before the returning of them he gives a List of several other Acts which he design'd to joyn to the first Productions He observ'd that the Reimplacement promis'd by the King might be evaded by the Capricio of a Treasurer whereupon he cited the Example of the Country of Gex and of Bearn it self where the like Promises had prov'd ineffectual That the Demesne of Bearn was unalienable That the attribution of a perpetual Usufructuary was a real Alienation and consequently that the Reimplacement would only serve to render the Reform'd the more odious as injoying such an Income by a Title contrary to the Rights of the Country That without touching Regulations so often confirm'd the King might have given the Reimplacement to the Bishops who would have injoy'd it without fear of being depriv'd of it again whereas the Churches being oblig'd to accept it they might get it revok'd when they pleas'd That the King might think it a burthen to his Conscience at some time or other to see his Revenues imploy'd for the maintenance of the Reform'd Churches since it would not permit him then to suffer the Ecclesiastical Lands to serve for that use and that it was to be fear'd that the same Conscience would oblige him to take the Places of Surety from the Reform'd He also argued about the dispute of the Tithes maintaining that they are not due as a ground Rent but as a Religious Duty which cannot be paid by the Earth but by Persons and concluded that the Reform'd could not pay them to the Clergy with a safe Conscience In the next place he prov'd a Prescription of 40 Years and answer'd the two Exceptions of the Clergy viz. That it had been interrupted by the Protestations the Clergy had enter'd against it from time to time and that there can be no Prescription against the Roman Church unless of a hundred Years He reply'd to the first that as often as the Clergy had renew'd their Contestation they had been cast And to the second that in Bearn that Right is of â—â— force against the Old Law nor in France against Royal Ordinances He did not forget that in all the Writings that were made against Bearn absolute Power was sounded high and that they were not asham'd to publish that the pretentions of Bearn were good in time of old while they had a particular Lord but that belonging now to a King of France the Case was alter'd That is to say That the King 's Right was only force which according to the Opinion of the most Equitable â—n France is only a Right among Barbarians Whereas the Apology was only grounded on the Laws of the State very different from the particular Will of the Prince which may â—ary according to time while the others are constant and unvariable He upbraided the Jesuits with their Parricides and their Doctrine concerning the Authority of Kings and return'd the Catholicks some of the Darts they us'd to Lance against the Reform'd call'd the King Abraham the Roman Church and the King of Spain Hagar and Ishmael and the Reform'd and their Church Isaac and Sarah complaining that Agar and â—hmael would turn out Isaac and the true Children of the House unknown to Abraham And finally he protested in the Name of the Reform'd that not being the Agressors they would not be responsible for the Evils that might insue if being attackt they should be forced to make a Lawful defence He implor'd the assistance of all those that were of the same Belief and of all those that lov'd the good of the State lest those should expose themselves to the reproach made to Meroâ— by the Israelites Jâ—g 5. v. 23. of not being come to the assistance of the Lord and these to the Curtesie of the Cyclop He pretended this recourse to be founded on Right and Examples He tax'd the Favourite by the by of injoying Imployments which were only due to Princes of the Blood And he insinuated that the King had been the greatest gainer by the Treaty of Loudun and the Assembly which met at Rochel at the time of the Fall of the Marshal d' Ancre While Affairs were in this State in Bearn the Queen Mother was tyr'd with Blois where she was under Confinement as in an honourable kind of Prison Luines who had a mind to know her Secrets put a thousand unworthy Tricks upon her and Fool'd her and the Duke of Rohan pretending to come to an Accommodation with that Princess in order to discover those in whom she repos'd a Confidence He even made use of the Treachery of Arnoux the Jesuit who under pretence of Confession discover'd whatever she had upon her heart which he acquainted the Favourite with who improv'd it to his own advantage The Jesuit after so base a piece of Treachery disdain'd to excuse it and thought it sufficient in order to cover the Infamy of so base an Action to say that he had begg'd God's Pardon for it The Queen being Exasperated by the Treatment she receiv'd resolv'd to make her Escape She apply'd her self at first to the Marshal de Bouillon whose Ability she was acquainted with and who had a considerable City in which he might have afforded her a Retreat But he refus'd to engage in so great an Undertaking He only advis'd the Queen to apply her self to the Duke d' Epernon who was at Mets at that time very much disatisfy'd with the Court. The said Duke accepted her Proposals immediately and having taken the Queen in a place where he had appointed to meet her he carry'd her safe to Angouleme Luines was stun'd with that Blow which he did not expect He was sensible that he had disoblig'd all the Kingdom His prodigious Fortune created a Jealousie in all the Grandees and the People oppress'd by a thousand Vexations imputed it all as it is usual to the Avarice and Ambition of the Favourite Therefore he thought it better to stop the progress of the evil by Negotiations than to let
his Subjects If there have been things on which the Roform'd have Insisted though they have been deny'd to them at the first Proposal they have done no more in that than what all manner of Communities had been us'd to do in things which they were in hopes of obtaining at some time or other viz. to renew their Demands from time to time for fear of giving cause to tell them whenever they found a favourable occasion to speak a new about them that having once given over the pursuit of them they had no right to resume it Among several Examples of this Practice that of the Clergy admits no contradiction That Body fond of their Liberties thought them violated by the Concordat between Francis I. and Leon X. and not despairing to find a favourable occasion at some time or other to break it they resolv'd to Petition the Court for the Restauration of the Liberty of Elections whenever they should have an occasion to make Harangues to the Kings by their Deputies They not only form'd the design of it they oblig'd themselves to it by Oath and for above the space of a hundred Years their Deputies have never fail'd to make this Liberty of Elections one of the Articles of their Harrangâ—ies Nothing but an absolute command could oblige them to desist from that useless pursuit If they were not troublesome to Kings by Petitions so often renew'd and which did attack one of the Privileges they have most reason to be jealous of there is no reason to alledge as a Crime against the Reform'd that they did not always acquiess to the first refusal in things in which no body was concern'd which did no wise Incroach upon the Regal Authority and which they thought necessary for their safety La Moussaye who together with four other Deputies carried that first Cahier of the Assembly of Lâ—udun could not prevail with the Court to accept it though several Persons endeavour'd to satisfie the Court that by redressing some of the main Grievances the King would receive full Satisfaction from the Assembly Lesdiguieres himself had sent the President â—u Crose to the King to Petition him to prevent the Demands the Assembly might make to him and to give the Churches satisfaction upon some considerable Points even before the Expiâ—ation of the Term of the Convocation But he was said with the common Answer of good Intentions and of General Promises So that according to the old Stile of the Court the Complaints of the Assembly were refer'd to the General Cahier and they did not fail to exhort the Deputies to dispatch their Affairs speedily to Nominate six Persons to the King out of which he should chuse two for the General Deputation and to break up The Assembly took at first pretty Vigorous Resolutions They oblig'd their Members to take divers Oaths to serve the Churches to be secret to obey their Resolutions to speak their mind freely and without fear to preserve their Union not to break up before their having seen what answer the Court would make to their Cahiers They drew it with speed And they did not want matter The Edict was Violated so many ways and in so many places that there was sufficient reason to complain Besides the concerns of Leitâ—â—re of Tartas and of Bouâ—g in Bresse the Catholicks endeavour'd in all places to obstruct the Liberty of the Exercise of the Reform'd Religion They had suspended it at Clermont dâ— Lodeve which the Reform'd held as a place of Surety and when they endeavour'd to re-establish it there the Catholicks took up Arms to oppose it The Temples of Moulins and of Laval where the Reform'd of Guise went to Church had been Demolish'd The Reform'd had been turn'd out by force of Arms of Baux in Provence A great Sedition had been kindled against them at Banjenci and the Allarum Bell rung out upon them Two of them were flung out of a Garret Window and one of them not being sufficiently hurt in the Opinion of the Mutineers was run through with Swords The Lieutenant General of Orleans in prosecuting the Fact receiv'd the Depositions of those very Persons who had committed the Violence as if they had been Lawful Witnesses And when the said Case was brought before the Parliament of Paris the Attorney General who by his place was oblig'd to cause the Edicts to be put in Execution abandon'd the prosecution of it The Ministers of Bourges and of Chataigneraye were turn'd out of the said Cities and the Reform'd had receiv'd the same Usage at Chalons upon Saone and in the Bearnois though according to the Edict they ought to be suffer'd in all Places whatever The Exercise of their Religion was obstructed about Lions Dijon and Langres The Officers Royal the Consuls and Seneschals oppos'd the said Exercise of the Reform'd Religion in Nineteen or Twenty Places in the Provinces of Guyenne of Languedoc of Provence of Vivarais of Forests of Poitou of Saintonge of Perigora and of Normandy some by Prohibitions others by Fines although the said Exercise was Lawful in all those Places according to the Edict The Catholicks took away the Children of the Reform'd without Redress At Paris they had taken those of Le Maitre who had a place of Master of the Accompts and who had embrac'd the Reform'd Religion a little before his Death The same thing had been done at Royan at Ambrun at Milhau and lately at Leitoure Regourâ— the Jesuit for whose good behaviour the King had pass'd his Word had stole away a young Child about 10 Years of Age. They had Violated the Sepulchres or hinder'd Burials in the accustom'd places at Aix at Girdes at Mirebeau at Ongles at Saintes at St. George d' Oleron and in divers places of Gayenne They had turn'd out the Sick of the Reform'd Religion out of the Hospitals and such as were allow'd there were tormented in their Consciences to oblige them to change their Religion Especially at Paris those that had been receiv'd in the Hospital of St. Lewis during the Plague had been depriv'd of the Consolation of seeing Ministers which were not allow'd to visit them The Parliaments incroach'd upon the Jurisdiction of the Chambers of the Edict A Messenger who was Try'd at Thoulouse was Condemn'd there notwithstanding his appealing to the Chamber of Castres and the said Parliament refus'd to submit to the Decrees of the Council which order'd the said removal Some of the Inhabitants of Mas d' Agenois being prosecuted at Bourdeaux upon suspition of their having design'd to deliver the said place up to the Duke of Rohan being joyn'd in a Plot with Calonges their Governor as I have related it in another place the accus'd having desir'd a removal to the Chamber of Nerac the Parâ—…ament had no regard to it insomuch that during the Disputes of Jurisdiction several of them Dyed in Prison And upon the Information made about the surprise of Tartas the Reform'd who had been abus'd there were us'd
at Rochel as he had promis'd in order to dissolve that of Loudun and to intreat him to determin the Affair of Bearn and of Lâ—ytoâ—… They also resolv'd to Write to Lesdiguieres and to Chaâ—… whom they look'd upon as Guarrantees of the said Promise since they had receiv'd it from the Prince of Conde and from the Duke de Luines and carry'd it from them to the Assembly But the Persons that were gain'd by the Court spread so many false Reports in the Synod that they fill'd every Body with Consternation and Terror And that the Synod broke on the 13th of the said Month the Project of deputation which they had form'd the day before The Bearnois were almost desperate at that Inconstancy But that did not hinder them from receiving new Causes of Complaint Moreover after the Synod was inform'd of what had past in Bearn they refus'd to send Deputies to the King to interceed for that Wretched Province They would not so much as Order all the Churches of the Kingdom to make Publick Prayers to God for the Ruin'd Churches of Bearn which the Catholicks themselves look'd upon as a piece of Cowardise In a Word those that had sold themselves to the Court order'd matters so that they made the rest take and Change their Resolutions as they pleas'd which appear'd almost in all the Affairs that were propos'd Insomuch that the least clear sighted discover'd and Confess'd that there were Traytors in the Company but they wanted either means to discover or Courage to Chastise them La Planche Minister of the Province of Dauphine made a great discourse of the Reports that were spread about the Affairs of Religion that were Transacted in Vateline where it was said that the Spaniards had committed a great Massacre of the Reform'd and about the designs that were forming in France to Ruin the Churches He spoke of them like a Man that had very good Informations He affirm'd that Canaples Grand Son to Lesdiguieres who soon after Marry'd a Niece of the Duke de Luines had Chang'd his Religion That after the death of the Grand-Father whose Engagements to turn Catholicks were not as yet known there was no likelihood to preserve that Family That it was publickly discours'd that the King would shortly take the Cities of Hostage from the Reform'd which he would do by retrenching the payment of their Garrisons That the Governor of Grenoble was a Catholick that those of Montelimar and of Livron were Pensioners to the Court and several things of that Nature But the Pensioners prevail'd so far that those Considerations prov'd ineffectual The News of the Alterations the King had made in Bearn and that of an Enterview between the Duke of Guise Lesdiguieres and Chatillon under pretence of the War of Piemont but in reality to hinder the Reform'd of the Provinces of Dauphine of Languedoc and of Provence from making a diversion having reach'd the Synod with Circumstances which did not permit them to doubt of it the same Cabal had still the Credit to suppress them as long as it was necessary to prevent the applying a remedy to the same or to take measures to stop the Progress thereof A Conference which was design'd at Vsez about the Affairs of the Country was also prevented by the Artifices of the same Persons La Farre Minister of Aubenas was accus'd of holding a Correspondency with Ornano the King's Lieutenant in that Province Yet tho' the Proofs of his Treachery were apparent he was so well seconded by the Suffrages of his Adherents that the Synod could not use him according to his desert They only suspended him for two Months without turning him out of his Church Codurc who created continual Broils in the Political Assemblies and in the Synods and who deserv'd the most Rigorous Chastisements of their Discipline had like to have sav'd himself by the same Protection He was Minister at Ganges where he had put the whole Church in disorder He was accus'd before the Synod of Alets but so powerfully defended that the only punishment they could inflict upon him was to deprive him of his living at Ganges They would have given him another but he refus'd it He did propose to retire to Mompellier there to lead a private Life But the Synod having forbidden him ever to meddle with Political Affairs he became thereby useless to the Court Party in favour of which his cover'd Zeal could no longer create disorders and disputes Some Conjectures might induce us to suspect that the said Codurc is the same that was Corrupted by Deagean the Story of which is worth relating It will be found in another place The Affairs of Privas were also very much talk'd of in the Synod and whereas the Troubles of that City have had long and fatal Consequences it is necessary to give an account of their begining Chambaâ—d a Gentleman of that Country a Zealous Reform'd had Marry'd the Heiress of Privas which is a Baronny the Lord of which has the Privilege to enter into the Estates of Languedoc in his Turn He was kill'd in the King's Service during the Wars of Piedmont and his Widow forgot him almost as soon as he was lâ—â—d in his Grave She afterwards fell in Love with Vice Comte Lestrange's Son a very handsom young Gentleman but a Violent Catholick and Marry'd him The Inhabitants oppos'd the said Marriage to that degree that the Vice Comte was oblig'd to enter the Ladies House by stealth in order to Consummate the said Marriage Chambâ—â—d had Marry'd one of his Daughters to Brison Governor of Pouâ—â—â— who did not fail to joyn with the Opposants both as being concern'd in the Affairs of that House and as pretending that the Government of the Castle of Privas belong'd to him The Example of Sancerre one of the Cities that had been possess'd the longest by the Reform'd taught them what they were to trust to in case they suffer'd a Place like Privas to fall into the Hands of a Catholick The said Place was none of the Largest but yet strong enough to defend it self against a Royal Army Moreover Mass had not been said in the said City for sixty years past and they were sensible that their New Lord would not fail to reestablish it there So that it prov'd an easie matter for Brison to excite a kind of War between the Lady and the Inhabitants of the Place But it was soon after accommodated by Commissioners upon Conditions which the Vice Comte only accepted in order to break them at the first occasion He seiz'd upon the Castle by Surprise and caus'd the Nobility of the Neighbourhood to Assemble there under pretence to Congratulate his Marriage but in effect to make himself the strongest Whereupon the Inhabitants immediately repair'd to their Arms and the Vice Comte accompany'd by his Friends having met some Citizens in Arms Charg'd them before they Attack'd him and thus the War began 〈◊〉 New Brison who stood
the said Bounds of their Duty whom he took as well as their Families and Estates under his Protection and special Safeguard commanding his Officers and Governors of Cities to see it performed He order'd the same thing for the Catholicks to the Officers of the Places in which the Reform'd were the strongest After which he came to Blois from whence he repaired to Amboise and afterwards to Tours to Thouars where the Dutchess de la Trimoville receiv'd him and finally to Saumur out of which he turn'd Du Plessis in a very Unkingly manner While the Court was so diligently imploy'd about the Preparations of War the Assembly was near as diligent in putting themselves in a Posture of Defence being equally troubled with the little Union they observ'd in their Bosom and with the little Authority they had in the Provinces and the continual Contradictions of those who thought they were the Wisest who did nothing but Preach Obedience to them As soon as they were inform'd that the King had refus'd to hear their Deputies they order'd them to put those Remonstrances in Writing which they were to have made by Word of Mouth They did it accordingly and in order that every body might be acquainted with them they publish'd them After having declar'd that the Reason which oblig'd them to make them publick was that they were not allow'd to speak to the King they set forth all the Promises that had been made to the Assembly of Loudun in the King's Name the Prince of Conde's and the Duke de Luines and they related the very Expressions they had us'd and among the rest what the King had said to those who carry'd the Nomination of the Deputies General to him that he would perform the Promises of the Prince and of the Duke They complain'd that those Solemn Promises had been violated and having observ'd at what time the King took his Progress into Bearn they thought it was a great Injustice to impute it as a Crime to the Assembly to have met upon the Word of a Prince of the Favourite and of the King himself After which they proceeded to the Particulars of those things in which the Court had not perform'd their Promises viz. That the Settlement of the Places of Dauphine had not been deliver'd though it was an Affair but of half an Hour That the Reception of the two Councellors in the Parliament of Paris had been deferr'd as long as possible could be That it had not been perform'd till after the Convocation of the Assembly That only one of them had been receiv'd in Reality the Reception of the other being evaded by the Clause of Modification which oblig'd Le Cog to resign his Place to a Catholick That every thing had been alter'd in Bearn and the Assembly of Rochel declar'd Criminal without hearing the Persons concern'd That the Exercise of the Reform'd Religion had been interrupted at Clermont de Lodeve though it was a Place of Surety That the Catholicks hinder'd the Execution of the King's Orders by Force of Arms and the Proceedings of the Commissioners sent to re-establish it there That the King's Council declar'd that the King's Authority was concern'd in it but yet that they Authoriz'd it by Conniving at it That Privas had been taken from the Reform'd though it was a Place where according to the Edicts and Briefs nothing ought to be Innovated That during Eighteen Months last past the Court had detained the Sums promised for the Maintenance of the Garisons and for the Sallaries of the Ministers That Seditious Sermons against the Reform'd were tolerated That their Dead were taken out of the Ground again That their Temples were burnt That their Ministers were turn'd out That the Delivery of the Places in which they were to perform the Exercise of their Religion was hindered and among the Places in which those Excesses were committed they mentioned Moulins Bourges Baux in Provence Lion Dijon That their Cahiers were not answered and that when any of the Articles were answered either the Answers were not put in Execution or they were contrary to the Intention of the Edicts That the Commissioners sent into the Provinces either refus'd to perform their Office or perform'd it ill by a visible Collusion That all this proceeded from the Council and Malice of the Jesuits They Concluded Imploring the King's Favour and earnestly desir'd the Revocation of the Declaration which treated them as Criminals protesting that they only desir'd the Liberty and Safety of their Religion to remain inviolably ty'd to their Allegiance The Marshall de Bouillon writ from Sedan to the King the same day that the Remonstrances appeared He freely expressed the Reasons of Diffidence that had been given to the Reform'd by the Threatnings of Revoking the Edicts that is to take away the Liberty of their Consciences the Safety of their Lives their Estates and Dignities He said that the Affair of Bearn had been anticipated that the Promises had been ill executed that Garisons had been put in divers Places without Necessity that the Assembly of Rochel was us'd with too much Severity He intreated the King to hear the Remonstrances of their Deputies and to reject the Councils of those that advis'd him to force the Consciences of his Subjects But the Council was hardned against those Advices which tended to Peace and seem'd not to relish them only the better to take their Measures The Jesuits answer'd the Reproach that was made against them of exciting a War in Writing In order to refute it they made use of the Sermon the King's Confessor had lately Preach'd at Court that the King was oblig'd to protect all his Subjects even those that were of a different Belief from his That Answer tended to persuade that their Society was innocent of all the Ill they were accus'd of and that they only apply'd themselves to Convert those that Stray'd and to prevent the Progress of Heresie by their Sermons and Writings They made it a Crime for the Reform'd to suppose in their Complaints that the King suffer'd himself to be govern'd by the Jesuits And they said that all the Articles set down in their Petition were false and for an Instance of the Innocence of the Society and of the little Share they had in the Violent Councils that were daily given to the King against the Reform'd all their Actions were represented in it in a manner full of Fury and Venom That Apology could not deceive those who had any Sence It was very well known that the Theology and Morality of the Jesuits are always Slaves to their Policy and that it is impossible to guess their Sentiments by their Sermons It was easie to oppose to the Moderation of the Jesuit Arnoux the Seditious Sermons of the Monks of the other Orders who being more Impetuous and Hairbrain'd than the Jesuits declar'd inconsiderately in their Pulpits what those cunning Politicians had the Art to cover with a profound Dissimulation Even at
and before the Relief they sent was got half way he had turned Du Plessis and his Garison out of Saumur The Second Circle composed of Poitou of Bretagne and of the City and Isle of Bouchard was to be Governed by Soubise Brother to the Duke of Rohan La Trimouille had the Government of the Third which was to contain Angoumois Saintonge and the Islands The Lower Guyenne made the fourth Circle and La Force was Governor of it The Fifth given to the Marquess his Son comprehended Bearn and the Dependencies thereof The Vpper Languedoc and the Vpper Guyenne which made the Sixth was to be Commanded by the Duke de Rohan The Seventh which contained the Lower Longuedoc the Cevennes Givaudan and Vivarets was to be Governed by Chatillon And the Eighth composed of Burgundy Provence and Dauphine was left to Lesdiguieres from whom it could not be taken Rochel made a Circle apart in that Division and there was a particular Exception in favour of them in the Forty seven Articles I have mentioned which exempted them then and for the future of having any Governor besides their Mayor Of all those Circles none but the Vpper Guyenne made any Resistance that year so that it proved by so much the more easie for the King to vanquish that he had in effect but the Eighth part of the Reform'd of his Kingdom to deal with since even in that Circle which made some Resistance several Towns and Captains made none at all The Catholicks made a great deal of Noise about these Settlements and for that the Assembly had caused a new Seal to be engraven in order to fix it to their Ordinances and Commissions The Constable himself represented that Action as a publick Declaration of their Resolution to withdraw from their Allegiance to the King of designing to establish a New Holland in France and to settle a Republick there of which the Assembly retained the Superiority It was easie to persuade it to the King who was bred with an Aversion to the Reform'd and was evâ—â— susceptible to the Jealousies that were inspir'd in him about his Authority But to say the Truth it was a wretched Reproach for if the War was just on the side of the Reform'd the Regulations made in order to sustain it and the Seal engraven in the Name of their Union could not render it Criminal The Question was whether the Reform'd were in the Right to take up Arms by reason that granting that it could be no Crime in them to make Laws to unite themselves nor to agree about a Seal as a General Mark to know each other by Moreover the said Seal was only an Emblem of their Religion the same as is still often met with in the first Page of the Books of Religion written for the use of the Reform'd There only were some Words ingraven about it which signify'd that they took up Arms for Christ and for his Flock The first Letter of the last Word not making a good Impression upon the Wax the Sence was different and the Words that appeared signified only for Chrâ—â—â— and for the King This Diversity might persuade some People that they had two Seals and there are some Writings of Catholicks in which there are Remarks that 〈◊〉 that some have read it one way and others another 〈◊〉 I find nothing positive about it in the Memoires I have seen Besides these Regulations the Assembly did defend themselves by Apologies and Manifesto's while the King press'd them with Sword in hand All the Lords upon the Discontents of which they reckoned had made their Peace with the Constable and serv'd against them The Duke de Mayenne commanded a Body of Men in Guyenne The Prince of Conde commanded another in Berry where he besieged such Places as did not open their Gates to him and disarmed the Reform'd that made no Defence He took by a Form of Siege Sully and Sancerre and the Reform'd of Blois of Tours and other Places where they were not much to be feared were obliged like the rest to suffer themselves to be disarmed Count de St. Paul being assisted by the Marshal de Vitri made himself Master of Gergeau and thus the Reform'd had no Retreat left them about de Loire The Duke de Longueville disarm'd them also in Normandy and they received the like Treatment in all the Provinces the King left behind him This Proceeding so contrary to the last Declaration which promised such great Matters to those that should remain at Home cast a Terror and Repentance in the Hearts of all those unfortunate People who regretted too late their having reposed so much Confidence in a Court accustomed by the Duke de Luines to violate them as soon as they â—oâ—â—d a specious Pretence to do it The fair Words of those who committed those Violences could not remove their Consternation being then afraid that the Catholicks would only wait for the happy Success of some Battle or â—â—â—e to Massacre them Insomuch that many of them 〈◊〉 out of the Kingdom or retired in such Places where they were in hopes of meeting Friends and Protectors 〈◊〉 was crouded with them Even those who could not resolve to quit their Estates sent their Children or Wives into Places of Safety and remained at Home almost persuaded that they should be the Victims of some Bloody Orders or of some Popular Sedition But nothing made so much Noise as the Trick that was put upon Du Plessis who was the King's old and Faithful Servant The King sent him word that he designed to take up his Quarters at Saumur and Villarnoul his Son-in-Law was told positively that he had sent to Court to learn the Kings Intentions and that no more should be done on this Occasion than had been done on others when the King and Queen Mother had lodged there That Du Plessis should only draw out the Garison of the Castle for Form sake and that after the King had tarry'd there as long as he thought convenient he would leave him the Government of the Place as he had possessed it till then Lesdiguieres and the Constable engaged their Words to him for it positively Nevertheless Du Plessis was turned out of the Castle under Pretence to Lodge the King there and they did not so much as allow him one Chamber for his Family Soon after it he was told that the King designed to keep Saumur at least for three Months longer and finally he was offered a Recompence for it He never would accept any Composition and he expressed a great deal of Concern to find that after Two and thirty Years Tryal of his Probity he was suspected of not being able to preserve the same Probity to the end of his Life He insisted strongly upon that there remained still near four Years of the Time for which the last Brief confirmed the keeping of the Places of Surety He proposed Means to remain in the said Place without giving the King
then ordinary nay if 〈…〉 do but sigh and bemoan themselves their very Groans and â—â—ghs are not to be endur'd In the mean time the Dukes of Rohan and Soubise who had â— long time refus'd to yield to the Importunities of the Assembly having bin disgusted by the Court where the Prince of Coâ—dé 〈…〉 the Constable were the Duke of Rohan's Enemies resign'd themselves wholly to the Orders of the Assembly and after some Submissions on their part and some Offers from the â—ourt which signifi'd nothing they resolv'd to hold out St. â—ohn a' Angeli to the last The Duke of Rohan left his Brother â—â— the place and after he had furnish'd it with Men and Ammunition went into Guâ—en to raise more Forces On the other side the King after he had summon'd Subise by a Herald besieg'd the City and Subise by the foul Practices of Loudrieres who discourag'd both the Soldiers and Inhabitants by his discourses â—nd his counsels being constrain'd to surrender the place march'd out sooner then he would have done had he not been afraid of being forsaken All the security which either the City or the Garison had was a wild and general Capitulation by which the King promis'd only in writing to the Inhabitants their Lives their Estates and the Liberty of their Consciences and Persons reserving to himself the disposal of every thing else as he should think convenient declaring at the same time that he did not pretend to make any Treaty but only to grant a Favour However the Capitulation as slight as it was had the hard fate to be but very ill observ'd The Soldiers plunder'd the Town and yet constrain'd the Mayor the Sheriffs and the principal Inhabitants to give 'em a Certificate and forc'd another from the Minister that they had behav'd themselves civilly On the other side the King retiring to Cognac set forth a Declaration which was verifi'd at Bourdeaux wherein to put the greater value upon his Clemency which had spar'd their Lives and Estates and given Liberty of Conscience to the Reformed of St. John d'Angeli he order'd the Fortifications and Walls of the City to be raz'd and the Moats to be fill'd up He took away their Charters and their Franchises and made the Town liable to Taxes for the future He cancell'd their Government by Mayor and Sheriffs and and annex'd the common Stock of the Town to the Royal Demesnes leaving 'em out of his special Grace and Favor their Election and ordinary Jurisdiction Upon which Declaration a certain Historian very much devoted to the Roman Church observes That it would have been taken for a just punishment of that City had they not since that us'd many very Innocent and Catholic Cities after the same rate The End of the Seventh Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes THE SECOND PART THE EIGHTH BOOK A Compendium of the Eighth Book MArshal Bouillon's Letter The King marches into Guyenne the Siege and reducing of Clairac The King's word ill observ'd The Pope's Breve to the King The Reformed every where unfortunate The Siege of Montauban La Force defends the Place The King raises his Siege Chamiere's Death The Duke of Mayenne dies The blame falls upon the Constable The Jesuit Arnoux's disgrace The Duke of Luines dies Assembly of the Clergy A violent Harangue of the Bishop of Rennes The History of Dominic de Jesus Maria. Sedition at Paris The Church at Charenton burnt The Reformed forsake their Houses They are accus'd of setting Fire to the Bridges of Paris and the Prison at Lion The Circle of Lower Languedoc displaces Chatillon Great Confusion in that Circle The Condition of the Court The King returns to Paris A remarkable Writing of Jeannin advising Peace The Opinion of those who were more enclin'd to War The Reformed take new Courage The King departs from Paris His Success in Poitou in Guyenne where he treats with la Force The sack of Negrepelisse and St. Antonin Lesdiguieres interposes for Peace Factions at Mompellier Sedition against the Catholics Bitter Harangue of the Bishop to the King Remarks upon the Stile of that Harangue The Church of Foix laid waste Attestation given to the Monk Villate The King forbids the Reformer to forsake their Houses Count Mansfeild treats with the Reformed Proposals of the Marshal de Bouillon to the Duke of Rohan upon that occasion The Court gains Mansfeild The King makes use of Foreign Catholics in France The Negotiations for Peace renew'd A Writing set forth upon that occasion Siege of Mompellier Capitulation made by Lunell ill observ'd Small Cities ill defended Success of the War in several Places Chatillon made a Marshal of France Seditions at Orleans Fronsac and Lion The Original of the word Parpailler Other Originals Of the word Hust Violence of the Sedition The Reformed are disarm'd War against Rochel Soubise sollicits for Succor from England Treaty of Peace reassum'd near Mompellier Conclusion of the Treaty with an Edict Rigour of the Parlaments Advantages of that Peace Qualifications of the Edict of Peace All the Cities accept the Peace which is ill observ'd by the Court. Treaty at Mompellier The King returns to Paris De Puisieux in Favour The Bishop of Luson made a Cardinal Character of that Prelat After what manner he receiv'd the news of his Promotion Excessive Flatteries Foul Play offer'd the Rochelois Enterprises of Valence at Mompellier where he takes the Duke of Rohan Prisoner and makes a division of the Consulship General Papers Extravagant Answers Exercises forbid The Reformed excluded from Dignities in the Vniversity of Poitiers The singing of Psalms in the Streets and in Shops forbid A common Soldier deprived the Benefit of an Oblate Attempts upon paternal Right A Declaration establishing a Commissioner in Colloquies and Synods A National Synod Galand the first Commissioner ever present to a National Synod He is admitted out of pure Obedience Deputies sent to the King who sends back the Deputies laden with his Orders The Court inclin'd to favour the Arminians A Writing publish'd by la Militiere Answer of Tilenus Authority attributed to the Kings of France Imposture set up against the Synod of Dordrecht Obedience of the Synod of Charenton A Tignations ill paid Propositions made to the Synod by Galand on the King's behalf A new Deputation to the King and the effect of it Oath of Vnion A Citadel built at Mompellier Mariald opposes it in the name of the Reformed of the City Presages of a new War The death of du Plessis The death of Marshal de Bouillon WHile the King lay before St. John d'Angeli he receiv'd the Submissions of the Duke of Tremouille who had surrender'd Taillebourg without much entreaty On the other side Marshal de Bouillon at the same time sent him a Letter full of smart Remonstrances of which the principal Heads were The retiring of the Reformed which he attributed to the notorious violation of the Declaration of the 24th of April He observ'd how the
after all this made it appear that their Suspicious were not ill grounded For at length the Promises of the Court with which he had bin so long time held in play were fulfill'd to him and the King created him a Marshal of France But the Duke of Vendome had no such good success in Upper Languedoc where the King had left a small Body of an Army At first he took in some Places inconsiderable for their strength but having laid siege to Briteste he was foil'd before that Pitiful Hamlet where the Garison behav'd themselves so manfully that after two Months time lot he was so happy as to receive an Order to attend the King before Mompellier which gave him an honourable Occasion to raise his Siege Among several Persons of Quality that laid their Bones in the Approches of Mompelier the Duke of Fronsac a young Gentleman of great hopes and the only Son of the Duke of St. Paul was slain and his Death had like to have bin reveng'd by a Massacre of the Reformed For the People of Orleans offer'd to the Count of St. Paul their Governour to avenge the â—…eath of his Son upon the Reformed their Fellow-Citizens 〈◊〉 he had much ado to put a stop to their Fury upon his reusal of their insolent Offers But when the Corps of the young â—…ince was carri'd to Fronsac where he was to be entomb'd â—…e Catholics could not be hinder'd from sacrificing several of â—…e Reformed to his Ghost notwithstanding the presence of the Count of St. Paul himself whose menial Servants join'd themselves with the Catholics Nor were they suppress'd till they had in some measure appeas'd their bellowing Rage with â—…e Atonements of Blood and Plunder However the Count 〈◊〉 shew that he by no means approv'd such Acts of Violence â—…us'd one or two to be hang'd Nevertheless I know not that excuse he could make for his Indulgence to his Servants those punishment would have bin much more exemplary then â—…at of any one cull'd out of the multitude But the Sedition 〈◊〉 Lion could not be so soon pacifi'd where it brake forth most â—…olently upon the 27th of September It began among the â—…bble intermix'd with Lacqueys who seeing a Reformed pass â—…ng in the Piazza of the Grey Friers where he liv'd began 〈◊〉 abuse him but he made his escape to a Neighbour's house However his Goods were plunder'd and burnt at what time 〈◊〉 others of the Reformed crossing the Piazza in like manâ—…r were set upon and most injuriously handl'd by the same 〈◊〉 There was then a certain new word which was beâ—…me in fashion and which the Catholics had always in their â—…ouths when they had a mind to affront one of the Reformed The word Huguenot was grown so stale that they were accustom'd to it and many very prudent and moderate People â—ade use of it as a word equivalent to that of pretended Reformed But instead of that they afterwards invented another which the Rabble swallow'd with extraordinary greediâ—…ss This was the pleasing Nickname of Parpaillots the Original of which word lies very obscure Some assert that 〈◊〉 first time it was made use of was at the Siege of Clairac the Garison say they made a Sally one night and to the end they might distinguish each other in the medley they put their â—…irts over their Cloaths which made the King's Soldiers by whom they were repuls'd give 'em the Nickname of Parpaillots because that under that dress they resembl'd Butterflieâ— which have white wings and of which there were great numbers flying about the Fields at that time For the Vulgar in Gayenne and Languedoc call those little Insects Parpaillets or Parpaillots This word being pronounc'd by some in view of the Soldiers as they march'd out of Clairac was taken up by others and in a moment spread over the whole Army from whence it flew over all the Kingdom where the Soldiers were quarter'd Nor were there many places in France where this word was more in use then at Paris and it miss'd but very little of being as common in Guyenne which renders that Province the most likely place from whence the word was first of all deriv'd Others refer it to some Surprizes of the Reformed who either innocently or imprudently fell into the Snares that weâ—… laid for ' em And some making the Original of this word alâ—… most as ancient as the Civil Wars refer it to the simplicity â—â— the Reformed Chieftains who went to Paris under the Pretence of the Marriage of the Prince of Navarre to lay themselves at the mercy of their Enemies For that upon the Massacre which ensu'd they were compar'd by those People whâ— insulted over their Credulity to Butterflies that fly of themselves to burn in the Candle And because the Comparison might first of all perhaps be made by some one that liv'd in the Country where those Insects are call'd Parpaillots therefore 〈◊〉 Gascon word was retain'd in derision rather then the French There are others who derive the word with probability enough from the white Mandillions which the Reformed wore in the first Wars more especially in that which the Prince of 〈◊〉 began by his attempt upon Meux Those white Mandillions behav'd themselves so well at the Battel of Paris in the judgment of the Turkish Envoy who beheld the Combat from the walls of the City that he wish'd his Master but Six thousand such as they to subdue the whole world That sort of Habit was the reason that they were call'd Papillons or Parpaillots in English Butterflies in regard their best men came from that Province where that word is in use These Derivations might seem natural enough were it certain that the word was known long before the Wars of Lewis XIII But some derive it from an Original less noble and say that among those who were executed after the taking of Towns some poor Wretch or other at the same of his approaching death with an assurance that his Soul so soon as it parted from the Body should fly to Heaven made 〈◊〉 of the comparison of a Papillon or Butterfly which being ridicul'd by the Spectators they took an occasion from thence to call all the Reformed Parpaillots or Butterflies However it were certain it is that the Reformed were highly offended at this Nickname nor did they look upon the word Huguenot as half so great an Affront And indeed there are two things of which it is equally difficult to give a reason the Original of certain words which of a sudden become universally in use though no body can tell either who was the Author 〈◊〉 what was the occasion and the Idea of the Injury which People believe attends the use of ' em Thus the word Hust in Normandy was a Reproach which 〈◊〉 vulgar sort of People threw upon the Reformed Nevertheless the word in it self has no signification and concerning the Original of which I never could hear but ridiculous Stories without any
with Henrietta of France Negotiation of the Archbyâ— of Ambrun the Match concluded upon advantageous Conditiâ—… for the Catholics Death of James I. Charles consummâ—… the Marriage Suit between the City of Pamiers and Bishop Cavils upon the Right of prosecuting the payment Legacies and Donations Exemption of Ministers Trâ—… reviv'd Enterprise of the Duke of Rohan and Soubise 〈◊〉 cover'd Soubise seizes the King's Ships and is block'd 〈◊〉 the Port of Blavet He is thought to be lost and is disown'd by all the world The King's Declaration upon that occasion Soubise disingages himself which changes the face of Affairs Politic Devotions of the Duke of Rohan Seconded by his Wife Manifesto of the Duke of Soubise Answer Dispute about the Priviledges of Rochel Peace talk'd of Cruelties of the Râ—al Army in Soubise's Successes Remonstrance of the Reformed presented to the King Answers to the Articles with which the Reformed are not content The Court recovers her Affairs Assembly of the Clergy that furnishes out money with reluctancy The King excepts Rochel out of the Peace which delays the conclusion of it Particular Laws which the King would impose upon that City A powerful League against Spain A Design of the Cardinal of which he is forc'd to forbear the execution Instances of the English Ambassadors for the peace of Religion Rochel accepts the Conditions somewhat mitigated Divers Acts upon occasion of the Peace Why the Court demanded such Writings Act past by the English Ambassadors In what sense the King becomes a Guaranty for the Peace A new Edict which confirms all the rest Foul Play shew'd by France to the Confederates Jealousies between the Cardinal and Buckingham The Cardinal 's weak side Enterprises of the Catholics of the Queen of England's Houshold Conspiracy against the Cardinal Condition of Rochel National Synod Decree relating to Commissioners Instructions of the Commissioners Chauve the Moderator's Answer Surprize upon the Synod of Realmont Infidelity of Masuyer at which the Catholics triumph They would fain hedge in the Ministers into the Treaty of the Duke of Rohan with Spain Article of the Synod of Realmont which orders enquiry after such as were gâ—tity which offends all the Churches and is disown'd by the National Synod Leave to nominate general Deputies from which the Synod desires to be excus'd and send Deputies to the King Remonstrances of the Deputies Maniald dyes to whom the King sâ—â—stitutes Hardi Return of the Deputies and the King's Answer The Synod names general Deputies Several Resolutions of the Synod The City of Castres refuses to receive the Luke of Rohan's Deputies Memoirs of Complaints Burying of Lords that were the Founders in Churches Legacies given to the Poor adjudg'd to Hospitals Marriage of a Knight of Maltha vacated Vexatious Declarations Meeting of the Notable Conversions forc'd in Bearn at Aubenas at St. Amand. Extraordinary Acts of Injustice Innovations at Mompelier Foundation of that City Declaration against Foreign Ministers Rochel remains block'd up the English declare War Tâ—… United Provinces assist France The English land in the 〈…〉 of Ree Irresolution of the Rochellers Letters of the Coâ—â—â— intercepted A nice Question Whether Huguenots ought to â—â— suffer'd in the King's Army Rochel determines and publishâ—â— a Manisesto The Duke of Rohan does the same Iâ—trâ—… of Galand against the Duke Rout of the English Sâ—… Fleet of the English of no use to the Rochellers A third Flâ—â—â— as ineffectual The beginning of a Treaty of Peace with England and Surrender of Rochel The City refuses to submit to 〈…〉 English Spanish Fleet at the Siege of Rochel Severities exercis'd toward the Ladies of Rohan The Courage of Guiton Maire of Rochel How the City was us'd IN the mean time the Commissioners that were promis'd to be sent into the Provinces went thither in earnest but the course which they took in the execution of the Edicts serv'd only to convince the most incredulous among the Reformed that the Court did but make a Maygame of ' em For the Church which they had at Gergeau that had bin one of their Cities of security and where they had held some general Assemblies was taken from 'em in a City where they had always enjoy'd one and to make 'em amends for this Act of Injustice they had leave giv'n to build another at the farther end of all the Suburbs The Catholics of Remorentin who had burnt the Church would never permit the building of another but the Commissioners instead of punishing the Misdemeanor and doing Justice upon the Offenders were so kind as to leave things in the same condition as they found ' em But the Injustice which they did the Reformed of Tours was much more notorious For the King had promis'd after the Sedition of which I have given an account in another place to preserve to the Protestants of that City their priviledge of meeting in that place â—here they were wont to assemble and to supply 'em with the â—…um of Six thousand Livres towards the rebuilding of the â—hurch which the Mutineers had fir'd But the Commissioners â—…ted quite contrary to this Promise They arriv'd at Tours in â—…y and would needs persuade the Reformed to accept of another place which Proposal being rejected by the poor People â—…o demanded the performance of the King's word the Commissioners departed without making any regulation Toward the end of September they return'd agen to Tours at what time â—â—ey took a view of several places of the situation of which â—â—eâ— drew up a long Report in writing and design'd the Reformed one for the building of a Church which the Reformed â—ould not accept of but they got nothing by it for the Commissioners enforc'd 'em by an Order to sell the place where their â—…d Church stood and to lay out the money in the purchase of â—â—at which was design'd ' em Amelot and Chalas had a Commission to see the Edict per â—…rm'd in the Provinces of Poitou and Saintonge Chalas who â—as made choice of by Amelot as the Catholic Commissioners â—â—d almost every where the priviledge to nominate their Associates was one of those complying sort of People who have not â—…udacity enough to oppose another man's Opinion and who being men of sincerity themselves cannot believe that other men will deceive ' em So that the Reformed complain'd very much â—…f his softness and never thought themselves beholding to him â—…r any Justice that was done 'em upon some Articles Amelot â—…n the other side was one of those People that never did any thing without a great deal of Pomp and Ceremony and who â—…ake it their strife to please all the world at least to outward â—ppearance He made Mountains of Molehilâ—s and thought 〈…〉 advance himself at Court by giving the Grandees Information of every diminutive Trifle He made a great noise of cerâ—â—in Designs which he had discover'd and which he would needs â—…ave had to have bin lookt upon at Court as important Conspiracies
doing all others ev'n in Trifles he could not endure that another man â—â—ouid out do him in the most pitiful things To make Verses or to speak better than he did was not the way to win his Favour or to shew that he understood Humanity Philosophy the Mathematics Divinity or Antiquity better then he That he might enjoy the Reputation of being the most expert man of his time in all things he stretcht his weakness to that degree as â—o attribute to himself the Works of other men and to own under his own Name those Writings wherein perhaps he was no more concern'd then to have bin the first that conceiv'd the â—ude and indigested Idea of the Subject He had the same Sentiments as to Magnificence and Courting of Ladies and for a man to presume to transcend him in either of those two things was a certain way to lose his favour However it were he always us'd the Queen but very scurvily after he observ'd the little value she had for him insomuch that while he liv'd she had not all the World at will There was also brewing at the same time another occasion of a Rupture through the ill conduct of the Queens Houshold Servants Their Zeal for the Catholic Religion soon made 'em exceed the Bounds to which they were confin'd by the Treaties of Marriage They introduc'd the Jesuits into the Houshold of that Princess where those turbulent and ambitious People made themselves such absolute Masters of her Wit and Reason that they soon set her at variance with the King her Husband They so intoxicated her Understanding with their Superstitions that they forc'd her to commit a thousand mean things beneath her Grandeur and unworthy of her Dignity They persuaded her to adore as Martyrs those of their Order that had bin executed under the preceding Reign as Contrivers or Accomplices in the Powder-Plot And the occasion of a Jubilee presenting itself they made choice of the place where the common Male factors are executed whither the Queen was to walk bare-fooâ— to say her Prayers The English to whom the very Name of Jesuit is abominable were justly offended at this piece of Insolence and the King himself though he were extremely soâ— and easy was highly exasperated So that being otherwise disgusted at the Misdemeanors of the Queens Domestics he resolv'd to send 'em back into France Upon which the Cardinal sent Bassompierre to him to complain of such a violence offer'd to the Treaty and to endeavour to reconcile the differences between him and his Wife wherein the Ambassador had the good luck to succeed within a little of his Wishes But in regard the Ministers of both Courts made it their business mutually to verâ— and thwart one another the Cardinal caus'd Bassompierre's Treaty to be disown'd and Buckingham oblig'd his King to revoke his Word After which upon some Affairs of Commerce intervening Buckingham who burn'd with a desire of returning into France and brave the Cardinal would needs be sent thither once more with the Character of Ambassador But the Cardinal found a way to let him understand that he should not be welcome Upon which the English Favourite enrag'd at such an Affront oblig'd his Master to declare War against France And the pretence was that the Court of France had not observ'd the Articles of the last Peace But his Measures were so false and his Conduct so fool-hardy that he compleated the Ruine of the Reformed and Rochel while he sought his own and their Revenge While this Tempest was gathering together the Cardinal abour'd to disperse another Storm that threaten'd him nearer at and. Spain who well foresaw what Obstacles he would throw in the way of her Grandeur if he were not entangl'd in Domestic Divisions found him work on every side and she erceiv'd the chiefest part of the Princes and great Lords inclin'd â— second her The Reigning Queen hated the Cardinal and Monsieur's Softness made him comply with all the Sentiments of those who had the ascendant over him They put him out of conceit with a Match with the Heirest of Mompensier which had been projected in the time of the deceas'd King and they d'd his Head with a thousand Chimera's But the Principal visions with which they amus'd his Brains were the deposing of the King to the unmarrying him and giving to his Brother â—â—th his Crown and Wife Upon which Subject several Libels â—â—d appear'd abroad of which one that was entitl'd an Advertisement to the King made it a Crime in him to oppose the prosperity of the House of Austria and to confederate against â—r with Protestant Princes and promise the giving him an assistant or Associate in the Government Which Libel occasion'ed the Quarrel between the Bishop of Chartres and the Clerâ—â—â— The Cardinal also was dilacerated and mangl'd by a hundred Writings of the same nature and perhaps never any man as known to be loaden with such a heap of Invectives and â—yrs But he luckily disintangl'd himself out of all these Incumbrances He faign'd therefore to retire from the Court â—â—d away he went to the end he might give the King an occasion to recall him But the Queen Mother who could not â—â—en be without him infus'd it so strongly into the King's Head â—t if he consented to the distant absence of that Minister the conspirators would make themselves Masters of his Authority â—â—t of his Person that the Suspicious and Irresolute Prince â—â—n sent for him back agen This return of his having adâ—n'd his Credit to a higher degree he began to put in praâ—se those severe and Bloody Politicks that ruin'd so many Lords which fill'd the Prisons with so many Persons suspected of no â—er Crime then Love of Liberty and render'd him so absolute and formidable that the King himself began to have an aversion for him and became jealous of his high Authority The Count de Chalais was the first Victim offer'd to his Arbtrary Power The Duke of Vendosm and the Grand Prior his Brother together with several other persons lost either their Liberty or their Government or their Pensions and the whole Conspiracy was perfectly dissipated In the mean time Rochel was toss'd and vex'd with various Troubles by reason that they who were interested in the new form of Government would not suffer things to be resettl'd upon the Old Foundation The People favour'd these Mutineers and the Sedition increas'd to that degree that the Mayor who was suspected was carri'd away by force and very ill us'd as the Author of these Changes Nevertheless these Disorderâ— were appeas'd by the necessity of obeying and the fear of a greater Mischief should they furnish the Court with any Pretence which was the thing she waited for to make war upon Rochel alone and disunited from the rest of the Reformed Cities Mass was there said upon Ascension-day in St. Margaret Church and the City re-call'd her Deputies that had bin sent to Foreigners But whether they
distinction of Religion and in case of removal the Cause should not be remov'd to the Party Chambers but to the next Parlament And the foundation of this Law which laid the Reformed at the mercy of the Catholics when they were most numerous upon the Bench was this That the Edict of Nantes was granted neither in favour of Bearn nor Navarre And thus the Clergy of that Countrey which formerly never aspir'd to more then to enjoy the Priviledges of that Edict had already carri'd their exterminating Zeal so high that they would not leave the Reformed any longer the enjoyment of that advantage So that those unfortunate People having seen the particular Edict which Henry IV. granted 'em violated in all the points of it cannot have the consolation to live under the prosection of the same Laws with the rest of the Churches of the same Communion In the mean time the Cardinal summon'd an Assembly of the Men of Note call'd Assemblée de Notables at Paris where he made a Harangue himself In this Assembly most worthy Proposals were made and the most profitable Resolutions in the World were taken for the Peace and Tranquility of the King but they were not taken to be put in execution They had only a mind to amuse the People who are easily dazl'd with great expectations and to accustom 'em to the Ministry of the Cardinal who promis'd 'em those mighty things There was only one Declaration which spoke of reuniting all the King's Subjects to the Roman Church by ways of Sweetness Love Patience and good Examples of maintaining the Reformed in the Privileges that had bin granted 'em by the Edicts of re-establishing good Discipline and vertuous Manners of advancing the Nobility of causing Justice to flourish of reforing Trade and easing the People But of all these Articles they remember'd none but the first For they procur'd the re-union of several private persons to the Church of Rome by the strong Arguments of Interest or by Vexations and Acts of Iniustice In pursuance of which they vaunted about this time of having converted in Bearn above 800 persons and because the care of these Conquests was committed to some zealous Missionary who manag'd these glorious Enterprizes by his counsels and advice they fail'd not to attribute the success to his Doctrine his Conversation and his Piety tho it were more justly due to the utmost rigors of Violence and Injustice The same means which the Church of Rome has always call'd ways of Sweetness wrought the same effect this year at Aubenas Where the Marquis of Ornano under pretence of the War of which I shall suddenly have an occasion to speak exercis'd most extravagant Violences upon the Reformed of that City Two Regents of that place coming to kiss his hands iâ— the body of the Town as their Lord he took from 'em their Hoods which is the mark of their Dignity and having call'd a Council he would not permit the Reformed who had bâ—â— elected Councellors to take their Seats he disarm'd all thâ— Reformed and put the Regency into the hands of Catholics and committed the Guard of the City to them at the chargâ— of the Reformed and being constrain'd to reinforce his Partâ— with some additional Troops because the Catholics were noâ— so numerous as the other he quarter'd the whole Garison upoâ— the Reformed only and this Garison committed Violences â—â— less barbarous then those in our days from which those miserable People could not redeem themselves but by changing their Religion So that in three weeks there were no less then 25â— Families that turn'd Catholics if the Converters do not augment their number And to add Insulting Domineering â—â— Violence they forc'd those poor Creatures to sign a Writing wherein they declar'd that they embrac'd the Roman Religioâ— willingly These extorted Declarations which they shew'd â—â— the King persuaded him that there were hardly any of thâ— Reformed who had not the same Inclinations and that they were only restrain'd by a Cabal of Ministers and the power â—â— the Party That there needed no more then the taking of Rochel and some other Cities which held up the Party and theâ— thousands of People would declare for the Catholic Religion Iâ— the mean time encourag'd by the example of what had happen'd at Aubena's they follow'd their Blows into other places For the Archbishop of Bourges and the Governor of St. Amand a little Town in Berri made a profitable use of this Pattern to bring back the Reformed to the Catholic Religion so that the fear into which they put the Inhabitants of quartering 200 meâ— upon 'em upon the same Conditions as the Garison was quarter'd at Aubenas made above 60 Families abjure the Reformed Faith And thus it was that the Edict publish'd upon the Remonstrances of the Assembly of the men of Note was put in execution But besides these they gave other marks of their slender Inclinations to observe the Edicts for there were above Forty Curches depriv'd of their spiritual comfort either through â—urbance of their Exercises or Imprisonment and Banishment their Ministers They had taken from the Reformed in seâ—al places both their Churches and their Church-yards withâ— any Form of Law ever since the Peace concluded The â—rdinal of Sourdis Archbishop of Bourdeaux whose Example â—s follow'd by some Gentlemen of the Countrey exercis'd a â—â—usand brutish Cruelties upon Bodies that were buri'd in such â—ces as carry'd any marks of Consecration according to the â—tom of the Catholics They refus'd to suffer Veilleux a â—nister call'd by the Reformed to Rouen to attend their service â—d the only reason for their refusal was because he was a Forâ—gner Letters of Reprisal were granted against the Reâ—med for things that were fully forgiven by the Edict of Peace â—veral persons were also put to death for Facts that had bin â—mmitted during the War with allowance of the Generals â—â—ich was expresly comprehended in the Amnesty granted by â—â— last Edict And there were reckon'd up above 10000 Warâ—â—ts given out in Languedoc for arresting of People upon the â—e Pretences The Council also divided the Consulship by â—ecrees given upon a Petition in places where according to â—â— Edicts which promis'd that nothing should be innovated in â—wns that were held by the Reformed that Office was to â—â—e bin let alone entire The particular Deputies that were â—t to carry the Complaints of these Acts of Injustice were 〈…〉 us'd Some were sent back unheard and laught at for their â—ins others were answer'd with nothing but Bravado's and â—enaces If any qualifi'd person took upon him this Deputaâ—n and that they were to treat him with more Civility they â—deavour'd to seduce him by Promises by Applauses or any â—her way not sparing any Artifices to find out on which side 〈…〉 was most subject to their Batteries and after all they sent â—â—m back agen as he came They refus'd to receive from the â—eneral Deputies the Papers drawn
Allurements of Catholic Tutors By the same Decree the Reformed were also order'd to spread Carpets before their doors upon Solemn Procession-days upon neglect of which after the first Summons they were to be spread at their Cost and Charges and if they obstructed or oppos'd the doing of it they were condemn'd to Imprisonment which was directly opposite to the third private Article of the Edict of Nantes Upon the 28th of the same Month came forth another Decree of the Privy Council the effects of which were still more vexatious For it forbid the Bailiffs and Seneschals to admit any Plaintiffs or Demandants in a Suit whether Notaries or Advocates without the King's Letters Patents For the Council bethought themselves of inserting into Letters of this Nature the Clause of the Catholic Religion on purpose to exclude by that means all the Reformed from any Offices But Custom has settl'd a Remedy against this Artifice in regard that in almost all the Jurisdictions of the Kingdom the Judges admitted People to the exercise of these petty Employments upon the bare resignation of him who had the Letters Patents so that they pass'd from hand to hand without having any recourse to the King which spar'd the Reformed the Affront of a Refusal the Catholics the Trouble the Delays and the Expence of a Suit there being none but Employments that were somewhat considerable for which they troubl'd themselves to take out the King's Letters Patents The King was made believe that it was contrary to his Oath that there should be any Offices in the Kingdom which did not depend upon him and which were executed by persons that were not invested in 'em by his power The first design was to deprive the Reformed of the easie means to maintain themselves in those petty Employments which causâ— 'em to be valued in the places of their Abode and shelter'd 'em from a thousand petty Vexations But if so fell out that this Regulation did as much Injury to the Catholics as to others and that the Name of Reformed serv'd in this as well as in other things of greater moment to involve all the French in the same Restraint This was Sport for the Clergy who exempting themselves from Servitude sacrific'd to their Passion and Malice against the Reformed the Liberty of the whole Kingdom Upon the 23d of June came forth another Edict from the same Council against the Lord of Claye This was the fifth that had bin issu'd out against the Exercise in his House under pretencee that he never resided there yet to ward off this Cavil he had declar'd at the Sessions-house in Paris that he had made choice of his House at Claye for his principal Habitation and that he intended to reside there for the future which ought to have mintain'd his Right of having Sermons in his House had it not bin the Maxim of the Council to make use of any Pretence to forbid the Exercise of the Reformed Religion and still to uphold the Prohibition when the Pretence was remov'd The Reformed of Paris had set up a House in the Suburbs of St. Marcean whither they carry'd their sick People they had already furnish'd it with Fourteen or Fifteen Beds and design'd to have sent in more Now it happen'd that a Cooper's Prentice born a Catholic working with a Reformed Master in the Church Mershes fell sick and with his own consent was carri'd to this New Hospital whether he had imbib'd any tincture of his Master's Religion or whether the Abhorrency which poor Creatures have for the Hostel de Dieu at Paris where the Infection is generally mortal to all that are carri'd thither caus'd him to prefer a House more neat and healthy However it were his removal from one end of Paris to the other could not chuse but be taken noâ—…e of Upon which a Commissioner came upon the 19th of 〈…〉 to this New House of Charity to draw up a Verbal â—eport of the condition it was iâ— and of the use for which was design'd Upon which Verbal Process the Privy Counâ—… iâ—a'd forth a Decree of the 30th of June wherein without so much as mentioning the Religion but only supposing that it was â—…traâ— to the King's Authority to erect Hos itals without the King's Permission as if there had bin so much need of â—…e Authority of Men to exercise Works of Humanity and Charity so expresly approv'd of God and pretending in â—…e second place that the sick People were not lookt after â—â—d reliev'd in that New Establishment as Christian Chariâ—… requir'd it was ordain'd that all the sick People which â—…ere in the Reformed Hospital should be remov'd to the Hoâ—…el de Dieu where they should be receiv'd upon the first â—ommand that the Beds should be put into the hands of â—rustees to be at the King's disposal to whom he should think 〈…〉 et and that the Governor should leave the House with all his Family upon pain of Imprisonment and other corporal punishment This Decree was put in execution by the Usher 〈…〉 the Council upon the 4th of July who found no more â—…hen five sick Persons in the place one of which finding himself strong enough to provide for himself without assistance had his Liberty to go where he pleas'd The other â—…r refusing to be carri'd to the Hostel de Dieu and naming the places whither they desir'd to be carri'd were remov'd without any opposition by the care of the Usher who did 〈…〉 Office with more Civility then the Rabble would have had him There was a new House erected in the Fauburg St. Gerâ—… by the Pope's Bulls and the King's Letters-Patents under the name of The Propagation of the Faith which was design'd for the lodging of young People that might be induc'd to embrace the Catholic Religion Now one La Fraâ—…râ—â— hapning to die left two Daughters with his Wife One of these having attain'd to Thirteen years of Age and the other to Eleven they were both inveagl'd inâ—… this House Their Mother presented a Petition to the Baiâ—… of the Suburb who was then Judge of the Suburb-Couâ—… and redemanded her Daughters The Judge having examined the matter and finding it to be a manifest Cheat thought it his duty to do justice and deliver'd the Childreâ—… back to their Mother Now the Pretence which they maâ—… use of to gain the good will of the Children was that their Mother was marri'd again and would be sure to misuâ—… ' em Upon which the Governours of the House made 〈…〉 most hideous complaint both against the Father-in-law and the Baily accusing the one to have committed several violences in the House and the other for coming to the House to take away the Children by main force accompani'd with several drawn Swords that made a noise and 〈…〉 hubbub before the Door to the great scandal of the House And moreover they positively affirm'd That the Childreâ— had many times declar'd before their Father-in-law himself that they desir'd
that it was through the Fraud of her Son-in-law and the rest of her Reformed Kindred that she was depriv'd of their Prayers and of a Catholick Burial However there was no other Proof then Presumption inferr'd from her Receiving the Communion in her Parish before she fell sick Nevertheless the Son-in-Law was condemn'd to dig her up again and carry her into the Catholick Church-yard at his own Charges And because the Body did not seem to be putrifi'd tho' it had lain about two months in the Ground they would needs make a Miracle of it and to hinder the Miracle from being contested some of the Kindred were brought before the Judge to confess that they smelt no ill Smell that came from the Corps Which was enough for Catholick Credulity So that for Fear the Memory of this wonder should perish the Forfeitures adjudg'd against those who had buri'd the Woman in the Church-yard belonging to the Reformed was apply'd toward the making a Cross which was erected over her Grave with an Inscription containing the whole Story However 't is certain they never bethought themselves of informing the world of this Miracle till May which was a long time after the thing happen'd But that which is most observable is this that in the Relation of this Accident they alledge for a most convincing proof of the wonder that the two Months during which time the Body lay in the earth were the sharpest and most bitter cold Months in all the Winter As if it were such a wonder that Frost and Cold should prevent Corruption not to speak any thing now of certain cold Grounds where Bodies will not begin to putrify till after they have lain twenty years together Tonnaiboutonne is a place within the Colloquy of St. John â— ' Angeli where Mass had not bin sung for Fourscore and five years before But this year the Parlament of Bourdeaux resettl'd it in that Place by a Decree of the last of March The Lords of that Mannor had built up a Chappel or as the Parlament call it in their Decree a Sepulcher for themselves and their Family upon the place where formerly had stood the principal Altar of the Catholick Church That decree therefore commanded the pulling of it down and took from the Lords whatever had belong'd to the Ecclesiasticks Nor did it forget to condemn 'em to dig up all the Bodies that had bin buri'd in the Sepulcher to the Restitution of the Church yard the Bells the Curates house and the Alms-house and to rebuild the Church obliging the Inhabitants to contribute two thirds of the Charge and those that had a share in the Tithes the other Third For this was the way to involve the Reformed in the Penalty of the Condemnation in regard that almost all the Inhabitants were of that Number Besides that the Edicts had forbid the reviving the Memory of any Acts of this Nature and discharg'd the Reformed from all the Penalties upon demolishing of Churches before the Edict of Nantes But the Parlament never looking upon that Edict as a Law to bind their Sentences made it openly the May game of their Passion and their Cavils The Reformed also who had got into small Employments were prosecuted this year as in the Preceding so that upon the 29th of April the privy Council fet forth a Decree like the rest against Serjeants Notaries Proctors and Commissioners of the Registry In like manner the same Council set forth another decree upon the Eleventh of March which confirm'd all that had bin enjoyn'd by the Bishop of Poitiers about the distinction of Schools for Boys and Girls and the particular Order of the Judge of the Place which enforc'd the Reformed to get a Licence from the Bishop and to shew it the Kings Advocate before they began to teach Pretended Blasphemies and Irreverences were the Occasion of a world of unjust Acts. Four young Men were accus'd of stealing the Pix upon New years-day and of throwing the Consecrated Wafers about the Church-yard For which they were committed to the Custody of the Provost but they being desirous to decline his Jurisdiction demanded a Removal of their Enditement to some Chamber of the Edict Couchè was the Place where the accident happen'd which falling within the Jurisdiction of the Parlament of Dijon it was there to be determin'd as being the most proper Judicature Thereupon the the Parlament sent back the Enditement to the Provosts who gave Sentence of death upon all four But in regard they were only condemn'd to be hang'd t is much to be question'd whether the Court had any good Proofs of the Crime Othewise had the same Sacriledge bin committed by the Catholicks themselves they had bin broken upon the Wheel or burnt alive And indeed there is one Relation of the Death of those poor Creatures which might give us some reason to believe that the Punishment was mitigated because they chang'd their Religion But the style of that Relation is so monkish and it is interwoven with so many Characters of Falshood that the very reading of it is enough to perswade a man that the whole business was otherwise carry'd For the Monk that made it represents those poor Creatures invoking the Virgin Mary before they had embrac'd the Roman Faith and recounts a Miracle wrote in Favour of one of 'em who seem'd insensible during a very painful Torture of the Rack which he attributes to some motions of Devotion which the young man had for that Blessed Saint But there is a contrary Relation which attests that those poor Creatures were Innocent that the Curate had forg'd the Crime by the foul motives of his impious Malice that it was sworn how they got into the Church through a hole which it was impossible for a mans body to pass through that the Curate â—ade the hole himself that he might have some ground for his Accusation that he took away the Pix himself and scatter'd the Wafers whether consecrated or not about the Church-yard Of all which things there would have â—in sufficient proofs would the Provost have admitted â—em that the Parties accus'd never confest any thing or else what they did confess was extorted from 'em by the Violence of the Torment That there was no Proof of the change of their Religion but the Testimony of the Monks who beset 'em till their Execution Or if any of 'em were so weak as to promise it 't was only out of hope to save his Life that they were not seen at their death to do any thing that savour'd of Catholick Devotion nor to take any notice of their Crosses and Beads which they continually â—eld to their Lips But the Monks are made up of such Calumnies and it was their usual Course to brand the Reformed with suspition of Sacriledge on purpose to render 'em odious to the People as will afterward appear by more then one Example The Lord of Chaurai and his Wife were accus'd of setting
great a Mischief it is our Pleasure and we ordain that all the said Edicts Ordinances and Declarations made by the Deceased King and by our selves upon occasion of the said Duels Combats and Encounters shall be inviolably observ'd for the Future and fulfill'd and observ'd according to their Form and Tenour nor shall they who shall presume to infringe our Commands hereafter so much as hope or expect from us any Favour or Pardon upon any excuse pretence occasion or consideration whatever And we enjoin all our Officers to proceed against the Offenders with the utmost Rigour of our Laws without any Exception of Persons And our Advocate Generals and their Substitutes to make all necessary Prosecutions against such Malefactours Considering also that the Divine Majesty is greatly offended with Oaths and execrable Blasphemies which are utter'd daily by several Persons against the Edicts and Ordinances made by the Kings our Predecessours We have ordain'd and do ordain that the said Edicts and Ordinances shall be Publish'd de novo that no Body may pretend Ignorance And we enjoin all our Judges and Officers within their several Jurisdictions upon pain of losing their Offices to proceed against the Offenders with the utmost Rigour contain'd in the same with which thy shall not dispense upon any Cause whatever upon Pain of being responsible to us in their own Names and Persons Farther we Command our Advocates General and their Substitutes to use all requisite Diligence in the Execution of these Presents Given at Paris October 1. 1614. and the Fifth of our Reign Sign'd Lewis By the King in Council De Lomenie The King with all his Court repairing to his Palace sitting in his Throne of Justice all the Court of Parlament assembl'd in their Scarlet Robes the Speeches made the Chancellor pronounc'd the Decree of Verification which was transcrib'd afterwards upon the folding of the Letters Read Publish'd and Register'd upon the Hearing and Motion of the Kings Advocate General At Paris in Parlament the King there sitting October 2. 1614. A Declaration of the King purporting the renewing all the Edicts of Pacification Articles granted Regulations and Decrees depending upon ' em Publish'd in Parlament the last of April 1615. LEWIS by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr To all c. Immediately after our coming to the Crown the Queen our Thrice Honour'd Lady and Mother then Regent of the Kingdom during our Minority prudently judg'd that there was nothing which ought to be more dear to her then the Preservation of the Publick Peace and that for the Enjoyment of this Happiness and to cause our Subjects to live in Amity one with another it was necessary to confirm the Edicts Declarations and all other Writings and Dispatches granted by the King Deceas'd our thrice Honour'd Lord and Father whom God Absolve to our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion on purpose to let 'em know that she was desirous to follow the Example and Conduct of a Prince who had so happily rul'd and govern'd his Kingdom and advanc'd so high the Grandeur and Reputation of it by his Wisdom and Matchless Valour that she knew not how to take a better course or more wholsome Counsel then that which he made use of Which she did by a Declaration Publish'd in all the Parlaments and in other Places where it was necessary taking the same care also to see it Publish'd And when she receiv'd any complaint of Breaches that were pretended to be made to the Prejudice of the same did all that lay within the Verge of her Power and Authority to cause amends to be made This Conduct which she us'd in all her Actions and Deportment in the Government of the Kingdom having been the true Cause next to Gods Assistance to keep all our Subjects united in Affection Fidelity and Obedience toward us and in Friendship one among another Which has also mov'd us after the Declaration of our Majority to beseech her that she would be pleas'd to continue with the same Affection and Vigilance to assist us with Her good Counsels in the same manner and with the same Authority as if the Administration of the Government were still in Her hands In pursuance whereof by Her Advice as soon as we enter'd into our Majority we set forth a Declaration in favour of our Subjects of the Religion the same in Substance with the former to let 'em always see that our Intention and Desire was to promote Friendship and Peace among our Subjects and inviolably to observe our Edicts And being very sorry for the Contention and Dispute that happen'd between the Catholick Deputies of the Chamber of the Nobility and some others of the said Religion assembl'd in the General States held in our good City of Paris upon this occasion that the said Catholick Deputies had put the Question and came to a Resolution that we should be Petition'd to preserve the Catholick Apostolick Roman Religion according to the Oath which we took at our Coronation a needless Proposal or rather altogether unprofitable considering that we our selves profess it with an unshaken Constancy and Resolution to live and dye in it So that we must believe that the Proposal was not made by them but only to testifie their Zeal and Affection for the Catholick Religion and not to give offence to any Body as first they separately declar'd to us and afterwards all together protesting that they desir'd the Observation of the Peace as Establish'd by the Edicts And that we would be pleas'd to await and expect from Divine Goodness the Reunion of all our Subjects to the Catholick Apostolick and Roman Religion by the means most usual and customary in the Church Being fully perswaded by experience of what is past that violent Remedies have only serv'd to encrease the number of those that are departed from the Church instead of teaching 'em the way to return to it Therefore to take away all evil Impressions out of the Minds of our good Subjects of the said Pretended Reformed Religion who profess it with a Zeal no less Pure and Innocent then remote from all Faction and Evil Design As also all Pretences from whosoever seeks 'em to disturb the Repose of the Kingdom we thought it our Duty upon this to declare what is our Will and Pleasure For these Reasons we make known that having consider'd of this matter in our Council where were present the Queen our thrice Honour'd Lady and Mother the Princes of our Blood c. We have with their Advice said declar'd and ordain'd say declare and ordain and it is our Will and Pleasure by these Presents that all the Edicts Declarations and Private Articles ordain'd in Favour of tâ—â—se of the Pretended Reformed Religion as well by our Deceased Lord and Father as by our selves together with the Regulations and other Letters or Decrees given in their Favour by way of Explanation and for the Execution of the Edict of Nantes and in pursuance of iâ— shall
seventh of June last And as for the Cities and Persons that submitted to our Obedience before that day they shall particularly enjoy the things contain'd in the Letters Patents which have order'd 'em for that purpose So we command our Faithful and Beloved Counsellours in the Parlament of Tholouse c. And for the more firm and stable endurance of these Presents c. Given at Nimes in July 1629. and twentieth of our Raign Sign'd Lewis And below by the King Phelipeaux Read Publish'd and Register'd c. At Tholouse in Parlament August 27. 1629. Sign'd De Malenfant The End of the second Volume A TABLE OF THE MATTERS A. ACcusations odious 521. For violating the Edicts Ibid. For taking away the Prayer for the King in the 20th Psalm 523. For blaspheming the Holy Things 525. Acts of Injustice at Vitre Dijon Taulignan 424 370 465. Particular Acts of Injustice 465. Affairs Forreign of France in what Condition 314. Aggravation venomous 524. Aire Bishop of his violent Speech 249. Albert de Luines his Original 260 261. His Confidents their Character 262. He Marries into the House of Rohan 264. He Fools the Queen and the Duke of Rohan 319. His notable Artifices to gain Lesdiguieres 382. More of the same 384 385. Made Constable 388. Alets reduc'd 459. Alliance French with Gustavus King of Sweden 471. Alliance double with Spain concluded on 17. Ambrune Bishop of his Speech to the King 339. Amelot Commissioner in Poitou and Santonge 383. He ruins the Churches under the appearance of Honesty 384. d' Ancre Marquiss of hated by the Princes of France 153. They unite against him 154 c. His Death 263. St. Angeli Besieg'd and Reduc'd 309. The Priviledges of the City abolish'd 310. An attempt upon it 122. Prevented by the Duke of Rohan 123. Annexes the occasion of great Injustice 469 489. Annexes of the Dauphinate 495. Advice of the Commissioners of the Dauphinate upon 'em 498. New Vexations about 'em 505. Order of the Intendant of Poitou concerning 'em 516. St. Antonin tak'n by Assault 334. Apology of the General Assembly 424. Arminians favour'd by the Court 372. Arnoux the Jesuit invective against him 301. His Dilemma 302. Banish'd the Court 319. He succeeds Cotton 272. Artifices of the ancient Enemies of the Reformed 41. To undermine the steadiness of the Assembly of Saumur 53. Artifices against Chamier 66. Assemblies why they refus'd to break up before their Papers were answer'd 303. Assembly of the Clergy began at Paris remov'd to Poitiers thence to Bourdeaux 320. Assembly of the Clergy at Paris 406. Of Notables 433. Assembly at Anduse translated to Nimes 459. Of the Clergy at Paris 464. Assembly of the Clergy 521. Assembly general allow'd for Chastelleraud 22. Remov'd to Saumur 23. Assembly at Saumur and the Quality of the Deputies 26. Commissioners from this Assembly to the King 44. The Assembly sends Deputies to the Court 47. Gives Reasons for not choosing six Deputies 52. In which they persist 53. Nominates Commissioners 60. The Assembly resolves to break up 65. They draw up Regulations 69. Assembly at Castle-jaloux 92. Assembly at Rochel 138. General Assembly leave to hold one at Grenoble 160. Assembly of the Clergy at Paris 183. Assembly at Grenoble 201. Sends a Deputation to the King 203. Removes to Nimes 212. They mistrusts the Lords 214. They send Deputies to the King for a Peace 232 c. Remov'd to Rochel 235. They send Deputies to Loudun 236. Assembly of Rochel send Deputies to the King 264. And receive an Order to break up 265. Assembly of the Clergy at Paris 274. Assembly at Castle-jaloux and Tonneins repair to Orthez in Bearn and are proscrib'd 308 309. Assembly of Orthez remov'd to Rochel and breaks up 322. Another Assembly at Loudun Ibid. c. Assembly of the Clergy at Blois 330 c. Constancy of the Assembly of Loudun 335. Assembly at Anduse 357. Assembly at Gergeau 358 c. Other Assemblies in Anjou and Bur. gundy 360 c. General Assembly at Milhau 361 c. Assembly at Rochel declar'd unlawful 365. Assembly at Rochel 380. Duplesses and Moulin solicit the breaking of it up 390. Affairs of the Assembly of Rochel 393 c. Defends it self in Writing 410. Reply'd to by the Jesuites 413. Irreparable faults committed by 'em 417. The State of it 428. Assignations ill paid 375. Attempts upon the Cities of Security 300. B. BAilliages establish'd with little exactness 270. Basnage the Reformed Minister 482. Bearn forc'd Conversions there 433. the King will have Bearn treat separately 47. Articles in favour of Bearn 85. The State of Bearn falsly represented 276. Reunion of it to the Crown 279. An Argument upon the Reunion of it 280 c. Answer to it 285. The Edict of the Reunion publish'd 286. The Bearnois endeavour to ward off the Blow 289. The State of Religion in Bearn 290. Their Writings answer'd 297. Their extream despair 307. More of the Bearnois 313. The whole form of the Government alter'd 346 c. Violences committed there after the Kings Departure 348. The Affair of Bearn cross'd a thousand ways by different Artifices 351. All manner of Succours refus'd to their Deputies 352. Bearn subdu'd 405. Bellujon censur'd by the Assembly 56. Beraud Minister of Montauban 481. Berger a Reformed Counsellour at Paris turns Roman Catholick 162. Breticheres his Politick design 328. Bishops of Languedoc side with the Duke of Orleans 492. Bishops of Albi and Nimes degraded for Rebellion 493. Bishop of Orleans's Speech to the King 521. The Bishop of St. Flour's Speech 529. Bishop of Mompellier his Rights over the Vniversity 152. Blasphemies pretended 427 440. The occasion of a World of unjust Acts 448 450. Bodies of the Reformed digg'd up again 402. Books prosecuted 451. Books that made a noise 85 87. Bouillon Marshal his Letter 313. He treats with Count Mansfield 340. His Proposals to the Duke of Rohan about it 341. Publishes an Edict in favour of the Reformed 417. Bouillon Duke of the Son changes his Religion 517. He ruins himself for Love of a Lady Ibid. Bouillon the Father soon gain'd at Court 8. He endeavours to gain the Prince of Conde 17. Gain'd by the Queen 23. His Inconstancy about Presidentship 28. Discontented seems reconcil'd to the Duke of Sulli and Interests himself for Senevieres 30 31. Dangerous Counsel imputed to him 55. His strange Advice 58. Made a Commissioner by the Assembly but refuses it 60. Breaks with the Duke of Rohan 118. Reconcil'd 150. He seeks to be reveng'd upon the Queen 180. He labours with the Reformed to joyn with the Reformed 182. Writes to the King 412. He refuses the Place of General 416. Buckingham Duke jealousies between him and the Cardinal 416. He compleats the Ruin of the Reformed 418. Burials disturb'd 439. The Right of Burial violated 446. Of Gentlemen Founders of Churches 431. C. COcherat Minister of Quilleboeuf 513. Candal Duke of embraces the Reformed Religion 215. Castres Vexation of Officers
the Harbour 352. Meditates great designs 395. Betray'd by Nouailles 396. He disingages himself 397. His success alters the face of Affairs 398. His Manifesto 399. Answer'd 400. He prospers 402. Spanish Fleet before Rochel 444. States General of France meet 168. The third Estate oppress'd by the Nobility and Clergy Ibid. St. Mark Commissioner in the Synod of Alenson 401. Substance of the General Cahier of the Assembly of Saumur and of the Answers to it 73 c. Sulli Duke of made a Marshal of France 502. He takes false measures 6. He is advis'd to look to himself 7. His disgrace 19. Remov'd from the Exchequer and Government of the Bastille 20. He writes to the Queen 21. His Affair examin'd 25. An anonimous Answer to his Discourse 27. His Speech to the Assembly 48. Synod at Alenson 401. The Commissioners Speech there Ibid. And his Instructions 402. The Moderators Answer 404. Their Deputation to the King 407. The Deputies how treated at Court 410. Nomination of General Deputies 411. They make particular Deputies 412. They condemn Militieres Projects 412. And approve Daille's writings Ibid. They appease the Dispute about universal Grace Ibid. Synod National at Charenton 370. Send Commissioners to the King 372. Their Obedience 375. Proposals made there by Galand Ibid. They send a new Deputation to the King 376. Synod National 420. Synod of Realmont 422. An Article drawn up in that Synod for discovery of all such as had a hand in the Spanish Treaty it offends the Churches and is disown'd by the National Synod 425. The National Synod names General Deputies 428 429. And come to divers Resolutions 429. National Synod at Charenton 480. The Commissioners Speech Ibid. Answer'd 482. They send Deputies to the King 485. Their Papers Ibid. The Deputies favourably receiv'd 487. Important Resolutions taken by the Synod 488. Synod National at Alenson 540. Synod at Blois 90. Synod National of Privas 99. Complaints of the Synod of Blois 103. Care of the Synods for the Reconciliation of the Grandees 105. National Synod at Tonneins 158. Synod National at Vitre 266 c. Synod National at Aletz 349 c. T. TIerache the Reformed Inhabitants there treated favourably 117. Titenus writes against the Assembly of Rochel 308. He answers Milletiere 373. Tonneboutonne Mass resettl'd there 447. Tonneins derided for her Civility 314. Treatise entitl'd The Eucharist of the Ancient Church 500. Tremoville Duke of submits 313. Troubles in France renew'ed 394 129. Troubles end 143. Troubles of Privas 354 c. At Nimes occasion'd by a Jesuit 376. New Troubles in Bearn 402. V. VAlence's Credit 365. Valence Bishop of persecutes the Forreign Ministers 469. Vatan the Lord of it dies 94. Vendosm Duke of foil'd before Britesse 346. De Vic 329. Vieville his ingratitude and ill success 388. Villarte a Monk sent to Foix and his Behaviour there 338. Attestations given him Ibid. His Triumph but a Chimera 402. Vitrè the Church there pull'd down 443. Union sign'd and sworn 100. Treated of between the Prince of Condè and the Assembly of Nimes 216. United Provinces send succour to France 438. University of Poitiers the Statutes reviv'd 421. Vniversity regulated 450. Voices and Opinions divided in the Court of Castres and the Issue of it 429. Ursulin's of Loudon the Farce acted upon 'em 504. W. WAtons besieg'd taken 379. Retaken and restor'd 380. War against the Reformed the Reasons for it prevail 332. The success of it in many Places 346. Civil War new Seeds of it 470. War new in France the Presages of it 378. William de Hugues his Negotiations in England 390. A TABLE of the Edicts Declarations c. Serving for Proofs to the Second Part of this Work THe Kings Declaration upon the Edict of Pacification May 22. Page 455. General Regulation drawn up in the Assembly of Saumur August 29. 1611. 458. Writing of the Assembly at Saumur Anno 1611. and Answer 462. A Declaration of the King touching the Assemblies of any of his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion confirming the Edict of Nantes and the Particular Articles At Paris April 24. 1612. Register'd in Parlament May 25. of the same Year 482. A Declaration of the King in favour of those of the Pretended Reformed Religion confirming the Preceding Declaration of April 24. Given at Paris July 11. 1612. and verifi'd August 8. 484. A Declaration of the King and Confirmation of the Edict of Nantes given at Paris December 15. 1612. and verifi'd Jan. 2. 1613. 486. A Declaration of the Kings Majority containing a Confirmation of the Edict of Pacification and Prohibiting Duels At Paris Octob. 1. 1614. Verifi'd the 2. of the same Month and Year 489. A Declaration of the King touching the renewing of all the Edicts of Pacification Articles agreed Regulations and Decrees in pursuance of the same Publish'd in Parlament the last of April 1615. 491. A Declaration of the King upon Arms being taken by some of his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion containing a new Confirmation of the Edicts and Declarations formerly made in favour of those of the said Religion Given at Bourdeaux Novemb. 10. 1615. 494. An Extract of the Kings Edict for the Pacifying the Troubles of his Kingdom given at Blois May 1616. Verifi'd June 13. the same Year 499. Private Articles granted in the Kings Name by his Deputies sent to the Conference at Loudon to the Prince of Condè to obtain the Pacification of the Troubles after that seen approv'd and ratifi'd by his Majesty 500. A Declaration about the Edicts of Pacification given at Paris July 20. 1616. And verifi'd August 4. the same Year 503. A Declaration of the King containing a Confirmation of the Edict of Loudun and the Private Articles of it Given at Paris the last of September 1616. and verifi'd Octob. 25. 504. A Declaration of the King against unlawful Assemblies of any of the Pretended Reformed Religion at Castel-jaloux and Bearn given at Paris May 21. 1618. and verifi'd May 25. 506. A Declaration of the King confirming the Edicts of Pacification and the Assemblies of Castel-jaloux and Orthes approv'd dated May 24. 1619. 508. A Declaration of the King against those of the Assembly at Loudun together with a Confirmation of the Preceding Edict of Pacification Dated Feb. 26. 1620. 510. A Declaration of the King in Favour of his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion who shall remain in their Duty and Obedience dated April 24. 1621. 514. A Declaration of the King by which all the Inhabitants and other Persons within the Cities of St. Angeli and Rochel are declar'd guilty of High Treason Publish'd June 7. 1621. 517. A Declaration of the King containing Prohibitions to all his Loving Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion remaining in their Obedience to stir from their Houses either in the City or Countrey under the Penalties therein express'd dated July 25. 1622. 520. A Declaration of the King upon the Peace which he gave his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed
with their Subjects Proofs The Reformed were in a Condiâ—… Six considerations that demonstrate it Respects upon which the King Treats The King his Subjects Arbitrator Maxim of the Clergy in the Question about the Regale The King Warranted his own Edict Successors bound to observe the Treaties of their Predecessors That the Parlaments had a share in Edict That it was necessary not to give 'em the least occasion of Complaint The Clergy The Pope himself A Return to the History The King willing to satisfie the Pope and to mortifie du Plessis The Scandal of false Quotations reflects hard upon the Honor of du Plessis The Challenge that he makes to his Accusers accepted by Perron Conference Granted Difficulties in the thing and about the place rais'd by the Clergy Others of du Plessis's Friends and â—… The Steps of their foul Play Du Perron has Notice but du Plessis has not 2 Du Perron is dispens'd with from givine the five hundred passages under his hand which he had proâ—… 3. The Order and Choice of the Passages is left to him 4 〈…〉 Plessis 〈…〉 threâ—… Artifice of it And for some time refuses these Conditions They Terrifâ— him by threatning to Examinâ— the Passages in his â—… The Conference almost broken off is renewed on unfair conditions 5. Du Perron prescribes the Laws for it 6. Du Plessis Robb'd of his Nights Rest 7. Sixty one Passages are given him to justifie in Eight Hours time 8. â—… 9. â—… 10. He changes two of the first Nominated for two more suspected 11. He choses two of the wavering Reformed The Character of du Frene Canaye And of Casaubon 12. Another Artifice made use of by forbidding the Terms of False and Falsity to be mentioned Du Plessis Condemn'd in Nine passages â—…ctions And Particulars Du Plessis falls Sick and the Conference is broken off The Triumphs and Insults of the Catholics The sequel of the Conference The Parlament remov'd from Chatelleraud to Saumer When they broke up The War of Savoy And it 's success The State of the Country of Gex A New Creation of Offices The Negligence of the Reformed and their Prejudices The Exactness of the Commissioners The Difficulty on the Edict of 1577. favourably taken off Limited Exercises Places of Bailliage Burying places 1601. Appeals of the Orâ—â—â—â— The Assembly of Saumer General Deputieâ— Difficulties oâ—…â—â—ir Institution Aâ—â—â—…gâ—s in â—… Nâ—… â—… â—…od at Gergeau â—…â—… The Succession of England The Deuth of the Grandson of the Admiral de Chatillon The Birth of the Dauphin The Prediction of La Riviere Notice given to the Reform'd of a League made against ' em A General Assembly at Sainte Foye The Conclusion of a peremptory Warrant like our Hereof fail you not A Sect â—â— people that beat themselves twice a day and once a night An Ignominious punishment so call'd 1602. The Disgrace of Marshal de Bouillon * A Paper containing the particular Rights or Customs due to the King Sedition at Rochelle The Spanish Cabal in Council presses the Destruction of the Reformed With a Prospect to divert the King's Forces by a Civil War 〈…〉 of Suspicious and Pâ—ars between the Reformed That the assurance of being bâ—belov'd by the King kept 'em in Peace Roni is made Governors of Poitou The Death of Queen Elizabeth Breach of promise to the Edict 1603. The Duke of Rohan The Repeal of the Jesuits A Synod at Gap His Character And that of Chauve The Article made to be inserted in the Confession of Faith which imports that the Pope is Antichrist The King is offended And threatens The Synods Reasons New Editions of the Confession of Faith where the Article is inserted The False Moderation of Clement VIII Other matters of the Synod Condition of the Repeal of the Jesuits Satyrs against ' em Cotton the Jesuit Wounded Is made the King's Confessor The Character of this Jesuit Questions to be propos'd by him to a Woman possess'd The Pâ—â—â—â—â—vation of Geneva against 〈…〉 Attemptâ— of the Duke â— Savoy The Disguising this Adventure in the Jesuits Writings The Death of the Duchess of Bar. The Progress of dâ— Perron's Fortune The Intrigues of Spain in the Court of France The Treason of one of Villeroy's Officers 1604. The Reformed fear that the King gives way too much to the Jesuits He answers their Papers favourably Gex The Genius of la Trimouille And his Death The Process of the Cardinal de Chatillon's Widow 1605. The Pyramid thrown down New Factions The Assembly at Chatelleraud St. Germain's Letter to the Mareschal de Bouillon Roni is sent the King's Commissary at the Assembly His Instructions 1505. His Speech Provincial Councils Deputies General General Assemblies Union renew'd Lesdiguieres enters into it Roni excuses that New Oath A Brief for the keeping of the Hostage Cities The Assembly suffer the Marshal of Bouillon's Places to be taken Other Advantages which Roni obtains of the Assembly The Pope is very well satisfied with it The Deputies of the Assembly are caress'd at Court Assembly of the Clergy 1606. Artifice to hinder the Ecclesiasticks from changing their Religion Edict in favour of the Clergy Roni Duke and Peer of France The Marshal of Bouillon makes his Peace Treaty with the Rochelois Priests who refuse to pray for the King Powder-Plot Oath exacted from the Catholicks in England The Reform'd of Paris obtain the Exercise of their Religion to be perform'd at Charenton The Lord of the Mannor opposes it in vain A Sedition in Paris Favourable Answers to the Petitions 1607. The Jesuit Seguiran's Enterprize to Preach at Rochel Mortifications of the Jesuits * Which signifies a Dart or Arrow Synod at Rochel Deputies General The Question about Antichrist renew'd Deputies gain'd at Court Clear-sighted of the Church and Fools of the Synod The Question is defer'd Vignier order'd to write at large about it The Synod only names two Deputies General Affairs treated in the Synod Foreign Ministers Malwin call'd to Rochel The King refuses the Nomination of the Deputies 1608. A General Assembly is allow'd at Gergeau Sully suspected by the Reform'd Affairs of the Assembly Places lost by the Reform'd Conference and Changes of Religion The Solemn Act that passes between the Pope and the French King A resolute Answer of the Kings disowning the promises made in his Name by his Attournies Cotton the Jesuit made Tutor to the Dauphine Fund for such Ministers as should change their Religion Treaty with the Moors who were persecuted in Spain It is spoken by the Bigots Lesdiguieres Marshal of France 1609. The Kings Domestick Troubles Divers Sentiments about the Alliance with Spain Frauds to renew the Civil War Power of the Jesuits Setled in Bearn Petitions answer'd Synod at St. Maixant Theatre of Antichrist Incroachment upon the Rights of Royalty Jurisdiction of the Chambers A Book found at La Fleche Discourse of Jeannin about Liberty of Conscience The Prince of Conde ' Flight War declar'd against the Arch-Duke The King 's Formidable Power Calumny against
some Ministers unpunish'd Troubles of Privas And their Original Accommodation broken by the Lord. The Place iâ— deposited Violences of the Garrison and Galumâ—â—es against the Inhabitants Assembly at Anduse Chatillons behaviour Chaâ—… Attaâ—kâ—d Invectives against the Synod of Alets Assembly of Gergeau Important Propositions 1. Whether they should Vote by Heads or by Provinces 1610. Deliberations of the Assembly Other Assemblies in Anjou and in Burgundy Divers Complaints of the Reform'd in those Provinces General Alarm of the Churches after the Alteration of the Churches made in Bearn Assembly at Milhau Oppos'd by the Deputies of Lesdiguieres and of Chatillon Effect of the Promisâ—â— made to the Assembly of Loudun Councellors receiv'd in the Parliament of Paris Leitoure taken from Fontrailles The Brief expedited for the Keeping of the Places of Surety is not given The Interest of Favas Precipitates the return of the Assembly at Rochel Declaration which makes it pass for an Unlawful Assembly The Prince of Conde and the Favourite fail in their Garrantee to the Beform'd A suppos'd Letter written in the Duke de Mombason's Name They begin to use the Reform'd as Rebels 1620. The Ecclesiasticks are seiz'd upon at Montauban Which the Consuls excuse And the Catholicks aggravate The lâ—ke Transactions elsewhere Character of Masuier Who writes to the King with Malice Division of the Judges of Castres about the Inrollment of the Declarations Trouble at Nimes occasioned by a Jesuit Circle of the Lower Languedoc assembled at Lunel 1621. Retaking of the Castle of Paivas All manner of Justice refus'd to the Reformed Which are reduc'd to Despaire Undâ—rhand Dealing of Chatillon with Mommotency Order from the Court injoyning both Parties to disarm Taking of Walons Sâ—â—â—e and Taking of Wals. 1621. Walonsâ—s â—s retaken anâ— restâ—r'd Assembly of Rochel Lesdiguieres falls out with the Assembly The small Affliction he had for his Râ—â—â—â—ion He Marries Mary Vignon Contrary to the Discipline of the Reform'd Of which he makes a publick acknowledgment Notable Artifices of the Duke de Luines to gain him Double Commission to prâ—vaâ—t with him What Empire Deagean gains over Lesdiguieres Feign'd Deputies of Religion Bressieux order'd to ruin the works of Deagean Buliion succeedes iâ— it better than he Lesdiguieres does not hearken to his friends Notable Guile of Deagean Luines is made Constable Lesdiguieres remains at Court Mediation of the Dukes de Rohan and de la Trimouille Of which Favas ruins the Project Du Plessis and du Moulin sollicit the Assembly to break up Du Moulin in danger of being secur'd Coldness of James the I. about the Affairs of the Palatinat Du Moulin writes to him and his Letter falls into the hands of the Council of France Effect of those Letters to the Assembly Difficulties which stâ—pt the Negotiations New Conditions of Accommodation Seven Articles which the Court agrees upon To amuse the Reformed The Duke de Luines is little inclin'd to it But the Queen The Prince of Conde Puisieux The Clergy The Pope The Spaniards make the King resolve upon War Some are 〈…〉 destroying Root and Branch * Partisans or such as Farm the King's Revenues And others for sparing the most Peaceable Reasons of the first Advice Reasons â—f â—â—e Second Which is followed Reasons publish'd to blind the Reform'd New Difficulty about the time of beginning the War How those Difficulties were remov'd The King goes unexpectedly from Paris And removes the Offices fâ—r the Receits of his Revenues out of the Reform'd Cities Settlement of War drawn in the middle of the Negotiation of Peace New Troubles in Bearn The Duke d'Epernon is sent thither Cowardize of the People of Orthez La Force retires All Bearn is subdu'd Sedition at Tours And elsewhere The Court stops the Progress of it The Sedition is renew'd Punishment of some of the Criminals Which dazles the Reform'd New Declaration The General Assemblâ— dâ—fâ—nds it â—â—lf in Writing Particulars of their Complaints The Marshall de Bouillon writes to the King Reply of the Jesuits to the Writing of the Assembly The Assembly draws a Project to defend themselves Division of the Provinces into Circles The Marshal de Bouillon refuses the Place of General Irreparaâ—… General of the Circles Seat of the Assembly The Peaceable Reformed are disarmed Wâ—â—â—â— câ—â—sâ— a great Dâ—â—â—â—tion Trick put upon Du Plessis to get Saumur out of his hands They amuse him with Promises even in Writing Reproaches made to him by the Assembly The King's Declaration against the Cities of Rochel and of St. John d'Angeli Which obliges the Reform'd to renounce the Party of the Assembly in Writing Self-interested Baseness of all the Governors of the Towns of Surety The King dâ—molâ—shes the Fortisications of the Cities that are delivered up to him Apology of the General Assembly Invective against the Jesuit Arnoux Why the Assemblies refus'd to break up before their Papers were answer'd A violent Answer to â—â— in the King's Name Forcing away of Children Catholics dispens'd with granting their Church-Yards at their owa Charges Tilenus writes against the Assembly of Rochel Siege and reducing of St John d'Angâ—â—i Priviledges of the City abolish'd Marshal de Bouillon's Letter The King marches into Guyenne Siege and taking of Clairac A Breif from the Pope to the King The Reformed unfortunate every where La Force defends the Place The King raises the Siege Passionate Harangue of the Bishop of Rennes The Story of Dominic de Jesus Maria. 〈◊〉 at Paris The Church of Charenton burnt The Reformed quit their Habitations They are accus'd of setting fire to the Bridges of Paris The Circle of Languedocâ—â—sâ—â—ss â—â—sâ—â—ss Chatillon The great Confusion in the Circle 1622. The King returns to Paris A remarkable Writing of Jeannin a ivâ—sing Peace The Reasons for the War more prevalenâ— The Reformed reassume fresh Courage The King leaves Paris His Success in Poitou And Guyenne where he treats with la Force Sediion against the Catholics Remarks upon the style of this Harangue Desolation of the Church of Foix. Attestations given the Monk Villarte He forbids the Reformed to quit their Habitations Count Mansfeild treats with the Reformed Mansfeild gain'd by the Court. Negotiations of Peace reuew d. The Siege of Mompellier Success of the War in divers places Chatillon made Marshal of France Sedition at Orleans The Original of Parpaillots Of the word Hust Violence of the Seditior the Reformed disarm'd Soubise sollicits for Succor in England The Treaty concluded with an Edict Right of Parlaments * That is to walk barefoot and bare-headed through the Street with a burning Taper in their hands to some publick place and there to acknowledg their Offence The Advantages of 〈◊〉 Peace All the Cities accept the Peace Ill observ'd by the Court. The King return to Paris The Bishop of Luson made a Cardinal The Character of that Prelat How he received the News of his Prâ—â—otion Excessive Flatteries 1623. The Duke of Rohan detain'd Prisoner General Papers Uncertain Answers Exercise of Religion forbid * The