was come from Paris to goe to Shartres and to fight with the enemy to this purpose he added some French troopes to his owne men when he was come to Mantes the Duke of Burgony met him with 3000. fighting men the Dolphins forces consisted then of 7000. men at armes 4000. crossebow men and 6000. archers but finding himselfe much inferior to the Kings forces he raised the siege and retired himselfe to Turin for one defeat would have beene sufficient to have ruinated all his fortune the hopes of battell being thus vanished the Duke past into Picardy this Province was held in much disorder by Messuers de Harcourt â—…'Offemont and other Captains he and his men marched without any manner of order looking for nothing lesse then to be set upon so as being assaulted at unwares not farre from Mons the Dukes Banner born by his servant who should have borne it fled suddenly away and two thirds of the Army beleeving that the Duke had been gone with it fled likewise after it and Pieron de Luppes pursuing them with an hundred and twenty horse did so weaken his companions as that the Duke accompanied by valiant Gentlemen overthrew those who remained killing foure hundred of them and taking an hundred prisoners This good fortune was accompanied by the gaining of St. Requier which was surrendred to him by Monsieur de Offemont in change for the prisoners he had taken The King on theother side made himself master of Dreux Beaugensy and other places upon composition and returning by Beause tooke Rougemont by force and Villeneue upon articles having here made fitting preparations for the siege of Meaux he passed thither in Boats over the river Marna invironed it with workes and trenches This place was defended by brave Captaines under the command of the bastard of Vaures and by a thousand Souldiers besides the inhabitants who were all ready to defend it here did the King receive newes that his Queen was delivered of a sonne at Windsor baptized Henry the place of his birth and name did allay his joy for hee called to minde an unlucky prediction the which though hee did not beleeve yet it is incident to man to doubt of happinesse and feare calamities for evill events happening oftner then good wee doe rather beleeve such predictions as foretell bad events because they are likeliest to ensue So as turning to his Chamberlaine hee said that to himselfe who was borne at Monmouth great conquests were fore told and a short life but to his sonne borne at Windsor a long but miserable life and a declining fortune that he left the sequell to Gods disposall but if the predictions were such they were too true for just so it fell out Mr. d'Offemont was to goe to Meaux to take order for defence of that place and the besieged had writ unto him the name of the place by which he was to enter giving him downe a ladder at the walles foot that hee might the readier climbe up hee came accompanied with fourty Souldiers hee slew some Centinels which were in his way and passed quietly into the ditch but whilst his men clome up the ladder that he himself might be the last it so fell out that as he was passing over a boord which crossed some kinde of concavity his foot slipt and hee armed as he was fell in and not able to be got out without noyse having broken two Lances which were by his men let downe to help him out the besieged ran thither and setting upon those who were not yet gotten up tooke him wounded and by direction from the King hee was carefully dressed and looked unto This chance did much trouble the besieged who not able to defend the Citie without infinite labour their number not being sufficient to defend so great a circuit they abandoned it and retired themselves to the Fort in the Market-place where having broken their Lances in their daily bickerings they made use of Spits and the English who were lodged in the Citie enjoyed the like advantage for they were freed from infinite guards which the great circumference of the place inforced them to keep The King caused Artillery to be planted in fitting places beating downe the walles houses and the onely Mill which was within that compasse winning the which hee did so incommodate them that if they had been succuored they could have received no comfort without a counter-siege This onely difficulty had been sufficient to have made them whilst time served thinke upon their safeties but their vain-glory to be buried in the ruines made them lend no eare to the perswasions of an enemy King who did friendly admonish them Whereupon force being the onely cure for their obstinacie hee set upon them with a generall assault which was valiantly performed and more vigorously oppugned the defendants being inforced after much losse of bloud and lives of both sides to retire and the defendants esteeming themselves victors in as much as they were not overcome were so puft up with pride as after divers opprobrious and scornfull speeches they did drive an asse to the top of the walles which incompassed the Market place in sight of the besiegers and causing him by blowes to bray they incited his assistance to the besieging King the which hee made a lesse esteem of then the losse of the sonne of the Lord Cornwalle a young youth who being hardly out of his nonage had through his wisedome and valour raised such an expectation in every one as had not a Cannon shot bereaved him of life he in a short time was likely to have been numbred amongst the worthiest Captaines of that age But these the besigeds uncivill rusticke insolencies were but of short continuance like the last blasts of a candle ready to goe out for they surrendred themselves at the Victors wills the lives of the meaner people being onely secured The King used such justice as they had deserved The bastard Vaurus was beheaded and his body hung upon a tree without the Citie upon the which hee had formerly caused a many English and Burgonians to bee hanged whereupon it was afterwards called Vaurus his tree Dionegius Vaurus and Lewis Ghast were afterwards put to death in Paris the rest which were betweene seven and eight hundred were imprisoned and their goods divided amongst the souldiers the taking in of Meaux drew after it the surrendring up of many other places amongst which that of Crespi in Valesia of Pierrapont Mertean Offemont Compeigne Remy Gurney Mortemer Neville Montaigne and others Moy Montecurt and Bressii were set on fire by their owne garrisons as unable to hold out any longer the garrisons of Moy retired themselves to Guise and the rest elsewhere King Henry was no sooner gone from Meaux but the Queene his wife came into Normandy with a puissant army of horse and archers under the conduct of the Duke of Bedford she passed on from Hafew to Roan and from thence to the Boys de Saint Vincent where
and thinke him worthy of that favour which the rigour of Law had debarred him of forgetting how much hee had made Henry suffer With this pretence hee went to Yorke proclaiming Henry to be King in all parts and stiling himselfe onely Duke of York The Earle of Warwicke hearing of his arrivall and of this his dissimulation wrote to his brother the Marquesse Montague who stay'd all that Winter with a great garrison of Souldiers at Pomfret to fight with him before hee should gather new forces or at least that hee should entertaine him till such time as hee himselfe should come thither and that by no meanes hee should suffer him to come into Yorke for by advancing his affaires there hee would endanger theirs Hee in conformity to this commanded all the Cities and Townes in those parts not to receive him but to shut their gates upon him and do him all the mischiefe which according to the Lawes of the Land ought to be done to a publike enemy But whilest the Earle was raising Souldiers and his Brother did not move Edward put forward and was met by two Aldermen neere to Yorke who advised him to steere his course some other way for that the City could not but oppose him and do him all possible mischiefe Hee having courteously heard them answered that hee came not to fight against the King nor any wayes to molest him acknowledging him to be his Soveraigne Lord but that hee might be permitted to enter into the Dutchy of Yorke his ancient patrimony hoping that as there was none that could justly oppose him therein so they least of any being the naturall subjects of his house from whence they had at all times received all manner of grace and favour The Aldermen returning with this answer and hee after softly following them in an instant the Citizens minds were changed those who were gotten upon the Walles to defend them against him as against an enemy came downe to be his guides and to keepe him from being by any one injur'd being come before the City and met by many of the chiefest Citizens he made such use of his affability calling the Aldermen your worships as by the fairenesse of his language and his large promises he got them to yeild to what ever he would 'T was agreed that hee should be received into the City if hee would sweare to two things that hee would treat them according to his proffered conditions and be obedient and faithfull to all Henries commands Upon these tearmes all parties retired themselves the Citizens to Yorke and Edward with his people to the fields expecting the nextday These good people thought hereby to do good service to God the King and Kingdome but the unwary do alwayes harme when they thinke to help To receive banisht men to restore goods and to dispose of estates belongs not unto Subjects The nextday Masse was said at the gate whereat hee was to enter He swore to the two Articles with such intention as the effects of his not observing them did afterwards declare Wherein is to be observed Gods Long-suffering and Justice the one by his not immediately punishing him the other extending it selfe not long after to his Family which being deprived of the Kingdome and that confer'd upon his enemy was utterly destroyed to manifest unto us that the delay of punishment is not the abolishment thereof These sacred ceremonies being ended with divine attestation he entred the City and as soone as he had from thence received monies notwithstanding all his Articles he made himselfe master of it by placing therein a good garrison and they too late perceived his breach of Faith but it behooved them patiently to endure the yoake which with their own hands they had put about their necks He stayd there but a while for having taken certaine forces into pay hee resolved to go to London A rash resolution had hee had any thing to lose but being he possest nothing and was either to regaine his Kingdome or lose his life which was not to be valued since hee had nothing to maintaine it with 't was a noble resolution and altogether worthy of the greatnesse of his spirit His neerest way lay by Pomfret where Marquesse Montague lay he shun'd him keeping on the other hand foure miles above him and the Marquesse came not forth otherwise Edward and his few men had bin but in bad condition He suffer'd him to passe as if he had had no knowledge thereof This was his second error the first being that he suffer'd him to get into Yorke Some notwithstanding were of opinion that he met him not because he did not much trust his people who hating Henry as the onely Picture of a King unfit for government and the cause of so many scandalls inclined to Edward a King fit to defend himselfe and them Hee thought not to meet with so good fortune but meeting with it and making use of it he put himselfe againe into the roade-way and marcht on to Nottingham where many Gentlemen with great troopes of men came to meet him here he was proclaimed King contrary to the tenure of his first pretences and his Oath taken at Yorke People flocked to him every houre he feared not to passe on to Leicester that hee might draw nigh to the enemy who was then at Warwicke under the command of the Earle thereof accompanied by the Earle of Oxford hee resolved either to give him battell or else to finde out some meanes to joyne with his Brother the Duke of Clarence Warwicke was not well satisfied with the Marquesse who by not opposing him had advantaged the Enemy he levyed Souldiers apace that he might come to the battell and advertised the Duke of Clarence to the end that hee might hasten unto him but growing fearfull of his temporizing he resolved to fight himselfe alone with those troops he had and with this designe he went to Coventry Edward who soone after his departure from Warwicke was come thither followed him the same way the Earle was much perplexed hee was certaine of nothing but battell his safety depended upon the will of Fortune His sonne in Law and his brother were corrupted the first for certaine the second not unlikely but rather to be doubted then built upon So as having intrencht himselfe he expected the Dukes comming who he understood was not far off Edward who was not farre off raysed his campe as if he meant to give his Brother Clarence battell apart and presented himselfe in battell aray before him But as soone as they were within sight one of the other the Duke of Gloucester ran into Clarence his Camp not demanding safe-conduct as upon like occasions is usuall they seemed to treat of what they had long before concluded betweene themselves peace was published and Edward proclaimed King and the two Brothers embraced each other as if there never had beene any thing of difference betweene them Never was man more directly murdered then was Warwicke
what was most Essentiall as that his Father was a Jew that he himself was born in London held at the Font by King Edward and the Dutchesse of Burgundy her practises He confessed his going to Portugall but not that he was sent by Her In like manner he confest his journey to Ireland Whereupon the Confession being first written with his own hand and afterwards Printed did not satisfie the Peoples curiosity since they saw the name of the afore-said Dutchesse the chief Actor in this Comedy purposely concealed But the King would not irritate her any farther thinking it sufficient punishment for her to be so diversly spoken of as shee was together with her own vexation that her inventions not succeeding should be made evident to the world The Civill wars whereof I write ought to end with the death of Richard the 3. without any further progress but the fire therof though quenched having left hot ashes and caused the alterations of those two Impostours Symnell and Warbeck it was requisite for me to write This life likewise though with intention to end it according to the Object and Title propounded to my self with the Imprisonment of the Later of the two the last exhalation of all these Heats But it would have mis-become me to have left it abruptly off there remaining so Little of it without discovering the fountains head from whence the Kings of Scotland derive their lawfull succession to the Crown of England and without setting down the punishment of Warbeck and of the Earl of Warwick the last Male of Plantagenets race whose death freed the Kingdom from Pretenders I wil then proceed with the greatest Brevitie that may be The truce between England and Scotland was no sooner made but that an unexpected accident hapned which had wel nigh broke it and turn'd all things to their former troublesom condition The Castle of Norham is parted from the confines of Scotland by the river Tweed so as neighbour-hood having caused conversation and friendship between some young men of Scotland and of England the young men of Scotland had wont to passe over the River and come to drinke and sport with those of Norham the Souldiers of the Garrison growing mistrustful of this custom their grudges not being totally extinguished by the Truce did not thinke their coming proceeded from Friendship but out of a desire to pry into the Fortifications whereupon falling first to Words and then to Blows the Scotch-men by the disadvantage of place and ods in number were hardly treated and some of them were slain King Iames taking this as done purposely to injure Him dispatcht away an expresse Herauld to complain thereof and in case the King should not give good satisfaction to denounce War Henry who minded nothing but his quiet answer'd That he was sorry for the Accident which hee neither knew of nor did allow of that hee would inquire into the Actors of it and give them such punishment as there should be no occasion to breake the Truce But time passing on and nothing done Iames thinking this was but his Dissembling with intention that Delay working Forgetfulnesse might exempt the faulty from Punishment was more offended then formerly and certainly somewhat of mischiefe would have hapned had not the Bishop of Durham who was Lord of Norham wisely taken order in it For knowing that the injury was done by His men he wrote in so civill a manner to Iames about it as that he rested satisfied and desired the Bishop to come unto him that they might treate upon the present occasion and upon certaine other things that concern'd both the Kingdoms The Bishop acquainted Henry with this who gave him leave to goe hee therefore went to the Abbey of Melrosse where the King then was who at their first meeting complained of the injury done The Bishop answer'd that could not be call'd an injury where there was no intention of Offending He confest the too much Rashnesse of his men occasioned by misfortune not out of any intention to offend Him the offence if any there were must needs proceed either from the King or the Garrison not from the King for he was not of such a nature which if he were it was not likely he would make a Truce to Breake it immediatly without any Advantage or Occasion nor did it proceed from the Souldiers who were sure to be Punished for it a chance unthought of caused by suspition could not be termed an Injury not that hee did not confesse the Authors Guilty of it but with the Distinction allow'd of by the Lawes between Accidentall and Premeditated faults that as the Later were worthy of severe Punishment so were the Other of Clemency and Pardon obtainable upon request from so generous a Prince as was His Majestie The King being pacified said He pardon'd the offence in respect of the Friendship contracted the Continuance whereof he desired And then drawing him aside pursued to say His desire was to have a Long and Good peace the which if Henry likewise desired the true way to effect it would be by Henrie's giving him for wife his Eldest daughter Margaret for that thereby the friendship between the two nations would be perpetuall that this was the reason why he had desired him to come into Scotland hoping that by his wisdom he might bring the busines to a good end The Bishop after having modestly answer'd for what concern'd Himselfe promised him all the Furtherance his service could doe him in effecting his desire Being returned to England he acquainted Henry with the King of Scotlands desire wherewith King Henry was much pleased The busines being long debated in Counsell the match was agreed upon so as Peace might precede it which was done Peace being concluded during the lives of the two Kings and for one Year after and the Marriage was to be celebrated but not Yet the Bride who was born the 29. of November 1689. being too young Charles the eighth King of France died this yeare on the 7. of Aprill whose Funerals were with great pomp celebrated in London the King being very sorrowfull for his death as calling to mind the Favours he had received from him Perkin was this mean while in Prison but so carelesly looked unto as cosening his Keepers he made an Escape Not knowing whether to fly for safety being followed and diligently sought for he returned to London presented himself before the Prior of the Monastery of Bedlam a man of great esteem desiring hee might be received into that Sanctuary the Prior acquainted the King with it desiring him to pardon his life the Counsell were for the most part of a contrary opinion desirous that he should be taken from the Sanctuary and executed so to end their fears but the King at the Priors intercession pardoned him his life being contented that he should stand in the Pillory from whence hee was brought with Irons upon his feet to Westminster yard where hee again read his
Hen Do Cary Baro de Leppington Comes Monmouthensis et honble Ord Balniae Eques DEO CARI NIHILO CARENT Guil Faithorne fe CAROLVS D.G. MAGNAE BRITANNIAE FRAN ET HIB REX MARIA D.G. MAG BRITANNIAE FRANCIAE ET HIBER REGINA AN HISTORY of the Ciuill Warres of ENGLAND betweene the two howses of Lancaster and Yorke The originall where of is set downe in the life of Richard the second theire proceedings in the lives of Henry the 4th Henry the 5th and 6th Edward the 4th and 5th Richard the 3d and Henry the 7th in whose dayes they had a happy period Englished by the Right honble Henry Earle of Monmouth in two Volumes Imprinted at London for Iohn Benson are to be sould at his shop in St Dūstans churchyard 1641 AN HISTORY OF THE Civill VVarres OF ENGLAND Betweene the two Houses of Lancaster and Yorke The originall whereof is set downe in the life of Richard the second their proceedings in the lives of Henry the fourth the fifth and sixth Edward the fourth and fifth Richard the third and Henry the seventh in whose dayes they had a happy period Written in Italian in three Volumes by Sir Francis Biondi Knight Gentleman of the Privie Chamber to his Majesty of Great Britaine Englished by the Right Honourable HENRY Earle of MOUNMOUTH in two Volumes THE FIRST VOLUME Imprinted at London by T. H. and I. D. for Iohn Benson and are to be sold at his shop in Saint Dustans Churchyard 1641. THE TRANSLATORS EPISTLE TO THE READERS HIS COUNTRIMEN THat Translations are at the best but like the wrong side of Hangings is granted Yet he who cannot get to see the right side may by the other guesse at the Story therein represented This of mine may yet seeme to be of a worse condition as onely the reducing back to our owne Language that which hath beene collected from our home Stories and published in a forreigne Tongue so as it may almost be termed the turning into English what was turned out of English But the Authour hath had his end the making the valour and honour of our Kingdome knowne to his owne Countreymen for which we owe him a Nationall thankes I have chosen this way to pay mine by affording you all a means how to acknowledge yours and thus I have part of my end likewise The remainder being my observance of his desires and the shunning of spending my time worse The Italian saith Chi non puo quel che voule quel che puo voglia If I could coine anie thing out of my owne Braine worthy of my Countreymen they should have it since not let them accept of this Piece of Gold changed into Silver and therein of the good will of their Compatriot MOUNMOUTH THE AVTHORS EPISTLE DEDICATORY To the High and mighty Monarch CHARLES King of great BRITAINE FRANCE and IRELAND I Was of opinion Sir that the eminent condition of Princes did require from such as serve them actions answerable to the greatnesse of their thoughts and that otherwise they would prove contrary to the dignity of the one and duty of the other But upon better advice I found that Princes make use of men as they do of mettals which though not all of a like worth yet are they all adapted to proper uses so as iron and lead though of meane esteeme are not to be slighted in things where gold and silver are of no use I Sir that am the meanest of all your Majesties metalls having undertaken to write the story of the Civill warres of England was in some dispute with my selfe touching the Dedication And though in all reason I was to dedicate it to your Majesty as I most humbly doe yet the thread of my discourse wanting the mentioned proportion I have laboured to perswade my selfe to offend rather against it then against my duty not that I ever imagined my lead could be any ways servicable unto your Matie but that I faine would hope your Majesty through Royal clemency wil be pleased to approve of my resolution occasioned by the leasure times your Majesties liberality causeth me to enjoy The reason Sir why I write it not from its beginning is my not being sure to finish it To make therefore an entire story I have chosen that part thereof which is to be handled under one title and object And I have written it in this language for that Italy though rich in science and history is but meanely furnished with this story having had no light at all thereof save by Polidore Virgill who by writing it in Latine hath made only for the learned and by making it so succinct hath afforded me field room to make it for all men and to adde many things to the much which perhaps for lacke of time was by him omitted I know not Sir whether the freedome I take in giving my opinion upon the passages herein be to please all men but a bare story seemed to me to be like a naked body which exposed to the injury of ayre groweth infirme and being seene by others is ashamed Some are of opinion that all things ought to be represented in their originall purity that so the liberty of giving judgement might be left unto the reader yet the best both of ancient and moderne writers have done otherwise But a whole peece of cloath being presented to the Readers view he cannot judge whether all the threads bee of equall goodnesse unlesse the weaver who knowes from whence he had them give him a true information not therby taking from him the liberty of giving his judgement but rather affording him a double freedome therein for to the examination of the story he adds the power of examining the historians opinion I prayse goodnesse and blame vice but in the second Volumne I doe not praise the soft unsinnowy goodnesse of Henry the sixth Xenophon decyfering a perfect Prince in the person of Cyrus amongst exercises prescribes him hunting not that by the custome of seeing blood shed hee should become cruell but that by not commiserating delinquents he might become just and not abhorring the sight of dead beasts warlike otherwise contaminated with a womanish pitty he would at the same time have made him incapable both of scepter and sword Goodnesse though feminine by name is of masculine effects and fixing its undazled eies upon God its primary end ought to become void of folly scruples and feares I am sorry Sir I was so late in undertaking this affaire since I am too late aware that contemplative sciences do in their universall objects produce particular ends bring delight and glory to the understanding no profit that truth may sow the seeds but opinion reape the harvest that we are not wise save when we know we know nothing which is that learned ignorance so ingeniously handled by the Cardinall of Cusa I place not here divine knowledge◅ she hath two reall foundations to be esteemed such prophesies miracles and histories take from this number
But since we are taught to know no more then is behoovefull and that with sobriety and according to the gift we are endowed with all I see not that we are necessitated to busie our selves therin unlesse there be a lawfull vocation whilst we ought to content our selves with the knowledge of God by the generall way of the worlds harmony and order and by the particular way of faith The true cause then Sir which hath moved me to this undertaking is the having considered that the end of civil life being to live well and happily and that there is no happinesse without knowledge nor knowledge without science since those of contemplation doe not it must be the morall sciences which doe produce it the which appeareth manifest unto me for that nature hath imprinted in us the principalls thereof to make it the more easie unto us to the end that without contemplation or learning the learned and unlearned may be equally capable therof agevolated by their object the which is either familiar in us as are affections or hath dependency upon us as have actions As soone as we are borne by the traditions of our parents and such as have the care of our bringing us up we learne to love vertue and hate vice being become men to governe our family growne more mature to rule the weale publique and if we meet not with so much of facility in the last as in the other two it happeneth for that morall and Oeconomicall vertues are but the Columnes whereas the practice of States the knowledge of Princes and how to manage people are the true structure of this edifice upon the modell though of past events For as wits though never so excellent expresse no other conceits then what have formerly been expressed sine they cannot exceed the bounds wherewith knowledge in generall is limited so adventures though casuall happen not but by way of Analogy to what hath already happened depending upon the constant causes of former orders the which though diverse in time are notwithstanding at all times like unto themselves if not equall So as since we are wanting in the practice of present affaires the knowledge of what is past is necessary the which not being to be had but by history it followeth that history be the safest way to this happinesse worthy to be with all diligence frequented not by me alone but by the very best This Sir is the occasion of my present labours which I consecrate unto your Majesty not so much for that they appertaine unto you containing the Acts of your most glorious predecessours as that your Majesty possessing all such discipline as does become a great King will together with the worke accept the devoted good will of the workeman who boasts himselfe of nothing more then of the honour he hath to be Your Majesties most hmble and faithfull servant Giovanni Francisco Biondi THE GENEALOGY OF EDWARD THE THIRD Who had Five Daughters and seven Sons 1. IZabella who married Ingheran Lord of Cousi by whom shee had two daughters 1. Mary married to Henry of Bar. 2. Philippa married to Robert Vere Duke of Ireland afterwards repudiated 2. Ioane married to Alfonso 11. King of Castile and Leon. 3. Blanch who dyed young 4. Mary married to Iohn Montford Duke of Britany 5. Margaret married to Iohn Hastings Earle of Pembroke who dyed without issue 1. Edward Prince of Wales who married Ioane daughter of Edmund Earle of Kent brother by the fathers side to Edward the second by whom he had Richard the second who succeeded his Grandfather in the Kingdome and dyed a violent death without issue 2. William of Staifield 3. Lionel Duke of Clarence 4. Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster 5. Edmund of Langley Duke of Yorke 6. William of Windsor 7. Thomas of Woodstocke Duke of Glocester The two Williams both dyed young without issue The Genealogies of the foure other are hereafter set downe The Genealogy of Lionel Duke of Clarence third Sonne of Edward the third Lionel duke of Clarence married Elizab daughter of Will. Burgh earle of Vister by whoÌ„ he had Philippa who married Edmund Mortimer Earle of March and had by him Roger Earle of March. declared by Richard the second successour to the Kingdome the yeare 1387 who married Elizabeth sister to Thomas Holland Duke of Surrey and had issues Edmund Earle of March who died in Ireland without issue the third yeare of Henry 6. Roger who died young Anne who married Richard Earle of Cambridge sonne to Edward Duke of Yorke she afterwards laid pretence unto the crown Eleanor who dyed without issue Edmund Iohn beheaded in the third yeare of Henry the sixt Elizabeth married to the Lord Pearcy surnamed Hotspurre Henry the second Earle of Northumberland who was staine in the first battell at St Albans who by Eleanor daughter of Ralph Nevil first Duke of Westmerland had Henry the third Earle of Northumberland who was slain siding with Henry the sixt against Edward the fourth Philippa who had three husbands but no issue The Genealogy of Iohn Duke of Lancaster fourth son of Edward the third from whom came 4. Kings viz. Henry the 4. 5. 6. 7. Of 3. wives he had 8. children what Sonnes what Daughters By Blanch daughter to Henry Duke of Lancaster grandchild to Henry Earle of Lancaster great grandchild to Edmund second sonne to Henry the 3. Henry the 4. married to Mary daughter to Humfrey of Bohun Earle of Hertfora Essex and Nottingham Constable of England by whom he had Henry the 5. marriea to Catherine of France by whom he had Henry the 6. who married Margerit daughter to Regnald Duke of Aâ—…ou King of Siâ—…ily from whom came Edward Prince of Wales slaine by Edward the 4. who all died without issue Thomas duke of Clarence Iohn â—uke of Bedford Humfrey duke of Gloster Blanch married to the Elector Palatine Philippa married to the King of Denmarke Philippa married to Iohn King of Portugal from whom came the successors of that Crowne Elizabeth married to Iohn Holland Duke of Exeter beheaded at Chester Richard Holland who dyed young Iohn Duke of Exeter who had two wives viz. Anne daughter of the Earle of Stafford by whom Henry Holland Duke of Exeter dis-inheâ—…ited by Act of Parliament the first yeare of Edward the fourth and found â—…ad the thirteenth yeare betweene Dover and Caleis Anne daughter to Ioh. Montacute earl of Salisbury by whom Anne married to Thomas Nevil brother to the second Earle of Westmerland Ralph Nevil 3. Earle of Westmerland Edward who died without issue By Constance daughter to Peter King of Castile Catherine married to Henry son and heyre to Iohn King of Castile and Leon from whom descended the heires of those Kingdomes By Catherine Roët daughter to a King of Armes by whom hee had before he married her and who were after made legitimate by the Popes authority and Act of Parliament Iohn Beaufort Marquis of Sommerset and Dorset who married Margerit daughter to
gallant Commanders then were the latter two they brought home renowned victories the blacke Prince not yet fully sixteene yeares old was victorious in the battell of Cresses his Father being present who denyed him succour onely looking on whilest he with bare two thirds of 8500. men fought with little lesse then 90000. to the end that that worth which before its accustomed time did bud forth in him might produce early fruits watered by the Rivolets of glory and honour and not many yeares after being fewer by three fourths then were his enemies hee in the battell of Poictiers tooke King Iohn of France prisoner invironed by all the Princes and Nobility of that Kingdome but dying not long after in the full growth of his glorious atchievements he left behinde him this Richard which did succeed his grandfather the yeare 1377. Edward the third had seven sonnes foure whereof dyed during his life time the first as hath already beene said the second and sixth without issue and the third which was Lonel Duke of Clarence left no other issue save Philip married to Edmond Mortimer Earle of Marsh of whom came Roger and of Roger Anne the innocent cause of mischiefe to that kingdome for being married to Richard Plantaginet Earle of Cambridge second sonne to Edmund Duke of Yorke she inriched that Family by her just pretences to the Crowne much more then by her portion whereof her successors to the prejudice of the whole kingdome did afterwards make use For though the laying private claims to Estates be alwaies lawfull to the pretender yet is it not alwaies expedient for the publique nor are they easily obtained but by unjust and cruell waies Iohn Duke of Lancaster Edmond and Thomas the fourth fifth and seventh were onely those who did outlive him The latter two whereof were afterwards by their Nephew created Dukes the one of Yorke the other of Gloster I will not here set downe their posterity the reader may betake himself to the Genealogicall tables prefixed by means whereof any whosoever be he not brutishly ignorant both of the law of nature and kingdoms may give his judgement of the right or wrong of those who raigned and if therein you shall not meet with the to be commiserated number of those of the blood Royal who either through the obstinacie of hatred or incivility of civill warres came immaturely to their end the occasion will be for that being descended of women by former marriages expatiated into other families cruelty would triumph in the diversity of spoiles and begird her temples with a Crowne partly composed of the blood of many who by their deaths reduced the blood Royall of England to a small number the which whether it were expedient or not and whether the multiplicity of pretenders be of use or the contrary to Kingdomes let it be a dispute referred to the argumentation of good wits though extreames being in all things bad that seemes lesse harmefull which consists in the weaker breath of a few then what in the violent whirlewindes of many their authority and designes being able to dissolve their oppositions and jealousies able to raze whatsoever well founded Monarchy Richard was by nature endowed with amiable conditions for being of a comely personage and of a liberall and generous minde he was likely to have proved like unto himselfe had he had the fortune to have arrived at the maturity of his judgement under the guidance of his Grandfather or father but being freed from the authority of such as might have sweetned the asperity of his yeares the fruits of such hopes as were conceived were before their maturity corrupted for infatuated by the soothing of his flatterers and enforced by his servants affections to which Princes through a maligne influence are usually subject he hated all such counsells as did oppugne his minde he rewarded such as did not contradict him and being growneolder he through wofull experience found that his undoing was occasioned by his having equally offended kindred Clergy Nobility and people Of the three Dukes he of Yorke was of a sweet condition given to pastime void of ambition a hater of businesse nor did he trouble himself with any but for formalities sake being thereunto constrained by his quality The other two Lancaster and Gloster both of them ambitious and turbulent did notwithstanding differ in this that whereas the former endeavoured the encrease of his authority by making himselfe to be feared the other aspired to the like end but by contrary meanes Lancaster declaring himselfe from the beginning to be an enemy to the people Gloster if not by inclinations by cunning profestly popular First Richard did much apprehend Lancaster those who for their own particular interests did sooth him in his youthly desires endeavoured to perswade him that Lancaster who was an obstacle by them reputed too difficult for their designes would have plots upon his person but being gone into Spaine his thoughts being fixt upon the Kingdomes of Castile and Lyons to both which in the right of his second wife Constance he did pretend he left Gloster to inherit these suspitions who opposing himselfe in all actions against his Nephew after having provoked him by injuries and by detractions vexed him for his reward lost his life It is not my purpose to write all the acts of this King a great part whereof I passe over as the rebellion of the pesants with intention to extirpate together with the Nobility himselfe his expeditions in France in the pursuit of his Grandfathers and Fathers designes in Flanders in the favour of Vrban the sixth against Clement who called himselfe Pope in Avignon in Ireland to tame the savagenesse of that people in Scotland to represse inroades and his marrying the sister of Wincesâ—…us the Emperour I will onely treat of such things as caused his ruine after having reigned 22. yeares Certaine men were at the first deputed unto him as well for the government of his person as estate whose plurall authority ensuing to bee more of burthen then benefit it was reduced to the person of Thomas Beauchamp Earle of Warwicke chosen to this charge by the unanimous consent of Parliament but the King herewithall not contented being by reason of his yeares unfit to governe and by reason of his bad Councell not apt to be governed began to alter this ordination in the person of Richard Scrope formerly by the Parliament chosen Chancellor of England a man so void of blame in all his actions as he was very worthy of the charge imposed upon him The King amongst the most considerable jewells of his Crowne hath one thereunto inchased by the Lawes that those whose fathers dye in the nonage of their sonnes fall under his tuition till the one and twentieth yeare of their age all their revenew redounding from the aforesaid time to the King save the third part which is reserved for their education it now so fell out that by vertue of this prerogative Richard enjoyed the income
in bad then good seeds for as soone as the bad hearbs are weeded out others spring up in their place as happened in this affaire It may not be amisse for us to give our opinion of the right or wrong of these severall parties The King was young and wholly possest by wicked people who like to thirsty Leeches endevoured to drowne themselves in the fullest veines they lived not save in the death of others nor were they enriched but by other mens losse and confiscations They thought belike that great men were like Eagles feathers which doe corrode those of other birds that therefore it behoved them to rid their hands of the Duke He on the contrary was not without his venome his hatred increased the more for that for his Nephewes fault he seemed to be torne in peeces by the meaner sort of people a provocation sufficient to make a man of his quality undergoe whatsoever excesse which that he did the death of his accuser may serve for an argument for it was not likely that he should feare danger being innocent he was great of himselfe strengthened by the authoritie of his brethren by his dependants and followers not being to bee judged but by his Peeres And though the Court might have a great part in them yet not so great as was to surmount his share hatred of favourites being in all men of more force then the hopes of amending their owne conditions by so unworthy meanes On the other side it may be that the Frier wrought upon by mightie promises had slandered him he not being likely to have pryed into so secret a businesse whilst others knew nothing thereof being himselfe neither of the privacie nor family of the Duke and it may be not known by him but if it were so the Duke ought not to have ended the question by violence nor ought his violence to have been authorised by impunity what was this but to assure unto us the reality of his fault and that hee was imboldned by the Kings minority and secured by his owne greatnesse At this time did Charles the sixth reigne in France son to that Charles who for having hindred the progresse of the English Armes deserved to be stiled Charles the wise and who taught by the example of his progenitors instructeth us That crazie states are not sustained by hazards but by good counsell for rashnesse is seldome favoured by Fortune He dying left store of treasure behinde him and therewithall this Charles who contrary to him had likely by his hare-braindnesse to have lost France The inward and conformable maladies of these two kingdomes did seasonably abate the edge of their weapons by short but redoubled truce the sympathizing conditions of the two Kings requiring it to bee so Richard being but two yeares older then Charles each of them alike prodigall and unfit for government the one and the other under the government of Tutors Kings barely in title their Uncles exercising that authority nor was there any difference between them save that Charles was beloved Richard hated and whereas the former failed through want of wit the other erred onely through the corruption of counsell Charles had exercised the maidenhood of his Armes in the behalfe of Lodovick Count of Flanders against the Flemings who did rebell against him And proving therein prosperous hee became so greedie of warre as the truce with England being expired hee coveted nothing more then the continuation of that hatred his little experience not well advising him and his yeares making him presume himselfe borne for that which his predecessors never durst undertake Hee begun the warre in Poictou Saintunge and Limosin under the conduct of the Duke of Burbone He sent into Scotland to Robert the second who then reigned an aid of Lances and Crosse-bow-men by Iohn of Vienna his Admirall to the end that the English being busied on the one side might be the lesse able to resist the invasion which he intended to make on the other For having given order for a great Army at Sleus and for another in Bretanny he intended himselfe in person to attempt the conquest of that Kingdome Burbone tooke many Forts and other places in those Provinces But the Admirall was but badly received in Scotland he found not the King at Edinburgh his usuall place of residence for he cared not to be found there as esteeming the comming of those people burthensome Hee very well knew King Charles his humour and believed that for some whimzies of his owne hee would put upon him the necessitie of warre which Scotland useth not to undertake but upon good conditions occasion and advantages But things were not as the King beleeved for Embassadors having been sent to him the yeare before from France to acquaint him with the truce made for one yeare with Richard wherein hee was likewise comprehended some of the Councell had treated with them that if the King of France were resolved to send over to them a thousand horse five hundred Crosse-bow-men and Armes for another thousand they would trouble England which being by them understood as a thing resolved upon they were come without more a-doe with the men and Armes required They brought no horses along with them to avoid trouble thinking to finde enough there but Scotland being then according to its own wont not as now furnished with what is necessary and with much of superfluity had not horses wherewithall to furnish them they were forced to fit themselves with horses at excessive prices The King being returned the Admiral delivered his Embassage the which being seconded by such as thought to better as well their private as the publicke condition upon the hopes that England being set upon on both sides would in likelihood be lost King Robert could not resist the importunity of his people So as his royall will being published within a few dayes 30000 fighting men appeared under their Banners With those and his owne men the Admirall entred Northumberland took there divers Townes burnt and destroyed the Countrey nor had he retired from thence had hee not been inforced by those who were most experienced having received advertisement that the King was marching towards them with a great Army The English Army consisted of 68000 men what Bow-men what Lances with Pioners and other attendants it made up 100000. and as many horse The Admirall persisted in his opinion of giving battell when being brought to the top of a hill under the which the enemy lay and having seen their order and their number he changed his minde But being resolved come what come would to doe some famous act hee made this proposition that since they must of necessity quit the field which without much rashnesse could not be made good they might doe the like as the enemy doubtlesse would doe to wit that as the enemy was like to finde Scotland without defence so they passing by the other part of England likely to want defenders might by their
more really performe then did he his threats which with feare-infusing forces are of no validity They did as it were beleager him in the tower for the Thames being well guarded and they themselves making good the Citie he had no possible meanes of making an escape whereby perceiving the vanity of his owne opinion he yeelded to the advice of others necessity being the chiefe motive But it was impossible to bring them together for neither would hee come out of the Tower nor they enter for fear of the like treacheries as in a lesse proper place they had not long before had experience of at last feare found the meanes he propounded unto them to send men who might search the Tower with the which contented they sent two hundred armed men who having searched every corner received the keyes of the gates and so secured their entry Their complements were short and coole as was to be expected in a businesse of such nature They first shewed him the Letters written under his owne hand to the Duke of Ireland upbraiding him with the breach of his private promise and publique faith publiquely proclaimed but at the sight of his safe conduct for France which in the second place they shewed him he grew pale and not knowing what to say in his defence burst forth into teares That which was then resolved upon was that he would the next day cometo Westminster to take order for his past misgovernment He would have had them lodge in the Tower with him but they excused themselves upon the necessity of their being present with their men For his satisfaction Darby and Nottingham tarried there At night when hee retired to his rest those who were nearest about him wished him to consider that to goe to Westminster would be both shamefull and dangerous whilst they considered not that where honour is in question shame consists not in the eyes but in the minde which could penetrate the thickest walls and that he could not meet with greater danger by comming forth since he had already put himselfe into the hands of his most hated enemies But according to his custome imbracing the worst counsell he refused to goe to Westminster at which the Barons thinking themselves deluded they sent him word that if he would not come they would chuse a new King in his stead A more considerable shame and danger then was the quitting of the Tower and the doing of what of himselfe as King he ought unintreated to have done Yet all these errours considered there is no law which permits subjects to make so insolent a protestation Hitherto their actions had been in some sort justifiable the States necessity excused what of violence they had formerly used but to use such tearmes to a young King as ought onely to be used to an old incorrigible Tyrant they had neither law for their justification nor reason for their excuse since they were chosen Governours for the conservation not extirpation of the King and Regall Majesty but though God was pleased that his inconstancie should be punished by this affront and that like a childe he should be frighted with the noise of the rod hee was not notwithstanding pleased that they should hate that in him which they loved in themselves that they should fall from justice to severity and from a juridicall government to tyranny so as both sides having offended it is no wonder if all of them in their due times did receive alike punishment The King being by threats brought to Westminster this proposition was made unto him that in consideration of many disorders which had happened to the prejudice of his honour and the good government of the Kingdome by the infidelity of certaine traytors that were too familiarly about him to the end that more the like might not ensue hee would bee pleased that they might bee banished the Court and his presence To the which he bereaved of all acts of will especially such as tended to contradiction did much against his will give consent grieving that hee was to lose their company who hee intirely loved and esteemed his onely faithfull advisers the chiefe of these were three Prelates The Archbishop of Yorke the Bishop of Durham his Treasurer and the Bishop of Chichester his Confessor Three Barons Zouch Burnel and Beamont five Knights many Ladies and Gentlewomen To boot with their banishment they were to give in bond for their appearing at the next Parliament to answer to such things as should be alledged against them Of the three Bishops Yorke and Chichester were freed from this ingagement for they were formerly fled Many others of all conditions were imprisoned Priests Gentlemen and Lawyers of the which the most considerable were Simon Burle and Nicholas Bambre The day appointed for Parliament being come and the Judges having tane their seats they were all one onely excepted committed to prison for that in the preceding Parliament they had given their votes for the legitimacy of the election of the governours and in the Castle at Nottingham had subscribed to the Articles of Trisilian to the contradiction of what they had formerly done Those who had absented themselves were cited to appeare The Duke of Ireland the Archbishop of Yorke Earle of Suffolke and Trisilian were summoded to answer to such Articles of Treason as should bee objected unto them by Gloster Darby Arundel and Nottingham and that in case they did not appeare during the sitting of that Parliament which continued from the Purification to Pentecost they should be for ever banished and their goods confiscated Trisilian relying more upon his warinesse then a wary man ought to doe was betrayed by one of his servants and taken in a house neare the Parliament whither with confidence he had retired himselfe that he might the better discover the daily passages He had the face to deny himselfe having so transformed himselfe as he was almost not to be knowne After much mockery he was hanged Bambre who was his companion in actions was the like in fortune hee had his head strucken off with a hatchet which hee himselfe had caused be made to behead a number of people whose names were found in a list about him Many others went the same way But the death of Simon Burle was thought lesse justifiable then all the rest This Simon was nobly borne Iohn his father was Knight of the Garter and his Uncle Walter Burle was one of the first to whose charge Edward the third trusted the education of his sonne Edward with whom this Simon being brought up under his Uncle he proved so full of worth as the Prince thought hee could not commit the government of his sonne Richard to a more deserving man A choice not to be sleighted being made by such a Prince In this his charge he knew so well how to comply with Richards inclination as that when he came to the Crowne he raised him to great honour making him Knight of the Garter Chamberlaine Warden of
the Cinque Ports Constable of Dover Castle and Privy Councellor Some say he made him Earle of Huntington but I finde not this made good The reasons of his ruine were his sumptuous living the sincerity of his minde and the places he enjoy'd by the first having exceeded all former presidents for magnificency he drew envie upon him by his sincerity he made Gloster his enemy for he unfainedly loved the Duke of Ireland the which if it were a fault in him let who will judge certainly a true affection and friendly faith things so seldome seene in Court ought rather to have procured praise then blame his places the last in order but first in effect was the axe that slew him The Duke not being able to make any pretence unto any of them neither for himselfe nor any other save by his death the faults which were laid to his charge were the wastefull spending of the Kings treasure the converting of the souldiers pay to his private use his having sent great summes of money to Dover Castle from whence he had by night conveyed them into Germany that upon the bruit of the comming of the French into England he had used meanes to the Deane and Chapter of Canterbury that the rich monument of that Church should be put into his hands under pretence of keeping it safe in Dover castle but in effect to send it as his owne into Bohemia to the first charge he wanted no defence for there were so many through whose hands the Kings monies passed before they came to him as that he had no part therein save what the King in bounty gave him for what concerned the souldiers pay he was not allowed one that might reckon with him and make even the accounts whereupon he was found in arrere 250000. frankes he on the other side demanded satisfaction for his expences in his journey to Bohemia concerning the Kings marriage but this not being granted he required time for paiment which was likewise denied him for the transportation of treasure there was no proofe made of it that he was a friend to the Duke of Ireland as hath bin said might well increase his danger but not his fault for what concerned the tombe or monument who can tell whether his intention was rather to send it into Bohemia then to keepe it safe in Dover castle as the occasion required and his words witnessed Justice ought not to punish a fault not committed for that it might be committed nor ought a Judge condemne a man of a mentall conception not expressed for that such a thing might have bin imagined and put in execution two things make much for his innocency that he was beheaded on the sudden by the sole command of the Duke of Gloster without any legall proceeding and that the Earle of Darby had endeavoured his freedome insomuch as that he grew to high tearmes with the Duke Walsingham accuses him for having consented to sell Dover castle to the French when the King should give him notice that he was proud arrogant an oppressour of the poore a dispiser of the Church a fornicator an adulterer but he rather spake like a preacher being indeede of the Clergie then as an historian for the surrendring up of Dover 't was one of these popular errours which in the fall of great men disperse themselves amongst the common people it doth not appeare that the King would have sold Dover to the French nor is it likely that he had any intention of giving them so principall a place in England whilst when he would have sold Callice and the adjacent places he reserved unto himselfe the Dutchie of Gascony nor did the letters which together with the pasport were intercepted make any mention thereof As for pride arrogancie and the neglect of the poore they are evils much practised against such as from a low beginning are raised to great preferments If on the contrary side he had been to have shewed unto us what store of humility meeknesse and charity hee had found amongst such who from a low beginning have arrived at great preferments though the world be not quite void of vertue he would have been more troubled in finding of them out then in finding out a peece of paper wherein to make a short Catalogue of their names Besides though such sinnes may deserve blame yet they deserve not death being a fitter subject for the Court of Conscience then the Assises Hee was understood to bee a contemner of the Church as I beleeve by reason of his pretended sacriledge of the rich tombe in all likelihood fals For if the French had landed as all men had reason to think they would Canterbury was no wayes defended the losse of that treasure most certaine and Burles providence worthy of reward and praise For fornication and adultery say it were true if the lawes were therein severe not onely the Court but the whole world would quickly be dispeopled I conclude that the Duke of Gloster took liberty the weal-publick for his colour but the bringing of the King under his own particular interest was the soule therof The Judges remained for the last act of this Tragedy who as the last imprisoned so were they the last punished they were as well as the rest condemned to dye but the Queen begged their pardon since they were inforced to subscribe the Articles they were notwithstanding banished in perpetuity having only so much as might suffise them for livelihood alotted unto them out of their confiscated goods a good fortune which Burley met not with for he was beheaded before the King had any notice thereof otherwise he had not died which when he understood hee uttered against Gloster what ever affection passion or reason could dictate unto him But this Oligarchy did not long continue for it began but a little before the last yeare of Richards minority and ended as soone as hee came to full age the yeare 1389. The manner of destroying it whether it proceeded from the advice of others or from himselfe was noble and generous hee commanded all the Nobility to come to Court which they did being all met in the Councel Chamber he was not long in comming thither himselfe They all with nuch expectation longed to heare what he would say when being set in his chaire and looking round about him he asked them how old they thought hee was Answer was made full 21. If so said he in reason my condition should not be worse then is the condition of my subjects who by the lawes are at those yeares exempted from guardianship and are admitted to the managing of their owne affaires Hitherto I have been a ward being now no more so I renounce the being governed by you intending hereafter to governe my person and my affaires as best shall please my selfe And to the end that from that time forward they might hold him for a free and absolute Prince he forthwith tooke their offices from some of
Princes actions to the peoples humours workes wonderfull effects without the effusion of bloud This Ireland was commanded by many petty Kings almost every Province had its particular Prince he drew foure of them to his obedience and by the example of his honourable treating of them had drawne all the rest had he not been by his Prelates desired to returne to remedy the troubles which the Wiclifs opinions had raised up in England Whence it may be gathered that had hee not been naturally given to listen unto bad advice and flattery hee would have proved a good Prince The Duke of Lancaster was received in Guascony as the Sonne and Uncle of a King but not as Duke of Aquitany he with much modesty shewed them the donation which his Nephew had given him and did with as much patience endure the not receiving of it He moved that Embassadours mought be sent into England giving them his word that hee would approve of what should bee there agreed upon though to his prejudice the which was done The points which opposed the donative were two The one pertaining to Justice the other to reason of State That which belonged to Justice was the preservation of their priviledges The Kings of England were obliged to keep the Dukedome of Aquitany perpetually united unto the Crowne they had deprived themselves of any power of dismembring it giving it away or of giving it in fee-farme to any whosoever were he or Sonne Brother or Uncle to the Crowne They swore at their coronations to maintaine these priviledges and did authorise them by letters Patents and great Seales Richard had sworne the same and had given them letters Patents to the same purpose but hee had forgot it being very young when he did it The point of State was that the successive Dukes contracting affinity with other Princes which must of necessity ensue as namely with Burgondy France Normandy Brettany Fois Navar Castile and Portugal they should in processe of time divest themselves of all interest and shake off the friendship of England and the subjection thereunto The reason of their priviledge wrought much with Richard but this last consideration broke the necke of all the favours therein intended to the Duke for all that Gloster could do to the contrary who left nothing unattempted whereby he might keep him aloofe off Hee annulled the donation and recalled the Duke receiving him at his returne with more honour then good will This businesse being ended there remained nothing of importance but the providing of himself of a new wife not any daughter being then to be found amongst his neighbouring Princes Navar had daughters and sisters too but Richard did not incline that way The Duke of Gloster had a daughter marriageable nor could any thing more acceptable have befallen the Kingdome but the being his full Cosen-german served him for a justifiable excuse for if bare consanguinity had emboldned the Duke so much to molest him what might he expect from him when hee should bee likewise joyned unto him by so neere affinity as to be his Father-in-law But if this was the cause why he would not marry her he was deceived for this was the onely means to have made the Duke on his side and whereby to have avoided the evill which did befall him But the blinded eyes of humane judgement fore-sees not what 's to come but rather by eschewing meets with those evils which it thought to have left behinde The true cause as I conceive was that as his love was in extremity so was his hatred and that consequently the hatred he bore to Gloster was the reason why hee detested this match not the meannesse of bloud The King of France had a daughter between seven and eight yeares old here Richard pitched his resolution though hee therein met with three obstacles all of them of moment That shee was daughter to a King that was his enemy so yong as that hee was not in a long time to hope for issue by her and that she was formerly promised in marriage to the Duke of Brettanies eldest sonne Hee did not so much reflect upon the first save what made for his advantage for detesting warre with France he could not finde a better meanes to settle a peace between the two Crownes then this For her yeares hee did not much value them since hee himselfe was young enough and also her being promised to Brettany he slighted it since the King of France stood more in need of his friendship then the friendship of any other Hee sent a solemne Embassage to France and though answer was not presently made for time was taken to consider of it the Embassadours returned partly assured of successe the King People and Councell being all of them well inclined to the businesse At this same time the Duke of Lancaster tooke his third wife It so fell out as that he had three sonnes and a daughter by one Catherine Roet the daughter of a King of Armes she was servant to his first wife Bianca and he kept her as his Concubine during the life of his second The desire hee had to make his children legitimate and her good conditions though not nobly borne as he made him resolve to marry her and not unluckily for Iohn the Duke of Somerset who was he alone who of the three brethren had any issue was Great-grand-father by the mothers side to Henry the seventh who put a period to the civill warres of England He did legitimate them and his succeeding marriage by Act of Parliament and by ratification of Pope Boniface the ninth from whom he obtained a Bull to that effect I was not willing to leave out this particular in this place as necessary for what we shall hereafter meet withall The Kings marriage was likewise this meane while concluded and since a finall peace could not bee concluded on in respect of many places which the English pretended unto a suspension of Armes for thirty yeares was covenanted with caution that both sides should peacebly enjoy what at this time they were possessed of A businesse which did so highly incense the Duke of Gloster as the King did divers times feare lest hee might upon this occasion raise a rebellion since the people depended much upon him and were not very well pleased with this marriage nor truce he went in person to the confines of France to receive his wife as likewise did her father to deliver her up unto him Being with much content parted he caused her to be crowned at Westminster not being yet fully 8 years old Shortly after came the Count Saint Paul into England sent by Charles to receive the oath of truce a man of a working spirit and who was husband to Iane Holland sister to Richard by the mothers side The King discoursing with this man complained of the Duke of Glosters contumacie that hee was the onely man who opposed himselfe against the match with France as desirous
Beckly till such time as the Duke of Lancaster came thither with whom seeing the Kings affaires went so ill he soone accorded Lancaster finding by this time his good fortune went to Bristoll took in the Castle and those three which had fled thither were by the mad multitude soon beheaded This newes was long in comming to Ireland by reason of the horrible tempests at Sea which for six weeks space suffered not a little vessell to passe over But when it was knowne the King did not as he should have done make suddenly for England being advised by the Duke of Aumerle to tarry till his ships which were scattered might be gathered together and such provisions made as were fitting for the Fleet. He caused the two young sons the one the Duke of Glosters son who died in his return and the other the sonne of this Lancaster who was afterwards King Henry the fifth to be kept in safe custody in the Castle of Tremni He sent the Earle of Salisbury for England with directions to gather together as many people as he could in Cheshire and Wales his two beloved Countreyes to the end that being ready at his arrivall which should be within sixe dayes he might encounter the enemy before his forces grew greater The Earle departed came to Wales and had got together fourty thousand good and faithfull men by meanes of whom if the King had come at his time appointed hee had either repossest himselfe of all againe or had at least given the enemy enough to doe but landing in Milford haven in Pembroke shire 18 dayes after hee found that a false report of his death being raised and his party having fifteen dayes expected him they had disbandoned themselves part of them comming over to the young Duke the rest retiring to their owne homes Whereupon astonished at so unfortunate an encounter his courage failed him And though those who were returned with him promised to die at his feet he contrary to his dignity and reputation chose rather to lose his Kingdome then hazard his life A weaknesse which this nation mightily detests for the inhabitants thereof no wayes fearing death nor willing to endure the troubles of the minde chose rather to die then live in misery As soone as Lancaster understood his arrivall he left the Duke of York at Bristoll and took his way towards Conaway where the King was without either forces or retinue All places as he went along surrendred themselves the town of Chester formerly so faithfull did the like The King resolved not to make use of his souldiers dismissed them that he with the lesse incumbrance might goe whither his fears drove him And for that purpose he gave order to Thomas Pearcy Earle of Worcester the Lord high Steward of his houshold to discharge his family wishing they might be reserved for a better fortune Others will have it that Worcester formerly distasted for that Richard had a little before declared the Earle of Northumberland his brother to be a traytor did of himselfe in publicke breake the staffe of his office and went unto the Duke of Lancaster and that upon this occasion the Courtiers did disperse themselves Those who counselled Richard were of opinion that he should goe into France to his wives father or else returne to Ireland where failing of hopes in England he might furnish himselfe with forraigne souldiers to make such use of occasions as time should administer But that if he would needs tarry in Wales a countrey yet well affected unto him be should doe well to passe further into the heart thereof whilst his presence changing the lookes of fortune some would follow him out of affection many out of duty and others by reason of the usurpers scandalous actions But all their perswasions were in vaine for it is the property of cast downe minds patiently to expect the blowes of Fortune And whilst their honour egges them on unto defence their pusillanimity is such as makes them suffer oppression Hee adhered to those who shewed him that his hopes of France were dangerous that the assistance he might have from thence would confirme his subjects in their rebellion lest they might be by them subdued That to returne into Ireland would bee to no end since hee could not promise himselfe much from the particular forces of that countrey That hee should doe amisse to hope in the repentance of the English For if they had out of hate abandoned him they would persist in their contumacie as despairing of pardon having so highly offended him that forraigne forces would bee rather harmfull then of any use especially the French So as there being no hope of help from abroad and despairing of any at home his best resolution would bee to thinke upon his owne safety and by giving away what he could not keepe endeavour a safe and private life These reasons made him listen unto the Archbishop of Canterbury and Earle of Northumberland the one by him banished the other proclaimed traytor with whom he agreed to resigne up his Kingdome upon condition he might be permitted to live a private life and have the lives granted him of eight persons such as hee should nominate The which being largely promised him by them readily approved of by the Duke they met together the Duke using all due respects which are requisite from an obedient subject to his naturall Prince Whilst Richard minding nothing but his present condition did things unworthy of his greatnesse and dignity hee gave himselfe up into the Dukes hands the 20. of August 1399. together with all his money horse and furniture his money amounting to above a million of gold The manner of this imprisonment is by others diversly related They say that the King despairing of his affaires sent the Dukes of Exeter and of Surrey to treat with Lancaster who keeping the former with himselfe who was his cousin and putting the other into the Castle at Chester did in their stead send the Earle of Northumberland unto the King who followed by a thousand Bow-men and four hundred lances was when he should be come nigh to Conaway to make thereof two Ambuscadoes and passing forward himself with only foure or five horsemen hee was under a safe conduct to goe into the Castle That the propositions he was to make were That Richard would speake with Lancaster and satisfie him in two particulars The one that processe might bee made against such as had had a hand in the death of Gloster and his companions The other that hee would give him an authenticall pardon for whatsoever former offence hee had committed against him that netled at these demands made unto him as King in a condition of not denying any thing he tooke horse and the Duke riding before under pretence of providing his dinner at Rutland stayed where the ambush was and where the King with his followers among the which were the Earle of Salisbury the Bishop of Salisbury and the Lord Scroope were
by them inclosed That when hee was come to Flint the Duke with all his Army came thither likewise That the Archbishop Arundel was the first with whom hee treated and that having gathered by what had befallen him that Lancaster was not so simple as hereafter to affie in him whom he had so highly offended That punishments pardons and reformations were but the songs of Syrens and that his aime was at the Kingdome hee offered to surrender it up unto him But however it was he was from Chester sent into the Tower of London And if in his taking water at Westminster had he not been waited upon by the Maior and his associates he was likely to have been slain before he could have got unto the Tower Lancaster on the contrary was received by the Citie and all the Companies thereof as King with processions applause and all expressions of joy A Parliament was called in Richards name The Duke took serious advice concerning this affair with his best friends particularly with his Uncle of Yorke who were all of one opinion That the resignation should be so done as that it might appeare voluntary nor that being sufficient since his imprisonment would argue an inforcement that his deposing might bee strengthened by act and authority of Parliament To effect the first of these divers were suborned who having formerly been his friends shewed unto him the danger wherein hee was if he did not purchase his life at the rate of the free resignation of his Kingdome The which being obtained they fell to the effecting it The chiefe Lords as well Ecclesiasticall as Temporall together with the prime Judges and Lawyers came all to the Tower to all which Richard with his Robes on his Crowne on head and Scepter in his hand presented himselfe and taking his Chaire after some few acknowledgements and excuses of his own misgovernment he himselfe read his Surrender affirming it to be freely done and without compulsion Hee moreover freed his subjects of whatsoever bonds oathes fidelity or homage renouncing all further claime authority dignity or title to the Crowne leaving it free for the time to come with all the appurtenances belonging thereunto This being done he subscribed it And then falling upon the praise of his cousin the Duke of Lancaster hee desired them to chuse him for his successor And made the Archbishop Arundell and Bishop of Hereford his substitutes to acquaint the Parliament with this his request and resignation And the more to witnesse his good inclination towards the Duke he tooke from off his owne finger a Ring wherein his Armes were ingraven and put it upon the Dukes finger giving him therewithall his Ensignes of Regality whereof he had disrobed himselfe All this he did as seeming desirous to lead a private life though in his disrobing he could not hide his inward griefe at the which there was no so hard heart as was not mollified The Trustees discharged their trust unto the Parliament which accepted the resignation And that there might remaine no scruple for such as should come after many Articles were framed wherein he was accused of extortion prodigality tyranny of having preferred men of base condition to the highest places of being cause of the imprisonment and death of the Duke of Gloster and Earle of Arundell against the rules of Law and Justice of having kept about him people to destroy him permitting unto them all insolences without correction They omitted not his lasciviousnesse perjuries falshood losse of reputation rapine Maximes of State able to ruine a State Principals contrary to the rights of a Crowne his cancelling of publicke writings his injurious proceeding against the Archbishop of Canterbury nor any thing else that might be objected to an apparant tyrant And as such a one he was by all the Judges deputed for this purpose declared incable and unworthy and by the votes of them all deposed from the dignity and title of a King Insomuch as not contented to bereave him of his kingdome they would likewise have him therewithall to lose his reputation Commissioners were deputed to acquaint him with the Act of Parliament and to renounce unto him all former tyes homage fidelity subjection or oath To the which he made no other answer save That not regarding these titulary circumstances he hoped his cousin would be his good friend and Lord. I have heard by some that the lower House did not give its consent to his deposition the which may very well be true but Writers doe not mention it In the interim of this inter-regnum the Duke of Lancaster made known his Titles by which hee laid claime unto the Crowne and was by generall applause cried up King and installed in his Throne by the Archbishops of Canterbury and Yorke Thus ended the reigne though not the life of Richard the second a Prince in many respects worthy to have reigned if he had not reigned The end of the first Booke THE CIVILL VVARRES OF ENGLAND IN THE LIFE OF HENRY the fourth The second Booke HENRY the 4th a Prince naturally well given when he knew himself to be King began to differ in many things from what he formerly was for the usurpation of Kingdomes a vice in all times blamed yet pursued if it do not totally destroy vertue doth at least infeeble it or keep it in suspence It is impossible to contract Matrimony between the Regall Throne and Injustice unlesse it bee by unjust meanes and that the Dowry consist of any thing save cruelty and rapine All things here below have mediums conformable to themselves and in the order of Nature subordinate to their Genus the good to good the bad to bad So he while hee was in his prime innocency did nothing which was not praise worthy neither did his praise exceed his merit but being arrived to that where ambition doth its uttermost hee did more shamefully then miraculously metamorphose himselfe his nature though not changed but some wayes altered did by fits reduce him to what hee naturally was in the vehemencie of his forces revenge or command he did not out-goe his owne preservation or security so as though hee might deserve the name of an Usurper yet did he not deserve to bee tearmed a tyrant for were it otherwise since among the Roman Emperours there were few found who were not usurpers and yet of the number many good men the good could not have shunned the being reputed Tyrants Henry did not subvert the fundamentall Lawes he was sent for before he did insinuate himself the Kingdom was offered unto him before he did usurpe it He did better make good the office of a Prince to his subjects then did his subjects their duties unto him their Prince neither of them forgetting their peculiar natures he his innate goodnesse nor they their naturall wavering and inconstancie This may bee witnessed to us by what befell him while he was a private man hee did with temperance and modesty receive the praises due unto him
growne to that height that Richard in case he should dye without issue desired to leave the Kingdome to him it was impossible for them so farre to alter their affections as that they did not preferre danger before security The severall opinions of this conspiracy are so various as that they may admit of doubt but for my part I rest assured that this variety proceeded from the not knowing of true particularities and that through the inveloping of secrets the common people have fashioned their story whereupon that hath happened which will alwayes happen that many true cases have no circumstances which are not or false or very uncertaine Having tyed up all in a bundle I will give you the opinion of Writers King Henry when he was young had let some words fall perhaps out of inconsiderate vivacity of spirit or else out of ambition to be thought a States-man tending to this purpose That Princes in consideration of their degree and expence had but small revenewes and that the Clergie in regard of their calling and occasion had too great incomes To which speech Richard afterwards alluding said That if the Earle of Darby came to the Crowne he would be no great favourer of the Clergy Having now obtained it and the memory remaining of what he had said and the other had judged the Clergy had some reason to suspect since such like words as these were not let fall by chance but at such time when as snares being laid for the Clergie because of their wealth there were divers who had given such particulars of their estates to the Parliament as that the two Archbishops were forced to protest against any Act which should be made against Ecclesiasticall liberty or immunity and though I beleeve that these suspitions were vaine mens mindes changing by yeeres and experience and he not having in all his reign shewed any such inclination yet he who shares in a beleeved danger doth not wait the comming of it but prevents it which was the onely cause that made the Abbot of Westminster doe what he did This man was religious by profession but by practice a Courtier his learning and experience had won him reputation especially with Richard who tooke him along with him in his last journey into Ireland being then firmely of opinion that the King who had profest himselfe no friend to the Clergie would for ever continue the like he thought the best way to prevent this danger would be by Henries death and because the grounds of this his imagination were either true or likely he suffered himselfe to be perswaded to a likelihood of effecting his desires wherein hee had not beene deceived if fortune had not failed him He considered that Henries preferment was occasioned rather out of hatred to Richard then any love to him that such effects change with the change of fortune that the one being deposed the other was no more so much desired who was onely coveted to exclude the other this being effected that his first love and applause was turned into envie and hatred that the people were fickle greedy of what they have not cloyed with what they have that his neerest kin were his enemies his brother brother in law and cousin being censured in Parliament that usurpation is hatefull both to God and man that a lawfull King was unlawfully deposed the lawfull heires contrary to reason disinherited that he was favoured by the Nobility as by the house of Percy for interest by that of Yorke for feare that the envy to him ward and compassion towards Richard were Rams able to beat downe whatsoever well built wall All of them considerations of much weight but counterpois'd by the Kings fortune light beyond comparison Hatred and treason are false ballances wisedome is the onely just scale which if the Abbot had used he had saved his owne life with the life of Richard and the lives of others who drawne by a rash confidence perished in the praecipice of a too bold and heady resolution for God doth seldome suffer never assist bad actions The first care in this businesse was to finde persons fitly appropriated to the businesse since of the welwillers thereunto these were only usefull when by birth or retinue were void of exception faithfull faith being then most to be relyed upon when most interessed and interest being the chiefest causer of our affections Not herewithall contented he would have them oppositely affected with love and hopes towards Richard with hatred and feares towards Henry so as without more adoe these considerations pointed out unto him what choice he was to make The Dukes of Exeter and Surrey were most neerely concerned in Richard and under him their greatnesse was safe which under Henry was doubtfull and supprest though Exeter had married his sister a thred too weakely spun to with-hold suspitions which in what concerned the Kingdome befell his brother in law meere shadowes indangering him and forcing upon him a necessity of impossible circumspection for the preservation of the State as it now was was the onely gaine which was to be aimed at In the Duke of Aumerle were more weighty considerations none at all for what concern'd his blood he was in the like relation cousin to both but it being an ordinary thing to repay unuseful kindred with disrespect and with hatred such as bereave us of our good fortune or are a crosse to us therein by Richard he had beene remunerated by Henry cut short of part of his honours and livelihood but that which of all other his distastes he was most sensible of was that he could not suffer the being cut off from the Crowne by his younger brother the Earle of Cambridge who had married Anne to whom when Edmund Earle of March should dye the right to the Crowne did belong Iohn Montaigne Earle of Salisbury who had beene an abusive medler in the breach of the match betweene Henry and the daughter of Berry had reason to presume him his irreconcileable enemy Hugh Spencer Earle of Glocester preferd by Richard supprest by Henry ally'd moreover to the house of Yorke by his match with Constance the daughter of Aumerle could not aspire to higher hopes Iohn Bishop of Carleil though with the height of clemencie freed from imprisonment at Saint Albons was notwithstanding by his persevering in a preposterous zeale fast linked to the love of the one and hatred of the other Magdalun Chaplaine to King Richard to boot with the common interests and obligations of the above-named did naturally so much resemble Richard as that there was no separating of him from his party These and divers others not named were by the Abbot invited to a great feast which being done they fell to private conference wherein having deplored the miseries of the time the imprisonment of a King to whom by nature oath and particular favours they were obliged as likewise their owne losse in his fall they resolved to re-establish Richard by the death of Henry presuming
Sterling in the Church of the Dominicans with the title of King of England Henry had great good fortune so happily to acquit himself of this conspiracy otherwise in likelihood hee might have beene oppressed by evills which on three sides hung over him for during all his life his fortune was through dangers to arrive at happinesse and at safety by the Rockes of precipice France had made great preparations of man and shipping to succour Richard with intention to come for England relying upon his partakers upon the envy contracted by the new King and upon the inconstancy of popular affection their former hatred was changed into compassion They were all in Picardy under the command of Count St. Paul ready to take shipping when together with advertisement of the conspiracy came newes of the unhappy successe thereof which amazed them all To proceed farther under colour of revenge which brought along with it suspicion of invasion had now beene rashnesse since they were dead in whom they did most affie Greater preparations were to be made for the invasion of England these not being sufficient without some correspondency from within the Land And as the home conspiracy gave the last blow to Richards life so did the forraigne preparations confirme Henry in that resolution which he would not have willingly taken without these sharpe provocations so as that which was intended for his liberty caused his death The forces in France were all disbanded Charles upon good advice desired onely the restitution of his daughter a just request and not to be had but by civill meanes the which hee obtained sending over Embassadours to that purpose who were graciously received but the King referred his answer to certain commissioners who were to go to Callis to treat together with this of other affairs which neerely concerned both the Crownes Charles sent thither the Duke of Bourbon and Henry Edward Duke of Aumerle who by the late death of his father did now succeed in the title and inheritance of the Duke of Yorke together with whom hee sent Henry Earle of Northumberland Bourbon required the restitution of the Queene which they denyed not but desired that by the approbation of France she might yet remaine in England since by birth and yeares she was a fit match for the Prince of Wales as wife for whom they did desire her But Charles not willing to consent to this having conceived an opinion that the aliance with England would prove unfortunate for France a perpetuall peace was propounded by Yorke This being likewise found a difficult businesse France being resolved not to quit what it was possest of the English Edmund endevoured to bridle his insolency The battell was on both sides manfully fought Glendor had two advantages the number of men and his being their Captaine By these meanes hee proved victor obedience and good order having wonne him the Lawrell The Herefordshire men on the other side fewer in number and led by the Earle onely in regard unto his quality obeyed many and sometimes none doing what they listed so as distracted and not resolved what to do they made good the field till night rather out of an obstinate resolution then any reason or order At last they yeelded but fled not for none did pursue them Glendor was contented that he had overcome for finding himselfe in an enemies Countrey the night being darke many of his men slaine and the rest or weary or wounded hee forbare to pursue the victory Two thousand were left dead in the field the Earle was taken prisoner and kept in the bottome of a Tower no respect being had to his person neither did the King though by many much importuned indevour his liberty for he thought this his imprisonment to bee one of the happiest things that ever befell him Let me here bee permitted to relate a Story of the Welsh Women the like to which I have not met withall in any other history They ran like so many Bacchanals to the place of battell they cut off the noses and privities from as many as there they found dead they put the privie members which they had cut off into the mouthes of the dead with the testicles hanging out and the noses into their posteriors nor would they suffer their bodies to be taken away without ransome An action wherein eagernesse dishonesty cruelty and avarice were equally seene and were it to bee disputed which of these foure were most abusive whosoever should give his opinion in favour of any of them might lawfully feare the being thought unjust each of them having arguments to plead for the priority of mischiefe but if I were to be Judge herein I should beleeve that avarice were not to bee pleaded For though it bee a vice naturall to that Sex yet in what belongs to their houshold government it may bee accounted a vertue I should absolve them of cruelty as not an absolute cause but an effect of the fiercenesse of their nature And I would free them from dishonesty because no dishonesty being without delight this action was thereof incapable so as fiercenesse would win the plea were it not that the inveterate hatred which they bare unto the English had been the onely thing which made them fierce dishonest avaritious and cruell Glendor kept on his course sacking and spoyling the confines These two victories had made him bee esteemed by his owne men and feared by his enemies there was none the King being busied about more weighty affaires who withstood him but good fortune is like the flowing of the Sea which ebbes againe for a full sea is alwayes followed by an ebbe The Scots had at this very time taken their best advantage of the alterations in England they readily made use thereof and Northumberland was the place wherein they laid their first Scene The truce continued of force betweene the two kingdomes and because warre was not publickly proclaimed the truce was not esteemed broken for disorderly incursions are pardoned between nations at continuall enmity Nor was King Robert to be blamed herein unlesse it were for conniving The Scots having ransacked the countrey betooke themselves to doe mischiefe at sea and to endammage the fishing businesse But the English were not wanting unto themselves for having sacked the Ilands of the Orcades they met with the enemies Fleet who under the command of Robert Logon went to encounter them in fight they tooke many of them An action of small consequence and onely worthy of the name of Reprisall but occasions of open hostility ensuing hereupon Henry was unwillingly enforced to undertake a warre The King of Scotland had contracted a match between the daughter of George Dumbar Earle of the Marches and Prince David his eldest sonne the Earle having readily paid in a great summe of money by the way of portion Archibald Earle Douglas a high spirited man not able to endure this addition of power in any one much lesse in Dumbar who was of himselfe great and
Kings of France of Iohn in England and Francis the first in Spaine The ransome of the two brothers sonnes to Charles of Blois were reserved for Richard the second and though it were afterwards by act of Parliament granted to Vere Duke of Ireland it was not done to prejudicate the right we speake of but to the end that by his being absent from the court the King might the better governe himselfe And for what concernes prisoners of lesser condition yet re-donable the example of the victory at Lepanto which happened in our fathers times may suffice in the which the confederates divided the Turkish prisoners and made them tug at one Oare in their fleet The King persisting in his resolution of having them they thought to make him desist therein by demanding of him things of greater consequence The Earle of Worster a wicked and turbulent man was hee who did forward this resolution an advice worst to the adviser and mortall to those who did embrace it The King was then at Windsor whither the Earle of Worster being come hee represented unto him the miserable imprisonment of Edmund Earle of Marsh their kinsman kept in fetters by Glendor and fallen into this misfortune for doing service unto his Majesty and the State He desired him to be the means of his freedome either by ransome or otherwise the King finding whither this request tended after having a-while bethought himselfe made answer that the Earle of Marsh was not taken prisoner in his service but by his owne consent as not willing to bee inforced to professe himselfe an enemy to Glendor and this answer he willed to be published to the terror of all such as had any inclination to him-ward Worster being returned and having acquainted his brother nephew with what had past the Nephew would not endure it who being a violent young man did wrongfully exaggerate the injustice saying That Henry not contented to bereave Edmund of the Kingdome did now deny him that succour which his service done unto him did chalenge That if he should have ransomed him it should not be done by his owne moneyes but by the inheritance which he usurped from Edmund and that in stead of praise through too much ingratitude he loaded him with undeserved calumnies wherein hee said truth for Edmunds wit was not proper for such inventions and if it had been true Glendor would not have treated him as he did But the King who had by evill meanes usurped the State from him could not by good meanes maintaine it not onely the losse of his liberty but the losse of his life would have re Lord Percy who came with intention to win the City failing in his intentions and the aids hee expected not appearing resolved to give battell of himselfe incouraged in that his souldiers were resolved to dye for their liberty and for the good of the Kingdome governed as he gave out by a Tyrant He sent the forenamed writing to the King by two Squires the which acquainted him with the reasons of his revolt and did likewise denounce the battell The King was there only named Duke of Lancaster it was written subcrib'd and seal'd by the names hands and seales of Henry Percy Earle of Northumberland Lord high Constable of England Lord Warden of the West Marches of Henry Percy Warden of the East Marches and of Thomas Percy Earle of Woster The contents thereof was that having sworne at his returne from France that he did pretend to nothing but the inheritance due unto him by his father and wife and that he would suffer the King peacefully to enjoy his Crowne he had done otherwise for after having through famine thirst and could caused King Richards death hee had usurped the Kingdome which did of right belong to Edmond Mortimer the lawfull heire causing the Burgesses of Parliament to bee chosen contrary to the forme of Law and priviledge of the subject so to suborn votes for his own advantage that he had denied to ransome Mortimer who being by them set at liberty hee had proclaimed them traytors that therefore they did defie him as a perjured and false man as an usurper of the crowne which did properly appertaine to the true heire and together with him they defied all his complices and such as sided with him as traytors acd destroyers of the State If true faults objected but in jest doe sting much more did these doe so accompanied with such upbraidings and threats But the King not woonted to discompose himselfe when hee had read the letter said merrily to the messengers that his sword should answer that scandalous writing and that he was confident God would assist his just quarrell against such forsworne disloyall traytors as were the Percies But his moderation in these occurrances is worthy a particular observation for lacking neither generosity nor courage if his usurpation and injustice did not bereave him thernof which did not appeare hee received all these injuries not onely untransported but with a setled judgement weighed that as to hazard his estate life and honour upon the fortune of one day would be an act of rashnesse if he could avoid it so to preferre his safetie before their offences would bee a point of wisedome For that injuries were passions of the minde which might breathe away in a standing fortune but the ruinous effects of a lost battell were irrepairable in a falling fortune so as cashiering all punctualities not caring what others would say of him he resolved to see whether he could in some sort fairly accommodate this businesse rather then trust to the inconstancy of fortune which was not to be tried till the last push And that in such a case he would shew that manlihood which men hasty and void of judgement might now tax in him He appeared the next day and ordering his troopes as the others did he sent the Abbot of Shrewesbury unto them accompanied with one of the officers of his privie Seale with an offer of pardon if they would yeeld to reasonable conditions The Lord Percie though naturally violent examining the businesse in the same sort as the King had done accepted the proposition Hee sent unto him his Uncle the Earle of Worster to require of him an effectuall reformation of those things which had caused them take Armes But the Earle though fully satisfied by the King in all his demands and in a more submisse sort then did become his degree made a cleane contrary relation to his Nephew envie and confidence for he judged the Kings humility to be cowardize and feare leading him by meanes of this deadly lye to his fatall end The young Percie thinking himselfe under-valued caused the signe of battell immediately to be given by sound of Trumpet the two Armies were about fourty thousand fighting men the rebels Vantguard was led by the Scots who after a great showre of Darts which slew many of both sides advanced themselves against the Vantguard Royall which rigorously withstood the first
shocke but the Welshmen comming at the same time to the rebels assistance the Kings Vantguard began to give ground and had been routed if the King with his battalion had not put forwards Young Percie aspiring after victory advanced his likewise having formerly agreed with Douglas to kill the King in whose death did consist the victory and end of the warre Dumbar perceived their ends by their violent comming on and with much adoe got the King to with-draw himselfe to another place which if he had not done hee had run apparant danger for the violence of the bickering was all made upon the Standard Royall the which was beaten downe and Sir Walter Blunt who had the charge thereof slaine together with as many more as did defend it Amongst which according to Walsingham and Hollenshead the Earle of Stafford made that very day Lord high Constable was one though Halle reckons him amongst the rebels The King who as hath been said was gone elsewhere whilst fighting and commanding he performed the office both of a Captaine and stout Souldier was by Douglas who sought after him with a Lance borne downe to the ground but getting on horse-backe againe hee did acts of such fame as that forraine Writers doe agree that he slew with his owne hands that day six and thirty of the enemies Douglas beleeving that he had done what he desired gave on still and met with a second then a third cloathed with upper garments like the King which both being over-throwne or slaine hee knew not what to thinke of so many Kings in one battell incountred I name them not for I meet not with their names in any Authour Henry Prince of Wales a youth not fully sixteen yeares old wounded in the face by a Dart and deafe to their perswasions who would have withdrawne him from the battell to have dressed him gave proofe that in his due time hee would bee that brave King hee was The enemy gave on no where nor did his men give any where backe where hee opened not the enemies rankes and closed his owne By his example instructing and by his valour causing shame where none was So as the Kings party hartned by the valiant carriage of the Father and Sonne the Father followed by the most valiant of his men seeing the face of Fortune changed gave on where the enemy was thickest Young Percie who according to his custome had fought bravely was by I know not whom slaine whose losse was the losse of the Battell on his side The Kings side began already to cry out victory and the name of Saint George was ecchoed through all the Campe when Douglas not longer able to withstand fortune the Scots being almost all slaine the English and Welsh fled began to think how he might likewise scape he set spurs to his horse which stumbling on the top of a hill he fel down and in the fall broke one of his genitories and was tane prisoner The Earle of Worster the execrable cause of so great mischiefe the Lord Chinderton Sir Richard Varnon divers others were likewise tane but in a diverse manner The battel lasted three houres on the Kings side besides ten Gentlemen who were that morning knighted 1600. souldiers were slaine and foure thousand more dangerously hurt there was slaine of the Rebels 5000. not numbring the Gentlemen the Scots nor those of Chester who as the Welsh had alwayes beene faithfully devoted to Richard This defeat fell upon the Saterday so as the Earle of Worster and the other two had leasure on Sunday to thinke upon their soules for on Munday the law passed upon them at Shrewsbury The Earles head was sent and set upon London bridge the Lord Percies body which was by the Kings permittance buried was by command of the same taken up beheaded and quartered The punishment of offendors is one of the foundations of State and to teach great men their duties by their equalls infamy is numbered amongst the secrets of government This was the end of Percy the Hotspurre one of the valiantest warriers that age produced he died armed amongst armed troopes covered with his owne blood and the blood of others his end had beene glorious had he died in a more justifiable cause he mought well have preserved himselfe his high spirit being allayed by the Kings last proffer but the malice of a wicked Uncle hindred him causing by his false report this his death and infamy Earle Douglas no subject but a profest enemy was by the King commended and admired and set at liberty For vertue by men generously minded is applauded even in enemies Owen Glendor and the Earle of Northumberland remained yet enemies not to be dispised The King sent the Prince his sonne to Wales who finding the people in those parts possest with feare by reason of the last overthrow chased them like so many wilde beasts over mountaines and through woods Glendor forsaken by all men died within a few dayes of meere hunger his hopes and life his principalitie and prophesies ending all at once so as having appeased the countrey and left governours there the Prince returned home in triumph But that Glendor did dye in this sort is only written by Edward Halle other writers keep him longer alive The King tooke a journey towards Yorke to reduce the Earle of Northumberland to his duty and found that if he had not beene withstood by the Earle of Westmerland and Sir Robert Waterton hee would have drawne his forces into the field and have joyned with his sonne but that fearing to encounter them he had retired himselfe into his strong Castle The King writ unto him to disbandon his forces willing him to come in a peaceable fashion Hee obeyed not knowing how to doe otherwise after so great a ruine he came accompanied onely with a few of his owne followers he used not many-words concerning his nakednesse with excuses and laying those faults upon such as were dead which lived yet in him The King dissembling his displeasure for Barwicke and other strengths were yet in his hands furnished with Scottish Garrisons suffered him to returne that hee might not againe indanger those confines he gave him friendly and holy admonitions which had he had the fortune to imbrace hee had not heaped up desolation upon his family by his owne death Some will have it that the King pardoned his life but did confiscate his goods leaving him onely sufficient for maintenance and t is not unlikely for in the next Parliament he was restored to all except the Isle of man a superfluous favour if he had not bene formerly punished This meane while Valerian Count St. Paul netled by his no honorable retreat from the Isle of Wight levied 2000. fighting men part French part Genoveses part Dutch with the which heunexpectedly sat down before Merc Castle little more then a league distant from Callis hoping by their valor excellency of his Engines to win it the place was defended by soldiers more
the respect of the King now living All the above-named were like so many paunes at Chesse which advancing too rashly were lost whilst the great men alike inconsiderately endeavouring to mate the King met with the like fortune There was not one in the whole Nobility who did not now desire a change of government but few that did resolve to endevour it For events founded upon the uncertainty of fortune are for the most part of certaine inevitable ruine Hatred as all things else hath its degrees he who is in the last degrees cares not much to hazard himselfe till such time as happy successe is of little use and unhappy successe of inevitable danger But who is in the first degrees of hatred and therein bathed in his own bloud hath bolder resolves revenge being an intense passion and an indefatigable egger on of the spirits in offended veines The Earle of Northumberland who had lost his brother and his son the Archbishop of Yorke who had lost his brother and Maubery Earle Marshall who had lost his father an exiled man in Venice all enemies to the King in highest degree conspired his ruine taking for their colour the ordinary pretence of reformation and ease of the people oppressed with strange taxes as if to represse the attempts of France Scotland and Wales in which service they were imployed had not beene necessary as indeed it was not according to their tenets for such repression did preserve authority and did establish together with the common good the reputation and awe of a Prince which they would have oppressed and undone though to the undoing of the kingdome The Lord Hastings Falconbridge Bardolf and many others did joyne in this conspiracy the order they therein tooke was to meet all at an appointed time with their forces at Yorke under the command of the Earle of Northumberland but the Archbishops impatiency broke this designe for being returned to Yorke together with the Earle Marshall hee thought to facilitate the enterprise by honesting it so as having framed certaine articles and sent copies of them into other countries he caused them be set upon the Church doores thereby inviting the people to take armes to reforme abuses introduced by the ill administration of the present government The Archbishop was of a pleasing countenance well read and indued with much vertue so as having till this present led a blamelesse life he was free from being thought to have any evil intentions but t is usual for man to fall back from well doing and hereupon at his first becke 20000. men came flocking to him an unseasonable diligence for his confederates as likewise for himself The King was informed of all that had past and not failing in diligence in his owne affaires he had at the first noyse of this rebellion levied 30000. fighting men giving order to the Earle of Westmerland to whom he joyned a sonne of his owne very young to goe before him into these parts and to governe himselfe as occasion should require Being come to Yorke he found that the Archbishop had placed his campe forth of the city and perceiving that it was not his best to give him battell for he was much inferiour in forces he encamped himselfe over against him And changing the Lyons skin into the Foxes he sent him word that he wondred to find a man of his profession in the posture hee found him since hee could not finde any reason why he should arme the Kings people contrary to the Kings peace to the which the Archbishop answered that he so was far from infringing the Kings peace as that all that he did tended to the preservation thereof Whereupon entring upon the occasions of discontent with him that was sent unto him he shewed him the Articles and for the Earles better satisfaction hee sent them unto him by a Gentleman of his own He who had determined to do what hee did seemed to rest satisfied but that a businesse of this high nature being in question it was requisite they should meet together to treat thereof which might easily be done each of them bringing a like number of men betwixt the two campes There is no net so secure as that which is spread in the commendations of hîm who is to be deceived for the Archbishop hearing his actions applauded by him who was sent to oppose him confident to bring him over to his side made no difficulty to give him meeting And which is more brought the Earle Marshall along with him though with much adoe and contrary to his will who had in vaine used all the meanes hee could to disswade him from it Being met together with equall numbers betweene the two campes Westmerland after some short discourse seemed to bee perswaded professing that in so just a quarrell he would fight to the utmost of his life whereupon shaking hands in the fight of both armies wine was called for and given about in token of friendship and agreement a ceremony which not soone to bee ended the Earle said to the Archbishop that their differences being ended in a joynt consent it was not expedient to detain any longer so many people with such incōmodity from their houses and shops but that suddenly disbandoned it was reason they should together with them enjoy the fruits of the established reconciliation the Archbishop believed the Earle and his people him who returned to the City aboundantly content the cups went this while merily about whilst those of the Kings party gathering one by one together grew to such a multitude as that there being now no more cause of feare the Earle did at the same time arest the Archbishop and Earle Marshall plighting his faith unto them the same as hee had formerly done that they should not suffer in their lives and meeting the King at Pomfret who made what haste hee could to Yorke hee brought along with him the prisoners who much commiserated and bemoaned were adjuged to dye and were forthwith beheaded Some doe report that the Archbishop obtained of the headsman to cut off his head at five blowes in the honour of our Saviours five wounds and that the King being at dinner was at the same time by an invisible hand strucke as often in the necke remaining afterwards a Leper A thing possible to him whom all things are possible but God doth not alwaies worke according to his omnipotency for the King did neither receive these blowes neither did hee remaine a Leper to prove the falshood whereof the Archbishops tombe being devoutly flocked unto as to the tombe of a Martyr hee by publique prohibition forbad the recourse thereunto the which hee would not have done if he had beene miraculously strucke in manner aforesaid and for what concerns the name of Martyr his cause did not deserve it for he being a Pastor misled his flocke from spirituall pastorage to rebellion and to the shambles and since the judgements of the Almighty touching the falling of the just is not
to bee sought into the reasons of his former life conclude not for him The King having by fines punished the City went towards Northumberland at Durham he caused the two Barons together with the two Knights of the confederacy to be executed The Earle understanding his associates misfortune withdrew himselfe to Barwicke where not thinking himselfe strong enough hee fled to Scotland together with the Lord Bardolf and was friendly received by the Lord Fleming The King finding Barwick resolute not to yeeld levelled a peece of Canon against the Castle thereof an instrument in those dayes new and not knowne with the which at the very first shot he battered it almost downe to the ground whereat the defendants being amazed without capitulation yeelded themselves to the Kings pleasure who hanging some and imprisoning the rest made himselfe master of all the Earle of Northumberlands seats where taking order for all things requisite he passed into Wales leaving the Prince his sonne and the Duke of Yorke with a great army in those parts but he found such deluges of water amongst those mountaines as he was forced toquit the enterprise he had carried along with him many carts and wagons loaded with the most pretious things he had which were all born away by the violence of the torrents no one peece of them remaining Some believe that this was done by the Divell Owen Glendor being held to be a great Negromancer but I am of opinion that if he had had any such power he would have made use thereof against the King himselfe for the losse of the Kings person did more availe him then the losse of his carriages The Scotch men on the other side should have come into England to aide the conspirators but hearing what had happened they budged not but endeavoured to defend themselves by land from the Prince and by sea from Sir Robert Vmfrevill Vice Admirall of the Navy but nothing happened of much importance The one had only time to spoile the Country and the other to sacke the coasts of Fife and Lugdiana all mischiefes ceasing in a truce agreed upon for one yeare which made them returne to their owne homes The plague did now grow hot in London and thereabouts so as the King not being safe in Kent the infection much spred in all places was glad to take shipping to goe to Plessis in Essex the Lord Camois was his guide they were already well advanced in the sea when certaine French Pirates who lay in the Thames mouth for pilladge understanding of this passage pursued them and intended to take the ship wherein the King was tooke 4 ships that were next unto him one of the which was loaded with furniture of his chamber and things belonging to his owne person The Baron who together with the other vessels were a good way from the King came not in time enough to assist his Majesty nor yet to recover what was lost so as if the Kings ship had not been a swift sayler and so made voide the Pirates hopes hee had run danger of going for France in stead of Essex Camois was strictly questioned and in danger of losing his life as thought to have held intelligence with these Pirates but better defending his own innocency then hee succoured the King he was by the Judges acquitted The plague being ceased the King returned to London He made the match between Philleppa the younger of his two daughters and Henry King of Denmarke and this was the third marriage that was celebrated in his family after his comming to the Crowne for before this hee had married Blanch to William Duke of Bavaria Prince Elector and hee himselfe had tane to wife Ione the daughter of Charles the second King of Navarre the widdow of Iohn Montfort Duke of Brittany which I have not mentioned as not belonging to the thred of my discourse But what befell Prince Iames the only sonne and heire of Scotland who did at this time fall into the power of England is not to be passed by as worthy of ample relation Robert the third who now reigned in Scotland and who in his baptisme was named Iohn changed the name of Iohn for Robert either for that the Roberts of Scotland had beene fortunate or for that the Iohns of England and of France had been unfortunate as if the name were of force enough to make those effects good which fortune God permitting had preordained bad T is true that amongst the Kings named Iohn few are found who either have not been very bad or very unfortunate Castile Portugall and Arragon afford us examples hereof of three hereditary Queene Ioanes the two of Naples were unfortunate and unchast the third of Castile was chast but most unfortunate This notwithstanding Iohn of Scotland did not by change of name change the maligne aspect of his destiny for those evills befell him having tane upon him the name of Robert which would have befalne him had he kept the name of Iohn the divine providence not being to bee changed by such alterations This King was by divers pensils painted forth in the same colours Hector Boëtius describes him affable mercifull an enemy to extortions charitable and pious Buchanan a severe writer doth in one place give him to us rather as voide of vice then famous for vertue and another speaking of his innocency inriches him with all the worth that is to bee desired in a private man but judges him rather to be an honest man then a good King T is very true he had nothing of King in him save the name the whole authority remaining in Robert Duke of Aubeney his younger brother in his fathers time created governour of the Kingdome a manifest proofe of his incapacity to governe it alone But this Duke did not content himselfe with the bare government he aspired to the Crowne which though he attained not yet left he no wickednesse unattempted to effect it and the life of the Prince David being a great rub in his way the death of the Queene his mother and of Earle Douglas his father in law afforded him meanes of bereaving him of it as hee desired This Prince was very lewdly inclined and so given to his unbridled lust as that he was not to be endured Whilst his mother lived who kept him in some awe he lived in some order but shee being dead letting the reines loose to his naturall inclination no maidenhood was undeflowred nor marriage bed unviolated When trickes and flatteries could not prevaile hee made use of force Daily complaints were made unto the King of injuries done by his sonne The father by reason of his weaknesse contemned not able to amend him determined to transferre the care thereof to his brother thinking that onely hee was able to tame him an error ordinary enough in persons of his condition For the good man suspects not what he doth not imagine and what he himselfe would not doe were he to gaine the world thereby
by reason of the profit they receive by its residency with them at the which being lesse satisfied and more offended then ever they sent for Burgundy who came to them well accompanied but his conscience pointing out unto him his injustice and keeping him in perpetuall agitation he sent his cosen William Duke of Baviers to Towres to make him some agreement for him not out of any acknowledgement of repentance but out of a desire which guilty people have to bury their shame and because a warre in such a case alwaies blameable and unjust brings ruine if it be lost and if wonne it doth but erect Trophies of shame and infamy the King sent Lodovick Duke of Baviers the Queens brother to meet him and Montaigne Lord high Steward of the houshold with the articles of agreement The Duke hated Montaigne as a maine Orleanist and gave him bitter words which he took patiently but the articles not being according to his liking he regulated them and though they were not afterwards agreed upon according to his corrections they were yet so handled as that he was contented for his adversaries having lost all their defence by the death of their mother Valentina who died of griefe not long before there was none to oppose him They being all yong orphans unexperienced and for want of direction abandoned by all Peace being concluded the parties met at Shartres where in the presence of the King Queene and Dolphin and Princes they swore the peace though the yong Duke of Orleans and the Count Vertu the Count of Anguleine the third brother not being present by reason of his infancy were observed to weepe in the doing of it being inforced by the King and of yeares and power not fit to make refusall The Duke of Burgundy being together with the Court returned to Paris and knowing that what was done was not likely long to continue he resolved to work his own establishment by the ruine of such as favoured the house of Orleans but being to guild over his unjust intention with the title of justice directly opposite to the sworne peace and resolute not to suffer Montaigne live as one of the chiefe of them he caused him to be questioned before the Magistracy for the administration of the Kings monies where in his account between figures and cyphers his head was struck off and his life was made a cypher The Duke of Berry who was a Courtier born well verst in Court policies guest at his designes and not able to indure affronts as one who had formerly lived with as much or more authority in the government then any other Prince withdrew himselfe to Angeires whither unsent for all the malecontents did presently flock this unexpected assembly caused a speedy confederacy between the Duke of Berry the Duke of Orleans and his brother the Count Cleremont now Duke of Burbony by his fathers decease the Count Alanson and Count Arminiacke so as the peace of Shartres proved a short lived Ephemera which died the day it was borne and indeed it was never thought other by the wisest sort the newes of this conjunction did more and more exasperate the Duke of Burgundy he willed the Lord Albret constable of France to raise as many men as possibly he could making use of the name of the Kings safety to save himselfe since he not the King was the marke that was aimed at Albret obeyed as not able to doe otherwise hee was no friend to Burgundy and a great friend to his enemies as the successe demonstrated France like a firebrand newly extinguished tooke fire againe at the approaching of this sudaine blaze Count Richmonte hearing that the colleagues were retired to Shartres came thither likewise with a great number of men They first demanded audience of the King but they wished him to come armed with patience whilest they pretended to appeare before him armed with iron The Queen who did both hate and feare Burgundy did what in her lay to appease them having to this purpose made two journeyes her selfe in person but it was not in her power to keep them from comming to Paris of so much force is desperation when it hath usurped the place of reason and advice They came to the very Suburbes of Marcelles strange were the disorders which were every where committed by the souldiers aswell of one side as of the other But the incommodities and difficulties equally divided after many too 's and fro's caused a second peace called the peace of Winchester wherein was concluded that both Berry and Burgundy were to withdraw themselves from the Court that when the one should be sent for the other should bee sent for likewise and that the meane while they should all withdraw themselves which gave but small satisfaction to the three brothers for Berry made use of them for his own particular ends which when he had compassed he cared no longer for them and it being a thing usuall for the parties offended not to forgive unlesse some satisfaction be made they pretended not to be included in this peace since in their particular they had received no manner of satisfaction so as if they swore unto the peace of Shartres it was to obey the King and if they consented unto this it was for that they could not doe otherwise being abandoned by all The Duke of Berry was returned to Burges and the Duke of Burgundy desirous to calme all the former distastes sent unto him three Embassadors of which the Lord of Croy was chiefe They went on their intended way when met by certaine of the Duke of Orleans his people betweene Orleans and Burges the Signeur de Croy was stayed by them and all the rest suffered to passe the next day being questioned concerning the Duke of Orleans death hee confessed nothing of prejudice though he suffered terrible torment The other two complaining hereof to the Duke of Berry to whom the affront appertained required his freedome wherein though the King joyned with him neither protestation threats nor reason could prevaile with the brothers They pretended the peace of Shartres to be invalid as pursued contrary to the order of Law and Justice and that the King was compelled thereunto that the Duke of Burgundy had violated the same by pursuing undoing and putting to death as many of their friends as he could that the peace of Winchester had been likewise by him in many points broken that those who had murthered their father though condemned and banished did live securely in his territories and did likewise come at their pleasure into France no notice being taken of them and that they were pensioned by him and that no Councellors nor Officers depending upon either of the parties being to tarry near the Kings person his Majesty was not only waited upon by such as had dependency upon Burgundy The Queene and Duke of Berry did what they could to make a new accord betweene them But Burgundy resolute not to recede
of the Prince and so to lose together with their wealth their reputation which in so great a losse ought to bee kept unspotted for the dignity of their profession and not to give a colour of reason to the wrong they were to receive Every one thought the Kings warlike inclination would bee the Canon which should batter them to pieces but hee not having as yet made choyce of an enemy warre with France would be of a vaste expence Scotland was neerer hand and easier to bee invaded Iames the first their King being prisoner in England they thought that his pretentions to the Crowne of France as most proportionate to the greatnesse of his minde would serve for an argument and that by perswading him to that enterprise they should stay the proposition which was to be made against them The Parliament being met the Archbishop of Canterbury a Chertosin Monke failed not in a well ordered speech opportunely to propound it his principall heads were the equity of his Majesties pretentions the honour of the King the reputation of the State and the occasions now offered of making it feasable by reason of the troubles that Kingdome was in In the first he shewed how the King was the naturall ancient heire of Normandy Angier Poictou Umena and Gascony of all which he now possessed onely a little part of Gascony That being heire to Edward the third hee was likewise heire to France otherwise the title which he thereof assumed would be unjust He declamed against the Salique Law as invented in those dayes onely to exclude England no mention being made thereof in Chronicles or other memorialls but since I cannot give you the very words the story necessary requires me to shew you the Law in a rough draught to the end that you may examine the late undertakings of Edward the third or the present ones of this Henry against that Kingdome be justifiable or no. Edward the second King of England married Isabell daughter to Philip the faire King of France Philip besides this his daughter Isabell left three sonnes Lewis Hutin Philip the long and Charles the faire all which reigned Kings one after another and though Lewis left a daughter named Iane and his wife with child of a sonne which soone after dyed and that Odone Duke of Burgony Uncle by the mother side to Iane did what in him lay to make her succeede unto her father yet Philip the long her Uncle who was crowned in Rheims whilst armed and the gates shut having then foure daughters did by marriage appease those Princes who did oppose him giving his eldest daughter to this Duke of Burgony together with the County of Burgony the which by her mother did belong to the said Iane and to Lewis Count of Eureux the most poteâ—… Prince of all the adversaries hee gave the same Iane and for her portion the Kingdome of Navarre the County of Brye and Shampania so as the businesse thus layed asleepe and he afterwards dying Charles succeeded him not interrupted by Iane since her giving way to her other Uncle passed as a ruled case Charles dyed leaving his wife with child Edward the third King of England who was neerest of bloud as borne of Isabell sister to these three Kings pretended to the regency in case the child the Queen went withall should live if otherwise to the Crown On the other side Philip Count of Vallois sonne to Châ—…rles who was brother to Philip the faire made the like pretence as neerest heire male alledging that the Law Salique which did exclude the women did likewise exclude such sonnes as were by them borne Whereupon the three States gathered together Philip got the regencie and the Queen Dowager bringing but a daughter the Kingdome Edward alledged in his behalfe that this law was never knowne till then and then invented to defraude him of succession no mention being made thereof in the memory of man nor by any whatsoever ancient Authentique writer That to give it a being when it had none and cause it to rise up in one night like a mushrome was likely not onely not to give it a subsistence but also to make it not to be credited That hee did not deny the succession of the male in all times past but that the succession of the female sex had not hapned to the Crowne till these present times That the relinquishment made by Iane to her owne prejudice and pursued without his consent or knowledge ought not to prejudice him nor ought it be concluded that shee having laide aside her claime to the prejudice of a third the third should likewise quit his claime to the prejudice of succession That she had yeelded by force being doubly betrayed by her Uncle that he migâ—…t usurpe the Country of Burgony and by her husband that he might make himselfe King of Navarre both of them being contented with the certainty of this gaine the hopes which they might promise unto themselves by warre being uncertaine and of lesse account That if the Law were fundamentall as they would have it beleeved to be it would not have beene violated in the two first races That in the first race the French writers made a doubt whether Morevius were the sonne of Claudian or not and that if he were not his son it is to be beleeved say they that hee was his next a kin which is as much as to conjecture the one and doubt of the other They affirme him to have succeeded not so much by vertue of the Lawes as by the free election of the States not being aware that the terme free election doth contradict the Law Salique it being impossible that there should bee any sort of election much lesse free where the Lawes doe determine an undoubted successour otherwise one of two inconveniencies would necessarily ensue either that the election should annull the Law or the Law make the election superfluous the next in bloud all others excluded being by the Law without election appointed to the Crowne That it cannot be denyed that when Childericus was driven out of the Kingdome Aegidius a Citizen of Rome was chosen King and that his sonne Siagrius after the death of Childericus who was received as King again did pretend unto the Crowne by vertue of his fathers election which he never would have done had there beene such a Law to oppugne him Clodoveus left foure sonnes of which one was a bastard they were all called Kings not onely of such proportions as was left unto them by their father but of all France whilst the Law Salique supposeth but one King and doth not admit of bastards Dagobert left the Crowne of France to Clodoveus the second his younger son and to Sigisbert his eldest sonne the Kingdome of Austracia without any manner of dispute whilest that the Law Salique aimes not so much at the exclusion of women as to the advantage the first borne sonne should have over the younger The same Sigisbert
Towrs under the custody of three of his confidents And that this her banishment might be irrevocable he interessed the Dolphin therein making him under pretence of the necessity of the warre seize upon such treasure as she had gathered and placed in certaine Churches and Monasteries as in so many Sanctuaries An action which caused in her such hatred against her sonne as hoping for revenge she by his ruine who was her onely sonne wrought the ruine of France which things though their successe were uncertaine yet nothing of good could be conjectured thereby So as they being by King Henry well examined he hasted to call a Parliament propounding the continuation of the warre which was embraced with much applause and monies to that purpose readily paid downe nothing but good successe being to be hoped for whilst matters went thus The King to make himselfe Master of the Sea dispatcht away Iohn Holland Earle of Huntington his Admirall sonne to that Duke of Exceter who was beheaded the first yeare of Henry the fourth a yong man whom he much favoured not so much for that hee was cousin german borne of Isabell his fathers sister as that his conditions did deserve it He on the other side desirous by some honorable atchievement to augment the Kings favour departed resolute to doe some action worthy of the opinion which was conceived of him The bastard of Burbon was Captaine of the French fleet of equall force with the Earle in one onely thing surpassing him that being guarded about by nine Genway Carracts as by so many fortresses he thought them alone sufficient to secure him from all the enemies forces so as seeking him out and finding him who did not hide himselfe they came to blowes Their equall courage and valour held the balance a long time equall till such time as the English prevailing Burbon was taken prisoner and of the nine Carracts three were sunke and three were taken and amongst the prey the mony which was allowed for halfe a yeares payment of the fleet The which being taken by the King as a good omen he tooke shipping at Portsmouth waited upon by many of the nobility and followed by his two brothers Clarence and Gloster leaving his third brother Bedford Regent He landed at Tongues a Castle in Normandy which in foure daies surrendred it selfe as with the like speed did Harcourt Beaumont Ereux Falese Baiensa Lisâ—…aux Corances Aurenches and other places Caen a Towne well peopled strong and one of the Bulwarkes of that Province stood out resolutely and not listning to any termes of surrendring it was soone after taken by assault and sackt The Castle as Monstrelet saith held out three weekes longer and seven weekes according to Duplex whilst the English say that all manner of rigour being denounced against the defendants if they would not yeeld after the first day Monsieur de la Faietta and Monsieur de Montene despairing of succour came forth within the limited time All the riches and ornaments of the neighbouring Townes were found there as placed in a safe place No man durst lay hands upon them for whosoever did was unavoidable to be put to death They were by the Kings directions restored to the Monasteries and Churches to which they did belong The which purchased him the good will of the Country and helped him in his succeeding enterprises Religious actions unfainedly done have power to molifie even those breasts which hardned with hatred would for all other meanes prove obstinate and irreconciliable Chereburg and Ponte del Arco were next Caen the most considerable Forts for the conquest of Normandy A particular account must be given of Roan by it selfe The King sent the Duke of Glocester to Chereburg who finding it provided with men munition and victualls spent tenne months there in vaine in which time when he could not get the gates open by battery force nor industry the avarice of Iohn d'Engenes the governour thereof threw them open unto him which proved afterwards a gaine which caused his death for having by this infamously purchased money received a safe conduct for a certaine limited time during the which he might trade where ever the King of England did command for he could not in reason trust himselfe in France he was in Roan after the City was yeelded up unto the English and tarring there relying upon some when his set time was expired his head was cut off the presence of a traitor smells so ranke in the nose of a noble Prince and lover of vertue After this many other places yeelded incited thereunto by the King having made it to bee proclaimed that all men should enjoy their goods and priviledges and that he would treate with all such as with his naturall subjects who uninforced would put themselves under his government so as in little more then a yeare his ensignes were seene flourishing in every place nothing almost remaining to the entire conquest of Normandy but the Metroplitan Roan proceedings sprung from the Prince his worth and souldiers valour but facilitated by the enemies disunion it being in them made true that desolation must needes ensue where a Kingdome is divided within it selfe And that as amongst the passions of the minde there is none so great as that of hatred so all hatreds must give place to the violence of civill or home hatred The City of Roan in the losse of all those Towns which as to the head of the Province were under her had her eye more fixt upon France then upon her owne eminent danger for being a principall member thereof she thought she should be cut off and made no member if she did not partake of her infections and her inhabitants imitating the Parisians in wealth riches would have thought their honour had bin concerned if they should not likewise emulate themin their seditions Being then resolved equally with them to favour the Duke of Burgony they made an insurrection under the conduct of Allen Blancard a partaker with the Duke and having slaine the governour and some of the officers and chiefe Citizens they would make themselves masters of the Castle a place requisite for their safeties after so sottish a rebellion and were repulsed by Iames of Burbon Signieur de Preaux who had the command of it so as their ill successe causing repentance they were forced to flye for protection to the same Burbon whom they had but just then so unjustly offended So rash and haire braine bold are the people in stumbling upon offences and so affrontedly presumptuous in the choice of their remedies But the Dolphin who was come thither with an intention to give them exemplary punishment meeting with unexpected difficulties did cloake his ill will and pardoned the fault the which without much danger he could not punish But since I am to speak much of this Prince I crave permission to describe him to you in foure lines that you may the better know him He was borne under a
governe alone they measure their owne interests by the concernments of their servants who if they were worthy would either sacrifice themselves for their Masters wellfare or would save themselves by flight to shun the being reputed their Prince his undoing These alterations made sport for King Henry the vitall spirits which ought to have concurred to the strengthening of so important a member as was Normandy retired themselves unto the heart oppressed by dangerous symptomes the which not easing the one did aggravate the other to the danger of them both nor could it be otherwise for the businesse requiring union and obedience the Duke could not obey the Dolphin whilst he pretended to governe him and union was impossible to the Dolphins servants being they were to lose their authority which together with the Dukes authority was incompatible The one side and the other did alike feare that the severall factions being once reduced into the right way would not goe astray againe for there is nothing whereof seditious men are more jealous then to make those taste the sweete of good who were formerly their associates and coadjutors in evill So as France running ruine through the excesse of disorder it was no wonder if England did establish herselfe through the excellency of counsell The English before they could besiege Roan were constrained to endeavour the taking in of Pont d'Arcke a fortresse seated upon the River Sâ—…ne that so they might the better keepe Roan from being succoured The King being not farre from thence in the Priory of Boneport sent the Lord of Cornwell to sound the defendants minds and to see whether the example of so many other places which had received his ensignes would move them to doe the like Iohn Graville was governour thereof who being resolute to stand out the Baron said unto him that he did ill to oppose himselfe against the King of Englands forces for he would undertake himselfe alone with very few more to passe over that River in despite of him and all his people offering to wage with him hereon his helmet with 500. Nobles in it against the best horse in his Stable Graville accepted of the wager and placed great troopes upon the passages Iames Harcourt being come to him from Estempes with 800. fighting men and 12000. of the Country people The Baron failed not to make good his word the next day he brought along with him 600. almost all archers amongst whom was a yong sonne of his owne of fifteene yeares of age one horse and some little field peeces all which hee conveied over in eight barkes to a little Iland situated in the midst of the River from whence shooting at the enemy who were upon the further banke hee so disordered them with his small peeees and his artillery as that they were faine to save themselves Harcourt retiring himselfe to Estempes Graville to Ponte d'Arcke and the rest to the woods so as being past over without resistance and having Knighted his sonne he put himselfe in battell aray and sent backe the boats to the end that they with some others that he had provided might convey over about a thousand souldiers with which hee did not onely maintaine skirmish against the garrison of the Fort but lodging himselfe in Mortamer Abbey he ransackt the Country putting them all in feare and disorder Graville being afterward jibed at for having so poorely mainteined the passage against so few men replied That if he had beene so seated as was he he would have hindred the passage not onely against him but against England and France put together But the seate was not the right reason of this it was rather the bowmens cunning and the terror which without any evident cause doth surprise even the stoutest hearts by the ancients called fate but by us divine providence the which is then more particularly seene when greater things are done then were the meanes whereby they were done The next day the Duke of Clarence passed over with 4000. fighting men and the King causing a bridge to be made on Roans side made himselfe Master of the field so as the Country people having no place to repaire unto the greatest part fled elsewhere and Graville having withstood a siege of three weekes despairing of succour yeelded the Fort their lives and goods saved Roan yet remained not that there were not many other Townes yet not taken in but because if she were once taken the rest would come in of themselves without one blow strucken The King of France and Duke of Burgony had sent thither made Captaines and souldiers to boot with the great number of inhabitants who were all resolved rather to die then to suffer the English subjection This siege was laid when the corne was not yet gathered in to the end that hunger might assist the other forces The King tooke up his quarter amongst the Cheartosine Monkes his brothers and Lords quartered themselves in seven other places to wit upon Saint Kathernes hill and over against the gates of Saint Hillary Caux Martinville Beauvais the Castle and the bridge The defendants made many fallies to impeach the besiegers workes slew some of them and lost some of their owne retiring themselves sometimes with their swords bloudy sometimes with bloudy heads But for all this they could not hinder them from securing their quarters with great ditches and workes and from accommodating themselves as that though they found all the adjacent houses Churches and Monasteries beaten downe and razed particularly Saint Severe Richburg Saint Gervais Mâ—…rtenville the Arsenalle and the Galleyes that were in it yet they used such diligence as that they wanted nothing requisite for a long siege as they thought this would prove the Cities strength being considered and the Citizens resolution who on the contrary side chased out of the City all such as had not wherewithall to victuall themselves easing themselves out of the number of 210000. mouths which were numbred in the City of 12000. of the most unusefull ones as old men women children and religious people who did afterwards all of them almost dye for hunger in ditches for they were not suffered to passe any further that the City might bee inforced to take them in againe the which she did not one of the evill effects of warre amongst those who doe defend themselves being to lay aside all manner of charity even though it concerne their owne blood so as the King was constrained the moanes and outcryes of the miserable people flying up to heaven afterwards to succour them to keepe them from utter perishing He sent the Earle of Warwicke and the Baron Talbot to Caudebec a place upon the Sene betweene Roan and Harfleur wherewith they agreed for the passage of the English Vessells over the River and that that Town of Caudebec should surrender it selfe as soone as Roan should either be taken or surrendred They gave ostages hereupon and suffered an hundred Vessells to passe over which came from the
sacraments which by the Church of Rome were prescribed to dying men he dyed the last of August of a plurisie a disease not wel known in those daies which caused amongst the common people two severall opinions of his death the one that he dyed of a disease called Saint Anthonies fire the other of that called Saint Fiacree which is convultions or extention of the nerves hee raigned nine yeares five months and twenty three daies not having fully compleated his eight and thirtieth year his temperature according to the observations of physicke promised a longer life he was of a leane and sinnowie body of a black haire his limbs well proportioned and active of stature higher then usuall his face well shaped though somewhat long endowed him with a manlike beauty England hath had before and since his time many worthy Kings but of perfections exceeding his none he was just wiâ—… magnanimous valiant I would say fortunate if fortune had any abiding place with vertue he undertooke a difficult warre in a time when his enemies intestine dissention did facilitate it unto him he thereby appeased his Kingdome purging it of all its ill humours he healed it and made it greater by reducing slothfull and vagabond people the ordinary plagues of common wealths from idlenesse and vice to warfare and honour hee was served by inclination and affection the greatnesse of his spirit and his heroique actions were the loadstones which drew unto him his subjects love and reverence he was of an unblameable life and an enemy to all vice which may serve for a sufficient testimony for whatsoever else of good may be said of him at home he spilt no bloud save that of the Earle of Cambridge and his fellow conspirators under whose ashes as long as he lived and some while after all civill wars was buried and if he used severity abroad armes his enemies obstinacy and the lawes of war must suffer the blame The end of the first Volume THE FOVRTH BOOKE OF THE CIVILL VVARRES OF ENGLAND IN THE LIFE OF HENRY THE SIXTH BY the lives of the preceeding Kings wee have seene that the Civill Warrs had their beginning from the bad Government of Richard the second that Henry the fourth did first commence them and Henry the fifth suspend them but that after 40. yeares Peace they should againe breake forth under Henry the sixth when the Government was established Mens minds quieted and appeased is a matter worthy of consideration which ought not to bee passed over to the end wee may examine whether this hapned by default of the Subjects or Prince and which of them it was that after the cure of the first malady were causers of the second Wee shall find Arguments probable enough if wee consider the different natures of the two last Kings Henry the fifth found a Kingdome usurped by his Father so exasperated by the deaths and confiscations of many as he would never have beene able to have setled and maintained a Peace had not his valour caus'd him to be fear'd and his vertue belov'd by his Subjects in all the time of his life he met with no other Conspiracie then that of Richard Earle of Cambridge which was suppress'd as soone as undertaken not for that Richards Heires were Children since that Edmund Mortimer lawfull Heire to the Crowne outliving him pretences were not like to be wanting to any one who durst have molested him but for that Edmunds fearefull or were it peacefull nature the tender yeares of such as were to succeed him the ambition of great ones allured by honours and inriched by forraigne Warrs and that another King could not better their private conditions nor rayse the publike honour to a higher pitch were the true causes which did suppresse alterations being dead the fortune which did accompany him during his life did not for a long time forsake him in the person of his Sonne insomuch as in his infancy and two succeeding ages he was by his Subjects served without contradiction out of hopes that together with the Kingdome he had Inherited his Fathers vertues his tender yeares priviledged by his owne comlines and the love of others had not afforded them time to dis-deceave themselves in what concerned vallour and wisdome vertues in him of much expectation whil'st the bright sunshine of other vertues dasled the Eyes of the wisest for malice it selfe cannot but confesse that Henry the sixth was one of the best and holiest Kings that ever England had if goodnes alone without the helpe of other vertues were only required to the office of a King but there is difference betweene the vertues of private Men and of Princes what is sometime to be praysed in the one is to be blamed in the other not for that the faculties of operation bee not from the highest to the lowest uniforme in all but that being diversified by the differing condition betweene Princes and Subjects they produce contrary actions according as the condition of those who operate is contrary and as the wayes and imaginations of God are not such as are those of Men so all due and reverent proportion being given if any proportion at all be to be given the conceptions and proceedings of Princes ought not to bee such as are those of private Men. Very morall vertues though the same in all Men are not in them considerable but with a particular difference for that becomes them and they may do that which becomes not us nor may wee doe Henry was a good Man but no good King Hee was borne with good intentions but of himselfe simple Conditions plausible in a private Man misbecomming him that Raignes and in all cases harmefull for as wisdome without goodnes is a meere infirmity so goodnesse without wisdome is a meere defect Were it not the part of wisdome to put us upon those actions which in reason wee ought to doe but only to make us simply or meerly good he would have had no need thereof nor yet they who are naturally given to be good Those who imagin'd all vertues though differing in name not to differ in Office but that they all were so many wisdomes did not perhaps beleeve amisse experience shewes us that without wisdome fortitude is rashnes justice severity and temperance disorder other vertues are common or indifferent to all Men this of wisdome in Princes is singuler The goodnes of Henry the sixth was a Cloyster life goodnes but as the affections of a King doe not befit a Clergie-man so doe not the affections of a Clergie-man besit a King Wee are borne under two Lawes the one of God the other of Nature the which though distinct are not incompetable if wee do embrace the former which hath no other end but the spirituall health the choice is good and much the better if it be accompanied with contempt of the World and mortification of the Spirit If the second in which Princes are comprehended and which joyned to faith doth not exclude saving
Carriages and Prisoners and not without some difficulty defeated them 300. of them being left dead upon the place and 600. taken Prisoners amongst which their Conductors the rest saving themselves by flight Hallian and Argentres say that the number of the dead were 1400 a difference of no small consideration having obtained this victory hee passed on forwards hoping by the good luck hee had therein to take Auranches wherin he failed so as firing the Suburbs of St. Loe he returned to Mayne but fortune which ballanceth her adventures that shee may seeme to be just though indeede shee be not so did by contrary events put life into the one party and mortifie the other for the Bastard de Baume and Monsier de Craignar making the like incursions into the Countrey of Macone were unexpectedly met by Matthew Goches who having with him a number of English not inferior to them set upon them and did so behave himselfe as that the French were almost all slaine the Bastard of Baume having done all that a brave Souldier and Commander could seeing there was no other help clapt spurrs to his Horse to save himselfe but Goches who was upon as fleete a Horse as he overtooke him at the Castle Gate where he thought to have entred and tooke him Prisoner presenting him to the Earle of Salisbury who to incourage the rest did together with the Prisoner give him one of the best Horses he had The English possessed all Normandy except Mount St. Michael a Fort situated upon the top of a Mountaine in a little Iland named by the same name some two leagues distant from the continent and some three leagues from Auranches unaccessable and not to be wonne but by Famine they had layed siege thereunto debarring them of being come unto by any or of going forth themselves so as it was impossible to Victuall it the Sea being guarded by many Shipps the Duke of Britanny who could not brooke the losse thereof for feare least the English forces might advance to his prejudice not minding the late capitulations at Amiens resolved to rayse the siege the chiefe of this enterprise was Monsier de Beufort Admirall of Britanny the principall authors William Monfort Cardinall of Britanny and Bishop of St. Malo Messieurs de Limbour de Montalban and de Coutchen who having armed a good number of Ships in the Haven of St. Malo filled them with Souldiers and Bow men having made all this preparation with such secrecy as they were upon the Enemy before he was aware Terrible was the bickering navall fights not being subject to escapes or retreats and much lesse the English at this time blockt up by the Brittish Vessells and fast tyed by their owne Anchors they grapled together but came not to handy blowes by reason of the English Shipps fight so as having a long time labour'd with Weapons Fire and Arrowes the Britons who were well provided of Souldiers had the Victory over the English who were but meanly stor'd with men designed only for the safeguard of the Shipps they slew them almost all together with the Marriners and Pilotts some few only escaping by saile Argentres sayes that the besiegers seeing their Men lost and not daring to expect the Enemies landing fled away abandoning their Houlds had it beene so t' would have beene by the assistance of an ebbing Sea for otherwise being in an Island and without Shipps they could not have saved themselves The English Historians make no mention of this nor many French those that do write it thus that the Admirall of Britanny having sunke some of the English Vessells he gave chase to the rest and that the besieged joyning with those that came into their succour assaulted the besiegers defeated them and freed themselves from them but that escaping to Ardenon 3000. paces distant from the Mountaine they there built a Fort from whence issuing forth they had many skirmishes with the garrison and that the Baron Colonsus having agreed thereupon with those of the garrison came at an appointed time and slew above 200. English taking Sr. Nicholas Burdet Prisoner a rich and valiant Knight a Narration much differing from that of Argentres who relates it somewhat obscurely but yet ends it the rest giving it no end at all neither can it bee gather'd from them if besides the 200. that were slaine or 240. according to Giles any others remain'd besides they name not any one head in this expedition which they forget not to doe in businesses of lesse consequence This meane while Victories and losses were had by both sides but not equally worthy notice and therefore rather to be pointed at then described Iohn of Luxenburg besieged Guisse a place belonging to Renato D' Anjou Duke de Bar and Brother to the King of Sicily who forbore to succour it being so advised by the Duke of Lorraine his Wives Father for they should both of them have put their States in too great danger if they should have declar'd open Warre with two such potent Enemies as were England and Burgony so as they thought it the lesser evill to suffer it be lost then to hazard the rest the defendants did what they could to defend it under the command of Iohn de Proisi their Captaine but not being succour'd they surrendred the Towne it fell otherwise to Sadone in the County of Vertu which being besieged threatned and taken by force by the Earle of Salisbury met with the last of ruines being sackt and the Souldiers almost all slaine but such were the Burgonians Insolencies under Iohn de Luxemburg and so insufferable even to such as sided with the Duke as they resolv'd to make an Assembly at Roie where having consider'd their condition and expostulated their injuries they resolv'd to change sides but all would not doe so not that they did not desire it but for the danger they were likely to incounter those who declared themselves for Charles were Mussieurs de Longeville de St. Simone de Maillis de Reicourt and others some of which falling afterwards into the Enemies hands were severely put to death being this meane while all banished they furnish'd their owne Habitations and Governments with good garrisons entring into mortall Warre with the English and Burgonians to such as accused them of breach of faith they answer'd that it made more for them to have an open declar'd Warre then to indure the insolencies of such as under title of friendship and defence did every where commit injuries roberies and contumacies A good example to Princes not to suffer the Dogs which are to defend their Houses turne Wolves amongst their Flocks But the incorrigiblenesse of Military men proceeds not alwayes from them it is impossible that Souldiers be well disciplin'd in long and Civill Warres especially if their Commanders bee avaritious such inconveniences have been and will bee no remedy being to bee had for it For where Warres grow inveterate and where hatred together with damage doth increase humanity
growes there corrupted or is totally lost Hee not being allowed of for a good Souldier who is not brutish Piety conscience and other Christian affections are lull'd asleepe by extortion violence and the habite of being imbrued in bloud Charles had sent Reynauld de Schartres Archbishop of Rheims his Chancellor in company of the Earle Douglasse into Scotland to raise there 5000. men with the which being return'd into France hee brought along with him the Earle Boughan his Sonne in law and Iohn Stuart constable of Scotland to all which Charles gave divers possessions the better to incourage them to serve him To Douglasse and his Heires-male hee gave the Dutchy of Touraine in feâ—… farme though others write hee did but pawne it unto him Hee Earle Bowhan Lo. constable but neither of them injoy'd these honours long to Stuart he gave the Lordship of Aubenny which is by his posterity possest to this day and to captivate their good wils and make the Scottish-men partiall in his behalfe hee tooke a 100. of them for the guard of his person an institution to this day maintained by the Kings his successours Hee had likewise a little before this receaved an ayd of 1000. foote and 600. lances from Philip Maria Duke of Millan these forces being added to his owne hee made up the body of an Army consisting of 18000. men not counting those who were dispersed abroad in other Provinces Hee made use of these men as of a marching Machin conducted by gallant and experienced Commanders neither was hee long in setting them on worke though with ill successe The Count Richmond had at this time forsaken the confederacy made at Amiens by reason of some distast hee tooke at the Duke of Bedford but what the busines was I find no where specified save by Serres who taxing the Duke of too much haughtines sayeth that the Count being gone unto him to receave some charge worthy of him and his affinity Hee found him so hard and intractable as that being accustomed to the affability of the King of France hee tooke distast thereat and returned backe with a resolution of trying all meanes hee could to put himselfe into Charles his good opinion and to indeavour that the Duke his Brother should doe the like The garrison of Iury a place belonging by inheritance to Ambrose de Lore and which being taken by Henry the fifth was given in gift to this Count Richmond with all the emoluments thereof understanding his revolt declared themselves for France Bedford layd siedge unto this towne the which defended it selfe till such time as a myne being ready to play they yeelded the Castle remaining yet untaken which after some dayes siedge agreed likewise to surrender it selfe if it were not succoured on the day of the assumption of the virgin Mary Hostages were given hereupon and the Captaine was permitted to advertise the King thereof this place was of great consequence to Charles which had it not beene his reputation would have inforced him to succour it for it was a kind of defiance to bee advertis'd thereof by the consent of the enemy Resolving then upon it hee charged the Duke of Alansonne to succour it yea though hee should hazard the battaile Alansonne obeyed marching towards it with the aforenamed Army being come neare to the Towne hee sent 40. Horsemen to survay the Campe but such were the relations hee heard as hee thought it the lesser evill to loose Iury then to hazard a battaile A resolution which displeased the rest hee notwithstanding tooke on his way towards Vernuille presenting himselfe before it in so brave and stately manner that it not being to bee doubted but that hee came from Iury whether it was knowne hee was gone to raise the siedge hee easily made the inhabitants beleeve that he had defeated the Duke of Bedford slaine his men the Duke himselfe with some few being escaped on horsebacke A tale which bearing with it a seeming likelyhood was easily credited the place yeelded it selfe up unto him and t' was a purchase which properly belonged unto him for hee had not long before obtained it from Charles The Castle of Iury this meane while not succoured Gerard de Palliere as hee presented the keyes unto the Duke shewed him a letter signed and sealed by 18. Lords wherein they promised him to come upon the precise day with a resolution to fight and raise the siedge afterwards hee added that since they by falsifying their promise had given him so great a wound hee found no other salve whereby to heale it but by making their breach of promise knowne To which the Duke replied that since they would not daigne to come to him hee would goe to them with a resolution to end all disputes by Armes Hee commanded the Earle of Suffolke to follow him who taking with him 600. horse went to Bertrille where hearing of the losse of Vernuille hee by poste advertised the Duke thereof who marching forth-with thereupon sent word to Douglasse that hee intended to dine with him the next day that therefore hee desir'd him to expect him and see that dinner were ready Douglasse answer'd that being come from Scotland of purpose to visit him hee would not faile in preparing for him the banquet hee desir'd but neither was Douglasse nor any of the other Captains minded to give battaile for Iury being lost the thing for which they fought they should not doe well to hazard preposterously and without necessity against a victorious enemy those forces which were Charles his onely stay and support and that doing otherwise they should at least make good the place of advantage wherein they were having Vernuille upon their backe their souldiers likely to grow fresh with rest and weary if they should travell But the Viscount of Narbonne shewing what shame they were to undergoe if they should not abate the edge of Bedfords bravado's caused his troops take armes in a tumultuous manner compos'd of Provincials gascons and men of Tholouse all good souldiers saying that if the wisest would not follow him hee could doe no lesse then goe alone to defend with the hazard of his life the honour of France so as mov'd thereunto by shame they all confusedly followed him and were by the event too late taught that resolutions contrary to reason have beene seldome seene prosperous they made one onely Battalion of their men placing 1000. horsmen upon each side of their flankes and 400. of those that came from Millan in front to annoy the enemies ordnance to the end that they being opened the grosse battell might the easier enter The Duke of Bedford was not displeas'd with this order for finding himselfe to bee inferiour to them in number it behooved him to make one onely squadron of all his men Hee placed bowmen on their flancks and front secured by certaine sharpned poles which fastned in the earth with their points outward served for pikes against the shocke of the horse Hee made no use of
father Iohn was in the like manner abandoned before Mondediere And as for the Flemmish Authors Meierus Henterus and Petit if I understand them aright they say no such thing and Speede an English Authour sayes that Philip was excused by many out of reasons suffiently probable Glocester came to Callis as some say with 300. as others with 500. vessells loaded with 25000. Souldiers finding the enemy gone entered Flanders meeting none that did oppose him he tarried not to besiege any place but burning and destroying where e're hee went put all to ruine great was the prey hee made especially of beasts He burned Popernence Bailleul Chasteauneufe Rimesture and Vallor-Chappule he dismantled many Castles forsaken by their Garrisons till weary of going about and wanting bread hee retired to Guienes and from thence to Callais Many women at the price of a peece of bread recovered the ruines of their houses the scarcity of bread was the cause of much sicknesse in the Army But Glocester having onely selfe interest for his occasion hee returned to England where he found new troubles appeased first by danger and then by the death of the King of Scotland King Iames had married his daughter Margaret to Lewis the Dolphin whereat England was distasted since this affinity could but not be prejudiciall to her so as the two nations being netled began to endamage each other the Scots pretended a double injury that England had endeavoured to hinder the Brides passage into France since not able to breake the marriage they would have interrupted it by taking taking her prisoner and that the Earle of Northumberland unprovoked had assailed the confines of Scotland Vpon these dislikes Iames commenc't the warre and went with 30000. men to besiege Rosburg This place was commanded by Sir Ralph Gray who though hee did valiantly defend it yet was not hee the occasion of the Kings raising the siege nor yet the succour which the Earle of Northumberland was to bring him 't is likely some more urgent occasions was the cause thereof the true reason then was his wives hasty comming unto the Campe who being a woman and a Princesse would not have hazarded herselfe at such a time without some urgent occasion which since it doth belong unto the story I will take leave shortly to relate it shee came to advertise him of a conspiracy that was plotting against his life which caused him raise the siege to prevent it though his intentions did not succeede for blowes from heaven are not to be evaded Walter Earle of Atholl his unckle was chiefe of this conspiracy wrought thereunto by wicked ambition which lay lurking in him many yeares before 'T was he that had incited Robert Duke of Awebeny to kill Prince David that hee might serve this Iames with the same sawce had not his father sent him away had he beene saved by being prisoner in England his designe was when these two Princes should be murthered himselfe to kill Robert and his sonne that hee might without any competitor remaine the sole heire unto the kingdome and 't was not unlikely to have fallen out according to his wish for Robert after so many detestable wickednesses grew to be hated by all men But Iames his preservation having broken both their designes it tooke life againe in him alone When Robert being dead Mordecay his sonne and the sonnes of Mordecay executed after Iames his returne to Scotland none stood betweene him and the accomplishment of his tyranny but the very King neither did hee beleeve that the people would be thereat displeased for Iames had mightily distasted the people by putting a great taxation upon them for the Fleete which did conduct his daughter to her husband which was by many of them denyed and but unwillingly paid by the rest In so much as though Iames had given order to the Collectors to gather no more monyes and to restore what already had beene collected to those that gave it yet did hee not sufficiently sweeten them for such favours as are caused by necessitie doe not content the people but that which did the most of all offend them was his unexpected rising from before Roseburg for having beene at great expence for this enterprise and no man guessing at the reason of his quitting it it could allow of no good construction Atholl was the chiefe actor in this Tragedy but would not bee seene therein till he appeared as King not as guilty His chiefest instruments were two bold Roberts the one his owne Grandsonne the other of the Family of the Griâ—…es the former drawne by his Grandfathers authoritie and his hopes after him as being his heire the other out of an eager desire of being revenged upon the King by whom he reputed himselfe doubly injured for having long before for some misdemeanors beene imprisoned and banished the King had lately taken from him the guardianship of a nephew of his which was falne unto him by his brothers death The Queene had discovered the conspiracy but not the conspirators so as the King using all possible dilligence to find them out made them hasten the effecting of their businesse for feare of being discovered he had withdrawne himselfe together with his wife and some familiar friends without any guard to the covent of preaching Friers neare to the walls of Pearth amongst which was one of the conspirators named Iohn whose Sir-name I find not written The Traitors entred into the Friery rewarding the Porter and being come into the Kings Ante-chamber and met not with any body they stood expecting that the said Iohn should open the doore that they might enter without noise when one Walter Stretton came forth for some businesse concerning the King who seeing so many armed men and not able to get backe cryed Treason treason but him they instantly slew and ran unto the doore and found it shut by one Katherine Douglas a Lady worthy remembrance This Lady missing the great Barre wherewith the doore was wont to be shut and which was purposely hid away by Iohn supplied the place thereof with her owne Arme but they forced open the doore and brake her Arme they slew all that withstood them the King was slaine with 28. wounds the Queen who when her Husband fell fell upon him to serve him for a Buckler so as she could not easily be dragg'd from him received two wounds and Patrick Dunbarre brother to the Earle of the March who defended the King as long as he was able was left for dead sorely wounded and his fingers struck off This cruell treason was forthwith divulged every where filling all mens mindes with horrour and pitty those who formerly hated the King did now celebrate him they called to minde how he had passed all his life in afflictions his childhood practised upon his unckle his youth bittered by imprisonment his Kingdome annoyed with perpetuall seditions and now slaine in a Court of government the most moderate and most just that ever Scotland enjoyed there
was not any Lord though never so farre off who did not hasten to revenge this death all the actors whereof were it out of their overdaring confidence or did it onely proceed from the will of God were taken brought to Edenburgh and severally punished The three principalls Atholl his Grand-sonne and Graines were the last reserved for punishment and all of them suffered death I know not whether more examplary or cruell Atholls punishment was divided into three dayes suffering the first day he was led through the Citie in a Cart wherein was framed the forme of a Crosse in wood with a pully at the top of it with a rope fastned to it wherewith his hands being fastned behind him and hee all naked having his privy parts onely covered hee was at certaine appointed places drawne up to the toppe of the pully having leaden waights at his heeles within two foote of the ground and after having had many of these draughts hee was set in a Scaffold and had a crowne of red hot Iron set upon his head a punishment invented as they say for that he was once foretold by a Sorceresse that hee should one day be crowned King in the concourse of a great many of people the which whether it be true or no or whether beleefe ought to be given to such predictions I leave it to be decided by the learned the knowledge of things to come belong properly to God alone and if it should bee granted that the divell have some share herein by his observation of the Starres and their Aspects wherein he may be a great master being Coetanean with the Plannets and immortall yet should I thinke him altogether ignorant herein were it not contrary to the schoole of Theologists who say that by sinning hee lost what hee had received by favour not what was naturall in him I should resemble him to a cancelled writing for perfection of knowledge which was naturall in him being a Species of beatitude there doth no beatitude belong unto the damned but allow the opinion of the Schooles wee may affirme that his knowledge of things to come being uncertaine and conjecturall as are all such things as depend upon the like principals hee doth not communicate them but by uncertainties and equivocation Athols prediction proved this unto us since pronounced in a sense of exaltation and glory it proved to bee base and infamous but formy part I beleeve these predictions are invented when things have succeeded one part of the World delighting in being deceived the other in deceiving and seeming wise by affirming what is not The second day hee was laid upon a hurdle and drawne at a horse taile through the chiefe streetes of Edenbourough The third day hee was laid upon a table his Belly ript up his Bowels throwne into the fire his Heart torne out and burn't his Head cut off his Body quartered and his Quarters sent to the foure chiefe Cities of Scotland his Grand-sonne faired the better for his being young and set on by his Grand-father hee was onely hanged and quartered Robert Grames was put naked into a Carte had his hand wherewith hee slew the King fastned to a ladder erected therein was pincht with hot yrons in all the parts of his Body his vitall parts excepted and then quartered England was grieved at the death of this vertuous King though her enemy but not thereby incommodiated for Iames the second not being past seven yeares old was not of age enough to annoy any one hee himselfe being sufficiently annoyed by the ambition of such who strove to bee his Governour I observe one thing remarkeable in the story of Scotland that of one hundred and eight Kings that have raigned there our gratious King Charles that now raignes not comprehended in the number 54. have dyed naturall deaths 49. have come to violent ends by misfortune conspiracy and battells and for the other five which remaine to make up the number one renounced the Kingdome and foure fled from thence and were banished so as if you will account them happy who come to naturall ends and number the five who did not dye Kings amongst the unhappy the number of happy and unhappy is equall each of them making 54. the like will not bee met withall as neither the succession of so many Kings in any one Kingdome or any Kingdome of Europe After the havock Gloster had made in Philips territores both parties drawne either by the perswasion of friends or commodity of trading were drawne to treat of truce at Gravelein whither for Henry went the Cardinall of Winehester the Duke of Norfolke the Earle of Stafford with others verst in law and busines and for Philip the Dutchesse his wife the Bishop of Arras Monsieur de Croy and others a truce was concluded in the name of the Dutchesse Philip not being so much as named therein which caused two opinions either that Henry would not treat with him as being a perjured man and a breaker of former agreements and therefore not better to bee now expected from him or els that it was a peece of cunning in Philip not to cause jealously in Charles and that it might bee lawfull for him to undoe what was there done when it might turne to his advantage since wives promises doe not oblige their husbands which of these was the true cause it is hard to say neither doth it much import the onely certainty is that it lasted but a while The death of Queen Katharine mother to King Henry hapned at the same time who being left a widdow in her time of youth and without hope of marrying her selfe otherwise did secreetly marry Owen Tewdor a young Gentleman of Wales whose laudable parts added to the Noblenes of his birth for hee was descended from Cadwallader the last King of the Britons moved her to take him for husband by him shee had three sonnes and one daughter the sonnes names were Edmond and Iasper the third sonnes name who became a Benedictine Frier is not exprest as neither the Daughters name who became likewise a Nun the two first being brothers by the mothers side to King Henry were by him created Earles Edmond of Richmond Iasper of Pembrooke Edmond who did marry Iane the onely daughter and heire of Iohn Duke of Somerset was Father to Henry the seaventh but Katharine being dead Owen was questioned for marrying a woman that had such relation unto the King without his consent whereupon Gloster having caused him two severall times to bee imprisoned and hee having twise made an escape the third time hee was caught and lost his life But this is not the common opinion of Authours as wee shall see George Lille layes hee was descended from a base originall and toucheth no other particulers Meirus makes him the Bastard of an Alehouse keeper in Walles Katharnes Taylor and very lately married by her to the end that the children shee had by him might by her marriage bee made legitimate Belleforest affirmes
honour made him his deputy to celebrate the formality of espousall and to bring his bride over into England He went then and had with him his wife and a great many of Ladies and Gentlemen carriages and letters for her father who was rich in titles of imaginary kingdomes as of Scicily and Ierusalem had not meanes to send her to her husband so as all the charge which was very vast fell to Henries share being come to Tours hee married her in the name of his master in the presence of the King of France The Queene and a great number of Princes and Lords amongst which were the Dukes of Orleans Calabria Alanson and Brittany the marriage was solemnized with feasts and tilting after which with the like or better shee was married by Henry in England and crowned Queene Normandy lay openly exposed by the surrendring of the two Provinces Count Armignac was scandalized and shortly likely to revenge himselfe the kingdome was fallen into an Abisse from whence it was not to be raised but by the death of the King the ruine of the Queene the desolation of the house of Lancaster the destruction of the Nobility the rebellion of the people and the alteration of the State This seperation of Armes caused the Duke of Yorke and many other Commanders returne to England that they might consult of what provisions were to be made before the expiration of the truce to the end that Normandy being well fortified Charles might be brought to a well conditioned peace and if not that they might be able to make a powerfull warre But England did in this an evill mannager who having a house covered with Lead sells the Lead and then covers it againe with straw to the end that a sparke of Fire by reason of this new covering may be sufficient to set it on fire the given Provinces were the Lead sould and prodigally squandred the provisions for Normandy the thatching over with straw the two Provinces might have entertained the warre and being lost have advanced time which is the father of the changes of fortune for losse in warre doth seldom happen in one action and at one instant To this purpose a Parliament was called subsidies paid Souldiers raised and the Duke of Sommerset made a Regent of France in stead of the Duke of Yorke the Marquesse of Suffolke were it either to boast of his favours or that hee foresaw the future danger made a long speech in the upper house relating his ownemerits in the making of this truce and this match and advertising the Lords that since the truce expired the next Aprill and peace did not ensue they should doe well to take such order as that Normandy might not be endamaged for it was to be beleeved that the French finding it ill provided would make use of their advantage that having advertised the King thereof he did now the like to them to the end that if any evill did happen it should not be said to have beene for want of any good admonition he desired them in discharge of his innocency to thinke on this the same thing was done the next day in the lower house the Messengers whereof entreated the Lords of the upper house that by joynt consent of both houses this present action might be registred amongst the acts of Parliament hee obtained what he desired the favours of favorites being like to little Rivolets which easily glide into the current waters even of the greatest rivers they sent their Speaker to the upper house where the Lords who did likewise waver with the wind did on their knees beseech the King that in respect of great services done by the Marquesse he would vouchsafe him this and whatsoever other favour for that he could not bestow his graces upon a more worthy subject and the King who of himselfe was wonderfull prodigall of his favours to him and loved to be entreated thereunto as not willing to seeme to doe it of his owne inclination answered them in such a manner as every one might see he made him the haven of his favours and the object of other mens respects the action was registred but not with that successe as was hoped for to witnesse that the peoples and Princes favours are of short duration and oftentimes unfortunate hee shortly after created him Duke he gave him two rich wardships that of the countesse of Warwick and of Margaret the daughter of Iohn Duke of Summerset who was afterwards the mother of Henry the seventh hee likewise at his request created Iohn de Fois Count de Longaville and Captaine de Bus Count de Candale both of them Guascons all these favours served onely to make his downe-fall the more sudden which usually doth not faile being caused either by the hatred of private men or of the Prince for such mens insolencies encreasing with their authorities and their authorities growing greater by their favour they become insupportable and having once offended cannot support themselves but by new offences whereby begetting hatred and envie amongst private men and societie in Princes they must needs fall and be overthrowne either by the one or the other According to Articles of marriage all places belonging to Aniou and Mayne were already surrendred except Manns the which being of more importance then the rest Charles did beleeve they had no intention to deliver it up so as having raised a convenient Army he prepared to have it by force which when Henry understood he gave order that it should be forthwith surrendered unto him not so much for that he should not have just cause to breake the truce as that by justice he was to doe it But Chartier and Monstrellet say that the English held it till the yeare 1449. at which time Charles besieged it and that the Lord Privy Seale being chosen Bishop of Winchester caused it to be yeelded up unto him but how ever it were this cessation from Armes wrought the like effects in England as in a healthfull body the forbearing of moderate exercises doth which by filling it with bad humours bringeth infirmities upon it The natures of the late married couple were if not opposite sufficiently differing the husband was of a womanish inclination the wife of a manlike spirit the King was humbled evout spiritually given caring onely for his soules health the Queene was proud ambitious worldly given and not to be quieted till having brought the kingdome to be governed as shee pleased shee might see her selfe free from Rivals in the government The Duke of Glocester was no wayes pleasing to her as well for that he had opposed her marriage an injury not to be forgotten as likewise that her husband being long since out of his minority was still governed by him as formerly when he was under age the which being observed by such as did not love the Duke they let slip no occasion whereby they might worke his ruine The Marquesse of Suffolke for that he could not rise to
those of the Garrison were furnished with shipping to transport them and had safe conduct by land together with their weapons and goods the Souldiers without suffered much in this short siege for the season was very violent in raine and inundations so as the waters entered into all the Huts throughout the whole Campe this notwithstanding they willingly underwent all incommodities seeing the King expose himselfe to all dangers his example made them willing to suffer with him the onely way to infuse patience into the French for being led on by their King they out did themselves doing that under his command which under anothers had beene impossible for them to doe and because wee have diciphered this King else where with affections much differing from these present actions wee must cite Hallian for our discharge who will free us from reproach telling what happened in the yeare 1445. he falls upon these words In the concourse of so many affaires the King suffering himselfe to be transported by pleasures fell in love with a Gentlewoman belonging to the Queene his wife called Agneta Sorrell borne in Onvergne a Lady so faire as shee acquired the name of Agneta the faire and to the end that shee might have the title the King gave her during her life le Chasteau de Beante neare to the Boys de Saint Vincent and caused there to be erected that great Pavillion which at this day is there to be seene all covered When shee was called the Lady of Beauty the King had by her foure daughters all married into good houses of this Kingdome though some say hee had but one married to Monsieur de Bresse Of Normandy and others That she lived not long and that the King did not avow her for his but though the affection the King bore her lessened his due respects unto his wife and tooke from her much of of the rights of marriage yet was she faine to swallow this bitter pill and patiently permit the faire Agneta enjoy the best of her husbands affections 't is said that when she saw the King carelesse effeminate not minding the affaires of his kingdome nor the victories which the English wonne she one day said unto him that when she was a very young girle she was told by an Astrologer that she should be beloved by one of the most couragious and most valiant Kings of Christendome and that when she had the honour to be beloved by him shee thought hee had beene that valiant and couragious King foretold by the Astrologer but seeing him so soft natured not minding his affaires normaking head against the English and Henry their King who before his face had taken so many Cities of his shee very well perceived she was deceived and that this valiant couragious King could be none other but the King of England and therefore said shee I will goe finde him out for he is that King foretold me by the Astrologer and not you who neither have courage nor valour since you suffer your kingdome to be lost and doe not resent it These words pronounced by her whom he loved better then hee should have done did so touch him to the quicke as that hee fell a weeping and awakening himselfe tooke courage upon him gave not himselfe so much to hunting and dalliance as hee was wont so as by his good fortune and the valour of his good Commanders who faithfully served him he drove the English out of all France Callis excepted I was desirous to place here the words of this Historian not so much to shew that I did not lie in my other contrary descriptions as that it being my dutie to praise vertue and blame vice I have done it in their due places as every writer ought to doe particularly where they speake of Princes to the end that those who are alive may thereby be admonished that when they are dead the same rules will be observed in the writing of their story The affaires in Guienne Though they did not precipitate so fast of as those off Normandy Guichus a strong Castle foure leagues distant from Bayone was besieged with a formall army by Monsieur de Lantree brother to the Count and Bastard de Fois 4000. English went to succour it and that their comming might be the more unlooked for they embarked themselves in the River that passeth by Bayone and landed not farre from Guisches Lantree who by spies was enformed of their designe left the siege and treated them as they thought to have treated him for they not dreaming of being discovered were taken at such unawares as not having time to put themselves in order they fled towards their Barques were followed by the enemy and 1200. of them slaine George Stapleton one of their Commanders mistrusting to escape by flight passed through the middest of the enemy and was followed by 600. Launces who valiantly fighting saved themselves within Gueschin but it did but little availe him for the towne being blockt up and no body to succour it he departed at unawares with his men hoping to get into Bayone but being followed by the Bastard de Fois hee and many of his men were taken prisoners the Castle was yeelded up the next day and therewithall all the country which lies betweene Auxe and Bayone wherein was contained 15. or 16. strong holds which afterwards caused to the French the more easie winning of whole Guascony Charles did not forbeare to prosecute his designes in Normandy for all the frost and cold in Ianuary hee sent the Dunnesse to besiege Honnefleur whither hee afterwards came in person and was lodged in an Abbey not farre from thence valiant was the defence and furious the onset wherein neither wit nor labour was wanting The towne articled to surrender if they should not bee succoured by the eighteenth of February but the Duke of Sommerset not daring to trust the Citizens with Caan which if he had done wanting men to resist the French Forces Honnefleur was enforced to runne the same fortune the other townes did Iearnsy yeelded and paid downe 10000. peeces of gold not so much that the Garrison might be suffered free with their goods as for the ransome of Momfort their Captaine not long before taken at Ponte de Meere This meane while the English though at variance at home sent Sir Thomas Terrill into France a renouned Captaine and who had beene trayned up in these warres from his youth but being landed at Cherreburgh with 1500. men he could doe no good with so small a number and though in a short time hee tooke in Liseux and Valonges the matter was not so much since the enemy being severally busied else where had not leasure to divert them hee added to his number certaine troopes drawne out of the few townes which yet remained to the English conducted by Sir Henry Mowbery Sir Robert Vere and Sir Robert Gough which in all made us 5000. with these he judged it best onely to march towards Caen
not sufficient for their conservation especially when they are not naturally indued with such vertues as are pleasing which Henry was not for the first advantages which Edward had over him were the endowments of his minde and the comlinesse of his person which though it may decay is notwithstanding essentiall to captivate mens affections when accompanied as his was with clemency liberality and valour the most essentiall vertues requisite in a worthy Prince and most efficacious to make him be desired and though all these were not wanting in Henry yet wanted he the most substantiall and if he had any of them they were so poorely clad as they wanted those characters of Majesty which become a King and though they were sufficient to content himselfe yet were not they answerable to his quality nor such as gave content unto the world Vertues in Princes are lights not to be put under a bushell but on a candlesticke to the end that they may give light to all men Their actions should resemble the Sunne which generates nourishes and propagates Edward notwithstanding his vertues and good fortune was descended from an unfortunate house he being the only one except Edward sonne to Richard the third who died a child who of all his house died a naturall death after it layed pretence unto the Crowne The Earle of Cambridge his Grandfather was beheaded at Southampton the Duke of Yorke his Father slaine before Sandall of his three brothers the Earle of Rutland was slaine at the same time the Duke of Clarence drowned in a Butt of Malmsey and the Duke of Gloucester after having strangled his nephewes was by Henry the seventh bereft both of life and Kingdome You will meet with no Tragedy be it or true or fabulous where you shall finde so many various and cruell deaths as in this family To dye by the hands of the enemy or by the hangman though miserable is yet ordinary but by a prodigious brother and unkle unheard of As there is nothing more uncertaine nor more wrapt up in fancy than to affirme that destiny was the cause of this so is it to be believed that it proceeded only from ambition which disturbing his counsell and advice made it endeavour to get the Kingdome at the cost of his owne and others lives Not any one of them save this Edward having enjoyed the Crowne unto their end and that which they did enjoy they enjoyed with such losses and so much trouble as that whatsoever fortune so it be within the bounds of honour may seem rather to be desired than a Kingdome at such a rate For to live happy being the end of humane nature it is no happinesse to possesse by violence what is superfluous but being free from perturbations peacefully to enjoy what is sufficient according to a mans proper state and fortune which might be enjoyed were it not that ambition the enemy to true felicitie did perswade us that no such happinesse had any thing of generous in it We doe not here exclude all ambition but rather commend such as doth awake in us good actions He cannot be said to be good who is not ambitious of a good report nor can that ambition be had without an endeavour by our workes to deserve it Yet when she lives solitarily sequestred from the multitude in silence and philosophicall habite no man followes her nor makes mention of her A sound body affords not so much matter of discourse as doth an infirme nor a State well compos'd as one mis-govern'd The one for all her deserts shall be notwithstanding alwaies neglected and the other notwithstanding all her vices pursued so much is our vanity delighted with her lustre Moreover deeds of violence being those which doe enrich story and which make vertue or vice indifferent we covet them alwaies provided that our name doe in some sort live in our posteritie But the house of Yorke stood not in need of this It had reason to hope for remembrance in perpetuity and to be contented with its owne estate her Nobility was reall She was for Riches and Title to be envied This notwithstanding she aspired to the Crowne she disturbed her owne quiet and the quiet of the weale publique for one that reigned hundred thousands died and all of the same house came to evill ends excep this Edward who for his part would not have murdered his brother had he not made him selfe King nor had his sonnes been slaine had they not beene to inherit the Kingdome And Richard the third though naturally wicked never had attained to the height of all cruelty and wickednesse had it not been for the thirst of government so as it had beene better for them to have enjoyed their naturall greatnesse under a moderate ambition than by an immoderate one to make themselves the subject of Tragedie and to be praised but for a few things in future ages Edward being received for King and for such proclaimed immediately left London The condition of affaires were not such as would suffer him idly to enjoy that dignity the duration whereof could not be hoped for but by the ruine of his adversary He easily gathered together great forces advantaged therein by his predecessors wretchlesnesse Each man made offer unto him of all he had he mustered in the field 49000 men with the which he staied at Pumâ—…ret and sent the Lord Fitzwater to guard the bridge over the River Ayre called Ferrybrigs that he himselfe might make use thereof and inhibit the enemy Henry on the other side who by having put to death the Duke of Yorke thought he had now done all that was requisite gave the charge of his men to the Duke of Sommerset the Earle of Northumberland and the Lord Clifford not so much for that their qualities did deserve it as for that being inflamed with revenge for their fathers deaths at the battell of St. Albanes he could not make choice of any more passionately his And tarrying himselfe together with his wife and sonne at Yorke they marched on towards the enemy As soon as they understood that they had made themselves masters of Ferrybrigs they made a sâ—…and The Lord Clifford onely advanced with the Light-horse and setting upon the bridge by breake of day he easily wonne it the guards being all asleepe and not dreaming of the enemy The Lord Fitzwater awakened with the outcries of those that were slaine and that did slay believing it to arise from some tumult amongst his own men threw himselfe out of his bed and unarmed with onely a staffe in his hand went to appease them But too late aware of his mistake he was there slaine and together with him the bastard of Salisbury brother to the Earle of Warwicke They who could saved themselves the Lancastrians remaining masters of the place The Bastards death did so much grieve his brother Warwicke added to the unhappie successe of the enterprize which as being the first he thought might dismay the Army as hasting to the
King to advertise him of the sad event hee lighted off horse-backe and thrust his Sword into his horses belly saying Flie who flie will I will not flie here will I stay with as many as will keepe me company and kissing the hilt of his Sword by the way of vow he put it up againe But Edward who did very much resent this misfortune not that it was of so great consequence in it selfe but for that being the first encounter it might be taken as an evill omen and deject his men made Proclamation that it should be lawfull for whosoever had not a minde to fight to depart hee promised large recompences to those that would tarry but death to as many as should tarry and afterwards runne away with reward and double pay to any that should kill them No man accepted so ignominious a leave they all chose rather to die than to declare themselves so base cowards This good successe of Clifford was in the meane time of no long continuance for the Lord Faulconbridge had passed the Ayre at Castleford three miles above Ferrybrigs accompanied by Sir Walter Blunt and Robert Horne with intention to surprize him as he did though not in that place for Clifford being thereof advertised whilst hee thought to shunne the enemy by going another way he met with him and having his Helmet off by reason of the heate of the day he was with an unexpected shot of an Arrow one of the first that was slaine and together with him the Earle of Westmerlands brother the rest were almost all left dead upon the place This death was too good for him The innocent blood of the Earle of Rutland did require of him a foreseen painfull cruell death But the punishment which he failed of his sonne met withall who being saved by a poore shepheard he lived a begger and unknowne during the reignes of Edward and Richard till such time as Henry the seventh comming to the Crowne he was by him restored to the honour and inheritance of his family The Duke of Norfolke who led Edwards Vanguard was at this time sicke so as Faulconbridge tooke the charge upon him and marcht by breake of day towards Saxton to see how strong the enemy was and finding him to be 60000 men strong he advertised Edward thereof who though much inferiour in number went forthwith to encounter him The day was Palm-Sunday Edward tooke his stand in the middle Squadron sent the Bow-men forwards and recommended the rere-ward to Sir Iohn Venloe and Sir Iohn Dinham both of them valiant Gentlemen He gave command that no prisoner should be taken but all indiffereetly put to the Sword The Lancastrians marcht towards them and met them in the fields betweene Towton and Saxton The first saluation was given by Arrowes but with different event for at this time there fell a showre of snow and the wind driving the snow upon the faces of Henries men they were therewith so blinded as they shot in vaine and their Arrowes beaten backe by the wind fell halfe way short the which Faulconbridge observing after the first volley hee forbad his men to shoot and when the enemy had shot all their Arrows he drew up neerer unto them letting flie at them not onely with his owne Arrowes which assisted by the wind did hit where they were intended but those likewise of the enemie which in his march he found sticking in the ground Hereupon the Earle of Northumberland and Andrew Trolop who led the Van-guard perceiving the disadvantage made haste to come to handy-blowes The combat endured ten houres it not being known who had the better and all of them fighting as if they had overcome Such was the hatred of the two factions and their resolution not to yeeld as the command not to take prisoners was bootlesse for they resolved either to overcome or die Nothing doth more encourage an Army then the presence of the Prince and the Captaines example Edward was an eye-witnesse of his souldiers valour as King and they of his Captaine-like courage A sight which made them choose rather to die than not to imitate him The Lancastrians were at last enforced to yeeld by reason of the small number that was left not able to make resistance They gave backe but not as men overcome they were still pursued but did not still flie away they oftentimes reunited themselves and though in weake Troopes they made such resistance as those of Yorke could not be termed Conquerours till the next day Those who remained alive went toward Tadcaster-bridge but not able to get so farre and thinking to wade over a little rivelet named Cocke the greatest part of them were drowned The waters of that River and of the River Warfe into which it disgorges it selfe seemed all to be of blood The number of the dead was 36776. amongst which the Earles of Northumberland and Westmerland the Lord Dakers and Wells and amongst many Knights Sir Iohn Nevill and Sir Andrew Trolop The Dukes of Somerset and of Exceter saved themselves and the Earl of Devonshire was I know not how taken prisoner I believe for that they were weary of killing Had not France had a yong King at this time or had the new King found France in a better condition after so many yeeres warres or had not Scotland had so yong a child for its King and distracted with intestine factions England had runne a danger having lost the flower of all her Warriers who were fit not onely to have defended her but to have made whatever difficult atchievement Edward having obtained this bloody victory went to Yorke where he caused the Earle of Salisburies father and other of his friends to be beheaded as likewise the Earle of Devonshire and some other This meane while Henry was got to Barwicke and from thence to Scotland where he was with all humanity received comforted and had provision made for him of some small pension by that young King who likewise agreed that Princesse Margaret his sister should marry Prince Edward Henry's sonne but this marriage was not afterwards consummated and Henry to requite these courtesies did what if hee had been in his former condition hee would not have done He gave the Town of Barwicke to King Iames a place very advantageous to the Scots and long before desired by them The Queene his wife went with her sonne into France to procure some meanes by her father the King of Sicily whereby to recover what was lost She obtained of Lewis King of France free accesse for as many English as were of her side and banishment for those who sided with her adversary businesses of no great consequences Edward returned triumphant to London the 29. of Iune He was Crowned at Westminster in a Parliament which was there held he revoked all such thing as had been done by Henry to the prejudice of the House of Yorke and of himselfe he reformed many enormities which civill dissention had brought in he created
opposite unto him before and hee afterwards found the good thereof when losing his Kingdome as hee did he never had recovered it had he not thus wonne upon the peoples affections which is the Prince his chiefest safeguard Publique affaires being thus accommodated he descended to what more particularly concerned himselfe which are not notwithstanding to be separated from what concernes the State Marriage from whence proceeds lawfull successours is the strength as well of Kingdomes as of private families Three marriages were propounded to him The first Marguerit sister to Iames the third King of Scotland whose advantages were the breach of the marriage with Edward sonne to Henry and thereby the undoing the chiefest hopes of the house of Lancaster That upon any new occasion of civill broyles he should either have Scotland side with him or remaine neuter He should thereby free himselfe from the daily troubles nourished by the obstinate enmity of so hardy and warlike a neighbour But understanding that she was of a sickly body and consequently not likely to beare children he would none of her The second was Isabell sister to Henry the fourth King of Castile his hopes by her were the succession of that Kingdome and by the assistance thereof the recovery of Gascony in like manner as by the assistance of Gascony given by Edward the blacke Prince King Peter father to the great grand-mother of this King Edward recovered Castile The English writers say that her being too yong as not being then above six or seven yeeres old was the cause why that match was no further proceeded in But I finde that she being married to Ferdinand and dying Queen of Castile not when she was three and fifty yeeres old and in the yeere 1506. as Edward Hall doth calculate it but in the fiftieth yeere of her age and in the yeere 1504. she must be in the yeere 1464. which was the time when this marriage was treated of thirteen yeeres old so but ten yeeres younger than Edward so as their yeeres were not unproportionate Halls calculation is grounded upon the stories of Spaine which he does not particularize in and upon an Epitaph ingraven upon this Queenes tombe in Granado which he never saw Mine upon the Spanish storie written by Lewis Myerne Turquet my father in law a most exact writer and by the Jesuit Iohn Mariana who saith she was borne the 24. of May in the yeere 1451. So as some other cause made him not choose her The third was Bona daughter to Lodowicke Duke of Savoy and sister to Charlotte Queene of France with whom she at the present was This was imbrac'd the Earle of Warwicke was sent to Lewis the eleventh to demand her of him neither could Edward put on a better resolution For his affaires in England being setled by Henry's imprisonment no feare was to be had of Scotland without aide and provocation from France which was not better to be eschewed by any meanes than this for though Charlotte bore not such sway with her husband as to governe him as shee listed yet held shee very good correspondency with him And Lewis whose onely ends were to lessen the power of the Princes and great Lords of France particularly that of his brother Charles and the two Dukes of Brittany and Burgundy laid willingly hold upon this occasion to acquit himselfe of the impornity of Margarite Queene of England who endeavoured to perswade him to a dangerous and fruitlesse warre and which was averse to his genius and designes by withdrawing him from the other to the which reason and his owne inclination bore him Moreover the Duke of Savoy having been an ancient confederate and neere allie to the Duke of Burgundy this would be a meanes to marre their intelligence for though he were his father in Law such ties amongst Princes unlesse they be knitted with new knots are subject to be loosed and broken by every daies occasioned interest For these reasons this match was agreed upon between King Lewis and the Earle of Warwicke and Monsieur de Dammartin was sent into England to strike it up with Edward But whilst Warwicke thought he had succesfully executed his Masters commands he unexpectedly heard that hee was married Edward was gone a hunting progresse towards Grafton a house belonging to Iacoline of Luxenburg sister to the Count St. Paul wife to the Lord Rivers and widdow to the Duke of Bedford who died Regent in France With her was a daughter of hers named Elizabeth widdow to Sir Iohn Gray who was slaine in the second battell at St. Albans siding with Henry so as having lost a part of her Jointure by the confiscation of her husbands goods shee desired him to conferre it againe upon her She was a woman of no extraordinary beauty but of such conditions as surpassing what was in her of beauty made her to be valued and beloved by all men The King did not onely grant her what she desired but growing in love with her became her petitioner for wanton dalliance which she resolutely denied to yeeld unto His appetite increasing by meeting with an obstacle he resolved to marry her taking therein advice of those who never counsell Princes contrary to their inclinations Yorkes Widow the Kings mother foreseeing the evils that were to ensue admonished him She bid him beware of the injury hee did his cousin the Earle of Warwicke the Dutchesse was sister to Warwickes Father whose spirit would not endure such an affront since the King of France would not believe that he was come to treat of a match but to cousen him laugh at him and pry into his state nor was it likely hee could thinke otherwise since that hee having got the Crowne by the Earles valour and the pursuit of his friends it was not likely that beeing so neere a kinne unto him and a man of so great an esteem he should offend him by doing so mis-becomming a thing without his knowledge She shewed him how that the marriage of Princes had for their ends the good of their State the alliance of such as could or doe them good or harme and portion proportionable to the charge of a wife and their own reputations That none of all these were met withall in this which was now treated of rather in laying a foundation for a peace hee should offend a great King and expose himselfe to so unjust a warre the cause whereof being blame-worthy as he should not therein finde any friends or confederates That yet if she were a maid it might admit of some excuse but being a mother of children a subject and without portion these were conditions likely to produce instead of benefit hatred and enmity abroad hatred and enmity at home danger and blame every where Edwards answer was that he doubted not but that his cousin would conforme his will to his that he was sure enough of his love that the King of France was not in a condition to hurt him having other thoughts which did
his brother But as through negligence he fell into this condition so by good fortune he freed himselfe thereout making use of his wonted affability whereby he made the Archbishop treat him like a King not a prisoner allowing him not onely the liberty of the Castle but the freedome to hunt setting but a small guard upon him who either could not or would not keepe him For Edward having sent to Sir William Stanley and Sir Thomas Borrowes his trusty friends that they should come with a band of good men to rescue him they did so and meeting him whilst he was hunting they rescued him not being at all withstood by his guardians either for that they were too weake or as it is more likely for that they were corrupted I know not whether the Archbishop were hereof guilty or no being allured by promises but if he were hee very much failed his brothers trust and if hee were not his folly was too great He first retired to Yorke but not able there to raise Troopes sufficient to bring him in safety to London the way being long and dangerous hee stayed there onely two daies and from thence went towards Lancaster where hee was met by the Lord Hastings his Chamberlaine by whose meanes hee got so many men together as brought him safely to London This accident wounded the Duke of Clarence and the Earle of Warwicke to the quicke falling thereby from those hopes which having the enemy in their hands they did not vainly frame unto themselves and being now were it either out of negligence or treachery soundly derided since in stead of having ended the warre they were now to begin it afresh with the hazzard of their lives goods and honours The greatest part of those that followed them were already returned to their owne homes The rest thought there had been no more need of Armes that they should againe in peace and liberty see London and Henry re-established That all slaughter and shedding of blood had been ended in the last battell That Countries Cities and Churches robbed of their ornaments should returne to their former lustre All which were onely humane imaginations contraried by divine providence Fortune and the Starres were alwaies contrary to the miserable unfortunate Henry His contagious malady was an Abysse which together with him swallowed up as many as sided with him Many notwithstanding to shunne relapsing into the former calamities mediated for peace And because they thought to treat of it by third parties would be a way about the bush they agreed upon a parley between the parties themselves at London Edward by his word securing Warwicke and his associates though in businesses of the like nature hee was observed sometimes to be faulty Clarence and Warwicke being come to London parlied with the King at Westminster where in stead of giving satisfaction they fell mutually to upbraid each other with benefits repayed by ingratitude each pretending to be the obliging benefactor the other the ungratefull repayer so as they departed more invenom'd than before The two confederates raised an Army in Lincolnshire under the conduct of Sir Robert Welles sonne to the Lord Welles a Gentleman of a knowne valour The King on the other side for all the ill successe of the parley thought that businesse would not so suddenly have broke forth But finding the contrary he assembled a powerfull army He commanded the Lord Welles father to Sir Robert to come unto him not admitting any excuse either of age or sicknesse Welles being by his friends advertised of the great danger he ranne the King being grievously offended with him by reason of his sonne got together with his cousin Sir Thomas Dimocke who came to accompany him to London into Sanctuary at Westminster Edward thought he should much weaken the enemies forces if he could bereave them of young Welles their Commander the which he might doe by his fathers meanes whom he fetched out of Sanctuary upon promise of pardon And causing him write unto his sonne hee marched toward Stafford where Robert was expected But hee not regarding his fathers Letters but rather preparing to meet the King as an enemy did so incense the King as not regarding his plighted faith his promise of pardon nor that the father was not bound to answer for the sonnes faults who had neither put him upon this imployment nor perswaded him thereunto he unjustly caused the old Lord to be beheaded as likewise his cousin though incomparably lesse faulty than the other Wels though sorely provoked by his fathers death would willingly have forborne comming to blowes for that the Kings forces were by much the greater but not believing he could deferre fighting till such time as Warwicke should come up to him fearing leâ—…t many of his Army might be wrought upon by the Kings presence his promise of pardon and reward hee gave battell which after a long and valiant bickering was by him unfortunately lost himselfe Sir Thomas Deland and many others were taken prisoners and all of them immediately executed Those that were slaine in this battell were 10000 And more would have been slaine had they not been disheartned by their Captaines being taken which made them flie This was a deadly blow to Warwicke The few forces hee yet had were hereby much weakned It was difficult and tedious to raise more since the enemy was at his backe His last refuge was to trie the Lord Stanley who was his brother in law but receiving an answer contrary to his desires he gave way to fortune and together with the Duke of Clarence their wives and families he tooke shipping in Devonshire making for Calleis intending to land the women there and passe further into France himselfe he hoped there to finde helpe trusting in the ancient friendship of that King since the originall of his misfortunes sprung from the affront done to him in the marriage of his sister in law the Lady Bona. He had left Monsieur de Vauclere a Gascon Knight of the Garter his Lieutenant in Calleis a wary man as for the most part are all those of that Countrey This man being advertised of the late proceedings was not surprised but had formerly bethought how to governe himselfe in so dangerous a businesse The Duke of Burgundy had likewise been advertised by the King who knew he hated Warwicke next after Charles The Earle drawing neere Calleis and expecting nothing lesse than to be denied entry was driven backe with shot of Cannon and to shunne sinking was forc'd to lie aloofe off at Sea At which instant the Dutchesse of Clarence his daughter was brought to bed of a sonne who was the same Earle of Warwicke who was afterwards put to death in the Towre of London by Henry the VII Great was the Earles confusion not knowing whither to betake himselfe His daughters malady afflicted him more than ought else He with much adoe obtained that the child might be baptized within the Towne and got from thence two flagons of Wine
Warwioke whose death was the establishment of his Kingdome So that as hee could not sufficiently expresse his joy thereof so could hee not enough lament the Marquesses death whom hee loved and who so loved him as for Henry the type of all misfortune he was againe put into the Tower All this while Queen Margaret met not with a good wind for her passage which was her misfortune for t is to be believed had she been come before the battell matters would not have gone so ill on her side as they did at last she landed in Dorsetshire where hearing of Warwickes discomfiture and death and Henries re-imprisonment her wonted courage failing her she swounded having now no further hope of comfort the safest course she could take was to take sanctuary she and her sonne in a Monastery at Beaulieu in Hampshire whither all the chiefest of her faction came to finde her out namely the Duke of Somerset his brother Iohn Earle of Devenshire who having been one of Edwards chiefe attendants had to his misfortune I know not out of what capriccio forsaken him Iasper Earle of Pembroke the Lord Wenlocke who likewise had formerly been on Edwards side and the Prior of St. Iohns one of the Knights of Bhodes They had much adoe to infuse new hopes into her shee was now no more troubled at her husbands imprisonment nor at the losse of his Kingdome misfortunes by her esteemed irrevocable her sonnes safety as her onely comfort and the last of all her miseries was that which onely troubled her Her opinion was not to tempt fortune any more for feare of endangering him but Somerset perswaded her that if she would undertake the leading of her people as formerly she had done she should finde so many partakers amongst which an infinite number whom feare had made conceale themselves that Edward would not be able to defend himselfe against them that King Henries goodnesse and the expectation of his sonne were deepely engraven in the hearts of all the Kingdome This being by the rest confirmed she suffered her selfe to be peswaded she desired to provide for her sonnes safety by sending him into France but could not effect it for Somerset alleaged his presence was requisite whereupon she condescended This being resolved upon every one went to make their necessary provisions and the Queen with the French that were come along with her went to the Bath whither they came afterwards all unto her Edward had hardly had time to breath after his victory at Barnet when he heard Queen Margaret was landed and what concourse of people flocked unto her out of Devonshire and Cornwall and other Southerne parts hee knew not what to doe as not knowing in what part shee would set upon him hee sent forth some light-horse to make discovery and hearing where shee was hee commanded that the Trained-bands should come to Abbington whither hee himselfe came with those of London and thereabouts As soone as they were come thither hee marched to hinder the enemy from joyning with the Earle of Pembrooke and the other forces thinking that hee might facilitate his victory by fighting with them in their present condition The Queene understanding his designe went to Bristoll so to goe to Wales but the difficulty of passing over Severne and the Duke of Somersets obstinacy caused her last ruine her right way lay by Gloucester but the City being under the government of the Duke of Gloucester the Kings brother she was not suffered to passe by there neither could she force her way having Edward at her heeles she went to Tewkesbury with intent to passe as speedily as she might into Wales but the Duke of Somerset not enduring this flight tooke a fancy to make an hault and fight presently and not waite for the comming of the Earle of Pembrooke who could not be farre off his reason was the danger of being defeated in this their retreat the Captaines approved his motion of making a stand but not of fighting their opinion was that they should intrench themselves so as they might not be forced without apparent danger to the enemy The Duke seemed not to be displeased at this for which purpose he chose the Parke neere to the City where he so well fortified himselfe as that he would have made it good had not his impatient rashnesse undone him for believing he could never quit his Trenches without battell he thought better to give it then to receive it with this fatall capriccio he marshalled his men He and his brother Iohn tooke the Van-guard he gave the Reare-ward to the Earle of Devonshire and the maine battell to Prince Edward under the directions of the Lord Saint Iohns and Lord Venlocke the last being promoted to that honour by King Edward and therefore noted of treachery The Duke of Gloucester who had the charge of his brothers Van making use both of craft and courage set upon the trenches and finding them not to be forced retreated whereupon ensued the very thing hee imagined to wit that Somerset growing hereupon bold would pursue him out of his trenches the which hee did believing to be seconded by the Lord Venlocke with Prince Edwards Squadron but hee not moving the Duke after a long conflict was defeated and driven backe into his trenches pursued even into them by Gloucester where finding Venlocke yet not moved hee called him traytor and with his Sword clove his head in two The King this meane while having followed Gloucester into the trenches cut the rest in pieces some few escaping into the thickets of the Parke into Monasteries and whether else they could flie The Queene was found in a Chariot halfe dead with sorrow and taken prisoner Speed saies shee fled to a Covent of Nuns that shee was taken thence by force and brought to the King at Worcester The Duke of Somerset and the Prior of Saint Iohns valiantly fighting were taken alive Iohn the Dukes brother the Earle of Devonshire with some Knights and 3000 more were slaine Prince Edward fell into the hands of Sir Richard Crofts who intended to have concealed him but the King having promised a pension during life of an hundred pounds a yeere to whosoever should bring him to him alive or dead and life to the young Prince if hee were yet alive Crofts not believing he would falsifie his faith presented him unto him Edward looked upon him and admiring the sweetnesse of his youth and disposition asked him how he durst come with flying Colours into his Kingdome and raise his people against him to the which he couragiously answered that he came to recover his fathers Kingdome his proper and naturall inheritance which could not be denied since it fell unto him by legitimate descent from Father Grand-father and Great-grand-father The King offended at these words strucke him in the face with a Switch which he had in his hand whilst Clarence Gloucester the Marquesse Dorset and Lord Hastings suddenly slew him with their Daggers who were all repaid
Torches and Candles The Duke of Gloucester that he might pay the dues of Civility went to visit him and returned presented with silver Plate and horses most richly caparison'd This King spared nothing where he might win those that might either be serviceable to him or harmful He met with two things at this Interview which displeased him the one Edwards inclination to come to Paris for being a Prince amorously given he might by falling in love with some Lady fall likewise in love with the Countrey and so perchance take an humour to tread in the footsteps of his Predecessor the other his having declared himself so passionate in the Duke of Britanny's interest He endeavoured to withdraw him from the later of these two he caused him to be sifted by two several persons as if they had casually faln upon this discourse but he perceiving their drift said the onely cause to make him passe the Seas again would be the molestation of the Duke of Bretaigne and therefore wished them to talk no more thereof Some of those that had to do in the Treaty of the Truce went to sup with Lewis at Amiens amongst which the Lord Howard was one who told him in his ear that if he pleased he would use some means to make Edward come and recreate himself with him at Amiens and perchance at Paris This discourse wounded Lewis his ears but smiling and putting a good face upon it without further answer he fell to wash his hands The Lord Howard did not notwithstanding forbear to talk of this with some others who formerly aware thereof answered 'T was impossible for the King to make any stay in any one place for such were Charles his insolencies as did enforce him to wage War But Howard conceiving them aright forbare the further pursuit Many of Edwards servants were displeased with this Agreement believing he had not considered his Honour therein One of them named Lewis de Bretailles a Guascoigner being with Commines and demanded in how many Battels Edward had been present replied In eight or nine and that he was victorious in them all except in this which you have made him lose for to return to England without fighting or losse will redound more to his dishonour then all his former won Battels will do to his honour Lewis being told of this answer swore according to his custom that this mans mouth must be stopped he caused him to be sent for to Dinner to him he made him many offers to draw him to his service but he not accepting of any he gave him a thousand Crowns he promised him to prefer his Brethren who were in France and he made Commines tell him in private that if he would endeavour the continuance of the good intelligence and friendship between the two Crowns to boot with the doing an office worthy of a man of Honour he should oblige the King of France to reward him These Artifices did Lewis use One day after Dinner being come into his chamber and laughing at Edward for having suffered himself to be caught with presents he turned himself round and saw at his back a Guascoigne-Merchant who lived in England and was come to beg leave for the transportation of certain Gascoigne-Wines without the paying of a certain Impost he was somewhat out of countenance perceiving he had heard all he had said he therefore granted his request and caused him to be brought to Bourdeaux where he gave him a good Office in that City to the end that he might not return for England and to that Office added a thousand Franks by means whereof he might send for his wife and children and would not suffer him to go himself for them but made him send his brother His having been too carelesse of his speech and his fear lest the Merchant should tell what he had heard forced this liberality and favour from him against his will One named Rapines a servant of the Constables was come to Amiens before Edward departed thence with Letters of Credence at the same time when Monsieur de Contay was likewise returned from Charles His businesse was to complain of his Masters misfortune who was subject to the misreports of wicked men whilst the King had no one servant more faithful nor more affectionate to his service then was he He made the same offer as formerly had been made in the Constables name To make the English in their return be set upon by Charles But being told this was not to be done since the agreement was concluded Lewis gave him a Letter written with his own hand to deliver to the Constable and made him read it before it was sealed up so as Rapines thought his dispatch was very gracious He in this Letter by way of trust made him a relation of what had past and added That he was so over-burdened with the present affairs as he stood in need of having by him such a head as was his A conceit which Rapines did not truely understand but Lewis explaining himself to some of his familiar friends that were about him said He stood in need of such a head but without the body to the end it might no more deceive him Assoon as Edward had received the Moneys agreed upon he went his way leaving with Lewis the forenamed Hostages and although in some of his passage he was way-laid by Charles his people yet he arrived safely at Callis It seemed strange to many that he having past the Seas with the fairest and most powerful Army that ever King of England did so small a sum of Money should make him return Commines believes that his avarice to pocket up the Moneys he had received from his people for this Enterprise was the cause thereof but he is deceived he had almost spent it all nor had he as yet though afterwards he did given occasion to be noted of this vice The true cause was the failing of the foundation of the Enterprise by the default and negligence of Charles and the Constable his cozenages Charles believed that when Edward was once in France he should be enforced to fight whether he would or no and that he would entertain Lewis whilst he might do his affairs elsewhere just as his father Philip did with the Duke of Bedford under Henry the sixth but the condition of affairs was altered Edward could not make War alone as did Bedford The English did then possesse in France all that lay between the River Loire and the Sea and a great part of Guienne now scarcely Calais Henry the sixth was born King and a King by Succession having then no Competitiours Edward a new King a stranger to the Crown perturbed with jealousies of the contrary Faction chiefly of the Earl of Richmond the head thereof who though at his request he were detained in Bretaigne yet did he not live free from fear of him The expences of those times besides that France did contribute thereunto it self what was by way of
dignity and greatnesse of both the Crowns so as he who earnestly desires a thing is by nothing more easily deceived then by the confirmation of new promises Edward did easily believe and Lewis made advantage of his falshood and brought about his ends without contradiction which had he carried the businesse otherwise he could not have done But he who says the English have won more honour by Fighting then by their Treaties says not amisse for they are more aptly disposed to the former At this time did Iames the third reign in Scotland who coming to the Crown at seven yeers of age met with lewd education and most villanous corrupters so as not being wicked of himself but made so by them as he grew in yeers he encreased in his lusts cruelties and rapine and rewarding the authors of his Disorders by the sale of Goods belonging to the Church he purchased the hatred of his Nobility and of his whole Kingdom From these his excesses he did not exempt his own Family he dealt badly with his brother and incestuously violated his youngest sister he let slip the opportunity he had to trouble England it being divided within it self and was himself vexed by his subjects the worm of conscience not working upon him in the cessation of his Rebellions not yet the fear of such pains as Heaven inflicts for punishment upon incorrigible sinners Tthese things for what concern'd him And for what concerned Edward his jealousies of the Lancastrian Faction caused their peaceful living together even from the very beginning of their Reigns thorow a Truce of Fifteen yeers but the Truce being now well-nigh expired and Iames having put one of his brothers to death and imprisoned the other which was the Duke of Aubeny thinking he could not defend himself against his domestick enemies without fastning himself to strangers he was desirous to interest Edward in the conservation of his Dignity and Person To this purpose he demanded Cicely Edwards second daughter for wife to his son Iames Prince of Scotland and he obtained it with this Condition That though the Marriage could not yet be consummated both of them being children Edward should pay down part of the portion for the repayment of which in case the Marriage should not go on he had the chiefest Merchants of Edenborough bound The King of Scotland thought himself now to be safe by this shadowie Alliance but the Duke of Aubeny having escaped out of prison by means of a Cord made of linen and made his Addresses to Lewis who would not receive him for he held some secret Intelligence with Iames against Edward he passed over into England where having represented the King his brothers general injustice to make him appear wicked and his particular injustice to his brothers to make his wickednesse appear unnatural and cruel he prayed aid of Edward and his intreaties were made the more efficacious being accompanied by those of Iames Douglas who was likewise a banisht man which moved the King to wage War with him whereunto he could not have been perswaded had not King Iames himself given him the occasion Lewis who having covenanted another Match for the Dolphin thought Edward could not chuse but be revenged endeavoured to divert him by making the King of Scotland engage him in a War and the King of Scotland perswaded thereunto either by hopes or Moneys or both violated his late-made Affinity and Peace not regarding the injustice and dishonour of the action nor yet the danger he put himself into he being so detested both by God and man and not able to raise Forces without the assistance of his Countrey yet affying more in France then he had reason to do he did what of himself he was able to please Lewis He sent some Troops to make Inrodes upon the Confines of England which did rather provoke then harm the enemy so as Edward finding himself enforced and offended on the one side and humbly intreated on the other side he raised a powerful Army and sent it into Scotland under the command of his brother the Duke of Gloucester King Iames had not the like ability to resist as he had to irritate for being abused by the flatteries of three wicked personages who had drawn upon him the general hatred of all men he durst not gather the whole Nobility into a Body lest being united they might take some strange resolution against him Necessity notwithstanding constrained him to summon them and raise an Army not altering though the form of his Government for mistrusting all the rest he made use onely of the Counsels of his forenamed flatterers not calling his Nobility to any Counsel or Deliberation an indignity which they not able to endure they met together a little after midnight in a Church where being perswaded by Archibald Douglas Earl of Angus they would have the first War made against these men as those that were their Countreys most dangerous enemies and had not the wiser sort moderated the more hastie the King might have run hazard in his own person The chiefest of them went towards the Court not making any noise followed onely by as many as might serve to do the businesse The King was advertised of this Meeting at the same time 't was made so as rising up hastily to see what was to be done he sent Robert Cockeran one of the Triumviri to make discovery but being met by them they detained him set a Guard upon him and passed on to the Court and to the Kings Chamber seizing without any manner of resistance upon all such as were about the King except Iohn Ramsey for whom the King interceded and who being very young was not polluted with their enormities The rest were led into the Camp where the Army crying out that they might be put to death they were all hanged without any legal proceeding and not having any Ropes in readinesse for so sudden an execution each man strove to make offer of his horses halter or reins and those whose offers were entertained thought themselves much honoured thereby This businesse bred such a difference between the King and his subjects as each of them retired themselves to their own homes not thinking any longer to defend the Kingdom and the King with some few others did to little purpose shut themselves up in the Castle of Edenborough for had they been evilly minded towards him they would have taken him in the Lander the place where this businesse happened The Summer was well advanced before the Duke of Gloucester entred Scotland he laid siege to the Castle of Berwick defended by the Earl Bodwel the Town having yeelded to him without resistance he would not lose the season by staying there himself but environing it with Four thousand fighting men he passed forwards to Edenborough not permitting through the Duke of Aubeney's desires any harm to be done there a contrary course to what had been formerly taken and because it was impossible to treat
what they could not do in person but whilst hee was taking order for so important an expedition he fell sick being sodainely struck with a great melancholy others say of a Surfeit and knowing he could not live he caused all the Lords to be sent for to him who by reason of the intended War were then in great number at Court He recommended to them the young Princes his Sonnes and together with them Peace shewing them that being young they would neede good Counsellors which in the distraction of private contentions would hardly be found that they having all a relation unto him some by blood some by affinity all by good will and duty they were to joyne in a reciprocall love one towards another to the end that the conformity of their mindes might beget the like in their actions and in their ends necessarily conducing to the service of an infant King to the good of the Kingdome and to the peace and quietnesse which he did chiefly desire amongst them hee put them in minde of the evills caused through civill dissensions he desired God of his goodnesse that no such might be hereafter but that this favour was not to be hoped for without the forgiving of past injuries which made him in the name of the same God and as the last comfort he should receive desire of them all forgivenesse of any injuries done by him All that were present wept and those who bare more rancour one to an other then did the rest shooke hands in token of their last obedience due unto him even to the last minute of his Life so as satisfyed with this their outward expression their inward minds unknowne he died the ninth of April 1483 in the 41 Yeare of his Life having Reigned 22 Yeares one month and five dayes and was buried in a Chappell built by him at Windsor He was a Prince who could not have had his like had he not been vitiated with the contagion of civill factions the gifts of minde and nature strove for priority in him He was of all men the handsomest and of all fortunate men the most valiant having in as many Battells as he fought alwayes had the Victory He had by his Wife three Sonnes and eight Daughters his third Son dyed an Infant we shall shortly heare of the compassionable end of the other two Of his Daughters Elizabeth was married to Henry the Seventh Cecily to Viscount Wells and after to another but had issue by neither Anne to Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolke whose children dyed all young Bridget was a Nun in Dartford Mary promised to the King of Denmarke dyed before the Marriage Margaret dyed young Catharine was married to William Courtney Earle of Devonshire to whom she bare Henry Marquesse of Exeter and he had Edward E. of Devonshire who died without issue in Padua the Yeare 1556 and Elizabeth dyed young Besides these his legitimate children he left behind two Bastards Arthur Plantagenet Viscount Lisle and Elizabeth Arthur had three Daughters and of Elizabeth is come the L. Lomley The end of Edward the Fourths Life THE SEVENTH BOOK OF THE CIVILL WARRES OF ENGLAND In the Life of Edward the Fift I Now should write the Life of Edward the Fift Son to the last deceased King as I have done the Lives of the rest but he being taken from this World in lesse then three Moneths by such cruelty as greater hath not been heard off I have not whereout to frame a History in lieu thereof I will write the Duke of Gloucester his wickednesses which are such as may raise a doubt whether cruelty be an habit of Nature in man or rather a raging fury since Nature in her operations doth nothing in vaine and such Beasts as live not by Rapine kill not other beasts for Preyes sake as hee to devoure the Kingdome slew his Nephewes But considering that there is not any Creature which is not in some sort addicted to this vice I believe it proceeds from two causes the one usefull and necessary which is Selfe-defence and wherein habit consists the other vaine and harmefull which is the coveting of superiority a passion more prevalent in men then in other creatures and this is fury whence if the World were void of ambition or other differing qualities it is not thereout to be averred that the strongest would not insult upon the weaker as alwayes they have done the which being manifest bruit beasts declaring it by their examples it is much more proved so to be when we take into consideration the inaequality of Fortune and Honour Many were the causes of the cruelty whereof we are to treate since practised in sundry manners War not cast into the account To kill Beasts to punish Malefactors are permitted and commanded by the rules of Government but what ariseth from private hatred is by the Lawes condemned though through the corruption of affection or frailty of humour executed by men Butchers and Hunters kill cattell and wild beasts which should they not do the beasts would devoure us and through the great increase of beasts and their destroying of the ground wee might be famished did not the Executioner put a period to the lives of such as are condemn'd our lives and livelyhoods would lie at the mercy of evill livers But the enemy which kills his enemy though in it selfe considered the fact be inexcusable rests yet excused Sodaine chances puntillioes of honour and injuries for which satisfaction is not to be given do so far incense men as humane nature may seeme somewhat to Analogize with cruelty since though it be absolutely to be abhor'd it is not absolutely condemned Now that Richard Duke of Gloucester a Prince by birth an unkle by nature and by the Lawes a protectour should become the Butcher the hangman the enemy of Edward the Fifth and of his Brother being his Nephewes is yet somewhat more which not falling under the capacity of humane fury befell him having disrobed himselfe of humanity and nature Of all execrable examples he is the onely one without parallel All cruelties mention'd of the Antients are in comparison of his meere inventions not true events Nature in the framing of such subjects doth usually transgresse her ordinary rules to put a difference betweene them and others to the end that having set a marke upon them wee may the better know how to be aware of them shee allots them aukward and disproportioned shapes thereby intimating unto us that being crooked and falsely shaped their workes are false and their inclinations crooked This Richard came into the World with his feet forward his Mother was cut up yet out-lived him shee brought him forth deformed insomuch as his brethren being the handsomest and most comely men of that age he was the most mis-shapen that those times produced Hee had a cloudy and a despitfull countenance he was of a low Stature one of his shoulders was greater then the other he was malitious envious injurious neither had hee
The King had appointed to him for his Governour his Uncle the Earle Rivers Brother to the Queene a wise and valiant man he had likewise given him for his attendants almost none save such as were of Her kindred to the end that when he should die shee by their assistance might the better preserve her selfe against the Dukes authority and force A wise foresight too but which succeeded ill for this extraordinary preferment as it made them be hated and envy'd so was it the cause of their Ruine The Queene and her Brother Rivers had declared themselves enemies to the Lord Chamberlaine Hastings the Queene reputing him to be an instrument of her Husbands disorders and Rivers for that the King having promised unto him the Governours place of Callice had recalled his word to bestow it upon Hastings so as Edward doubting least these distastes might breed an ill effect in his Sonnes service though not the very bad one which it did produce did on his Death-bed make that exhortation to Peace which hath beene sayd at the which Rivers who was gone with the Prince into Wales not being present the Marquesse Dorset Son to the Queene by the first Husband did in his Unkles behalfe shake hands with Hastings both parties having the same end in this Act which was to satisfy the King but not to make a reall friendship for Hatred had taken formerly so great a rooting as there was no place left for true Friendshippe All these things made for Glocesters designes wherein not likely to prosper but by their ruine since in processe of time 't was likely they would be equally His enemies he thought that by seting them together by the eares they would undoe one another and that the one of them being borne downe would make way to the others overthrow But the sequell shewed that such fabricks of Government as are grounded on machinations are for the most part ruinous And if there were no other proofe of this to live free from suspition and to secure ones selfe from successive contentions within the Haven of a quiet life ought to weigh against whatsoever Ambition or Avarice can produce since They afford us nothing but injustice and the more they be practised the farther are they from God and Nature whose chiefest Law is the Peoples Safety and if humane mutability inamour'd on phantasticall opinions hath caused an eare to be lent to such as maliciously and ignorantly have taught the contrary consider that the Idea propounded by these Doctours is of such Princes as have come to ill ends not any one of them by their rules having had good successe I know that this my opinion will not be imbraced by Many it will suffice mee if by a Few so they be Good and if any man doe believe the World is not to be governed by Philosophy let him observe that Usurpation and Tyranny are the Foldes or Plyes of a more intricate philosophy and as the First arising from God and Nature doth by the meanes of Justice and other vertues leade us to live happily so the Second procreated by Force and Pride promise nothing to us but perturbations Injustice and her attendants producing onely such effects as are conformable to themselves The Duke might easily contrive his designe considering the hatred the chiefest Lords bare to the Queenes kindred so as treating thereof with those that were present and communicating his minde by writing to those that were absent hee shewed them How that the dangers were remedilesse if the Kings tender yeares were to be governed by those people that all Honours and places of Account would be conferred on them that Their authority would ecclipse the authority of all other men especially if the Sonne resembling his Father as by some signes already in him might be imagined he would should suffer himselfe to be governed by Them so as in stead of One King they should have many that old injuries are not apt to be forgotten that by the increase of authority remembrance thereof would be increased and that they would pretend offence if they were not more observed then formerly that the consideration of the Queenes no so great blood being onely made worthy of that degree because the King would have it so had not made them any whit the lesse proud the rather being come to the height of their presumptions while the King should be at their disposall they would become insufferable they would cloake their covetousnesse with the Royall Robe and the Crowne which the King wore onely for show served really to honour Them to the shame of Nobility and Scorne of the Blood-Royall and though their Birth and the Lawes did lesse priviledge Them then Others there being so many Lords both by Descent and Desert worthyer then They yet their unlawfull Authority was likely to cause such mischiefe as the deepest wisdome would not be able to Prevent it if they were suffered to continue in the same posture they now were in with the King Whether these perswasions tooke effect as being apparantly usefull or for that Envy was the cause thereof I know not The first that were hereunto perswaded was the Duke of Buckingham and Hastings the Lord Chamberlaine who though they were not very great Friends the likelier were they to joyn in Enmity against the Others They resolved to remove them from about the King if they could finde no other pretence as none other they had to declare that being their enemies they could not suffer them to be about His Majesty without apparant danger to their Owne persons They this meane while ignorant of their Practises put themselves in order to bring the King up to London and to the end that his traine might be answerable to his Regall dignity they got togither a great many men Whereat the Duke of Gloucester doubting that if hee should come so attended on hee should not without noyse be able to effect his wickednesse hee found meanes whereby to represent unto the Queene That so great an Assembly of men would be dangerous For the King not needing them it would stirre up jealousy in such who formerly having had some difference with those of Her bloud might believe it to be done against Them since the King by reason of his tender Yeares not being like ly to be the Authour of it it would be attributed to those that were about him and it would be believed that they did yet retaine the hatred pretended to be washt away at his Fathers death that her sonne was to meet with no oppositions for all the Lords strove who should shew him most affection and obedience so as to appeare armed and in an awfull manner would together with the memory of ancient fewdes raise so great jealousies as those who could not thinke themselves safe would take up Armes and disturbe the Peace the which if at all times it be to be desired certainly it is chiefely to be coveted in the succession of an Infant King These
reasons seemed good unto the Queene who discovered not the venome thereof Whereupon shee wrote to her Brother exhorting him to cashire all the armed extraordinary attendants and that he should come along onely with her sonnes Houshold servants thereby to shunne the raising of suspition in such who having had reason formerly to hate him would now have cause to accuse him as one Seditious and of small Trust. These admonitions wrought the effect which Glocester desired and so much the rather for that hee having written with all manner of Submission to the King and in most affectionate termes of Friendship to Rivers it wrought so as they tooke their journey without Armes or extraordinary Retinew directing their course towards Northampton where they were met by Himselfe Buckingham and a great many Lords and pretending they should be incommodated for scarcity of Lodgings if they should keepe all together there they made the King go twelve miles farther towards London to Stony-Stratford but the two Dukes stayâ—…d behinde and under pretence of Honour kept with them Earle Rivers and Feasted him with such demonstrations of Joy as not being usuall hee might easily have discovered the deceipt had hee not beene betrayed by the blind folded good opinion hee had of Himselfe When he was gone to his Lodging to rest all night the two Dukes caused the Keyes of the City to be brought to them to the end that no man might get out They slept little spending the greatest part of the Night in counsell and advise they rose early and sent to all the Villages thereabouts where their servants were billeted willing them to be ready on Horseback and sending some to keepe on the way betwixt that and Stony-Stratford with order to send backe all passengers that should goe that way A strange diligence which yet wrought no impression in such as observed it for they believed it to be done that none might come to the King before Themselves But Rivers was of an other opinion for if there had beene any reason for it they should have communicated it to him after many severall conjectures hee resolved to go Himselfe and finde out the bottome of the businesse but no sooner did hee appeare before them then that picking a quarrell that hee had an intention to keepe them from the King and ruine them the which hee should not be able to effect not suffering him to reply but tumultuously interrupting him when hee was about to speake they committed him to the custody of some of their owne Servants and hasted to Stony-Stratford and got thither just as the King was putting foote in stirrup kneeling downe before him who cheerefully received them not knowing their designes they addressed themselves to Richard Gray Brother to the Marquesse Dorset objecting to him that hee together with his Brother and his Unkle had aspired to the Government of the King and Kingdome by raising of Divisions and by bringing under some of the Nobility that they might destroy the Rest that the Marquesse to make his insolencies the more feasible had taken out of the Tower of London all the Royall Treasure and had sent men to Sea to the end that none might oppose him Both which were true but in a contrary sense it being so ordered by the Counsell for the Kingdomes service not his owne The King having heard the Accusation shewed how judicious a Prince hee would have beene had it beene his fortune to have lived for not knowing how to excuse the Marquesse being ignorant by reason of his long absence of what hee had done hee thought hee might excuse the rest since they had beene continually about him So as not giving Richard leave to reply hee sayd for what concern'd the Marquesse hee knew not what to say since hee might be deceived but as for his Unckle Rivers and his Brother Richard he was very certaine they could have no hand in any such businesse for that they had alwayes beene in His company To the which Buckingham replyed His Majesty was deceived that their designes were not knowne to His Majesty and that they did not deserve to be excused by so good a Prince Immediately in his presence was the said Richard seiz'd upon as likewise Sir Thomas Vaughan and Sir Richard Hawte and the King in stead of going forwards was brought back to Northampton such of his attendance as Glocester durst not assy in were removed and others put in their place whereat the yong King did complaine and was much greived having onely the Name of a King and not being of age to defend Himselfe much lesse his Kinred and Servants And that Dissimulation might not be wanting though now 't was needlesse the Duke of Gloucester the next day sent a made dish from his Owne Table to the Earle Rivers with a message that hee should not be troubled at his restraint willing him to be of good courage for very sodainely all things would be to his good liking How much of this Rivers believed may easily be imagined but baulking the injury and apprehending worse he returned thankes for the honour done unto him desiring the Messenger that hee would carry it to his Nephew Richard for that being young and not accustomed to such accidents as these he needed the more this favour This feigned courtesy was like the lightening which fore-runnes Thunder for after many change of Prisons they were brought to Pomfrect and there beheaded as in its proper place shall bee told The next night with great diligence this newes came to the Queene who presently guessed at the Dukes designe shee too late repented the counsell given to her brother to disband his forces shee apparantly saw her owne danger but much more the danger of the Duke of Yorke and her Daughters Shee at the very same houre fled from her Pallace and tooke Sanctuary in Westminster and lodged in the Abbey to the great compassion of such who at that time of the night saw Trunkes Beds and other things carried up and downe in the streetes in such haste and feare as the servants hindered one another in their service not knowing what would become either of their Master or Themselves The Lord Hastings had received the like advertisement but with a contrary resentment he rejoyced at the Queenes sufferings all which were answerable to his wish but imagined not that Glocester would proceed any farther for hee having loved King Edward loved his Children nor would he for all the World that any harme should have befalne them Being thus satisfied in his Owne beliefe he at the same instant it being past midnight dispatcht away a Gentleman to the Archbishop of Yorke Lord Chancellour of England who found him in his first sleepe hee would not suffer him to be awaked but the servants not obeying him he was brought in and acquainted him with what had been done to the King Rivers Gray and the Kings house-hold he concealed not the Queenes betaking her selfe to Sanctuary adding that hee should not
apprehends nothing but that he should escape his hands Shee affirmed for a truth that she never had any thought of sending him elsewhere not but that she would willingly have done it had she knowne any place of more safety but for that she thought no place could be so secure as the Sanctuary having never heard of any so diabolicall a Tyrant as thought it lawfull to violate it That children were not capable thereof in respect of their want of Will or Fault was an opinion as erroneous as Hellish Innocents being thereby denied the benefit granted to Theeves and Murtherers Did he deny the Danger and pretend it to be Fained She prayd God the Event might not manifest it which should it do all remedies would come too late and be of no use That for what concerned shame it belongeth to those who unjustly do it not to those who undeservedly suffer it To affirme that since Princes do not disport themselves but with children of their Owne Condition and Blood it was requisite the King should have his Brother and that if he should be denied he had cause enough to take him away by Force was a simple reason to allow of Sacriledge who ever saw that young Princes did not more willingly play with their Inferiours then with their Equalls since they seldome or never meete with their Equalls and if ever but for a short time If children nobly borne and others too oftentimes were not admitted to disport themselves with Princes and that Princes should never play but with such as were every way their Equalls Few or None of them would know what belongs to play Comming then to the causes of violating Sanctuaries shee said they were most False For let all be granted that could be alleadged as want of Yeares to Demand it and will to Desire it together with their contraries to wit the faculty of Choyce and Will to Leave it there was no cause why he should be tane from thence against Her will For being by Nature and the Laws voyd of election hee was subject to his Mothers arbitrement whereupon nothing wherewith shee was trusted being to be taken from her under the Priviledge of Sanctuary much lesse her Sonne which was the only cause of her flying thither That if this was not sufficient it might suffice that she was his Guardian The Laws of England allow unto the Mothers the Guardianship of such as hold nothing by Knights service so as having demanded Sanctuary for her selfe she had done it likewise for her Ward which being by the Laws committed to Her charge was not to be taken from her for he not being able to demand it for Himselfe it was Her duty to demand it for him since the Laws deliver over the care of the Person before the oversight of goods goods serving for the use of the person and therefore administred unto by Guardians she could alleadge examples enough of this but her Own example might serve the turne This was not the first time she had taken Sanctuary when the King her Husband was banisht and driven out of the Country she being great with childe had recourse to Sanctuary and was there brought to bed of the now King who was There safe she wisht it might please God his Royall Palace might prove as free from danger to him now that he did Reigne as was that place then although an Enemy King did Reigne who might have made use of such suppositions as Now were made use of but did not so as being warranted by the Lawes of the Land which together with the Lawes of Nature gave unto her the oversight of her children and by the Divine Law which did priviledge Sanctuaries and the Sanctuary her Sonne she was resolved since the Eldest was out of her power to keep the Younger for if the unckle had Both of them and both of them should chance to miscarry he might the easilier pretend unto the Crown notwithstanding his Neeces were between him and home the which afforded her just occasion of Feare for since the Lawes inhibite the Guardianship of a Ward to such as are Next Heires though but to a small Revenew how much more when a Kingdome is the inheritance The Cardinall perceiving her to wax Hot and likely to say more then he would have her answered Hee was not come to argue with her that he demanded the Duke of Yorke from her whom if shee would deliver up to him and the rest of the Lords that were there present he would pawne his owne Body and Soule for the Dukes safety if shee would not do this he would be gon seeing her fixt in her beliefe that all others her selfe excepted wanted either Wit or Loyalty Wit by her thinking them such fooles as not perceiving the Protectours intentions they should suffer themselves to be abused Loyalty for that if they were conscious of any such intention in him they should be very wicked to serve him as a meanes whereby to effect so great a Treason These words did much perplex the Queen weighing with her selfe the diverse hazards she ran whether she Delivered him or did not deliver him By Delivering him she considered the Danger he together with his brother was to run in Not delivering him two things presented themselves unto her minde the one Force that assoon as the Cardinall should be gon the Protectour would come in person and take him away she wanted Time to provide for this Many things were required in sending of him elsewhere none of all which were likely to succeed she not having thought thereof before she knew not whether to send him she had not appointed people to conduct him she had not time enough to keep the secret undiscover'd and him unintercepted The other she might be Deceived in her suspicions whowsoever it would be more disadvantageous to her to suffer him be taken from her by Force then willingly to surrender him she did not doubt the Cardinalls good intentions not yet Theirs that were with him She was sure they were not corrupted but not sure but that they might be deceived Her appearing to believe in them would Oblige them So as taking the little Duke by the hand she said she was not so ill advised as to mistrust their Fidelity or Wisdome she would give a testimony of it being sure she should not be deceived unlesse they should through the malice of others be deceived the which if it should so happen her Sorrow would be render'd incapable of Comfort the Kingdomes Ruine remediles and she should have just cause to complaine of Them That not withstanding whatsoever objection she was sure she might keep her son in the Sanctuary free from all violence but as she doubted not but that her blood was so hated by some as if they thought they had any share therein they would open their veines and let it out so was she most certain the thirst of Government knew no kindred for if brothers had not been spared much lesse
inforced them to make use of what came first to hand Being come he told them that the Chamberlaine with some others had that very day indevour'd to kill them both as they were in Counsell whereof they could not guesse the Cause nor Designe that he came to know of this Treason a little before Dinner so as they had no time to Arme themselves otherwise then as they saw that God had protected them by turning upon the Authors of this evill the mischiefe they intended to Them that hee had sent for them to the end that being informed of the Truth of the businesse they might informe others There was none so simple but knew how the businesse went but being circumspect through Feare they went their wayes not making any Reply or further Inquiry The Protectour having put off his Armour sent a Herauld into the City to publish a Proclamation the contents whereof were That Baron Hastings Lord Chamberlaine accompanied with some other Conspiratours had an intention to kill him the Protectour and the Duke of Buckingham that very day as they sate at Counsell that so hee might usurpe the Government of the King and Kingdome hoping that when these two Princes should be dead there would be none that would oppose him But because this bare Narration without Witnesse or other circumstances was not likely to worke any great effect hee aggravated it with complaints no wayes relating to the matter in hand That hee had beene an evill Counsellour to the late King that hee had perswaded him to many things contrary to his Honour and the good of the Kingdome that by his example hee had given him occasion to debauch himselfe particularly with Shores Wife who as shee was partaker of all his secret Counsells so was shee a complice in this abominable Treason that the last night which was his last hee lay with her so that it was no wonder if having lived ill hee dyed ill that the sodaine Justice done upon him was by Order from the King and his faithfull Counsell hee having deserved it and to the end that His complices might bee prevented from daring to raise a dangerous insurrection to set him at liberty the which being wisely foreseene was the onely meanes by Gods Providence to restore the Kingdome to its former tranquillitie It is to be observed that there was not much above two houres space betweene his Execution and the Publishing of the Proclamation so as the contents thereof being Long well dictated and fairely written out in Parchment every one knew it must needes be written before hee was put to Death the interim of time betweene the Execution and Publication not being sufficient to write it out much lesse so Handsomely to digest the matter though to the Swiftnesse of hand had beene added the Readiest witte The which occasioned diversity of discourse whereof some said it was written by the Spirit of Prophecy But the Protectour having accused Shores Wife as an Accessary and an Adviser sent to her House and made her be plundered of all shee had not out of Avarice but Malice and that such a demonstration might make the falsehood seeme the more likely and the imputation the more probable shee was committed to Prison and examined by the Counsell where shee answered so well for her selfe as not the least likelyhood appearing whereby to make her guilty of what shee was accused they fell upon her dishonest and scandalous course of living the onely thing indeed wherein shee was faulty the which would have beene winked at in any other by the Protectour and imputed to the frailty of Nature but to exercise his cruelty upon Her hee was contented to bee held an Enemy to Incontinency Shee was delivered over to the Bishop to doe Publique Pennance in the Cathedrall Church the which shee did the next Sunday morning being led by way of Procession with a white Sheet about her with a Wax Taper in her hand and the Crosse borne before her In which action though shee were destitute of all manner of Ornament yet shee appeared so lovely and handsomely behaved as her blushes adding to her Beauty all the lookers on did not onely blame the severity but were taken with her comelinesse which was the cause as well of Their Compassion as of her Ignominy and if any one hateing her past Life was contented to see her punisht yet did they not praise it as not proceeding from the Justice of an upright Judge but from the Malice and Cruelty of a Passionate and Unjust Tyrant Shee was well borne and civilly brought up her ruine was her being unequally Married not that her Husband was not of good esteeme amongst the Citizens and according to his quality well to live but for that shee being of riper Yeares then hee the love which useth to be betweene equalls was not betweene them so as it was not hard for the King to winne Her Hee being Handsome Lovely and from whom Preferment and Respect things much coveted by young Woemen was to be hoped for The King being Dead the Chamberlaine got possession of her shee was yet alive when Sir Thomas More wrote this History but so much altered as it could not be said shee had beene handsome though in her youth shee wanted nothing of Beauty but a little more Stature Her outward gifts though very excellent were out donne by the inward gifts of her Minde which are much more esteemed when accompanied with a handsome Body Shee had a Quick wit was of a cheerefull Humour Prompt Facetious and Eloquent borne to doe Good not Harme to any one Shee obliged many who being falne from the Kings good Opinion were for her sake received againe into favour Shee caused confiscated Goods to be restored to many without any manner of Avarice shee was more desirous to oblige others then to enrich her selfe more to Do good turnes then to Receive them Her Ambition was to be esteemed and well thought of Shee was alwayes affable never insolent All of them conditions abundantly to be praised but by which her fortune received no reliefe for being first reduc'd to Poverty and then to Old Age her beauty lost and her good turnes Forgotten she begg'd of those who if they had not formerly begg'd of Her would have been more beggers then shee The Protectour had given Order that on the same day whereon the Chamberlaine was beheaded at London the Earle of Rivers and Lord Gray the one brother the other sonne to the Queene and brother by the Mothers side to the King should lose their heads at Pontefract the two Knights that were seised on together with them at Northampton bare them company in their punishment The execution was done in presence of Sir Richard Ratcliffe a favourite of the Protectours and one that partooke of his designes who being naturally wicked and knowne by him to be so hee thought he could not trust the managing of this businesse to one more wicked and consequently more faithfull then he Hee
Spring which issuing from its undefiled Fountaine would not onely water with his favours such as had deserved well of His House but would make them bud forth by the opulency of his rewards That Hee was sorry Hee could not fully expresse Himselfe upon this occasion since the Dutchesse of Yorkes reputation was therein concerned as well Mother to the Protectour whom hee feared to offend as to King Edward but necessity had enforced him to say more then willingly Hee would have done He referr'd himselfe therein to what the Preacher had said the preceding Sabbath day at Pauls Crosse whose integrity was not to be contradicted hee being a Messenger of the Word of God so wise intelligent and indowed with so much worth as it would not suffer him to say any thing especially upon such an occasion and in such a place which was not certaine truth that great was the efficacy of truth which had opened his Mouth formerly shut up by the way of circumspection that Hee had fully layd open the claime which the Protectour Duke of Gloucester had to the Crowne since Edwards Children being illegitimate as the issue of an unlawfull Marriage the Kingdome fell to him the which being maturely considered and therewithall the Valour and Worth of so gallant a Prince the Nobility and Commons especially them of the Northerne parts being resolved not to be governed by Bastards they had resolved humbly to Petition Him that He would vouchsafe to take upon Him the Government of the Kingdome which by Nature and by the Lawes belonged unto Him For his part he knew not whether he would Accept of it or no for being free from all manner of Ambition and sufficiently acquainted with the troubles of Government he was affraid he would refuse it Howsoever the necessity of the Kingdome being great King Edwards Children not onely excluded by the Lawes but very Young hee hoped that the threats of the holy Scripture Woe be to the Kingdome whose King is a Child would move him to condescend to the generall supplication of the State which needing a Prince of mature age who might be Wise and of Experience would never cease to call upon him till they were heard in what they desired That he had taken upon him the charge of delivering the Petition but considering it might be the more graciously accepted if the Citizens of London would joyne with him therein hee was come to intreat them that weighing the Publique good and their owne particular advantage they would be the first that might doe it and that their forwardnesse herein would make him more favour the City then all the preceding Princes had done His Speech being ended and expecting when the people applauding his discourse should cry up Richard King he was amazed to finde the contrary he found he was abused in his hopes of the Lord Majors having prepared them for it so as drawing neere unto the Major he asked him what might be the reason of the peoples so great Reservednesse and silence who not knowing what to say answered hee thought his Grace was not well understood whereupon believing that that might be the cause of their silence and that his eloquence might yet prevaile with them he in a lowder tone and in other words repeated all he had said before whereat all that heard him marvelled for he could not have spoken better though he had penned it and gotten it without Booke But for all this the people altered not their silence He then would have had the Recorder of London to repeat once more what he had said wherein he desired to be excused as being but lately entered upon the Office and not having as yet had any occasion to speake unto the people but the truth was he did not like the businesse thinking it to be unjust Yet notwithstanding the Major urging him and alleaging that the Dukes too eloquent and Court-like Speech was not well understood he unwillingly obeyed interposing ever and anon this Parenthesis He saies to the end they might not believe his Vote went with it But the people still more deafe then formerly the Duke said unto the Major He never met with so obstinate a silence and preparing to speake a third time he said He was come hither to perswade them to concurre in a businesse wherein peradventure their assistance would not be requisite for the Nobility and Commons of the other Provinces would doe it without them but that he bearing a particular affection to that Noble City did not desire it should be done without them but rather would have them have the first part therein Hee desired them to say whether in conformity with the rest of the Kingdome they would name the most Noble Prince Richard Duke of Gloucester at the present Protectour of the Kingdome for their King To the which though no man answered yet was not the silence so great as before for one whispering in anothers eare a noise was heard much like the noise of a Hive of Bees but in the lower end of the Hall where were many servants and shop-boyes who in the crowde were gotten in they began to cry aloud the Dukes servants being the Ring-leaders Long live King Richard throwing their Hats up but the Citizens turning about to see what the matter might be continued their former silence The Duke wisely making use of this disorder and being seconded by the Major said Hee was much overjoyed to heare that with so much conformity and without one Negative voice they had desired this Noble Prince for their King hee would acquaint him with it so as it should redound to their advantage He wished them to be ready for the next morning he would present him with their supplication to the end that the Pròtectour might be perswaded to accept of the Kingdome so much desired by Them and by the Kingdome Which being said he went away few or none appearing well pleased The next morning the Major assembled all the Aldermen and chiefe of the Common-Counsell of the City into Pauls Church from whence they went to Baynards Castle the place where the Kings of England had formerly kept their Courts where the Protectour now lay and where according to appoinment made came the Duke of Buckingham accompanied with a great number of Lords Knights and Gentlemen who sent word to the Protectour that a great many men of great account were ready there to waite upon his Grace in a businesse of great importance The Protectour seemed unwilling to come downe the staires and give them admittance as if the businesse had been New unto him feyning as though their unexpected comming the cause not knowne why had made him somewhat jealous Buckingham by this His refusall strongly argued the Protectours integrity as being farre from imagining what the businesse now in hand was Hee sent him word againe that the businesse was not to be imparted to any save Himselfe securing him in so humble and submissive a way as was sufficient to have
esteem amongst the Flemings she was the third wife to Charles Duke of Burgundy who being slain before Nanci left no Heir behinde him save Mary born to him by Elizabeth of Burbon his second wife who was married to Maximilian of Austria son to the Emperour Frederick the third to whom she bare Philip and Margaret which their mother being dead were brought up with much charity and affection by this window she doing for Them as she could have done had they been her Own children which caused the Subjects moved thereunto by her so great Charity to honour and obey her as if she had been their Naturally-reigning Princesse Her husband had left her a very great Dowry so as she having had no other occasion of Expence saving her frugal Domestick affairs she might by the Moneys she had gathered in so many yeers of her Self unassisted by any Other undertake this business She therefore willingly listened to the Embassie not that she was Ignorant of the Falshood of it for she knew her Nephew so strictly kept as he could not escape but that she might have an occasion to trouble Henry His marriage with her Neece which should have reconciled her to him did the more Incense her against him since it was the way to Establish him in the Kingdom and to take it from Her House without any Hope of ever Recovering it again whereupon she readily Promised Assistance and in it's due time Sent it more Readily The King when he heard of this Rebellion in Ireland was very much troubled being too-late aware he had done ill to leave that Nation under the Command of such as depended upon his Predecessor And though he could not have imagined such an accident as This yet was he not to be excused for Wisedom ought to foresee not onely Evident but Contingent dangers neither was it Contigency to trust Ireland in the hands of such as were Well-wishers to the Adverse party it was not to be believed that together with their Prince they would change their Inclinations for Hatred in inveterate Factions is seldome changed But having no ready remedie nor being able to exercise his own Valour upon this occasion as he had done upon Others by reason of the Sea's interposal he called his Council together to know their Opinions and to resolve upon what was to be done They propounded and concluded upon Three expedients First a General Pardon for All faults Treason against the Kings Person not excepted to all such as within a Prefixt time should Confesse themselves guilty a thing most Usual upon Other occasions but necessary at This time since Ordinary Treason which is usually pardonable was not Now treated of but treason grown to such a Height as makes the partakers therein Desperate even to the Uttermost Hazard their welfare being incompatible with the welfare of the Prince This Article was resolved on in consideration of Sir Thomas Broughton who had saved the Lord Lovel for being a powerful man in his Countrey he might have assembled many men who joyned to the rest might have done much harm and though there was no doubt of his Correspondency with the Irish yet it was Now no fitting time to proceed against him with Severity it was thought fittest for the Present Danger not to put him to Desperation not to Provoke him to Mischief and to shew him a way to save himself Secondly that Edward Plantagenet should be taken out of the Tower and shewn to the People to the end they might know he was not dead and that the supposed Plantagenet in Ireland was a meer Chimaera framed onely to trouble the State Thirdly that the Queen-mother should be confined to the Nunnery of Bermondsey and that her goods should be confiscated for that having promised the Princesse Elizabeth to the now-King whilst he was in Britanny she had contrary to the Articles of Agreement delivered Her and the rest of her sisters up to Richard The issue of these three Resolutions were Broughton bit not at this bait of Pardon Edward Plantagenet was led in Procession to Pauls being by the way discoursed withal by divers of the chief of the Nobility that knew him especially by such of whom the King had any Suspition to the end they might be convinc't in their reason The which though it availed in England yet did it no good in Ireland where the King was accused That out of an intent to rob Edward the Sixth of his Inheritance which he had Tyrannously enjoy'd he had shewed to the view of the People a young boy who was somewhat like him to the end they might believe a Falshood thereby cheating the World and by an unparallel'd Imposture profaning the Church and sacred Ceremonies The resolution concerning the Queen was that Alone which took Effect though not without Scandal for there being no other cause then what was alleadged the punishment savoured too much of Avarice and Cruelty of Avarice because the King got thereby her Confiscation which was very Great of Cruelty because the Weaknesse and Vanity of a Woman the Weaknesse caused by the Threats the Vanity by the Promises of a Tyrant and the Irksomnesse of a Sanctuary an End whereof she was Never to expect did not deserve so Severe a punishment Not but that her fault was very Great since she did what in Her lay to render the Kings return vain and to make those Lords for ever lose their Countrey and their Possessions who upon her promises were gone into Britanny but the Difficulty of so dangerous an enterprise under the conduct of a Young man without Forces against a powerful King a skilful Warriour together with the Example of the Duke of Buckingham who first began it with so Unfortunate Successe were able to have made a Stronger minde then Hers to have Waver'd the sufferings of her Body and Minde made her covet a Quiet which she could not hope for from a few Exil'd People and if This were her Onely fault wherefore was she not at first proceeded against before her daughter's Marriage and the Prince's birth in all which time the King shewed no distaste against her neither held her as a Delinquent But in my Opinion it is to be thought that the Kings nature though Covetous yet not Wicked did not move him to deal so injuriously with her rather that he was induced to these proceedings out of some Hidden cause and that those Forces above mention'd which made her guilty in the highest degree made him so exceeding Severe else he would have punisht her Before as in Justice he might have done But Princes Imaginations are not as manifest as their Actions This Queen was one of Fortune's greatest works whose Inconstancy in the enterchanges of her Felicity and Misery proved Constant from being a widow to a bare Knight she was made wife to a great King who being fled away deposed and banished she was enforced for the Safety of her Self and the Prince her son which she bare there to take
Little good in Ireland since he would want Supplies being likely to have None from England which peradventure he might Lose They were but Few that were of this opinion for they wanted there all the chief Ground-works of War strong Holds Arms Money and Souldiers an Enemy could not be Stopped without strong Holds nor Themselves Secured without Money Souldiers were not to be had nor could they encamp themselves in Open field without Arms. Reason perswaded to passe the Seas and make the war in England Henry had done the same with Greater Lesser company and yet had had Good successe it was to be believed that not having any One that sided with him in Ireland he would have but Few in England where if the Greatest part were affectionate to the House of York whilst they had No Head to follow what would they when they should have a lawful King attended on by a whole Kingdom an agreement which would invite and encourage England to do the like But all these arguments though Sufficient were not efficacious enough to make this resolution be taken the onely reason which bare sway to have the war in England was the Want of Money wherewithal to pay the Dutchmen and their no hopes of Enriching themselves by fighting in Ireland The needier sort of people flockt to the beating of the Drum those who had nothing but their Lives to lose were contented to venture them upon hopes to better their fortunes in so Rich a Countrey They embarqued themselves better furnished with Hopes then with Weapons and landed with Lambert clad in kingly apparel at the Pile of Fowdray in Lancashire they were conducted by the Earls of Lincoln and Kildare and Viscount Lovel followed by the Dutchmen under Colonel Swart Broughton met them at their landing with but a few men they marched towards York and passed peaceably where they went to shew that Lawful Kings come to Ease not to Oppresse their Subjects but shortly after their hopes began to grow cool when they saw not any one come in to them in their Solitary March especially since they could not with more reason expect any to side with them in any Other Countrey then in that which was so much enclined to the House of York and to Richard But Viscount Lovel not having found any safety there the yeer before they might believe They were not now likely to fare better Some were of opinion that the Alienation of those people proceeded from a Distaste they took that Two Forreign Nations the Dutch and Irish should pretend to present them with a King made by them and though Henry the 4 and Edward the 4 and the Now-King had in the like manner been presented by Strangers yet the case differ'd They the first and last were call'd in by a Part of the Kingdom to free them from the two Richards the 2 and the 3 the One for divers reasons more hated then the Other and Edward came of himself building upon the People's Love neither had Henry the 7 given any occasion of Hatred whereby to be driven out rather the opinion of his Worth and his having Matcht with the House of York had established him moreover the Procession made to Paul's wherein the True Plantagenet was seen made them not minde the False one Lincoln being brought to that passe as he could not retire without ruine resolved to perish generously by hazarding a Battel He marched towards Newark minding to make himself master thereof but Henry who at the first news of their landing was advanced to Coventry sent some Troops of Light-horse abroad to take Prisoners that he might learn News a superfluous diligence for he had Spyes amongst them who advertis'd him of all their proceedings Being come to Nottingham a Counsel of War was held wherein it was discust where 't were better to protract time or to Fight the King was for giving Battel being encouraged by the accesse of 6000 fighting men most of them Voluntaries under 70 Colours the Earl of Shrewsbury and the Lord Strange were the chief Commanders and that the enemy might not take the advantage of Newark the King encamped himself between them and the Town Lincoln seeing himself so closely pursued went to Stoke planting himself upon the side of a little hill from whence he descended assoon as the King presented him Battel the which was valiantly fought on Both sides but of the Manner how there is but Small or very Obscure knowledge 'T is held that of the King 's Three Battallions the Vantguard onely fought the other Two moved not at all which seems the Stranger for that having fought even to the Last man the one Half of the said Vantguard being Slain the King would purchase the Victory at so Dear a rate which if he would have suffer'd All his men to have fought he might have had it better Cheap All the Chief of the Enemy were slain Lincoln Kildare Lovel Broughton and Colonel Swart great slaughter was made of the unarmed Irish who budged not one foot from the posture they put themselves in at the Beginning of the fight the Dutch who were well armed and understood their work died not unrevenged The Conflict endured Three hours not likely to have endured so Long had the Main-battel and the Rere-ward fought 'T is said the L. Lovel sought to save himself but finding the Banks of Trent too high for his horse they were both drowned as not able to clammer up Others will have it that he got over the River and that he lived a long time in a Cave The King was displeas'd at the Earl of Lincoln's death not that he Loved him or out of desire of further Revenge but that thereby he was bereaved of the means of working out of him what Correspondency the Dutchesse Margaret had in England There died Four thousand of the Enemy the One Half of the Kings Vant-guard and the Other half were work for the Chirurgions So roundly were they dealt withal Not any one of Quality was slain on the King's side They took many Prisoners amongst which king Lambert Symnel otherwise called Edward the Sixth and Simond his Tutor and Seducer 't was thought he should have been rigorously proceeded against but his yeers he not being full Sixteen yeers Old freed him from the Highest of faults He confest who he was and the Meannesse of his Birth that the fault proceeded from his Governour whom he was not wont to disobey His punishment was the Kitchin where he was put to the vilest employments his Scepter and Crown were turned to Spits and Fire-forks he continued in the office of a Scullion till by what means I know not he was preferred to be one of the King's Falconers in which condition he died not giving any further occasion of Story The King shewed herein his Wisedom for had he put him to Death being so Young and for a fault not of his Own Chusing Severity might have had the face of Cruelty and Justice of
Injustice and together with his Life his Memory would have been Lost whereas by Pardoning him he gave life to a testimony of his Own Clemency and Others Wickednesse and instructed the People upon other occasions The being a Priest saved Simond though worthy of whatsoever punishment the King was pleased to afford him Penitence and Pennance by giving him leave during his Life to bewail his sin in Prison There is a great difference between Virgil's calculation of this Battel and that of Other Writers he affirms it to have happened in the yeer 1489 the rest in the yeer 1487 on the Sixteenth of Iune on a Saturday the day which was observed to be happie and propitious to the King I follow the Later The King went not from the Camp till he had given humble thanks to God for the Victory the which he did likewise three days together at Lincoln with Processions and other religious duties and he sent his Standard to our Ladies Church in Walsingham whither he had vowed it He caused some of those that were taken to be put to death doing the like in York-shire where diligent search was made after the Rebels and since it would have been a kinde of Cruelty to have punished so Many for One fault he was contented to commute the Blood of their Veins for the Blood of their Purses imposing great Pecuniary punishments upon them wherewith both He and They were satisfi'd He went to Newcastle from whence he sent Ambassadours to the King of Scotland to invite him either to a Treaty of Peace or to a longer Truce His being but newly setled in his kingdom and the Inveteratenesse of the Faction counselled him to be at quiet with his Neighbours especially with Scotland for these two kingdoms being almost Naturally given to be Enemies they did much harm one to another by fomenting Rebels and nourishing of Seditions Yet was this peace more requisite for King Iames then for Him For being a friend to men of Mean condition and an enemy to the Nobility he never wanted cause of Fear so as it behoved him to have Peace with England that he might punish the Contumacious and revenge himself upon his enemies He therefore courteously received the Ambassadours letting them know there was nothing which he in his heart more desired then that which they came for but that there would be great difficulty to make the Parliament condescend thereunto for that there was an ancient Law which did inhibite Peace lest the people growing carelesse through Idlenesse and losing their natural vigour which was conservable by the Use of Arms might become Lazie to the prejudice of the State that therefore they must content themselves with a Truce for Six or Seven yeers which being obtained they might Renew from time to time without much difficulty for what concern'd Himself King Henry might assure himself he would Always be his friend he intreated them howsoever to keep secret his free Communication with them otherwise they would ruine the businesse for nothing would be granted which should be known they had desired of him Henry was contented with a Truce of Seven yeers which being obtained he returned to London where being taught by the last events that his hatred to the House of York had been the cause of all the disorders that had ensued he prepared for the Coronation of his Wife which was effected the Five and twentieth of November which was in the Third yeer of his Reign and almost Two yeers after he had married her 'T was generally believed this resolution proceeded from Any thing else rather then from Good-will the affections wherewith we are born being as hard to be concealed as to be laid aside Neither is it to be marvelled at if Henry born during the time of Hatred and Civil wars wherein he had lost his estate and been kept Prisoner till he was Ten yeers old carried Exile into Britanny demanded from thence by Edward and Richard granted and sold to the former to the Second sold but not granted and saved as it were by miracle from the hands of Both of them it is no marvel I say if the Remembrance of these things did confirm him in the above-said hatred and that that Hatred was converted to his very Nature and Blood against the Blood of those who had laid traps to Ensnare and to Destroy him But neither did his memory fail him in what concern'd Good Turns for the cloud of Dangers and Suspitions being blown over he set the Marquesse Dorset at liberty and that he might know his imprisonment had proceeded from the Jealousies of the Times and not from any Evil he had Done him he suffered not those Ceremonies to be used to Him which usually are to such as are imprison'd for any fault His affairs being thus quieted he dispatched away an Ambassadour to Pope Innocent the Eighth to give him advertisement thereof and to thank him for having honoured his Maariage with the assistance of his Nuntio offering Himself and his Kingdom to be upon all occasions at his Service for which the Pope by way of correspondency gratified him by Moderating the Priviledges of Sanctuaries and other Priviledg'd places and by sending him a Bull which was welcome and advantageous to him for thereby Traytors became lesse bold We have hitherto spoken of the affairs Within the kingdom we must now passe on to External businesses to the which the King could not Before attend being busied about Home-affairs which more concerned him The designes of Lewis the Eleventh King of France father to Charles the Eighth who at this time reigned were to establish himself within the limits of his own Kingdom and such bounds as confin'd upon his kingdom by readjoyning unto it whatsoever at sundry times had been dismembred from it either by Appennages or Otherwise and to beat down the Authority of Princes and great Lords that hindered him in his designe which was to become Absolute to bring this to effect it was necessary for him to collogue with England which was the onely place able to disturb him and prodigally to present it whereby having laid it asleep as he desired he reunited to the Crown the Dukedoms of Burgundy and Anjou the Counties of Bar and of Provence together with all the best places of Piccardy He intended to do the like to the Dukedom of Britanny but not effecting it he left the care thereof to his son Charles who though very Young did fully bring it to passe For Peter de Landois a proud and insolent Officer of the Duke of Britanny having incens'd the Nobility of the Dutchy and called in Lewis Duke of Orleans to his aid by making Anne the Eldest daughter and Heir to that State be promised to him in Marriage by her Father the Barons had recourse unto Charles who being entred with Four several Armies into Four several parts of their Countrey made them too late perceive that they had not call'd him in to Assist them but to
desirous of Peace knowing that Ursewick's pains would be to no purpose for the Duke of Britanny was not in case to rely upon his Own Judgement having indeed None at all and the Duke of Orleans would not hear of it for being injured by him it was not likely he should trust him He on the other side should by this means justifie himself to Henry since the making of peace stuck not at Him so as he should not have any occasion to enterprise ought against Him the fault in all appearance not being His. Ursewick being come to Britanny found the Duke so very ill as it was impossible for him to treat with him who had lost almost all the faculties of judgement it behoved him to treat with the Duke of Orleans whom he acquainted with the King his Master's desire and with the good inclination he found in the King of France thereunto so as there remained nothing to establish a good Agreement but to conclude upon the means to every one's satisfaction The Duke being far from any such thought knowing that Charles his intention was other then he made shew for and he himself thirsting to make war with Another man's purse and with the hopes of getting the Dutchy of Britanny answer'd He wonder'd that so Wise a King as Henry would suffer himself to be over-reached by so very Young a King as Charles and that those reasons to which he was bound by Honour and Gratitude bore no sway with him that he should do well to remember the Duke of Britanny had been in lieu of a Father tâ—… him from his Childhood till his promotion to the Crown to the which though Nature Birth and the Kingdom had play'd their parts he had Never attained had he not used that charity towards him which obliged Henry to do the like for Him that the present Mediation did not correspond with the businesse that it was Destructive but Useful for Charles who thereby would gain time to do that which otherwise he could not that Aid was expected from Henry worthy of the Greatnesse of his Minde of his Tye of Friendship and of the imminent Danger the fair Appearances of France were nothing but Fraud and Cozenage 't would be too Late Dangerous and Dishonourable to know it by the Event that if Henry would believe Charles to be of as Candid a minde as was He himself he might do well to believe it with his Sword in Hand so that if it should prove Otherwise he might be ready to Chastise him that had abused him by doing this he should acquit himself on All hands nor could any one have just cause to complain of him And if the reasons of Gratitude which were the same with those of Honour were not of force enough to perswade him he ought to do it out of reason of State and take upon him that defence in Time without Offending Any One which should he undertake Unseasonably would be offensive to All Three to France by opposing it in Open War to Britanny by giving it too Late succour and to England by permitting a Great King to Increase in Power State and Situation hurtful to that Kingdom who was set upon on all sides subject to the discretion of England upon whose pleasure he depended having Seas Ports Commerce and all that could accommodate or incommodate secure or endanger England Ursewick was ready to answer That Princes could not chuse but in some sort believe one another especially where an Obliged friendship plays the part of a Surety not that Wisedom may not have her Exceptions but that she should too largely dispose of her self if where there is Parity of Friendship and Obligation she should believe a friend to be what he ought not to be that Henry's obligations to France arose from Britanny's failing him which if it were not through any fault of the Duke 't was through the fault of Landois Fortune and Chance 'T was Chance that when fleeing from England he would have gone to France brought him into Britanny Fortune when he would have stay'd in Britanny brought him into France whither he would not have gone nor have had any obligation to the King thereof had it not been for danger of being sold to Richard by Landois He did not accuse the Duke of this but neither ought the Duke to accuse him if Fortune bore him to Divide between Two that obligation which was formerly due to Him alone He could not but confesse this without the mark of Ingratitude neither could he take One of them into his consideration and leave the Other neglected More time was requir'd to arm by Sea and Land then to send an Embassie the One did not hinder the Other That an Ambassadour served for a Soul to such businesses as were to be brought to Life no resolutions of importance being taken between Prince and Prince but by Mediation But Ursewick not being suffer'd to say This nor what more he would have said for the Duke arose from him and would not hear him he returned to Charles who told him He had rightly foretold that the Duke of Orleans would not un-enforced yeeld to any Pacification that he would endeavour to force him to it as his obstinacy required in the mean time he desired Henry not to desist from doing good offices for by continuation thereof that Peace would be effected which He desired to which he for his part would Never be Averse and that under such conditions as Henry should prescribe him Lewis the father of this Prince would never suffer this his son to be taught more Latine then Qui nescit dissimulare nescit regnare wherein he so well profited as not having his brains troubled with any Other lesson and being thought by reason of his rough nature to have but a blunt judgement he deceived all men especially Ursewick whereby the King his Master was likewise deceived Some think that Henry's credulity was but feigned that he might have an Excuse not to intricate himself in a War he Hated and which would be of great Trouble to him But if he were not Deceived he deceived Himself for hoping it would be hard for Charles to make any Progresse in this businesse being unable at the same time to beat the Forces of Britanny and Orleans his party it proved clean Otherwise The French Army being entred Britanny and brought in by the confederate Barons made them soon repent it The Articles greed upon between them were instantly broken Cities besieged taken and Sacked no difference being put between the grounds and territories of the Confederate and Not confederate whilst the Duke abandon'd by his Subjects and not assisted by his friends escaped narrowly being taken at Vannes from whence with much ado he got to Nantes where being besieged and destitute of hope he sent the Count of Dunois and Viscount Coteman to get aid from England who having ridden by night thorow Forests and desert places in great danger the Countrey being wholly possest
by the Enemy got to S. Malo where they unluckily put four times to Sea and were as often driven back so as they gave over their employment believing the succour they went for would come too Late and that therefore they must look for some from Elsewhere but it was more then needed For the Frenchmen despairing to win the Town gave over the Siege Charles whilst he besieged Nantes had sent Bernard of Aubeny into England to re-assure the King of his desire of Peace and he either believing it or seeming so to do named the Abbot of Abington Sir Richard Tunsdal and the former Ursewick his Commissioners to treat thereof giving them full Authority though the circumstances afforded little hope Which Edward Woodvile Uncle to the Queen a gallant Gentleman perceiving he desired leave to go to assist the Duke with a Troop of Voluntiers with which he would Privately steal over so as the King of France should have occasion to complain of none but of Him It is not known whether the King did Privately give way thereunto or no but in Publike he denied his request charging him not to depart from Court notwithstanding he went to the Isle of Wight where of he was Governour and raised there Four hundred fighting men with which he sailed into Britanny causing thereby such an alteration among those of the Court of France as the Commissioners would have been evilly intreated had not Charles whose conscience accused him seemed to believe that Woodvile was come of his Own head since the Reputation of England and the Need of Britanny required Other manner of aid then Four hundred men The Commissioners having discover'd his minde return'd to England and acquainted the King that Charles his desire of Peace was but counterfeit the better to gain time and to make him lose the opportunity of hindering him from the Usurpation of Britanny Whereupon Henry resolved to Call a Parliament wherein succour being resolved upon he raised Moneys and muster'd Souldiers sending word to Charles that his Kingdom liked not this war with Britanny made by him there having always been an un-interrupted Friendship between that Dutchy and England wherefore they could not now abandon it since their Own commodity was concerned in the Losse thereof that He therefore could not oppose his People as Charles himself might judge that he thought good to give him Notice hereof as well to the end that his Moving or Marching might not be News unto him as likewise to entreat him that he would take away the Cause of his so doing which if he would not he assured him that his succour should onely tend to the Defence of Britanny from whence if the French would withdraw themselves they should not be Pursued by his men nor fought withal Out of Britanny so as their Friendship was not to go Lesse in the said War The Ambassadours arrived when Charles had brought the businesse to such a passe as he needed not greatly weigh the Late resolutions of England having received news of the surrender of Ancenis Fougeres Saint Aibine di Cormier and not long after that the Armies had met and that the Britons were discomfited The French-men thought that the Duke's Army would bend themselves for the Recovery of Saint Albine as they did whereupon following them and coming up to them not far from thence they fought with them and had the Victory they slew the Four hundred English with Woodvile their Commander took the Duke of Orleans and the Prince of Orange prisoners who would not have purchased their Liberties at so Cheap a rate as they did had it not been for their Wives Orleans his wife being the King's sister and Orange's wife sister to the Duke of Burbon for after divers Removals from one prison to another they by the Intercession of their Wives obtained Liberty and Pardon Henry understanding of this defeat sent Eight thousand fighting men into Britanny under the Conduct of the Lord Brook which joyning themselves with the Duke's Forces marched towards the Enemy who knowing they loved not to Encamp themselves but to come to Blowes thought to cool their heat by Intrenching their Army and sallying out with their Light-horse which they did but with more Losse then Gain This mean while Francis the Second Duke of Britanny died leaving Two Daughters behinde him the younger whereof died not many months after and left the Inheritance wholly to Anne but the subversion of her State was caused by her father's death A month before this the Duke was constrain'd to Compound with Charles and subscribe to the Articles of Agreement remitting the Difference to Arbitratours Charles pretended to this Dukedom out of Two reasons by the pretences of Iohn de Brosse and Nicholas of Britanny which were yeelded up to his father Lewis the Eleventh and by the rights of the Viscount of Rohan descended from Mary of Britanny sister to Margaret the first wife of Francis the Second the which right or claim the said Viscount had surrendred up to this Charles and these Two sisters being Daughters to Francis the First would in succession have preceded Peter the Second Arthur and Francis the Second had not Women been excluded from men of Name and Coat of Britanny as were the Three above-named The which being then brought into question made the dispute more intricate though it should not so have done for the Former Two's grant was annull'd in the Abbey de Victoire by a Treaty made with Lewis himself and the Viscount Rohan's relinquishment made by him not that he believed he had any Right thereunto but to please Charles was of no Validity since he descended from Women and the Nullification of such pretences appeared in his Contract of Marriage in the Wills of the Dukes and in the Decrees of the State of Britanny Reasons which though they were all of force enough yet were they not able to weigh against the force of the Weaker for the weakest pretences are sufficient so they have power enough to prove their right by force The King was Young and every one about him pretended to get an Armful of Wood by the fall of this Tree the Sister for her part had already in her conceipt devoured the City of Nantes the Britons who were Partakers pretended to participate therein whilst the rest that saw their fortunes and welfare depend upon the Weaknesse of an abandoned Orphan Maiden and under the Sword of a Powerful King resolved to Declare themselves for him before they were by force Constrained so to do Whereupon the English not able to Save what ran to so Headlong a Ruine returned into England after they had spent Eight months in Britanny and done nothing The Parliament had given certain Subsidies for the payment of these men which were readily paid by all the Shires save York-shire and the Bishoprick of Durham which Two Counties flatly denied to pay any They alleadged that they had suffered great grievances the Last yeers past and for the
unawares and was victorious slew Eight thousand and got all their Artillery and Baggage The cause of so great slaughter was this Morley being the onely man who amongst so many fought on Horse-back was unhors'd and slain whereat his men were so enraged that they slew their Prisoners and together with them all those that could not flee away not above Two hundred of Them being slain Monsieur Daubeny returned to Callis having left his wounded men and the booty at Newport affording thereby a thought of Recovering it to Monsieur Cordes who was at Ypre he brought Twenty thousand men with him thither play'd upon the Town and gave an Assault The Defendants did their parts Manfully and were helped by such as were left Wounded there after a long fight they lost one Tower upon which Cordes planted the French Colours and was likely to have won all the Rest had not Fortune disfavour'd him at that very Instant by a Small Succour which entred the Town from Callis for Dawbeny knowing the slendernesse of the Garison had embarked Fourscore chosen Souldiers to Abet them till such time as he might send Greater Forces to Free them Altogether These men arriving in the Heat of the fight whilst the Defeudants fought out of Meer Courage for New wounds being added to what they had Formerly received they could scarcely stand upon their legs they ran to the Walls drave back the Besiegers regained the Tower and this with such Forward Valour as Cordes believing them to be a much Greater number raised the Siege whereupon this Personal Disgrace added to his former National Hatred he swore He would be content to be Seven yeers in Hell so he might have the fortune to take Callis from the English Henry not contented to have assisted Maximilian with Arms endeavoured to do the like with Counsel he perswaded him to re-assume the businesse of the Marriage and to Conclude it with the Dutchesse as hath been said Which counsel he presently embraced and sent Four Ambassadours to her to whom he gave the Count de Nassau for their Chrief with Commission that when all things were agreed upon the Count should marry her in His name as he did and used therein a Ceremony not accustomed in those times for ought I know The Dutchesse being lay'd in her Bed the Count in the presence of many Lords and Ladies put one of his Leggs between the Sheets in signe of Consummation of the Marriage holding all the while Maximilian's Proxie in his hand Belforest denies this Marriage by Proxie and to boot with the reasons he alleadges for his opinion one chief one is That if it had been so the Annales of Britanny would have made some Mention of it I confesse I have not read Them nor do I know the Author's name I have read Argentres the last who hath written thereof and he alleadges for his Testimony the Records of that Countrey he says That the Dutchesse after this Marriage assumed the title of Queen and that the publike Acts and Proclamations were made in the Names of Maximilian and Anne by the Grace of God King and Queen of the Romanes Duke and Dutchesse of Britanny But Maximilian did not pursue this his advantage with requisite effects for believing he had so Consummated this Marriage as it could not be Broken he neglected the sending of Aid into Britanny so as leaving it to Fortune which favours the Provident it did frown upon Him who Negligent in his affairs did not almost ever do any thing which though it might Begin well had a good End He was endued with very Excellent qualities but abounding with Bad ones likewise by which his good parts being born down all his undertakings proved for the most part unfortunate His Valour Knowledge in Military affairs and his good Understanding in matters of Counsel became un-useful to him through his ill Government He never raised Moneys for making of a War but that he had Spent them before the War was Begun he was one of those that can tell how to Propound but not how to put in Execution wise in Discourse foolish in Action so as if it had been possible to have furnished him with one to have Executed his Projections nothing had remained to have been desired in him I have sometimes thought it impossible that the understanding Conceiving aright should work Evil Effects and that it being our Directour it should not be of force enough to make our Actions conformable to those Idea's upon which they depend but daily practice shews me I was in an Errour He then not having done what he ought to have done Charles believed it behov'd him to do what became him wherefore Charles betook himself to a double remedy To the Dutchesse in Countermining her Marriage with Maximilian by endeavouring to marry her Himself for so he was advised to do by those who bore the greatest sway with him and to Henry by sending Ambassadours to him who were Francis Lord of Luxenburgh Charles de Marignan and Roger Gaguine the Writer of the French Story Their Instructions were to treat a League or Peace with him which was desired by him not that he Charles might the more securely turn his Forces upon Italy but out of an Affection that he bore unto him Henry from the first day he saw him either out of Natural Sympathie or Heavenly Constellation He knew there was no Enmity between them but that the casual encounters of their Subjects in Flanders and in Britanny did require a Confirmation thereof that he did not accuse his actions in this behalf it being a thing certain that Frontire-wars draw Princes to them as Wounds do Humours so as such effects being Natural they ought not to be esteemed the motives of Ill-will that for such he esteemed them and so interpreted them wherefore he likewise desired to be excused for if he had made war upon Britanny 't was for that his Honour and the Preservation of his due Prerogative would not suffer him to do otherwise and if upon Flanders still out of the same considerations because those of Flanders being under the Soveraign Protection of France oppressed by their Prince and fleeing to Him for Succour he could not chuse but assist them and though the casual encounters of the French and English Nations had not thereupon raised a Formal War yet a Consolidation of Friendship between those Two Nations was requisite to the end that when he should have turned his Arms elsewhere the World might not rest in doubt of it that he would acquaint him with his more Secret designes as an Earnest of the Confidence he would always use with him that his intention was not to conquer the Kingdom of Naples a Kingdom which of right belonged to him and that from thence by God's assistance he would passe into Turkey and wage war with those Infidels a thought worthy to be favour'd by all Christian Princes much more by a Christian King and a Friend as was Henry and
the Nation nor the Peoples Tranquillity had sold the Kingdoms best friends for ready money made dishonourable peace and not only oppressed the subject but unjustly put to death the Lord Chamberlain Stanley and divers others who were likely to have withstood his oppressions Ambition had moved Richard to tyrannie Henry Avarice Ambition had made use of cruell means Avarice not only of Cruell but Base extortive means his Cruelty was witnessed by the death of so many and by the imprisonment of the Earl of Warwick Son to the Duke of Clarence his Basenesse and Extortion by such extraordinary grievances Tenths Subsidies Taxes and Impositions under the name of Benevolences and by the wars and peace hee made only that he might heap up treasure and because his unjust possession of the Crowne made him live in perpetuall fear and suspicion not only of Men but even of Women hee had married Ladies of the blood Royall to people of mean condition amongst which a sister of Him the Duke of Yorke and a sister of his Cosin the above-mentioned Earl of Warwick that hee might have the lesse reason to fear so that as hee now came to free them from violence by such forces as God should assist him withall so by his plenary Regall authority hee did at that present free them from all Grievances by Revoking and abolishing in perpetuity All that had hetherto been imposed upon them contrary to all Law and Custom and to the end that the good will of his subjects might not be prejudiced by the Law for having illegally obeyed the Tyrant he granted to them a Generall Pardon for all their transgressions upon condition they would submit themselves to Him and acknowledge him for their King the which they that should be the Forwardest to do should be the First that should enjoy the Maidenhead of his Regall favours that he would maintain all that his Ancestors more particularly his Father Edward of glorious memory had sworn unto which was the Preservation of their Priviledges and Liberty the Franchise of the Clergy Nobility and People He promised a Thousand pound in ready money and Five Marks a yeare of Inheritance for ever whosoever should take or kill Henry he declared that the King of Scotlands assisting of him was not done out of any Bargain or Promise made Prejudiciall to the Kingdom of England but out of the near love to Justice a vertue wherein he excelled and that when he should have put him in a condition or posture that he might be able to defend himself by the forces of his own English subjects he would return to Scotland pretending to nothing else but the Honour of having Raised Him up This Declaration proved like seed sown on the sands whereupon King Iames after he had long in vain expected some Commotion be took himself to plunder and destroy with as little mercy as the Scots had wont to doe in former times and Perkin who till now had plaid his part extreamly well failed in This shewing too much Affection therein For having desired the King not to suffer his men contrary to the Laws of Arms to commit such out-rages for that no purchase whatsoever could be acceptable to him which was got with the Blood and Ruin of his own subjects the King who either had before informed himself of his being or else began to suspect it by this his so Affected and Impertinent request answered him smiling That he took too much care of what did not at all belong unto him and that to endeavour the preservation of an Enemies countrey was the most that could be done by a Perfect Christian. Having enriched his souldiers he returned back knowing that great forces were coming down upon him and that it would be dangerous for him to stay till they came finding himself encumbred by that great booty he took along with him Merchants were much troubled at the breach of Commerce between England and Flanders insomuch as meeting with a fit occasion they began to treate thereof with their severall Princes since that the reducing it to the former condition would make for the advantage of Both sides and therefore was to be desired by Both by the Arch-duke for being informed that Perkin the cause of the disorder was a Cheater he should have wronged his Reputation in favouring him any longer and have much injured his Subjects and Himself by the evill that might there hence have resulted by Henry for not valuing now Perkin any more the breach of correspondence with Burgundy was not only prejudiciall to Private men but even to Himselfe since that thereby his Customes a principall arrow in the quiver of Princes were diminished notwithstanding though he did desire it he would not seem to doe so but appeare to be drawn by the instance of others Commissioners were sent from both sides who renewed their friendship and reestablished the commerce in a better way then formerly and to the articles touching this busines and the Freedom of Fishing was added an Inhibition of either side to entertain the Rebels of one another in which article the Lands belonging to the Dutchesse Margaret were by Name inserted to the end that such as did adhere to Perkin might not be shelter'd there The affront offered by the King of Scotland stuck yet in Henrie's stomack which was not to be revenged but by war war was not to be made without money nor was money to be had without a Parliament wherefore he called a Parliament and therein acquainted them with the Losses he had suffer'd by the King of Scots in Northumberland who having no cause of enmity with Him had taken upon him for a Pretence to protect Perkin though he knew him to be an Impostour how the injury was aggravated by the Affront for finding that countrey unarmed and void of defence after having ruin'd and burnt up the countrey he had safely retired himselfe laden with booty into Scotland This busines was judged worthy of the Kings consideration such injuries not being without shame to be put up wherefore the Parliament decreed unto him good store of money to be raised according to the usuall wont which being paid in all parts else was only deny'd to be paid in Cornewall the Inhabitants thereof thought this an unjust exaction and that the Scotish Commotion was so farre from Them as they were not thereby to be obliged as were the countries thereby detrimented asif when the Head akes the Legs and Feet be not concern'd but may put over the execution of their duties to the Arms and Neck as neerer thereunto To make good this mutiny two mutinous heads appeared the one a Farrier by his trade the other an Atturney each of which had their ends Michael Ioseph the Black-smith was moved by Ambition beleeving such a seditious action would adde luster unto him and that his clownish loquacity would procure him the first place amongst the Countrey people Thomas Flammock the Atturney having gotten credit by his profession had so
Thomas Holland Earle of Kent Henry who dyed young Iohn first Duke of Sommerset who maried Margerite daughter to Sr. Iohn Beauchamp Margerite married to Edward Adham earl of Richmond Henry the 7. who married Elizabeth daughter to Henry the 4. Edmund Duke of Sommerset slaine in the â—…attell at S. Albans who married Elenor daughter of Richard Beauchamp Earle of Warwicke Henry Duke of Sommerset beheaded an 1462. Charls Sommerset Earle of Worcester bastard Edmund Duke of Sommerset beheaded Anno 1471. dying without heyrs Iohn slaine at the battell of Teuksbury Thomas Ioane married to Iames the first King of Scotland Margerite married to Thomas Courtney Earle of Devonshire Thomas E. of Devonsh beheaded Henry beheaded Iohn slaine at Teuksbury Henry Beaufort Bishop of Winchester Cardinall of St. Eusebius and Chancellor of England Thomas Beaufort Earle of Dorset Duke of Exeter and Chancellor of England Ioane Beaufort for whose issue looke the next lease Iane Beaufort married to Ralph Nevill Earle of Westmerland Richard Nevil Earle of Salisbury beheaded who married Elenor daughter to Thomas Montigue Earle of Salisbury William Lord of Faulkenbridge Edward Earle of Abergaveny George Lord Latimer Robert Bishop of Durham Cuthbert Henry Thomas Richard Nevil Earle of Salisbury and Warwicke surnamed The great he married Anne daughter of Richard Beauchamp Earle of Warwicke Isabel wife of George Plantagenet Duke of Clarence brother to Edward the fourth drowned in a But of Malmâ—…y Edward Earl of Warwicke last heyre male of the Plantagenet he was beheaded Margerite Countesse of Salisbury wife to Richard Poole beheaded the 13. yeare of Henry the 8. she was mother to Cardinall Poole Anne wife to Edward Prince of Wales son to Henry 6. he was slaine by the Duke of Glocester who after married the said Anne Edward Prince of Wales who died before his Father Iohn Marquis Montigue who maried the daughter of Sr Edward Engelthorpe George Archbishop of York and Chancellour of England George Nevil Duke of Bedford degraded together with his father for not having left sufficient meanes to maintaine their honour Luce first married to Sir Thomas Fitz-Williams then to Sir Anthony Browne by whom William Earle of Southampton St Anthony Browne Iane married to Will. Fitz-Allen Earle of Arundel Thomas Fitz-Allen Earle of Arundel William Earle of Arundel Elenor wife to Thomas Stanley Earle of Darby George Baron Strange Thomas Earle of Darby Edward Lord Mounteagle Iames Bishop of Ely Catherine wife to Iohn Moubray second duke of Norfolke Iohn duke of Norfolk married to Elenor daughter of the Lord Bourchier Iohn duke of Norfolk married to Elizabeth daughter to Geo. Talbot 1. earle of Shrewsb Anne wife to Richard Duke of York second son of Edward the fourth Elenor wife to Henry Pearcy second Earle of Northumberland slaine in the service of Henry 6. in the first battell at Saint Albans Henry the third earle of Northumberland slaine in the like service who married Elenor daughter to Richard Lord Poinings Henry the fourth Earle of Northumberland slaine by the people for leavying a taxe imposed by Henry the seventh and the Parliament he married Maudlin daughter to the earle of Pembrocke Henry the fifth earle of Northumberland William Allen a Bishop Iocelin Elenor married to Edward Stafford duke of Buckingham Anne wife to William Fitz-Allen Earle of Arundel Anne wife to Humfrey Staffoâ—…d first Duke of Buckingham slaine in the first battel at Northhampton Humfrey Earle of Stafford slaine in the first battell of St Albans he married Margerite sister to Edward Beaufort Duke of Sommerset Henry second Duke of Sommerset beheaded by Richard 3. he married Catherine sister to Richard Woodville Earle Rivers Edward Duke of Buckingham Henry of Wiltshire both beheaded by Henry the 8. Iohn Stafford Earle of Wiltshire married to Constance daughter to Sir Henry Greene. Edward Stafford Earle of Wiltshire Catherine wife to George Talbot Earle of Shrewsbury George E. of Shrewsbury married to Anne daughter to the Lord Hastings Francis Earle of Shrewsbury Margerite married to Henry Clifford Earle of Cumberland Sicely of whose issue see the next leafe Sicely married to Richard Plantagenet Duke of Yorke who waged warre with Henry the 6. as lawfull pretender to the Crowne hee was slaine in the battell of Wakefield King Edward the 4. who married Elizabeth daughter of Richard Woodville Earle Rivers King Edward the 5. Richard duke of York Both slaine in the Toweâ—… by their uncle Richard 3 Elizabeth married to Henry the 7. Arthur prince of Wales Henry the 8. Catherine married to William Courtney earle of Devonshire Henry Earle of Devonshire and Marquis of Exeter beheaded by Henry the 8. Edmund who died in the battell with his Father George Duke of Clarence drowned in a But of Malmsey in the Tower he married Isabel daughter to Richard Nevil Earle of Warwicke Edward Earle of Warwicke beheaded under Henry the 7. Margerite Countesse of Salisbury married to Sr Richard Poole beheaded under Henry the 8. Henry Lord Montigue beheaded under Henry the 8. Reginald Poole Cardinall Vrsula married to Henry Lord Stafford sonne and heyre to Edward last Duke of Buckingham Richard Duke of Glocester by tyrannicall usurpation called afterward Richard the 3. who married Anne daughter to Richard Nevil Earle of Salisbury and Warwicke Edward Prince of Wales who died during his fathers life THE INTRODVCTION MY intention is to write the story of England for as much as concernes the Câ—…vill Wars of that Kingdome from their first rise to their happy period Events which the lesse they be known forth of those Climats the more worthy are they of others knowledge Civill knowledge accounts not him wise who applies himselfe only to what concernes his owne Country but who enlargeth his understanding to the universall knowledge of all Nations Such as are unexperienced and too passionatly gâ—…ven to the love of their owne Country doe vsually misprise forraine occurrences whilst alteration in governments doth vary those vertues in them by which they acquired a name above others The Assyrians Medes and Persians the Macedonians Greeks and Romans doe witnesse this unto us people ought not to boast of what they were but if there be any occasion of ostentation of what they for the present are Barbarisme is not so generall in the now present times as in times past of as many Nations as are there is not any one who at this day can vaunt her selfe to be the law-giver unto others What is wanting in some one is peeced up by the advantages which some others have not This discipline of warre learning the liberall sciences arts mechanicall and civill comportment are so diffused as those who last embraced them are like to cisternes which doe more abound with water then doe the house tops and gutters from which they did at first fall There was a time when the Grecians had presumption enough to repute the Romans barbarous their condition shewes us how much they were deceived The Vandalls Lombards and Gothes were civilized at the cost of the
answerable to his Covetousnesse in emptying the purse of one of the Noblest and Best deserving subjects he had We related a little before how the Earl of Suffolke returned to England where he tarried all this time the King treating him Well and he not having any occasion of Discontent but were it his own Mis-fortune which would be his Overthrow or the Expences he had been at at Prince Arthurs marriage which had dipt him deep in Debt or the Hatred he bare unto the King which could not suffer him to see him reign in Peace he fled away into Flanders with his brother Richard to the Peoples great Discontent who thought that certainly some great Disorder must ensue thereupon many of the Nobility being ill affected and which already began to propose New hopes unto themselves and to plot Insurrections The King being accustomed to such like passions and seeming as if he minded it not wrote to Sir Robert Curson Captain of Hammes Castle that feigning to Rebell he should passe over into Flanders to the Earl of Suffolke Hee forsaking his Command seemed to steale away he went unto the Earl who with much joy welcom'd him discovering unto him all his Designs and who they were that sided with him in England Curson advertised the King hereof who imprisoned them putting the Chiefest of them in the Tower amongst which William Courtney Eldest Sonne to the Earl of Devonshire who having married Katharine Daughter to Edward the fourth was become his Brother in Law William de la Poole brother to the Earl of Suffolke the Lord George Abergavenny Sir Iames Tirrell Sir Iohn Windham and Sir Thomas Green The issue was William Courtney was detained Prisoner during the Kings Life not for that he was Guilty but for that having Relation to the house of Yorke he might serve as an Instrument if there should be any designe of Troubling the State William de la Poole was likewise kept Prisoner though not so strictly Abergavenny and Greene were set at Liberty Tirrell and Windham were Beheaded the rest of inferior quality were Hang'd This was that Tirrell who had his hand in the Death of the two Princes that were smother'd in the Tower by commission from Richard the Third He came to too good an end Fire and Torture was not sufficient for him but he died not for That 't was for this Last fault that he suffer'd death The Earl was grieved at the punishments his Complices under went and at the Imprisonment of his Friends and Kindred who were faln into this captivity not for any Fault of His or of Themselves but meerly out of Suspition for otherwise they should have walked the Same way as did the Rest. The King that Cursen might be the better beleeved and that he might the better pursue His Directions made him together with the Earl and Others to be proclamed Traytor at Pauls Crosse but he having no more to doe in Flanders returned almost presently into England where he was well liked of by the King but not by the People Such offices though of Trust for what concerns the King are in respect of Others Detestable His departure much abated the Earles courage who now saw he was Betrayed he therefore endeavour'd to procure helpe from Forraign Princes he went into Germany from thence into France but his Labours proving Vain he return'd to Flanders under the protection of the Arch-duke Philip which was the Last of his Misfortunes Many Laws were made in the Parliament which was this yeer called and an Entire Subsidy was given unto the King who had no Need of it he being Rich Frugall without War having no cause to Demand it nor to have it Granted him Not herewithall contented he required a General Benevolence which brought in Much money unto him as did also the Alteration of the Mint for certain coyns the Citie payed him 5000. Marks for the Con firmation of their Liberties and Ferdinand paid him Last payment of the Portion so as all other Casualties too long to number up being comprehended his Extraordinaries did much surmount his Ordinary Revenue wherewithall his Coffers being fill'd he might have been contented whilest his subjects who wisht him of Another humour could not alter the Constitution of his Nature He was much troubled at the Death of Isabell Queen of Castile which hapned in the moneth of November the year Before by reason of the Resemblance that was in the Government of their kingdoms between Ferdinand and Him both of them reigning in the right of their Wives And though he never admitted of his Wives Right having obtain'd the kingdom under the title of the house of Lancaster having won it by the Sword and having it Confirm'd unto him by Act of Parliament yet he could not but feare that Ferdinands yeelding up the Crowne to his Daugh ter might by way of Example prejudice Him and make for his Sonne Prince Henry the case was the same and the formerly alleadged reasons were of no weight in comparison of Naturall Extraction which is to be preferred before all other claimes Isabell left the Administration of the Kingdom to Ferdinand during his life though Iane were the immediat Heire which distasted the Arch-duke Philip for being become King of Castile in right of his Wife he thought hee was injur'd as being reputed unfit to governe without his Father in Laws Assistance and Superintendencie hee pretended the Mother could not dispose thereof to the Prejudice of the Daughter that the Authority of Predeces sors ended with their Deaths else seldome or very Late would their Heirs come to Reigne that the Reverence and Respect to Parents did not amongst Private men bereave their Children of enjoying their Private Inheritances much lesse ought it to doe so with Kings for what concernes Kingdomes that the government of Wives and all that belonged unto Them belonged to their Husbands when they were of Yeers as Hee was the interest of Children that are Heirs belonging to their Fathers who are neerer in degree unto them then are their Grand-fathers He tooke offence at his being Forbidden to come into Spaine without his Wife as knowing the cause thereof for he kept her from the sight of All men the more to conceale her Infirmity which was a spice of Lunacy so as it was beleeved he would not Bring her along with him lest her weaknesse being made Knowne might not give force to the Will wherefore he resolved to carry her thither the sooner pretending to take Possession of what Nature and the Lawes had given him for having married upon hopes of that Kingdome it would be imputed to Rechlesnesse in him if it now being Falne to him he should not obtain it But Ferdinand having call'd together the States of Castile and caused the Will to be read Ioane was sworn Queen and Heire to her Mother Philip was sworne King as her Husband and Ferdinando as Administrator The Queens disabilities sufficiently appearing they intreated Ferdinand that Hee would
Govern them as he had done Before in which respect All the Kingdom concurr'd except some of the Nobility who had greater hopes under a New Young King then under an Old and Ancient one who being sufficiently informed of their Humours knew they were given rather to Tyrannize then to be contented with Respect from their Inferiours These Disputes caused great jealousies on all sides specially in Ferdinand for Philip following the advise of his Father the Emperour hee feared lest if they should happen to corrupt Consalvo as they had endeavour'd it they might take from him the Kingdom of Naples wherefore he recalled 2000 Spaniards from that Garrison under pretence of sending them into Africa and making the Germans be dismist he weakned the forces thereof that he might have the lesse cause of feare Amongst divers rumours which were spread abroad to discredit him with the Castillians one was that he intended to marry Ioane who was thought to be Daughter to the last King Henry who had beene a Competitresse for the Crowne with his Wife Isabel that so he would undertake the Defence of Her claime which formerly he had oppugned and thereby make himself King of Castile which he never Dream't of T is true he pretended the claime of a Father to whom the Guardian-ship of children under Age belongs of which number though Ioane were none in respect of Years yet in respect of her weaknesse she was to bee accounted one The very selfe same thing was granted in the Kingdom of Navarre to Iohn King of Arragon this mans Father The rumour of his intention of marriage was not vaine for hee Himselfe had caused it to be spread abroad from the first Beginning of the distastes that he might thereby mortifie Philip for in case she should have any Sons he deprived him of all the Kingdomes wherein He had any Propriety especially of Naples Hee pretended likewise to the Kingdome of Granada or at least to Halfe of it having gotten it with his Wife These conceits proceeded from the Dislike hee had that during the Life of Isabel Maximilian and Philip should make Peace with the King of France without His knowledge that of the Articles These were some The Marriage of Claudia Daughter to Lewis with Charles Philips eldest Son the investing of Milaine upon Lewis and his heires male if he had any and in case hee should have none upon Claudia and Charles and if Charles should happen to Dye upon Philips second Son marrying with the same Claudia so as willing to pay them with the same coyne hee not making Them acquainted therewithall made his Peace with Lewis who gave unto him for wife Germana de Fois his sisters Daughter and by title of Dowry renouncing unto him that part of the Kingdome of Naples which belonged unto Him with this obligation on the other side that Ferdinand should pay unto Him 700000 Duckets within ten yeers for the expences he had beene at in that Kingdome and should give in Dowry to his Wife 300000. more A busines which incens't Philip and made him undertake his voyage into Spaine The first contentions begate both Feare and Hope in Henry Feare that the Emperour Arch duke and King of France joyning in League together against Ferdinand hee should not only fall from being Arbitrator between those Princes as till then hee had beene but also to boote with the Prejudice that might redound to Him by their Confederacie from the advantage of his friendship with Arragon which now being left Single might be to his disadvantage Hope for that intending to marry Ioane Queene of Naples Dowager to the last Ferdinand he beleeved that Kingdome would be assigned over to Him as a Feoffee in Trust whilst the other two were in contention There were at this time in Naples two Dowager Queens the Mother and the Daughter both of them but young The first who was sister to Ferdinand King of Arragon was second Wife to Ferdinand the first King of Naples by whom shee had this second Ioane who was both Wife and Ant to Ferdinand the Second for she was sister by the Fathers side to King Alphonso who was his Father Hereupon Henry built his Designe He sent Embassadours by way of Complement unto them Both and Katharine who was Widow to Prince Arthur being Neece to the One of them and Cozin to the Other he gave unto them Letters from Her giving them particular Instructions to examine the conditions well and see what by vertue of such a Match might be hoped for in that Kingdome from thence they were to passe into Spaine as they did But when they returned hee gave over that Designe having learnt that she lived meerly upon Pensions from Ferdinand without other Lands or Iurisdictions The advantage hee got by this Embassie was to know how hee might keepe the friendship both of Ferdinand and Philip and to free himselfe from feare of Philips joyning with France and of the Marriage of Charles the Sonne of Philip to the Daughter of Lewis as was formerly a greed upon for Ferdinands Secretary had secretly treated with the Embassadours that the Princesse of France being taken from Charles contrary to the First capitulation that she might be married to the Duke of Angonlesme heire apparent to the Crowne their king should give Mary his Second daughter for wife to Charles A busines which hee was much pleased with for Charles was the Greatest match of Christendome being to inherit all that his Father Mother and Grand-father possest and to this purpose he endeavour'd as much as in himlay that there should be no breach between them in the future Amongst so many of their relations he liked not to heare that Castile desired Philip and detested Ferdinand by reason of the great Taxes and Impositions which he put upon them it being his Own very case so as upon the like reason he thought his Son might be desired and He abhorr'd the grievances imposed by Him much surpassing those of Ferdinand Those who tooke part with Philip did much importune him to come into Spaine before Ferdinand should be setled in his pretended Administration but he desirous to come thither unexpected took shipping together with his Wife in Ianuary when 't was thought hee would not have tane his journey till the next Summer He had hardly quitted the coast of Flanders when taken by a sodaine tempest his Navy was disperst upon the coast of England he himselfe lighted upon Waymouth and was brought a shore in a little Frigat His Counsell would not have had him landed since by losse of Time hee would misse of his designe of comming unexpected unto Spaine but he being sea-sick would by all means come on shore The great number of his ships had given an Alarme to the Countrey so as many troops of armed men came to Waymouth not knowing what his Fleet was nor what he would doe Sir Thomas Trenchard and Sir Iohn Carew who were their Leaders understanding the reason of