by Sea but also many times came a Shore and pillaged the Countrey These were prognosticks of a storm arising and of a tempest as great as had been from the West from the North and from the Sea But these droping Clouds which threatned an after-clap were quickly dispersed by the prudent handling of the other party Andrew Wood was intreated and brought not onely to be no enemy but also to set upon the English Ships which he did with his own two onely and brought in the five English to Leith Lennox was defeated by the Lord Drummond whose daughter George master of Angus had married and the Northern men hearing of it sat quiet and stirred not And for conclusion a Parliament was held at Edinburgh the 6. of November where all that was done at Bannock-burne was decerned to be good service and that those that were slain there were slain through their own default and that those that had taken Arms against them were free from all crime This had been done before in the Parliament when the King was crowned but there were so few present then that they thought it necessary to renew it here where both parties were present And so it was not onely enacted but subscribed by all that had vote in Parliament Thus did Angus with the rest of his associats governe those matters which seemed to be very hard to settle both wisely and moderately For they used not their victory and power either cruelly or covetously They forgave sincerely those that came in and yeelded and punished gently the more obstinate fining them in their goods or taking from them some portion or parcell of their Lands and Possessions but there was no man ruined or wholly undone by them And so they both pacified things and did not much displease the parties who bare it patiently when they called to remembrance for what small faults and upon what slight pretences men were turned out of their whole Estates in the late Kings time By these meanes they procured a true and sincere peace among the Subjects strengthened with a generall love and submission of both parties to the King And to confirme all the two principalls of the other party Lâ—…nnox and Forbes came in and were received into favour Many attribute the commendation of all this to the King himself whose inclination it cannot be denied was good but to speak the truth as it is he was but young and not a Guider but guided even by the confession of the adverse partie Neither could he of himself have carried things so wisely for all his good disposition neither was he able to have done it though he had been skilfull if there had not been great moderation in those that were about him Wherefore seeing both common report and our Histories also make our Douglasses Humes and Hepburnes the chief authors and actors in these matters I see no reason why we should defraude them of their due commendation of being men that were dutifull to their Countrey and withall very respective to their King having laboured all they could to reclaim him and after he had shut himself up in the Castle restoring him to his full authority and even when he was seeking their lives they did tolerate him a good while being very loath to come to extremity And last being forced to it by necessitie for the preservation of their own lives they had regard to the race of their Princes yea to himself and his life in the greatest heat of the battell ever willing and desirous to save him And then after the victorie we â—…ee how moderate they were against their detractours slanderers and profest enemies that had taken Arms against them how meek in bearing with them how carefull too with calmnesse to reconcile them how gentle in using of them how wise and prudent in thè whole progresse of pacification And above all the moderation of their desires is to be remarked for they did neither increase their estates nor enrich themselves on whit by spoiling or violeâ—…â—…eizing of any mans Lands or Goods The Earle of Angus was made Chancellour But that was after the death of the Lord Evendale and so it was not taken from any other man neither was there any wrong in it And on whom could it have been so well bestowed who was so 〈◊〉 for it and who so worthy of it Besides it seemes that he got it not in the Kings minority when he had all power in his own hand under the shadow of the Kings name and so might have extorted it from the King in those troublous times for he is never termed Chancellour 〈◊〉 the year 1493. which was 5. years after Bannock-burne and then all the troubles were quieted and pacified and the King came to be 20. years of age able to guide his affairs by himself The Lord Hume is also made great Chamberlaine of Scotland yet that was also in the Kings power to give and belonged to no man What other casuality or benefite they acquired by the Kings liberality we finde not unlesse it were the Guardianship of the inheritrix of Glenbarvie which Angus got whom he married to his son William But suppose they did get any such thing yet was it without injury to any man and un-reproveably Wherefore we may say justly that no Princes minority was ever so moderately and innocently so justly wisely and prudently guided amongst so great troubles and grounds of dissention This made them that they feared no man having offended no man but were even secure in the Kings presence notwithstanding that he had enjoyned himself a pennance for being accessarie to his fathers death which was the wearing of a chain of iron about his middle in stead of a girdle to which he added every year a new link or ring Not the lesse of all this they were never afraid of the King nor jealous of him but interpreted this well and took it in good part not onely because they trusted to the Kings gentle disposition or because they confided in their own Forces as being of the stronger faction but also because they reposed on the conscience of their fact the necessity of doing what they had done and innocencie every other way towards every man From this time the Earle of Angus continued Chancellour so named in all Writs and Indentures untill the year 1496. the 14. of January at which time he contracts his daughters to the Lord Harris and the Lord Lile He indents with Hugh Douglas Deane of Buchan and sonne to the late Earle of Ormond in two severall Indentures whereof the condition of the one is to pursue for the lands of Evendale in the year 1493. the other in the year 1496. the 14. of January is to this purpose That the said Hugh shall pursue for Glenwhome Gladstanes and any other Lands pertaining to the Earles of Douglas Lord of Evendale or his father the Earle of Ormond and that having obtained them he shall resigne them in
short time this overthrow had wellnigh overthrowne the Kingdome and the cause for the greatest part of the Nobilitie that were not dead before being slain in this conflict the rest flying to save themselves to strengths desaâ—…ts Balliol assisted by Robert Talbot a Noble man of England whom the King had left with him with a few English bands being aided by his Favourers in Scotland made himself once more King and was confirmed by Parliament within half a yeare after he had been driven out All yeelded obedience to him save onely foure Castles to wit Loch-leven Dumbarton Kildrummie Urwhart and Lowdon peele seated on a little lake so that no man in Scotland durst call David Bruce their King except young children in their playes so far were matters altered by this check Where it is to be marked that as by the wise and wary government of the same Archbald his Countrey and lawfull King were defended and Balliol chased out of his usurped Kingdome So by the same mans oversight in government both the usurping Edwards English and Scots are repossessed again therein and his Countrey plunged into misery and the rightfull King and his partners brought to great extremitie Of so great efficacie is good or evill government therefore it is so much the more circumspectly to bee looked to and to bee exercised according to the rules of wisedome and not after the opinions of men fame and reports anger or whatsoever other cause doth make men stray from the right and strait course of reason This was the lamentable condition of our Countrey But let us have patience a while and wee shall shortly have better newes Both these usurpers shall ere long bee driven to let go their hold and at last be utterly disappointed of all their hopes and projects God conserving the liberty of this Countrey and the Crowne thereof to the rightfull heire and the Bruces bloud in whose posterity it shall yet prosper In which work no little part shall bee the valiant and faithfull efforts of the Douglasses Amongst whom it were requisite to speake of the next Lord Douglas But the order of time draws me another way it being long before his turne come in even tenne or twelve or perhaps twentie yeares as shall be seen in the owne p ace for hee hath been young it should seeme and abroad out of the Countrey but in his absence some other of the Douglasses must not be idle Archibaldus Duglasius ad Halidonem coesus 1333. Non potuit perferre nefas foedamque Tyranni Perfidiam Et quisnam sustinuisse queat Ergo furens animi atque accenso pectore inardet Praelia ingratas increpat usque moras Poscimus aut aequo dixit certamine Martem Aut certum est fatis cedere velle tuis Ah nimis ah properant Non illis ignea virtus Defuerat nocuit praecipetasse nimis Nec te victorem jactes temeraria virtus Sic nocuit Vinci vis animosa nequit In English thus He was not patient enough to see The Tyrants faithlesse fact and who could be Hence his enflamed breast with anger sweld Enrag'd at such impediments as held His hand from just revenge Come let us trie Our chance and winne the field or bravely die If fate will have it so he said and all With too much haste obey'd their Generall No courage wanted but the hard event Prov'd the act rash and lose the punishment Of ill rul'd valour Thou didst nothing gain Who to his passion yeelds commands in vain Of William Douglas Lord of 〈◊〉 called the flowre of Chevalrie BEfore we proceed to the rest of the Lords of Douglas the order of the History requires that wee speake something of William not Lord of Douglas but Lord of Liddesdale and a worthy member of the house and name of Douglas The first mention of him and his actions is at the battle of Annand where hee was with Archbald Lord of Galloway The last of his actions of importance are in the beginning of the first Earle William before the battle of Durham the space of thirteen yeares or thereby which time hee imployed for his lawfull King and Countrey against the usurpers so diligently as shall bee deduced in the progresse of this Story Writers call him naturall sonne to Sir James slain in Spain which is truth But they erre when they say that John Lord Dalkeith was brother to William Lord of Liddesdale hee being Liddesdales uncle and Sir James brother so master John Major hath Davidis for Gulielmi and Hollinshed and 〈◊〉 William for Archbald who was made Captain of the castle of Edinburgh by this same William But it is so clear and manifest whom they mean of that there is no question to be made of it However it be he hath so honoured and nobilitated himself by his vertue that no posteritie needs to enquire of his birth We finde that he was married to a daughter of Sir John Grahame Lord of Abercorne called Margaret Grahame by whom he got the lands of Liddesdale he had but one onely daughter Marâ—… who was married to Sir James of Lowden who after the Lord Liddesdales his death and Margaâ—…t Grahames got the lands of Liddesdale His first appearing to wit at the battell of Annand hath been spoken of after that hee was for his wisedome and manhood accounted worthy to have the custody and government of the West Marches â—…s the charge of the East Marches was committed to Patrick Duâ—… Being Wairden there hee had his residence at Annand where at a certain skirmish with the English his men were scattered himself was hurt and taken prisoner about that same time that Regent Murray was taken at Roxbrough to wit in the yeare 1332. before the battell of Halidoun hill which was the occasion that he was not there with his uncle Archbald Lord of Galloway He continued a prisoner untill 1335. and then he and Murray were both set at libertie having payed a great summe of gold for their ransome It is strange that these two great Politicians the two Edwards I mean intending a conquest of Scotland should have suffered such men to bee set at liberty at any rate without making them sure to their side considering that the detaining of them would greatly have facilitate their designes and their liberty being enemies hinder and annoy them as we shall heare it did not a little It was apparently the pride of their hearts in that good successe which made them carelesse and secure not fearing any danger from these or any else So doth successe and pride growing thereupon commonly blind men or so doth God blinde the wisedome of unjust men when hee hath a work to do against them But before wee come to the rest of the deeds of this valorous Lord we must take a view of the estate of things at that time that the circumstances which are the life of History and light of actions being knowne the actions themselves may be the better considered
hundreth and twentie prisoners besides those that were slain The same yeare 1380. the Earle Douglas entred England with twentie thousand men and went to the Faire of Pennure and having taken all the goods that were there he burnt the Towne Hollinshed in his English Chronicle speaking of that journey in all likelihood saith they brought away fouretie thousand cattell and were assaulted by the way but came into Scotland with the prey having lost some few of their men he sayes the occasion of it was because the men of Newcastle had taken a Scottish ship well known to be a Pirate but very rich worth seaventy thousand pound whereat the Scots being angry and offended made this incursion About this time the Earle of Douglas intreateth for mercy to James Lindsay Earle of Crawford who had been banished a certain time before for killing of John Lyon sonne in law to the King and Chancellour as some call him or Secretary as others hee was the first of the name of Lyon of whom the house of Glammes is descended This Lyon was a young man endued with all the naturall gifts of body and minde that could be Hee was comely in personage well bred and of a good carriage winning behaviour which made him to be wel liked of of all men and in speciall by this James Lindsay who received him into his traine and made him his Secretarie By this occasion being often at Court the King tooke notice of him and liking his deportment and upon Crawfords commendation tooke him into his service and made him his Domestick Secretary It fell so out at last that the Kings daughter by Elizabeth Moore fell in love with him and was made with childe by him which he revealed to the Earle of Crawford The Earle fearing that the King would take the matter heavily and hainously and use the young man hardly devised this way for his safetie hee causeth another Gentleman of his acquaintance to take the blame on him and to absent himselfe as guilty and then being very familiar with the King deals with him to bestow his daughter seeing shee had thus falne on John Lyon and to give him the lands of Glams with her which was done accordingly He got also for his coat of Armes the flowre de-luce field argent and a Lion azure with a double treasure and a womans head for his Crest What unthankfulnesse the Earle of Crawford did finde in him afterwards or did apprehend and conceive it is not particularly set downe but finding his owne credit with the King to decrease and John Lyons to increase and taking Lyon to be the cause thereof esteeming it great ingratitude after so great benefits he tooke it so highly and with such indignation that finding him accidentally in his way a little from Forfaire he slew him very cruelly and fearing the Kings wrath fled into a voluntary exile and so he remained certain yeares untill at the Earle of Douglas intercession the King suffered himself to be so farre entreated as that he was restored obtained pardon and received into the Kings favour What interest the Earl of Douglas had in it and what friendship with the Earl of Crawford or what pitie of his afflicted estate or commiseration of him or weighing the cause that drew him to so hard a fact as great men will regard one another where they think they have been evill requited by them to whom they have been beneficiall or how necessary the presence of so worthy a man was for the King and Countries present estate it is hard to conjecture but this is cleare that the Earle of Douglas hath beene not a little respected and accounted of at that time seeing at his sute the King consented to forgive the murther of his owne sonne in Law and to receive the Authour thereof into favour The yeare following which was 1381. there ensued a truce between the two Countries for three yeares There met for concluding of this truce John of Gant Duke of Lancaster who was Uncle to King Richard the second with some other Lords of the English side and for the Scots the Earle of Douglas and March. In the very time of their meeting and treatie both parties were informed of the insurrection made by Jack Straw in England and both dissembled the matter untill the truce were agreed upon Then when all was ended the Earle of Douglas with a generous wisedome farre from that which is now in vogue and request addrest himself to the Duke of Lancaster and told him that from the very first beginning of their conference hee was not ignorant in what estate the affaires in England were but that they were so farre from catching hold of any advantage of the time and from making either of peace or warre accordingly that they had the rather consented to the truce because of the troubles in England And for your selfe saith he if it please you you may remain here in Scotland untill these tumults bee setled or if you had rather return home you shall have 500. horse to accompany you and to set you safe in what place in England you please The Duke thanked them for their courtesie but thinking that hee needed it not at that time made no use of either of their offers But afterwards being on his journey home when he found that they shut the gates of Berwick against him and would not receive him into the Towne he came backe againe and was conveyed to Haliroodhouse by the Earle of Douglas and his brother Archbald Lord of Galloway and remained there till matters were composed in England After the truce was expired Archbald Lord of Galloway assisted by his brother the Earle of Douglas and by the Earle of March wonne the Castle of Lochmabane as we shall heare in the life of the said Archbald Upon this the Duke of Lancaster by way of revenge made an incursion upon Scotland in which having rifled Edinburgh and wasted the Countrey he returned home And he being gone the Earle of Douglas tooke in all the Castles and houses of strength in Tivedale which the English had kept since the battell of Durham Roxbrough onely excepted and purged that Countrey of Brigands and Robbers who had in time of the warre beene very licentious and bold This was the last work of this Nobleman worthy say our Writers of his house and Predecessours for he died soone after of a Fever in the Castle of Douglas and was buried in Melrosse in the Abbey in the year 1384. as they reckon and is likely for his sonne James is stiled Earle in the yeare 1385. March 20. Of what age he was at his death it cannot be certainly collected but from his fathers death at Halidoun hill we have 51 yeares after he began to come upon the stage and appeare in businesse and the affaires of his Countrey 30. yeares at least or 40. since we account that he came home before the battell of Durham He was a man
are they accounted of Let us either think better of them or finde the lesse fault with him Certainly if he cannot be fully excused yet can he not be over hardly censured neither condemned yea no more condemned for the moving then praised for his speedy leaving off and yeelding truly acquiescing and sincerely obeying in all times thereafter Of James the second of that name the eleventh Lord and second Earle of Douglas slaine at Otterburne UNto William the first Earle his son James did succeed a man in all kinde of vertue worthy of so great a father and honourable place who was no whit inferiour to him either in courage or fortunatenesse unlesse we account him lesse fortunate for that he lived but few yeares wherefore wee shall heare his owne judgement at his death He had two wives Euphane eldest daughter to the King as we have said by his wife the Earle of Rosses daughter yet the genealogie of the Kings in the Acts of Parliament sayes that she was daughter to Elizabeth Moore and not the Earle of Rosses daughter He had a son by her who lived not halfe a yeare he had also two base sons William of whom is descended the house of Drumlanrig as evidents do witnes given by Jacobus Douglas Comes de Douglas silio nostro and Archbald of whom is come the house Cavers and Sheriffes of Tivedale who if they had beene lawfull had been sonnes to the Kings daughter and had succeeded to the Earledome before his brother Archbald the Grimme who did succeed to him But though they did not succeed yet have they shewed themselves very worthy and amongst the chief great men of the land Of this William also are descended the houses of Coshogle Pinyerie Daveine and others in Niddisdale for Archbald Douglas the first of Coshogle was second sonne to this William of Drumlanrigge and was married to one Pringle of the house of Galasheiles who bore to him twelve sonnes and after his death shee was married to one Carnel Wallace and bore twelve more to him also Touching Earle James his actions which were done in his fathers daies one thing we have spoken of them in his fathers life as most proper there is one thing more besides what hath been said recorded of him by some that during his fathers life he was sent into France for renewing tâ—…e ancient League with that Kingdome in which Ambassage were joyned with him Walter Wardlaw Cardinall and Bishop of Glasgow and his Uncle Archbald Lord of Galloway This is said to have been in the yeare 1381. which is the eleventh yeare of the reigne of Robert Stuart The occasion of it was a message that came out of France from Charles the sixth who desired to have it so After his returne in September hee recovered the towne of Berwick from the English and entring England with a competent power burnt and spoyled all the Countrey about as farre as Newcastle About the time of his fathers decease in the yeare 1384. there was a Truce concluded between France and England to last a yeare in which Scotland was also comprehended This treatie was at Boloigne or at Lillegham as others write and for intimation hereof some French men were directed to come into Scotland but while they prepare themselves too negligently the Earles of Northumberland and Nottingham with such as lay nearest to the Scottish Marches laying hold of this opportunitie to annoy Scotland so that the Scots should have no time to revenge it before the truce were proclaimed entered Scotland with an Army of 20000. or as others say 10000. horse and 6000. Archers and Bowmen and spoyled the Countrey farre and wide especially the lands pertaining to the Douglasses and Lindsayes The Scots who trusting to the brute of the truce dreamed of no such thing finding themselves thus used were greatly grieved with their owne sloth and no lesse incensed at the fraâ—…d and falsehood of England and resolved to avenge the same In the mean time the report of the English incursion coming to the eares of the French who had the charge to intimate the assurance admonished them of their slownesse wherefore to make amends though somewhat too late they hasten over to London in the very time that the English Army was in Scotland There they were very chearefully received and magnificently entertained with feasting and banquetting and under this colour cunningly detained untill it was knowne that the English Army was come home and dismissed then being suffered to depart they came into Scotland and shew their Commission The greatest part of the Nobility but chiefly the Earle of Douglas and such as with him had received great losse by that expedition cried out against the craft of the English that this their fraud and manifest ludification was no way to be suffered The King went about to pacifie them and shewed plainly that hee meant to receive and keep the truce which they perceiving drew out the matter at length by reasoning and arguing to and fro untill such time as they had gathered together quietly 15000. horsemen then Douglas Dumbarre and Lindsay withdrew themselves from Court without noise at a day appointed and joyning their companies at the place of rendevous enter England with displayed banners waste and spoile Northumberland to Newcastle Then they doe the like to the Earle of Nottinghams lands and the Mowbrayes and so returne home with a huge prey of men and cattell Straight after their returne the truce was proclaimed meeting fraud not with fraud but with open force by a just and honest recompence and retalliation Neither were the English discontented for all this to accept the truce acknowledging that the Scots had reason to doe what they did or confessing their owne weaknesse and want of ability to avenge it at this time or both by their sitting still and acceptation for neither could right though weake have had patience in so great an injury neither would force if it had thought it selfe sufficient have been bridled with reason onely in so manifest an affront and so great dammage How ever it be they stirred not and so the truce was kept till it expired of it selfe When it was runne out John de vienne a Burgundian a very valiant man Admirall of France and Earle of Valentinois arrived in Scotland and brought with him 2000. men amongst whom were 100. men at Armes He brought also 400. Curiasses and 400. halfe long swords to be distributed amongst the Scots and as some write 50000. Crownes Before their coming James Earle of Douglas entred into England with a new Armie and upon their arrival was called back to Court where they attended his coming Then having consulted of their businesse and the Army being ready they accompanied him into England where they tooke in the Castles of Wark Foord and Cornewall and spoyled and burnt the Country between Berwick and Newcastle But when they intended to goe on further the continuall rain that fell in great
King an insolent fact against law and custome and however Colvill had deserved it which they could not deny yet it was a perillous example prejudiciall to all order and to the King to whom the punishing of such things belonged So that the King became highly offended therewith Hereupon the Earle Douglas partly to give place to his Princes anger partly upon some remorse as all bloud hath ever some touch and sting of Conscience with it the next yeare beeing the yeare of Jubilee hee purchased a license from the King to goe to Rome pretending he would doe pennance for the said slaughter but as his enemies did interpret it to shew his greatnesse to forraigne Princes and Nations Before hee tooke his journey having a care of his house and being out of hope to have children of his owne as having been seaven or eight yeare married without children he procured his second brother James to be received by the King and confirmed in the Earledome after himselfe There went with him in company a great number of Noblemen and Gentlemen such as the Lord Hamiltoun Gray Salton Seaton Oliphant and Forbesse also Calder Urwhart Cambell Fraiser Lawders of Crumartie Philorth and Basse Knights with many other Gentlemen of great account Hee went first to Flanders and from thence by land to Paris where he was honourably received by the King of France whom some call Lewis the eleaventh but it must needs be Charles the seaventh who lived till the yeare 1460. some tenne yeares after this Jubilee which behoved to bee in the yeare 1450. The remembrance of the good service done by his Uncle at Bauge and his Grandfather at divers times and at last for spending his life for him at Vernoile was not yet worne out of Charles his memory in regard whereof and for the place he carried and the publick League between the Countreyes he omitted no kind of honour undone to him that was fit for his qualitie and ranke from thence he tooke his journey towards Rome which was filled with the expectation of his coming He had taken from Paris with him his youngest brother George a young man who was there at Schooles and of whom there was great expectation but he died by the way to his great griefe he is said by the manuscript to have been nominated Bishop of Dunkell and that he was to be inaugurated at Rome Buchannan also saith it perhaps following the manuscript but they both forget that his eldest brother Henry is said by the same manuscript in the life of their father to have beene Bishop of Dunkell and this George died before he was fifteene yeares of age I take it also to be an oversight in this same Buchannan that hee saith that this George was destinated to be Earle by the Kings permission after his brother who had no children For it is against reason that hee being youngest of many brethren worthy men should have been preferred before them while he was but yet a childe at school While the Earle was thus in his pilgrimage his enemies slept not at home but taking the opportunitie of his absence did both blame him at the Kings hand by all invention they could devise and stirred up such of the common people as had received any wrong of any man to complaine to the King alledging they had received it by the Earle Douglas friends or servants and by such wayes moved the King to cause seeke Siminton then Bailiffe to the Earle in Douglasdale and to cite and summon him to answer to such crimes as were laid to the Earles charge for the actions perhaps of his dependers and clients or at least for such things as his Lord had neither commanded neither happely heard of Siminton looking for no equitie at their hands who moved such a citation choosed not to come into judgement suffering things to passe rather for non-compeirance than to compeire not knowing the state of things nor how to answer having neither knowledge of them by himselfe nor direction nor information from his Lord. Upon this occasion his enemies laid hold interpreted this his non-compeirance in the most odious sort and called it contumacie and what grievous name they could devise So they moved the King to send his servants and apprehend him and would gladly have proceeded with all extremity against him exclaiming against his presumptuous contempt of the King and telling the King that his royall authoritie was become a mockerie and despised by every base fellow That by his lenitie he did but foster the malapertnesse of the wicked sort That by impunitie new doores were opened to new misdoers with such other speeches in the most vehement maner they could to have dipped the King in bloud and cut off all hope as farre as in them lay of reconcilement betwixt them But he not being so farre alienated as yet from Douglas howbeit the complaints of so many had stirred up some dislike and taken impression in his minde was not moved with their speeches in that high nature but persisted in his opinion to recompence the Complainers in their losses of goods by goods but not to meddle with any mans bloud wherefore he caused Siminton to be set at libertie and commanded him onely to satisfie the Complainers But hee who could neither answer without information nor satisfie without direction humbly besought his Majestie that since he had not information and could not answer being but a servant and unacquainted with businesse seeing also he was not Collector of his masters rents but onely commander of his servants it would please him to delay the matter till his Lord returned whom he expected within few moneths who he doubted not both could and would answer to whatsoever complaint and satisfie sufficiently at his Princes pleasure whatsoever dammage he should have beene found to doe to any man This seemed most reasonable that the Earle himselfe should be heard first and not condemned unheard and in his absence and there could bee no great prejudice in a short delay Wherefore the King condescended to it and yet notwithstanding being importuned by the multitude of new complaints he sent William Sinclair Earle of Orkney a near Cousin to the Earle Douglas being Chancellor for the time to intromet with his goods and rents in Galloway and Douglas to satisfie Complainers therewith but it was to no purpose for hee was eluded and almost mocked by the tenants He alledged and reported to the King that was done by the instigation of the Earle of Ormond that he was so frustrate for the Earle Douglas had committed to him the mannaging of his estate in his absence and he greatly disdained that Orkney being so neare of bloud and alliance to them should have undertaken that charge The King irritated herewith as a contempt of his authoritie caused Heraulds to be directed or Pursevants to summon all of the name of Douglas and their favourers to compeire upon a certaine day and the Earle himselfe within threescore dayes
the first HIs eldest son as hath been said was George slain at Flowdon designed commonly by the appellation of Master of Angus He was married to Elizabeth Drummond daughter to the Lord Drummond of whom we told how he defeated the Earle of Lennox His children by her were three sonnes First Archbald afterward Earle of Angus Secondly Sir George of Pittendrich Thirdly William Priour of Colding hame His daughters were First the Lady Yester Secondly the Lady Basse. Thirdly Jeane Lady Glames Fourthly Alison married first to Robert Blackader of Blackader and afterward to Sir David Hume of Wedderburne Fifthly the Lady Drumlanerige as I take it Also they mention a sixth married to a Baron in the North whom they name not neither do I know who he should be His age at his dea th to reckon from the 15. year of his fathers age in the 1469. to the year of his own death at Flowdon 1513. was not above 44. His actions because he never came to be Earle are not recorded Some dealing there was betwixt him as Governour of Liddisdale and the Lord Dacres in England with whose Deputies he agrees to meet at Dumfreis for doing of Justice in the year 1489. the year after the King was killed at Bannock-burne So at Cannabie he met with the Lord Dacres himself where they accorded not well For they intended both to send to the Councels of both Nations to have their determination of their differences He agrees the same year with Sir Robert Lundie of Bagonie Treasurer for a generall remission to Ewsdalde Eskdale and Niddisdale which I think should rather be Liddisdale for a 1000. pounds being at this time not above 20. years of age not out of Curatorie by the Laws though that was in his fathers hands Yet we see also Courts held in his name by his Bailiffs as a retoure of Adam Ker to some Lands in Selkrig in the said year which makes me to think he hath been then married Also he it is as we told above that excambes the Lands of Liddisdale for Bothwell with Patrick Earle Bothwell resigning the Lands of Liddisdale and the King disponing them upon the resignation in the year 1492. upon what reason either the Earle Bothwelshould have affected these or he preferred the other and not thought himself as fit to rule that unruly Countrey as any other I have not heard But it was done in his fathers life time who was no fool when he was in his greatest vogue the first three years of King James the fourth He allies afterward with this same Earl Bothwel marrying his sonne Archbald to his daughter but that must be long after except that he hath been married young as some say he was In the year 1510. he indents for the marriage of his fourth daughter Alison to Robert Blackaders sonne and apparent heir to Andrew Blackader of that Ilk. Her portion 300. marks the terms 1. at the compleating 40. pounds and 20. pounds at the feast of Martimasse next aâ—…ter and so 20. pounds termly till it were payed That same year he is inâ—…eft in Abernethie And this is all we have of him which we have set down chiefly for his children and the Historie that followeth of them Of Archbald the seventh Earle of Angus and the second Archbald TO Archbald the first succeeded Archbald the second his Grand-childe by his sonne George Master of Angus He was thrice married first to Margaret Hepburne daughter to Patrick Hepburne the first Lord Bothwell being as yet very young for at his second marriage he was not old but a youth or stripling Adolescens She died in childe-birth within the year as they say immediatly aâ—…ter the Field of Flowdon 2. His second wife was Queen Margaret relict of King James the 4. and daughter to King Henry 7. of England She bare to him a daughter Lady Margaret Douglas who was married to Matthew Stuart Earle of Lennox and bare to him Henry Lord Darnly that married Queen Mary of Scotland and father to King James the sixt of Scotland and first of great Brittain now happily reigning Lady Margaret had also another sonne named Charles who was father to the Lady Arabella 3. His third wife was Margaret Maxwell daughter to the Lord Maxwell She bare to him a sonne and a daughter who died both of them before they were 8. years old He had also a base daughter by a daughter of Traquairs Jeane Douglas married to the Lord Ruthven Some say that he begot this daughter in the Queens time while she lying in of Lady Margaret Douglas in England after her delivery went to London and stayed there with her brother King Henry the 8 and with her sister the late Queen of France and then Duchesse of Suffolk Others say that it was before He had also a base sonne as I take it commonly called George the Postulant to a by-name because I know not upon what claim or title he did postulate and claim the Abbacie of Aberbroth or Abernethock and not onely did postulate it but apprehended it also and used it as his own Having brought the house of Angus still increasing and growing in greatnesse and honour unto this man Archbald the second shall we suffer it now to decay or to take halt in his person No but we shall see it increase so much the more as he approacheth nearer unto that descent which is able to give honour unto basenesse it self far more to adde and multiply honour upon that which is already honourable Men do not onely take honour from their progenitors their posterity makes them honourable when they have much honour and that variable according to the degrees of their honour more or lesse Which seeing it is undeniable in what place of honour shall we rank this Archbald father to the Lady Margaret Douglas and by her great Grandfather to our Soveraigne King James of great Brittain This one thing is enough to list him up to the highest top of honour All other things are but accessary yet are they additions of great importance Men are honourable by their marriage Who then so honourable as he Having married a Queen a Kings daughter a Kings sister a Kings mother Others also of the Subjects of this Countrey have married Queens I grant But none of them did marry Queen Margaret a Lady so vertuous None did marry a Queen so Royally descended and every way Regall in her father her mother her brother her sister her husband her sonne being all of them Kings or Queens None did marry a Queen without some blemish and diminition of her reputation but he None with the approbation of all men even of the Queens own chief Kinred with the allowance desire and exhortation of her Kinsfolks of King Henry the 8. But you will say perhaps that this hath been chance or fortune or ignorance in her blindnesse of an impotent woman who placed her affection without desert or that it hath been ignorance in King Henry her
great scarsity of Writers and learned men able to preserve the memory of things by their pens all being set on war unlesse it were some few cloystred Monks and Friers who were both carelesse and illiterate droans Notwithstanding all this as no destruction is so generall and so far spread but something doth escape the fury of it and though all monuments had been defaced yet some men being preserved what was written in their minds and memories remaining unblotted out they remembred what they had heard from their predecessours and delivered it to posterity from age to age By which means we have as it were some boords or planks preserved out of this shipwrack which may perhaps keep us from being lost in this deepth of Antiquity if it do not bring us safe to land According then to the constant and generall tradition of men thus was their originall During the reigne of Solvathius King of Scotland one Donald Bane that is Donald the white or fair having possest himself of all the western Ilands called Ebudes or Hebrides and intitling himself King thereof aspired to set the crown of Scotland also upon his head For effectuating whereof he gathered a great army wherein he confided so much that he set foot on the nearest continent of Scotland to wit the province of Kintyre and Lorne The Kings Lievetenants Duchal and Culen governours of Athole and Argyle make head against him with such forces as they could assemble on the sudden Donald trusting to the number of his men did bid them battell and so prevailed at first that he made the Kings army to give ground and had now almost gained the day and withall the Kingdome that lay at stake both in his own conceit and the estimation of his enemies In the mean time a certain Noble man disdaining to see so bad a cause have so good successe out of his love to his Prince and desire of honour accompanied with his sons and followers made an onset upon these prevailing rebels with such courage and resolution that he brought them to a stand and then heartning the discouraged fliers both by word and example he turnes the chace and in stead of victory they got a defeat for Donalds men being overthrown and fled he himself was slain This fact was so much the more noted as the danger had been great and the victory unexpected Therefore the King being desirous to know of his Lievetenants the particulars of the fight and inquiring for the Author of so valiant an act the Nobleman being there in person answer was made unto the King in the Irish tongue which was then onely in use Sholto Du glasse that is to say Behold yonder black gray man pointing at him with the finger and designing him by his colour and complexion without more ceremony or addition of titles of honour The King considering his service and merits in preserving his Crowne and delighted with that homely designation rewarded him royally with many great Lands and imposed upon himselfe the name of Douglas which hath continued with his posterity untill this day And from him the Shire and County vvhich he got is called stil Douglasdale the River that vvatereth it Douglas River the Castle which he built therein Douglasse castle This narration besides that it is generally received and continued as a truth delivered from hand to hand is also confirmed by a certain manuscript of great antiquity extant in our dayes in the hands of one Alexander Mackduffe of Tillysaul who dwelt at Moore alehouse near Straboguie There at his dwelling house William Earle of Angus who died at Paris 1616 being confined to the North in the year 1595 did see and peruse it Neither doth this relation crosse or disagree with any thing set down in our Histories for although they do not mention this man nor his fact yet they all speak of this usurper and of his attempt and overthrow in the dayes of Solvathius about the year 767. Hollinshed and Beetius affirm that this Donald was Captain or Governour of the Isle of Tyre Some do call him Bane mack Donalde but Buchanaâ—… calleth him expressely Donaldus Banus an easie errour in so great affinity of name There is another of the same name called likewise Donald Bane who did also usurp the title of the Kingdome and was in like manner defeated in the reigne of King Edgar in the year 1000 but that being 333. years after this and not much lesse after the Emperour Charles Le maigne in whose time they had now propagated and spread themselves in Italy as shall be shewed anone It cannot agree either with this History of our Sholto or with that Donald whom he defeated this last seeming to be rightlier named Mack Donald as descended and come of the former who was Donalde wherefore there is nothing here either fabulous or monstrous nothing incredible or contrary to it self or to reason but all things very harmoniously answering one unto another our tradition with the manuscript and both of these agreeing with our owne and forreign Histories And thus concerning Sholto Douglas the root and originall of the name and family Of Hugh Douglas sonne to Sholto And first of the name of Hugh TO Sholto succeeded his son Hugh of whom we have nothing to write but that he assisted his father at the overthrow of Donald Bane the usurper there being nothing else recorded of him Of his son Hugh the second UNto the former Hugh did succeed his eldest son named also Hugh for he had two sons Hugh and William Hugh the elder lived at home in his native countrey as a Noble man borne to a great inheritance whose actions by the iniquitie of time are buried in silence and therefore we will insist no longer thereon His younger brother William as is the custome of younger brothers went abroad into forraine Countreys to seek adventures of armes if so he might make himselfe a fortune that way Of him therefore we will speake next Of William Douglas father of the honourable familie of the SCOTI in Italy THis William was son to the first Hugh and grandchilde to Sholto younger brother to the second Hugh he it is that was father to the noble familie of the Scoti in Placenza in Italy which fell out thus as it is related by the Italian Historians agreeing with ours Achaius king of Scotland having succeeded to Solvathius did enter into league with Charlemaigne which league hath continued betwixt the Scots and French without breach on either side ever since untill these our dayes whereupon when the Emperour Charles went into Italy to represse the insolencies of Desiderius King of the Lombards committed against the Sea of Rome Achaius as his confederate did send him foure thousand choice men under the conduct of his brother William a pious and valarous young Prince Amongst other of his Captains that went with him this William Douglas was one of the chief and had the leading of the men of armes The Emperour having
Domino de Douglas Filio Heredi Guliclmi de Douglas This good Sir James dying without heire male lawfully gotten of his own body his brother Hugh succeeded to him in the yeare 1342. in which year the same Hugh doth give a Charter of the said lands and Lordship to wit Douglasdale together with the lands of Carmichel Selkrick c. To his Nephew William son to Archbald his brother which VVilliam did succeed to Hugh he having no heires male he was afterward Earle of Douglas Now it is against all reason to think that he that was contracted to Marjory Abernethy 1259. should be the same with this Hugh who gives this Charter 1342. seeing he must be now 106. or 107. years of age which is not probable This VVilliam had to wife Martha sister of Alexander Earle of Carrict who bare to him two sonnes Hugh his eldest and VVilliam the Hardie by their alliance with the house of Carrick besides that he was not a little strengthned they being great men and powerfull it fell out that his posterity became of kindred to King Robert Bruce for Fergus Lord of Galloway had two sonnes the elder Gilbert and Ethred the younger At his death he ordained that the Lordship of Galloway should be divided betwixt them which was done accordingly and the division was ratified and confirmed by King William who did then reigne but the King being afterward taken prisoner at Anwick be the English Gilbert nothing contented with the division having got Ethred his brother into his hands caused put out his eyes and possessed himself of the whole Lordship and kept it till he died which was before the Kings return out of England before which Ethred also was dead These two brothers left each of them a sonne behind him Gilbert left Alexander and Ethred Rowland This Rowland finding his faction the stronger thrust out his cousen Alexander and seized upon the whole estate himself alone and at the Kings return took a new gift thereof of the King who gave also to Alexander Gilberts sonne in recompense and lieu thereof the Earledome of Carrick This Alexander had but one sister named Martha who was married to this Lord William Douglas he went into Syria with Edward Prince of Wales who was brother in law to King Alexander the third sent by the King and State at the Popes request to fight against the Sarasins There went with him the Earle of Athole and many brave Knights and Gentlemen in which expedition he died leaving onely one daughter his heire Martha Countesse of Carrick She was married to Robert Bruce sonne to Robert Bruce who is known by the name of Robert the Noble and to Isabel second daughter to David Earle of Huntington To this Robert the Countesse of Carrick bare Robert Bruce who was afterwards King of Scotland So then we see how Martha Countesse of Carrick and William the Hardie were Cousin germans and her sonne King Robert Bruce and good Sir James Cousins once removed so that not onely the thralled liberties of Scotland and his private losses did oblige Sir James to fide with King Robert and to stick so constantly to him but this tie of bloud and consanguinity also being so near a kinsman We are also to observe here that Martha Countesse of Carrick was also the nearest just and rightfull heire to the Lordship of Galloway being descended of the elder brother Gilbert and therefore to be preferred before Allane who was descended of the younger brother Ethred by Rowland his â—…ather and after her and her heires her fathers sister married to this Lord William was next heire to both the Earledome of Carrict and Lordship of Galloway Whether this title did move the Douglasses to seek the Lordship of Galloway as they did afterward and helped them to obtain it the more easily of the King or of others descended of Allane and of his heires I leave it to be considered How ever that be we may see by the matching with this honourable house of Carrick Galloway and Abernethy the chief Peers in this Realme as then that the house of Douglas was of no small esteem and account long before good Sir James and that they mistake things farre and are but ill versed in Antiquity that thinke he was the first that did raise that name to Nobility or greatnesse this Williams marriage having preceded his time 80. yeares at least Of Sir Hugh the third of that name and sixth Lord of Douglas WIlliam had to his eldest sonne and lawfull successour Sir Hugh Douglas who as we have said was married to Marjorie Abernethie daughter to Alexander and sister to Hugh Lord of Abernethie This house of Abernethie were friends and followers of the Cummins and did assist and party them in all their enterprises as we may see by their joyning with them at Kinrosse when they took King Alexander the third Their credit and favour with their Princes appears by this That Lord William Abernethie got of King William the Abacie of Aberbrothock or as it may be thought rather for the writing was dimme and hard to discern the Collegiate Church lands of Abernethie paying thence yearely twenty pound This Hugh Abernethie obtained also of King Alexander the third a Charter of the lands of Lenrie and a pension of fiftie pound sterling by yeare likewise he got from the same King a confirmation of the lands of Hulkstone and Lilestone In these gifts the Cummins still are witnesses and with them stiled Patrick Earle of Dumbarre We finde also a gift of twenty pound land granted by Isabell Countesse of Stratherne Relict of Walter Cummin and her husband John Russell In the dayes of Balioll this house was so powerfull that thy were able to make their party good against the Earle of Fife whom they slew and were winked at by Balioll with this house did Sir Hugh match as his father had done with Carrict and Galloway which as it was an honourable alliance for him so doth it also argue that the house of Douglas even then was noble and honourable and in the rank amongst the greatest as we have said How long this Sir Hugh Lord Douglas did live after his contract and marriage we cannot finde but it is clear that he had no children that survived and outlived their father because his brother William was his heire and successour Neither can we relate any his particular actions onely fame and tradition have given him a received testimony of activitie watchfulnesse and diligence by terming him good Sir Hugh Douglas whom his foes found never sleeping He with his wife are buried in Saint Brides Church in Douglas Of William the Hardie or Long legge the fourth William and seventh Lord of Douglas TO Hugh did succeed his brother VVilliam who for his valour and courage is distinguished by the addition of VVilliam the hardie he is named also William long legge by reason of his tall and goodly stature having beene a very personable man Hee was twice
Tyrant of that time of violence and the Advocates and Proctors which either he then had or since have pleaded for him in that debate of most impudent and manifest lying And there are some even in our dayes scarce yet ashamed of so shamefull an assertion as to affirm that Scotland and some of their Kings have yeelded obedience and homage to a forrain Prince acknowledging him for their Soveraigne But the truth hereof is that it hath been oppressed but never served it hath been overcome and overrunne but it never yeelded And in the owne time through constancy and courage did at last overcome the overcomer and shake off the yoake of forrainers in spight of all their force and fraud whereof as the Lord Douglas in this catastrophe of his life is a pregnant witnesse so hath he left behind him an honourable memory of an invincible mind and a lesson for tyrants to teach and let them see how weake a thing tyranny is and how small power and force it hath when it meets with true courage though it were but of one man who overcomes their force and falshood with truth and constancy And certainly this Lords vertue and merits are such as how ever those that come after him did fall into more happy times and had better occasions to show themselves and to make their actions more conspicuous towards their Countrey yet there is no reason why he should be thought inferiour to any one of them because his fortune was harder then theirs Nay he ought rather to be preferred so much the more as he was more assailed and compassed about with difficulties and did wrastle with the necessities of the times without shrinking or succumbing under the burden Besides it was he that planted and laid the foundation upon which they builded so honorable interprises did perfect what they had begun Some write that he being cited by King Edward with others of this Countrie appeared upon the citation and that he was not apprehended by fraud or force but came of his own accord to Berwick which if he did it hath not been to confesse or acknowledge any servitude or homage as due to Edward or the English but to plead for the liberty of his Countrey and to protest and testifie against his usurpation Others say that he and the Bishop of Glasgow being to avoid the imputation of disloyaltie and treason of which he would not be partaker he came and yeelded himself to the King which if it be true was a very honourable and generous fact remarkable and rare to be found that no love of his Countrey nor hatred of tyranny so strong and powerfull motives could draw him to be partaker of any dishonest action though against his enemy Methinks such noble carriage might have procured more noble dealing at King Edwards hands and have wrung more favour from him which since it did not it may be taken as an argument as want of goodnesse in himself who had neither judgement to discern in vertue nor a heart to honour it in others But for my owne part I thinke it most likely that hee was taken by one means or other and brought in against his will but whether hee were brought in with his will or came in against his will that word of yeelding which they ascribe to him is either very impertinent or else very warily to be understood to wit for the yielding of his person onely not of the liberty of his Countrie which he never yeelded neither for the acknowledging of any English authority over it or himself which he never would do but choose rather to die in prison in Hogs towre in Berwick There are that say he was sent from Barwick to Newcastle and from thence carried to Yorke in the Castle whereof he died and was buried in a little Chappell at the south end of the bridge which is now altogether decayed His death which is reckned of some to have fallen out in the yeare 1307. must have been sooner in the year 1302. for his sonne Sir James returned into Scotland in the yeare 1303. when Edward was at Stirling where the Bishop of Saint Andrewes did recommend him to the King Now Sir James came not home till he heard newes of his fathers death It is also said of this Lord that he had the Isle of Man whether as heritable possessour or as Governour onely it is not known but it is well known that this Island belonged to the Crown of Scotland and that the Douglasses have had more then an ordinary interest therein Douglas Castle and Douglas Haven which carry their names to this day do beare sufficient witnesse But whether from this man or some other is not so easie to determine peremptorily Of good Sir James the first James and eighth Lord of Douglas THe next is James commonly called good Sir James whom men account as the first of whom the house of Douglas received the beginning of their greatnesse which came at last to exceed others so farre that it did almost passe the bounds of private subjects He was as we have said already sonne to the same William by his first wife the Lord Keeths sister his education in his youth is said to have been in vertue and letters first at Glasgowe aftetwards at Paris for his father being encombred with warres and last imprisoned his uncle Robert Keeth conveyed him away to Paris in the time of Philip le â—…ll where he remained exercising himself in all vertuous exercise and profited so well that he became the most complete and best accomplished young noble man in the Countrey or elsewhere Being certified of his fathers death the love of his native soile made him to return into Scotland to order the course of his life by the counsell and advice of his friends But when he came home finding his patrimony disposed by King Edward to the Lord Clifford and his friends scattered and dispersed having by his mother some relation of kindred to William Lambert Archbishop of Saint Andrewes he addressed himself to him who did receive him kindly and entertain him nobly And when King Edward the first was come to Stirling in his last journey at what time he in a manner overanne all Scotland and destroyed the monuments thereof the Archbishop going thither to salute him carried this young man along with him and taking his opportunity presented him to King Edward humbly intreating him to take him into his protection and to restore him into his fathers inheritance and imploy him in his service as a youth of great hope and expectation and such as might be usefull and stedable if he should be pleased to use him The King demanded what he was and having understood what his name and lineage was and that he was sonne to Lord William did absolutely refuse to do him any courtesie or favour nay he could not abstain from reproachfull and contumelious words against the obstinacy and treason so was he pleased to nickname vertue
done not because his owne title was not good enough before for it was good already and sufficient and so found to bee by a better judge then King Edward of England to wit the Estates of the Realme who are the rightest judges in controversies of this nature and who had power to have made it good if it had not been so might have helped any defect that had been in it seeing Balliol by his owne fact had disabled himself by giving it over to King Edward especially seeing it was prejudiciall and against the common liberty and good of the Kingdome to accept of him who had betrayed these and was not able to defend them Wherefore King Robert being in possession and the Kingdome being confirmed to him and to his posteritie he needed no further right from Balliol Notwithstanding of this to cut away all pretences of quarrells and calumnies that malicious men might surmise thereabout afterwards he thought good to have a renunciation from Balliol of his title and consolidate that with his owne whereupon esteeming none fitter for the purpose then Sir James as well for the honourable place he held as for his sufficiency to discharge the Commission not without some consideration of his kindred with Balliol by the house of Galloway he laid the charge upon him which he performed as we have heard Sir James being thus returned out of France King Robert being very glad that his businesse had succeeded so well called a Parliament at Cambuskenneth in the which the right of succession to the Crowne was renewed to King Roberts heirs and namely failing his sonne David to Marjorie Bruce his daughter and Robert Stuart his sonne This the Nobility did enact and confirme by oath in the yeare 1325. or 1326. and before the sending of Sir James Douglas as some Authours record Not long after King Robert fell sick and partly for that cause partly in regard of his age not being able to ride abroad and endure travel himself he committed the managing of all businesse of weight both in peace and warre to the two Friends and Colleagues Sir James and Randulph two of the most noble Knights and bravest Captains that were in their dayes as our Writers do say And now Edward the second was dead and Edward the third had succeeded to him to whom Sir James laboureth to do as good service as he had done to his father This Edward sent Ambassadours to King Robert to treat of peace but being discovered to have no sincere meaning and to deal fraudfully in stead of peace they carried home warre So due preparation being made on both sides our two Commanders assembled to the number of 20000. all horse men some say 20000. horse and 5000. foot and entred into England with resolution not to fight but at their advantage and pleasure which was the reason they took all or most part horse men and few or no foote men Against these King Edward came in person with a great Army of 100000. men as Froysard writes 80000. horse 24000. archers having brought with him the Lord Beaumont out of the Low-Countries with 700. or 500 horse The English souldiers of this Army were cloathed in coats and hoods embroydered with flowers and branches and did use to nourish their beards wherefore the Scots in derision thereof made this rime and fastned it upon the Church doore of Saint Peter in the Canongate beards hartlesse painted hoods witlesse gay coat gracelesse make England thriftlesse He fortified the Townes of Carlile and Berwick and furnished them with men to stay the Scots passages But they little regarding either his fortifications or his forces passed the water of Tine at knowne Foords and made him first know of their arrivall by smoake and fire whereupon putting his men in order he marched directly towards those places that were smoaking to have given them battell but not finding them there and not knowing how to force them to fight his resolution was to passe Tine and there to entercept them at their returne and to give them battell in those fields where the ground was more levell and even and so fitter for his Armie Thither then he goeth with great trouble and turmoiling both of men and horse by reason of the great raine that fell as also for scarcitie of victuall and after he had lien there eight dayes waiting for them he could heare no newes of them wherefore he chose out about sixteene able young men whom he sent abroad into the Countrey to search for them promising a great reward to him that should first bring him word where they were They having roaved up and downe the Countrey at last one of them fell into the hands of the Scots who when he had told how K. Edward had sent him to search for them they let him goe and withall bid him tell the King that they had beene eight dayes as uncertain of him as he had bin of them and that now they were come within 3. miles of him where they would stay for him and abide him battell being as desirous to fight as he was When the young man told the King this he was rewarded with Knigthood being made such by his owne hand and besides that he got 150. pound land to maintain his dignity Then he gave order that his Army should march towards them but when they came neare they found them so strongly encamped upon a hill having steepe rocks at the one side and a river on the other called by Hollinshed the water of Weire that they durst not adventure to assaile them at so great disadvantage wherefore they sent a trumpet to them and desired them to come downe to the plaine ground and â—…o to fight with true vertue for honour and empire and not to sit on the tops of the hils where no body could come at them The Scots answered with derision that they would not fight how and when it pleased their enemie but at their owne pleasure telling him withall that they were come into his Countrey and had done as he knew if any thing that they had done did grieve him he might come and seeke his revenge they would stay there as long as they thought meet and expedient for them and if any should assaile them they would do what they could doe to defend themselves and make their enemies smart So they stayed there three dayes in his view but he not thinking it sase to assaile them in that place after some few skirmishes at their watering place the Scots removed their Câ—…mp to another place that was stronger and harder of accesse which Hollinshed calls Stanhop parke whither the English also followed them While they lay there encamped the one over against the other Sir James Douglas who was a provident and watchfull Captaine perceiving that the English watches were somewhat negligently kept either because they despised the small number of the Scots or for that they thought they had no mind to fight but to
retire adventured upon a hazzardous but hardie and worthy enterprise he did choose out two hundred of the choicest of his men and passing the river in the night season a little off from the English Camp he entred the enemies Trenches on that side they least expected and approached the Kings Tent thinking either to have taken or to have slaine him but the Kings Chaplaine being awake discovered him whom he slew with his owne hand for his paines and now the alarme was given and the whole Armie was up against him wherefore having only cut the Kings Tentroapes he returned safe in spite of them leaving 300. of them slaine in the place who offered to hinder his retreat Upon this show and omen of successe and good fortune Thomas Randulph would have given them battell in the plaine fields but Sir James advised him otherwayes showing him how it was not for them being so few in number to deale with so great an Armie in the open and plaine fields but that their onely way was to use slights and stratagems and to keepe themselves in places of strength and advantage To which purpose he told him the Apologue of the Fox whom a Fisherman finding in his Lodge carrying away a Salmond to his denne for his young Cubs he drew his sword and stood in the doore to kill him knowing he had no other way to get out The Fox being thus straitned went and tooke hold of the Fishers mantle which lay by and went toward the fire to cast it into it and burne it the Fisher to save his mantle ranne to the fire and left the doore free so that the Fox escaped out at the door and in his way catched hold of the Salmond and went cleare away withall to the fishers great griefe who had his mantle burnt his Salmond lost and the Fox escaped Even so sayes Sir James it fares with us we have done these men harme and they think they have us in the nouse and in a mouse-trap but I have espied a way by which though it may seeme somewhat hard and troublesome we shall escape safe without the losse of a man They continued still in the same place certaine dayes after this without doing any thing of note or moment on either side for the English warned by their late danger kept better watch then they had done before and now having taken a Scottish prisoner they were informed by him that the host of the Scots was commanded to be in readinesse against the third watch to follow Sir James his standard This put them to no small businesse so that they presently armed and stood all night ranked in order of battell supposing that the Scots intended to make an onset and assaile them in their Trenches and therefore their Watches and Sentinels were doubled and the Foords strongly guarded But the Scots by this time were risen and departed passing through a Mosse or Bogue two miles long which was never passed before especially by horsemen but they had provided flaikes and hurdles upon which they made the horse to passe without sinking leading them in their hands and walking on foot by them About the breake of day two Scottish Trumpeters were brought to K. Edward who were taken by his Scouts and being come before him told that they were commanded to suffer themselves to be taken thus that they might tell him that the Scots were gone home and that if he had a minde to be revenged on them for any thing they had done he should follow them But he considering of the matter and weighing all things and with what men he had to doe being both valiant and able to endure so much hardship thought it his best to let them goe and so he returned to London having seene his Kingdome burnt and spoiled under his nose for all his great Armie and himselfe in the midst thereof in danger of his life or of taking which effronts he was forced to pack up at this time not without great griefe and anger without all doubt And this is the third piece of service done by that so despised man to the posterity of his despiser to his sonne before and now to his grand-childe in the yeare 1327. or 28. neare unto Stanhop park which because it cannot be denied Caxton alledgeth that it came to passe by the treason of Mortimer Earle of March who being corrupted by the Scots with money would not suffer saith he the Earle of Lancaster to passe the water not very deep at that part to invade them by which means they escaped But our Major doth justly scorn that point of corrupting and bribing with money and doth further affirme that they had not any conference at all with Mortimer So that it is likely that what Mortimer spake in that matter of not following or invading the Scots at their departure he hath spoken it out of judgement and not partiality and perhaps more prudently then they that counselled the contrary However they confesse that the King missed of his purpose and being very pensive therefore broke up his army and returned to London Amongst other things they tell that after the Scots were dislodged some of the English went to view their Camp partly to see their customes and manner of living and what provision they had partly to seek some spoil when they were come there they found onely five hundreth carcasses of red and fallow Deare a thousand paire of Highland showes called rullions made of raw and untand leather three hundreth hides of beasts set on stakes which served for Caldrons to seethe their meat There were also five English men who had their legs broken and were bound naked to trees whom they loosed and gave them to Chirurgions to bee cured When they saw these things and judged hereby how painfull and able to endure the Scottishmen were they found that counsell to have been good and sound which was given to their King not to follow them whether it were Mortimers or some others The English Writers upon this scarcitie and penury here found and upon such other passages as when Edward the second entred Scotland and was forced to returne for want of victualls the King having caused remove all things out of his way take occasion to speake contemptuously of the Scots as though they had not defended their Countrey by vertue and prowesse against England between it and which they think there is no comparison but partly by cold and hunger partly because the English Kings did slight it and were not desirous to conquer it as also for the English forces were almost imployed in France so that they had no leisure to bend their whole power against Scotland which if they had done they might easily as they think have mastered it Imputing hereby the cause of their failing to do it they having so great ods in number of men and warlike appointment to want of will and their hinderance by France and the poverty of our Countrey together
devotion if it were indeed devotion or his pollicy if it were but pollicie in sending of him out of the Countrey is greatly condemned by our Writers And to speake the truth it deserves to be condemned having by so doing sent away so fit and usefull a man denuding the Countrey of such a Captain in so doubtfull times whereas a Prelate or some other Churchman had been fitter for that imployment And hee ought to have considered that England would be still aiming at the Crown of Scotland notwithstanding of the late alliance neither needed he to feare any emulation between Randulph and Sir James there being such intire love in Sir James towards Randulph that howsoever he contended with him in vertue yet his contention was but in vertue and ever within the bounds of modestie love and friendship behaving himself to him as to his Comrade and Brother in armes whereof hee had ever given in all the joynt services so evident proofe especially at Bannockburne where his love drew him out to have succoured him if there had been need and the same love and candor so to call it or courtesie and modesty joyned with true magnanimitie stayed him from going forward that he might not arrogate to himself one share or parcell of that victory whereby the others glory had been eclipsed And when hee had gotten the victory hee accompanied him joyfully unto the Camp no lesse glad then if he had been victorious himself farre from any hatefull or envious emulation so that there was small reason to looke for any harme from such a disposition or any inconvenience from such emulation but rather to have expected much good from that his so well knowne affection and constancie both towards Randulph and his native Countrey however hee out of his own worthie and good nature taking all in good part hee passed on with his journey taking with him two hundred Gentlemen of note and as it is reported seaven hundred others Amongst the Gentlemen of good qualitie there was Sir William Sinclaire of Rosline Sir Robert Logane of Rastaslrig and Sir William Keith De Froysard in his 20. Chapter reporteth that after his imbarking in Scotland he arrived at the Sluce and stayed there some 12 dayes where he kept such state and port as if he had been King of Scotland That he had in company with him a Knight Banneret and 7 other Knights of Scotland and was served by twenty sixe young Squires and Gentlemen of good sort all his vessels being of gold or silver That all that came to see him of all sorts of people were according to their ranks well and plentifully served with all manner of vivers wines and spices the best that could be had He saith also that in his return from Jerusalem he arrived at the port of Valence the great in Spain where indeavouring to assist Alphonsus the king thereof who warred against the King of Granado then a Saracen he was there inclosed by an ambush of the enemie and so lost his life He carried with him to Hierusalem the Kings heart embalmed and put into a box of gold which he solemnely buried before the high Altar there and this is the reason why the Douglas beare the crowned Heart in their coat of Armes ever since When he had performed this service to his dead Master he went with such company as he had brought with him and joyned himself unto such other Christian Princes as at that time were gathered with great power out of sundry parts of Christendome to warre against the Infidels where he did so notable service that by his frequent victories he wan great honour to the Christian name At last having accomplished things in those parts with no lesse fame and glory then Princely Magnificence he embarked for Scotland but was cast by storme of weather upon the Coast of Spain and forced to go a shore on the borders of Granado where at the same time hee found the King of Arragon fighting against the Saracens that inhabited these parts Sir James offered to the King to serve him in those warres and so fought against the enemy valiantly and with great successe at divers times till at last having conceived too great contempt of the enemy esteeming them no Warriours he became somewhat too carelesse and secure so that he was inclosed in an ambush and slain with all that were about him his bones were embalmed and sent home to Scotland and buried in the Church of Douglas called Saint Brides Kirk And thus he died in the yeare 1330. the 20. of August the next yeare after King Roberts decease As for his vertues his actions have declared him sufficiently yet these in speciall are to be observed In his youth he was carefull to inable and fit himselfe for imployment by the study and exercise of letters and all good and commendable arts whereby his mind contracting a good habit was solidly fixed upon the vertues of modesty and sobernesse and emptied of all envie which hardly and very seldome are joyned with these great vertues of courage and magnanimity in a Military spirit and life which commonly do hinder another In his riper years we may see his perfect practice of them against the enemy and towards his friends In action he was bold resolute couragious strong diligent and advised and such every way as a stout Souldier or worthy Commander ought to be Out of action and in private converse he was toward affable gentle and courteous unto all hee was loving to his Countrey loyall faithfull and obedient to his Soveraigne he contended in vertue with his equalls free from envie and hatred against any and through the course of his whole life without stain or blemish that wee heare of He is reckoned to have been in battells and incounters against the English fiftie seaven times against the Saracens and other Infidels thirteene times ever victorious thrice as often as hee had been yeares in action which were about twenty foure from King Roberts Coronation 1306. untill the time of his death in 1330. which if it be so wee may see how many things were omitted by our Writers all that are set down being farre short of that number Wherefore it is no marvell if in such a continuall course of victories some confidence crept upon him and if accustomed to so hard enemies and good warriours as the English and Scots that sided with them as commonly those are who are born and bred in in the Northern parts of the world he disesteemed and slighted the Saracens and Southern softnesse weaknesse and effeminacie in respect thereof whereby he fell into this Ambush which was his death Now as in these respects it is somewat to be pardoned so is this use to be made of it that we despise no enemy however inferiour and to eschew too much confidence and presumption in whatsoever advantage which hath been the ruine and losse of many worthy men He is said to have been of a black and swart complexion
father bearing the heat of the day for him while he is at ease and securitie with watching hunger thirst cold and great effusion of their bloud to make the Kingdome peaceable to him choosing to adventure their lands their lives and whatsoever worldly thing is deare unto men rather then to abandon him and follow his enemies with ease and quietnesse under whom they might have lived a peaceable life if they would set aside regard unto their honour and duetie Such is the force of the love of Subjects beyond all strength of men and riches of treasures onely able to bide a stresse and hold out As may bee seen by this example to bee remarked greatly by subjects and entertained above all treasure by Soveraignes and to be accounted a chiefe yea almost the onely point of true policy to love and make much of all men and most specially their Nobilitie that they may in such their Princes straits when they shall happen endure the better as these men did which they could not have done if they had not had authority and dependance and so been respected by their inferiours who so would diminish this authority in Noblemen abasing them too farre and making them suspect to Princes and not safe for them they erre greatly in policie and unadvisedly cut the props of the Princes standing which being brangled but a little his Kingdome is easily bereft him all authoritie going away with his owne person It fell well out with King David Bruce that these Noblemen were not so and therefore the more able to doe so great things for him After these things they sent Ambassadours to desire King David to come home and so hee did the 2 of June that same yeare His first Act was carefully to inquire for and gratefully to reward such as had suffered in his service a prudent Act But allas the mal heur it falleth often out that Princes know not all things and ere they be informed they many times conclude The cause of many errours and much mischief hath happened thereby as it fell out here We have heard how the Lord of Liddesdale amongst many his notable services had in speciall expelled the English out of Tividale and diverse other places by his wisedome and valour and was therefore rewarded with the same lands which he injoyed afterwards as his rightfull inheritance from thenceforth he so used it as in a manner conquered by himself He was Wairden and so defended it defending ministred justice and discharged the place and office of Sheriffe having wonne it from the enemy This hee did with the tacite consent of the Countrey and by allowance of those that were in authoritie Thus being in possession and trusting to his deserving towards King and Countrey and the Nobilitie of his bloud and potencie of that house he was come of he looked for no competitour in that which he had taken from the enemy And not knowing or not caring for the Law as is customable to Martiall men or perhaps being prevented being slower in going to King David or on some such like occasion the Sheriffe-ship is given from him to another Alexander Ramsay was amongst the first that welcomed King David at his return and was received kindly as hee had merited and much made of by him who for his service gave him the keeping of the Castle of Roxbrough and together with it whether of the Kings owne free and mere motion or any other suggestion or by Ramsayes procurement the Sheriffe-ship of Tividale very unadvisedly if hee knew Liddesdales interesse very ill formed if he knew it not Very imprudently say our Writers who blame the Kings indiscretion for giving it from William Douglas Lord of Liddesdale to Alexander Ramsay and for withdrawing of it from so worthy a man so well deserving to whomsoever for that was to make a division among his owne so it proved for VVilliam Douglas of Liddesdale tooke it very highly that Alexander Ramsay should be preferred before him to that office But hee was chiefly incensed against the taker of it as having done him a great indignitie which makes it apparant that hee hath not onely accepted of it but sued for it therefore set altogether on revenge he suppressed his ire for that present But after some three moneths as Alexander Ramsay was exercising the office in Hawick and looked for no such thing hee set upon him and having slain three of his men that stood to the defence of their master hee hurt himself and casting him on a horse carried him to the Hermitage where hee died of famine according to the testimony of sundry of our Writers and the black booke of Sâ—…ne where it is showen that hee was taken the 20. of June and keeped seventeene dayes without meat save that some few grains of corne which falling downe out of a corne loft which was above him were gathered by him and eaten Such is the unbridlednesse of anger justly called fury to be greatly blamed in him yet they marke the cause thereof the Kings unadvisednesse in procuring thereby the losse and ruine of so worthy a man of war farre from his fathers prudencie and probitie The King not acquainted yet with military dispositions was marvellously moved therewith and purposed to have punished it exemplarily to deterre others from doing the like and therefore caused search very diligently to have apprehended Liddesdale but in vain for hee withdrew himself to the mountains and desert places and in time obtained pardon by the sute of his friends of whom he had purchased good store by his worthy acts for the liberty of his Countrey Among whom Robert Stuart the Kings sisters sonne was his speciall good friend That which most effectually served to procure him favour was the magnificke but true commemoration of the great exploits atchieved by him the consideration of the time in respect whereof the peace being uncertain without and things not very quiet at home military men were to bee entertained and used with all favour By this occasion he did not onely obtain pardon for his fault but hee got also the gift of keeping of the Castle of Roxbrough and Sheriffeship of Tivedale and all other his lands in Tivedale or elsewhere restored to him which the other had and which were the cause of the slaughter This clemencie of King David was perhaps profitable for that time but pernicious in example This fell out as hath been said three moneths after the Kings coming home and therefore in October or perhaps in September at the head Court in Hawick His pardon was obtained and his peace made with the King a little before the battell of Durham which was in the yeare 1346. the 17. of October So as hee hath beene three or foure yeares a banished man After his returne from banishment finding the King bent upon his journey against England he wisely and earnestly disswaded him and did exhort him first to take order with the discorders at home and
before all things to settle them For the Earle of Rosse had slain the Lord of the Isles whereby a great party of the Kings army was diminished the Lord of the Isles men lying back for want of a head and so the Lord Rosse and his men for feare of punishment So did also many others that lay neare them retire and go home fearing least they should suffer in their absence by their neighbourhood to those disagreeing Lords and be some way endamaged wherefore they thought good to provide in time the best they could against all perrills that might happen For this cause hee councelled the King first to settle peace amongst his owne subjects before he enterprised a forraign war that peace being settled and his army united he might the more strongly and with better successe invade England But the King contemning his good and wholsome counsell his French friendship prevailing more with him then either his owne good or the good of his Countrey hee raised an army wherewith hee entred England and was encountred by the English at Durham where the Scots were defeated King David Bruce taken prisoner and with him beside others VVilliam Earle of Douglas and the Lord of Liddesdale who were shortly after ransomed or dismissed so much the more easily for that they had the King and so cared the lesse for others This fell out in the yeare 1346. October the 17. as hath been said While the Lord Liddesdale is a prisoner amongst his enemies he forgetteth not his friends at home Sir David Barcklay had slain one John Douglas brother to Sir VVilliam and father to Sir James of Dalkeith say our Writers beside Horsewood but they should say rather brother to Sir William for there Sir William is the same Lord of Liddesdale of whom wee now speake sonne naturall to good Sir James neither was John Douglas slain in Horsewood but in Kinrosher by Loch-leven This Barcklay also had taken Sir John Bullock at the Kings command and put him in prison in Lindores where hee died of hunger almost in the same sort that Sir Alexander Ramsay died The Writers lay the blame on the Nobilitie that envied so worthy a man and accused him falsely to the King of unsaithfulnesse but they tell not in what point They themselves call him a worthy Chaplain of great wisedome singular prudencie and eloquence beyond any in his time who had been Chamberlain to Edward Balliol Treasurer to the rest of the Englishmen in Scotland and lastly Chamberlain to King David and amongst the chief of his Counsellers reputed as another Chussay Neverthelesse thus was he delated and taken away having done divers good offices in the Common-wealth and being very necessary unto it The Lord of Liddesdale had drawne him from the English faction to King Davids party and he had used him in good services whereof hee was not forgetfull ever remaining one of his speciall friends This giveth men matter of suspition that his death was for ill will to the Lord of Liddesdale by the King incensed against him never digesting in heart the death of Sir Alexander Ramsay whereby the King is blamed as counseller or follower thereof and that Sir David Barcklay enemy to him did execute it willingly or did procure the Kings command thereto The taking of the Castle of Edinburgh in the yeare 1341. by the Lord of Liddesdale was plotted by Sir John Bullock say the Writers who in quicknesse of wit and sharpnesse of invention past all men in his dayes In revenge of this Liddesdale causeth slay Sir David Barcklay by the hands of Sir John Saint Michaell say they but they should have said Carmichaell in Aberdene A just fact but not justly done the matter was good the forme ill being besides and against all order but who could wait for order in so disordered a Countrey when should hee by order of law have obtained justice his Prince being in captivitie his duetie to his friends defendeth the fact the estate of the Countrey excuseth the forme God looketh not so upon things hee had before as wee heard slain Sir Alexander Ramsay he must not want his owne share but who durst doe it The avenger of bloud finds the means Such is the estate of man what can they lean to on earth ere he do not pay that debt of bloud the Earle of Douglas shall exact it his Chief his Cousin and to adde that also his owne sonne in Baptisme as the Lord Liddesdale was to the Earle of Douglas for the black book of Scone calleth him his spirituall father and thus it came to passe The Lord of Liddesdale being at his pastime hunting in Attrick Forrest is beset by William Earle of Douglas and such as hee had ordained for that purpose and there assailed wounded and slain beside Galsewood in the yeare 1353. upon a jealousie that the Earle had conceived of him with his Lady as the report goeth for so sayes the old song The Countesse of Douglas out of her Boure she came And loudly there that she did call It is for the Lord of Liddesdale That I let all these teares downe fall The song also declareth how shee did write her love letters to Liddisdale to disswade him from that hunting It tells likewise the manner of the taking of his men and his owne killing at Galsewood and how hee was carried the first night to Lindin Kirk a mile from Selkirk and was buried within the Abbacie of Melrosse The cause pretended or the cause of this slaughter is by our Writers alledged to be the killing of this Alexander Ramsay and Sir David Barklay and some other grudges and so the Earle said himself as they say and so it was indeed if we looke unto God but who doth beleeve him that it was on his part no Writers no report no opinion of men doth beleeve it not untill this day They lay the cause on his ambition on his envie of Liddesdales honour and jealousie of his greatnesse Reason swaies to the same side and brings great if not necessary arguments for what had hee to doe with Alexander Ramsay that he should for his sake dippe his hands in his owne bloud farre lesse for Sir David Barcklay on whom he himself should have taken avengement if the Lord Liddesdale had not done it this John Douglas whom Barcklay slew being so neare to himselfe but something must bee said to colour things But this will not colour this blemish though in a faire body indeed as we shall see hereafter Doth ambition spring from a great minde Doth envie of vertue jealousie of hatred Let noble hearts eschew them it is the basest thought that can fall into a mans mind Right minds love vertue even in strangers even in enemies generous minds strive to do better not to hinder such as do well It is a strange maxime and ill grounded a wicked wisedome and perverse policy to keep backe ones friend in whom vertue appeares It is of follies the
third or for his neglecting himself in his captivity or for that he esteemed all that government of Robert and Murdock to be an usurpation of the Crowne and feared the like hereafter or even perhaps found such practisings to his prejudice is uncertain However being resolved to ridde himself of them he thought it the safest way to make them fast who hee beleeved would not be so well contented with it as he desired Hee did therefore commit them till he had tried their minds and drawn them to his course or at least taken order with them to sit quiet And this was not long a doing for we reade that the foresaid prisoners were all shortly releeved and some of them also put upon the others quree or assise as Douglas March Angus Arrole But by what means he hath constrained them to be content or what remonstrance or evidence hee hath given them to let them see that those men were guilty of death or what crime they died for if any new conspiracy or what else our Histories tell us not which is a great defect in them Major thinketh it likely that there was some conspiracy found against the King otherwise they would never saith hee have condemned such men to death Princes of the blood as wee may call them and their owne especiall friends And thus much of the Earle Douglas first committing and the issue thereof For the second Hollinshed and Boetius doe agree that the K. arrest the Earle Douglas and kept him long in prison till at last by the mediation of the Queen and Prelats he and the Earle of Rosse were released Boetius calleth him Archbald Duke of Turraine plainly but Hollinshed is pleased out of sume partiall humour as should seeme to suppresse the Title of Duke of Turrain and this is all the difference betwixt them It was some yeares after his first committing but what yeare it is not condiscended upon Some say it was in the yeare 1431. but impertinently for the yeare 1430. is the yeare of his releasing except wee will thinke that hee hath been imprisoned thrice which is not mentioned by any And a little mention there is of the cause wherefore hee was warded whereof Major complaineth saying that our Annals tell not the cause of the Stuarts executions and the incarcerating of the Earle Douglas and John Lord of Kennedie the Kings owne sister sonne for both were committed Douglas in Logh-leeven and Kennedy in Stirling for how shall it bee knowne whether it was done justly or for matters of weight or if for trifles onely and for his owne pleasure Others insinuate a cause but doe but glance at it without setting it downe so clearely as to let men know whether it were just or unjust which is the light and life of History and the right end and use thereof for they say no more but that they had spoken sinisterly or rashly and somewhat more freely then became them of the estate and government of the Countrey What use can any man make of this generality rashnesse may be a fault yet perhaps none at all in them of whom it is spoken they being Privie Counsellers Likewise the phrase freelier than became is so generall that the Reader remaineth unsatisfied neither can posteriry either King or Subject judge of this fact whether it were right or wrong or whether the example were such as men ought to follow or forbeare and avoid It should have been expressely set downe what they spake to whom if to the King himselfe or to others In what sort if by way of admonition counselling or advising or if by forme of cavilling detracting murmuring mutining and such other circumstances whereon the judgeing of it chiefly dependeth In this uncertainty wee can hardly condemne or absolve praise or censure them In that the Lord Kennedy was of the same minde and category with the Earle Douglas apparently it hath not been spoken in malice seeing the Kings nearest and his best friends such as these Kennedies were having approved thereof And that Noblemen must not speake their opinion freely of things to the King or if the King being without malice is very hard for how shall a King know that will not heare hee cannot know all by himself And how shall he heare if Noblemen have not leave to speake freely he cannot heare all by himself Such carriage as this hath often done Princes ill and it may bee hath done this same Prince no good And what ever it was that displeased the Earle Douglas in the government was either for the Countreyes sake or the Kings owne sake or for both why might not the King thinke there might be errours And why might hee not then have heard them To have proceeded so vehemently for their hath been great veâ—…emency in it to have cut off his owne kinsmen and leave none but himself for the Earle of Athole to aim at it was most important and worthy to be considered of whether or not it were best for him in policie to do Doubtlesse his doing of it hath emboldned Athole to cut off the King himselfe when all the rest were cut off first by the King And was it nothing to lose the Nobility to alienate their hearts to irritate them by imprisonments forfeitures hath it not done ill thinke you and encouraged him to goe on in his intended treason looking for the favour of the offended Nobility or for neutrality and slacknesse to revenge the Kings death We see the King himselfe retreateth his taxations once or twice when he saw the people grieved therewith And wisely in that hee â—…as carefull to keep the hearts of the people But was there no care to bee taken for keeping the Nobility also ungrieved was it enough that they would not or durst not perhaps or could not openly rebell was it not something to want their affections to want the edge and earnestnesse thereof to relent them to coole them Certainly such proceedings as these have encouraged his enemies in hope of impunitie greater then they found yet in hope of it to go on with their designes and hath furthered and hastned that dolorous conclusion which ensued What ever the cause were he acknowledgeth the Earle Douglas mind not to have been of the worst sort in that he releaseth him and in token of a full reconcilement makes him a witnesse to the Baptisme of his two sonnes twinnes which was in those dayes no small honour and signification of good will and a pledge of intimate friendship He made also his sonne William though but a childe of five yeares of age the first knight of fiftie who were dubbed at that solemnity as the Manuscript affirmeth By which actions as he honoured Douglas so did he withall honour himself in the eyes of the people and of forrainers gracing his Court and that so solemne action by the presence of such a Peere farre more then if he had been onely accompanied by Creighton and Levingston and such new men who were but
Common-wealth of the Publike peace the good of the King and the well being of all honest men which is all joyned and depends upon them and their well being forsooth That hath been still their scope that hath beene the aime of all their intentions no particular no ambition no avarice onely love of those things which were common and profitable unto all and because in them all did lie and subsist in their standing honest men did stand and by their ruine honest men did fall nay the King and Countrey were ruined For this cause and for no other that the Countrey might bee well that wickednesse may bee bridled they forgive one another avouching that their discords arose onely from diversitie of opinion and judgement while as both seeking the common good one thought one forme the best for it and the other another form to bee best for it and the other another forme which if it were true let what hath been said above beare witnesse It would make a man to loath speaking vertuously to see vertue by them so farre abused yet the old Proverb might have warned them Oportet mendacem esse memorem and sometimes a liar will speake truth is verified in them They confesse their ambition and striving for honour and preheminence they are ashamed to say for goods and riches but it was no lesse true and both were alike faulty and they exhort one another and promise to amend thereafter by a better strife who should be most moderate and just But they were as true in keeping that promise as they were in their discourse what was past When the Foxe preacheth take heed of the hens saith the Proverb we shall see notable moderation and justice such as the world hath scarce seen the like example of treacherous tyranny This is the sum of these jolly men harangues The conclusion is a new friendship if falshood be friendship or rather a conspiracy against the Countrey and directly against the Noblemen who their conscience telleth them hate them as new men lifted up to the highest degree as they grant themselves and that was reproach enough to the Nobility and an argument of their unworthinesse But they might have said as truely that they were hated for abusing the King and Countrey for their private advantage under pretext of the common wealth which whether the whole Nobility resented or not we cannot tell for there is no mention and it is a wonder if they did not yet it would seem they did not they had stouped and taken on an unworthy yoake of slavery But what ever the rest did there was one that was a sorethorne in their foot and moate in their eye it behoved to be pluckt out The Earle of Douglas was of the old spirit of the ancient Nobilitie he could not serve nor obey but whom he ought and the lawfull commanders lawfully commanding for his honour and utility whereof they were neither Such a spirit is unsufferable under these new conspiring Tyrants he will not acknowledge their authority his father had told them their holy dayes name himselfe tooke them for his enemies But how shall they doe with him hee is not easily to bee dealt with they must have muffles that would catch such a cat Indeed he behaved himselfe as one that thought he would not be in their danger hee entertained a great family he rode ever well accompanied when he came in publike 1000. or 2000. horse were his ordinary train He had great friendship and dependance of old he had been carefull to keep them and had also increased them and conciliated many new followers and clients by his beneficence and liberality and his magnificence which was answerable to his place suitable for an Earle of Douglas and Duke of Turrain which Dutchie he had obtained himself to be invested in as heire to his father having sent Malcolme Lord Fleming and Sir John Lawder of Basse or Haton as others say into France for that purpose and was well accepted of in remembrance of his father and grandfather he had all his affairs in singular good order he had his ordinary Councell and Counsellours for guiding his affaires he dubbed Knights also as he thought men worthy which power and priviledge he did not usurp out of pride nor take upon him by imitation to counterfeit Kings as some would insinuate but by vertue of both his dignities of Duke and Earle And although he were but fourteen yeares of age at his fathers death in the yeare 1438. or 39. and was put to death in the yeare 1440. not having attained to fifteen or sixteen or little above at the farthest yet in this his port and behaviour did not onely appeare the sparks of a great spirit but also of such wisedome and providence as could scarce bee looked for from so young a man This galled them so much the more to thinke if that fruit should come to ripenesse at any time how poysonable or rather how great a counterpoyson it would prove to their greatnesse But here the skinne of the Lion would not serve their turne he was too hard for them to deale with by force they doe there sow that on that of the Fox The occasion fell out thus During the time of the jarres betwixt themselves the common affaires were neglected between stooles and partly because they could not being but meane men of small power partly because they cared not to prevent or to amend things many insolencies were committed without redresse The men of the Isles had come into the main land had put all to fire and sword men women and children young and old farre and wide omitting no kinde of example of avarice and cruelty and that not onely on the Sea coast but in the Lennox also out of the Isle of Loch-lomond called Inch-mertin they had made an appointment with a Gentleman named John Calhoon Laird of Lusse as if it had beento end some businesse and slain him the 23. of September with many such things and many fowle facts had beene done in divers parts of the Countrey Likewise Sir Allane Stuart of Darnelay was slain at Paselay by Sir Thomas Boide and again Sir Thomas Boide was slain by Alexander Stuart of Belmot brother to the foresaid Sir Allane and his sonnes through which there arose great troubles in the west parts of the Countrey and Kingdome The Borderers had not been idle who living under the Earle Douglas and being his followers or retainers what they did was interpreted to be done by his allowance And at a Convention in Edinburgh many complaints were given in against him but never a word spoken of the taxe of Isles men never a word of Levingstons and Creightons own doings who had warred one upon another not a word of any other slaughter or bloudshed but as though nothing were amisse in the Countrey but what was done by the Earle Douglas dependers they onely were complained of Whether the cause was in his enemies and that this
so circumvented him a brave commendation indeed and an honest yet I wonder what they meant by entertaining him so well at that time there was some reason for it why they should have done it by the way that they might worke out their treason untill he were within their thongs but being now within the Castle and fully in their power I wonder what it should mean to make him so faire a welcome to feast him so liberally and solemnely at the Kings table and from thence to bring him to the shambles what could have beene their intention might they not have conveyed him to some private chamber might they not have carried him to the place of execution what needed all this processe what needed they to have let him see the King at all It would seem as if they had not been fully resolved upon the businesse before and that their intentions and purposes were not treasonable but that they tooke occasion to be treasonable from the facility to atchieve it but our Writers are cleare against that and say onely it was pre-concluded when he was written for It might seeme also that they did this to communicate the matter or to transferre it altogether upon the King but he was too young and purges himselfe by disproving of it So that I can see no other reason of it but as the Lion with his prey or to use a more base yet a more familiar example and the baser the fitter for them as the câ—…t with the mouse which she might devoure immediately yet it pleaseth her to plâ—…y a little with it So they for their greater satisfaction and contentment delight to play out their Sceane so strangely notwithstanding that such processe and uncouth formes of doing might seem to import some mystery and deeper reach then ordinary which I confesse is so profound and deep a folly and mischantnesse that I can no wise sound it unlesse it were that the Noblemans place and his worth forced their wicked hearts to acknowledge it notwithstanding their wickednesse And although the acknowledging could not prevaile so farre as to make them leave off the enterprise yet did it in some sort brangle their resolution and wrung out this conâ—…ession of his worth as all the actions of wickednesse and all wickednesse in the acting are full of contradictions as this same is most clearly for if this Nobleman was guilty of death why is he brought into the Kings presence why is he set at his table If he was not guilty why was he put to death So difficult a thing it is in a lie to keep conformity either in a lie of actions so to speake or in a lie of words In words it is difficult so to speake that the attentive hearer shall not perceive contrariety In actions it is impossible that they can be dissembled This action is a lie for it saith he is guilty of death but their welcomming of him their setting of him at the table with the King and their feasting sayes he is an innocent Noble worthy man Indeed onely truth in word and action can accord with it selfe as it is uniforme it floweth from unitie tendeth to it and endeth in it and keepeth the taste of the fountain from which it cometh So they having given this confession of his worth and again by that ominous signe contradicted their confession must needs be false witnesses however it go The young Nobleman either understanding the signe as an ordinary thing or astonished with it as an uncouth thing upon the sight of the Buls head offering to rise was laid hold of by their armed men in the Kings presence at the Kings table which should have beene a Sanctuary to him And so without regard of King or any duty and without any further processe without order assise or jurie without law no crime objected he not being convicted at all a young man of that age that was not liable to the law in regard of his youth a Nobleman of that place a worthy young Gentleman of such expectation a guest of that acceptation one who had reposed upon their credit who had committed himselfe to them a friend in mind who looked for friendship to whom all friendship was promised against dutie law friendship faith honesty humanitie hospitalitie against nature against humane society against Gods Law against mans law and the law of nature is cruelly executed and put to death They in despight as it were spitting in the face of all duty and honesty proclaiming as farre as lay in them there was no dutie to God nor man to bee regarded And that the measure of their wickednesse thus heaped and shaken and prest downe might also runne over all this was done as it should seem without the consent nay against the will of their King and Soveraigne who wept at their execution and forbad them to meddle with his Cousin the shamelesse men chid him for weeping at the death of his enemy as they call him during whose life say they hee needed never to looke for peace whereas they themselves were his chiefest enemies and greatest traitours to him and besides him to God and nature and to the office of Justice which they bore bringing a blot on the one and the other and bloud-guiltinesse upon his Crowne so farre as lay in them This is that detestable fact never enough to be extracted which I have laboured indeed to set forth in the owne simple colours stripping it naked of all farding though I confesse no words can equall the wickednesse of it that men may learn to detest such things wherein may bee seen what respect they have carried either to justice to equity to common peace or Common-wealth that thought it better to root out such a plant then to dresse and to cherish it to ruine such a house rather then to gain it which they never would have done if their private pride and avarice had not had the greatest sway with them I thinke all honest minds should disdain to reade what they gave out before of their love to the publike good having here so terribly belied it neither should any man speake of it indifferently without a note of detestation neither extenuate it by the Earles simplicity which seemes to diminish and lessen this execrable perfidie and cruelty If this were the wisedome whereof they had purchased an opinion and name under the former King James the first and if they had practised such things as this it hath been a bitter root and hath brought forth a very bitter fruit and hath in all appearance been no small part of the cause of hastening his death and the emboldning of his enemies unto it as indeed I finde some of our Writers inclined to say for such new men goe commonly about to perswade Princes that ancient Noblemen are enemies to them and barres to their absolutenesse which is it that these men here mean in saying that the Earle Douglas was an enemy to the King Not that he
bare any ill will to the Kings person for that they could no wayes make appeare but because he was so great a man According to that generall rule that greatnesse in the Nobility is dangerous for the Prince and as if to be a great man were by infallible consequence to be an enemy to the King Which maxime I feare they have beaten into his head afterwards not so much to strengthen and provide for his security as to draw him to their party for strengthening of themselves for we see all their intentions aime but at their owne particulars and so in this they intend nothing else onely they colour their particulars with the Pretext of the Kings service as they doe this wicked fact also David Douglas the younger brother was also put to death with him and Malcolme Fleming of Cumbernald his speciall Counsellour They were all three beheaded in the back Court of the Castle that lieth to the West This augments yet their wickednesse that they execute his brother also whose age behoved to be lesse then his owne who was but very young too as wee have said These were good Tutors and bringers up of a young Prince thus as it were to bait him with the bloud of his Nobility and to imprint such a lesson in his tender minde that they were his enemies But for conclusion of this matter concerning these young men as there was no law laid against them so is there no History that beareth witnesse that they were guilty of any capitall crime And Major saith expresly Apud Annales legi quod viri illi non crant rei mortis sed consilio dolo Gulielmi Crighton Scotiae Cancellarii haec perpetrata sunt That is I reade in our Annales that these men were not guilty of death but this matter was atchieved by the counsell and fraud of Crighton Chancellour It is sure the people did abhorre it execrating the very place where it was done in detestation of the fact of which the memory remaineth yet to our dayes in these words Edinburgh Castle Towne and Tower God grant thou sinke for sinne And that even for the black dinner Earle Douglas got therein Now sith these youths were not guiltie whereof were they not guilty that put them to death and with what note of infamy to bee branded Though some seeme to blame this innocent young man as they cannot deny him to have beene with halfe words as guided by flattery given to insolency presumptuous in his Port yet is there no effect or affection brought importing either his being addicted to flattery or that hee was more insolent presumptuous or arrogant then became a man of his ranke But contrary that he was of a gentle nature a repulser of flatterie now as hee grew in age and of due magnificence such as well became him Let us therefore account of him so as one that was singular in respect of his yeares And let the blame lie fully on his enemies who shall finde some meeting hereafter from their Cousin that they may finde all the house perished not with him though indeed the punishment was not proportionated to that which they deserved In Gulielm David fratres in Arce Edinburgena trucidatos Vestra Sophoclco caedes est digna cothurno Vestra Thyestea coena cruenta magis Vos scelere atque dolis vos proditione necati Insontes puerique patriae proceres Regius vestro est foedatus funere vultus Qui fertur siccas non tenuisse genas Haeccine Rectores vestra est prudentia tanta Haeccine laudatur justitia haecne fides Exemplum aeternis nunquam delebile fastis Perstat fraudis atrae perfidiaeque trucis In English thus Your murther may deserve a tragick Muse Your horrid dinner justly might excuse Thyestes feast by a more treacherous train Drawn to the axe more barbarously slain Then was his sonne your Princes guiltlesse eye Stain'd with the sight wept at the cruelty Is this these Rulers wisedome this their love To Justice this the prudence men approve So much O! blacke example fit to be Mark't in eternall scroules of infamy Of James called Grosse James the third James sixteenth Lord and seventh Earle of Douglas Lord of Bothwell Abercorne and Annandale the fourth Duke of Turraine and Lord of Longe-ville UNto William succeeded his fathers brother James Lord of Abercorne in all the lands that were intailed but Beatrix sister to the said William fell here to the rest that were not entailed which were many say our Writers specially Galloway Wigton Balvein Ormund Annandale This James was called grosse James because hee was a corpulent man of body he had to wife Beatrix Sinclair daughter to the Earle of Orknay but which Earle it is not expressed To finde it wee must consider that from 1 William Sinclair the first that came out of France and married Agnes Dumbarre daughter to Patrick first Earle of March 2 the next was Henry his sonne who was married to Katherine daughter to the Earle of Stratherne 3 His sonne called Henry also married Margaret Gratenay daughter to the Earle of Marre 4 This Henries sonne Sir William passed into Spain with good Sir James Douglas who carried the Bruces heart to Jerusalem hee was married to Elizabeth Speire daughter to the Earle of Orknay and Shetland and so by her became the first Earle of Orknay of the Sinclaires The second Earle was 5 William also who married Florentina daughter to the King of Denmark the sixth person and third Earle was his son Henry who married Giles or Egidia daughter to the Lord of Niddisdale The seventh person and fourth Earle is Sir William who married Elizabeth Douglas daughter to Archbald Tine-man the first Duke of Turrain and sister to this James the grosse Now this James his wife cannot have been this last Sir Williams daughter for then she should have been his owne sisters daughter And therefore she hath been either Henries that married Giles Douglas or else Sir Williams who married Florentina which of the two I leave it to conjecture her great spirit and high ambition would seem to argue that shee was come of Kings and near to them but the Monument in Douglas calleth her daughter to Henry She bare to this Earle James seven sonnes and foure daughters The name of the eldest was William and the second James who were Earles of Douglas both of them by succession as we shall heare The third was Archbald who married the daughter of John Dumbarre Earle of Murray brother to George Earle of March by which means he got the Earledome of Murray The fourth named Hugh was made Earle of Ormond and had sundry lands given him by the King in Tividale and Rosse The fifth John was made Lord of Balvenie The sixth Henry was Bishop of Duncalden George the seventh died before he was fifteen yeares of age as our Chronicles do witnesse but there is no mention of him in the monuments at Douglas where the rest are set downe by name
accounted also just who does it byorder and modestie that hath patience to sute it and abide the delayes of a Court-sute it being a mean to purge blood out of the land Neither does either Philosophie or Religion forbid it but by the contrary commands allowes it Only the caution is that the minde of the pursuer be voide of malice and his eye set upon justice of which intention the searcher of hearts can only be the competent judge If some Imperfections and weaknesse of nature do mingle with the action we must not alwayes for that either utterly reject the action or condemne the authour But we must acknowledge that as right which is right and pardon the imperfection which none wantes We must not exclaime against it as if it were nothing but partialitie Nor against the doer as meerly vindictive cheifely in a fact so very enormous as the murthering of his Cosins was wherefore if we shall without partialitie in our selves consider this whole pursuit and give it the right name we shall call it kindnesse to his kinsmen equitie justice modestie and patience rather than wrong and malice and praise him for his kindnesse and faithfulnesse in friendship in revenging their quarrells which hath been his very inclination as will appeare hereafter yet not only this his just pursuite but every thing that fell out in the countrie is laid upon him to brand him as the slaughter of James Stuart by the Boydes and the like the taking of the castle of Hales by Patrick Dumbarre which he is said to have taken and killed the keeper thereof because the Lord Hales had then received the Queen mother into the castle of Dumbarre who had fled hither to eschew the troubles of the times The Earle Douglas within a few dayes after got the castle of Hales againe on condition to suffer the said Patrick Dumbar and his men to depart with their lives safe Likewise he is said to have constrained Sir James Stuart the blacke knight of Lorne who had maried the Queen mother to goe out of the countrie upon some speeches uttered by the said Sir James against the ill government of the affairs of the kingdom But neither is it set down what the words were neither what sort of constraint was used towards him This Sir James as he was sailing into France his ship was taken by the Flemings and he himself died soone after The next year which was 1448 there fell out warre with England and incursions made on both sides by the Borderers where the Earle Douglas began again after so long an intermission to wit from the entrie of King James the first in the yeare 1423. the space of twenty five years to take upon him the managing of the warre which his house had ever done and he now also discharging with honour and following the footsteps of his predecessours for Dumfreis being burnt by the Earle of Shreusburie or Salisburie Dumbar spoiled by the Earle of Northumberland James Douglas the Earles brother burnt Anwick in England where having gotten great store of bootie and many prisoners as the others had done in Scotland being almost equall the prisoners goods were changed byconsent agreement of the captains But this was onlya small assay before a greater matter which followed this same year as should seem yet there was some cessation for a while and truce taken for seven years In which time the Earle who as we see was so zealous in prosecuting the revenge of the wrong done to his Cosins showes another propertie no lesse commendable which is to be as kind and forward to advance his friends as he had been to quell his enemies For the same year James Dumbar Hollinshed calles him John Earle of Murray being dead first he obtaines the foresaid Earles daughter who was Neece to King Robert the second by his daughter for his third Brother Archbald then the title of Earl of Murray from the King notwithstanding that she whom his brother had married was but the youngest sister the elder being married before her fathers death unto James Creighton of whom the house of Fenderet is descended how it came that he was preferred before 〈◊〉 who married the elder sister whether because the titles of Earles do not go by succession unto the heirs of Line but by the pleasure of the Prince and that he had more court then Creighton or whether there was some respect also had to the kinred or what ever cause there were of it it gave matter of speech to his enviers and to our histories it hath furnished matter of Censure as a wrong done to the elder sister to whom they think it belonged he obtained also his fourth brother Hugh to be made Earle of Ormond and his fifth brother John to be Lord of Balvenie and Baron thereof with many rich and fruitfull lands In which actions of his when men can finde no ground of alledging that he did any wrong they blame him as immoderate in augmenting too much the greatnesse of his house Wherein I cannot but praise his kindnesse and carefulnesse in preferring of his friends by all lawfull meanes which is a dutie standeth with wisdom and a right wisdom neither was it ever or can it be ever justly discommended where there is no injurie committed Whereas not to do it if a man be able and not to seem to do so proceeds either of carelesnes or that which is worse wickednesse selfe love and in some envifulnesse and malignity even to their owne friends Which kind of doing deserves no commendation when it is but carelesnesse farre lesse when it is done of malice last of all when men doe not onely not labour to advance their friends but even endeavour to keep them under by a point of wisedome which they thinke very deep that they may remain servants to them fearing that if they come to any preferment they would not be so ready to serve them and might perhaps grow up above them This humour as it is malignant and an ill disposition so it is no great good wisedome whatsoever subtilty it may seem to have in it for they advert not that they hinder them who would stand them in stead and cut them short in power to be steadable to them and so cut down the props of their owne standing and such as would support them in their need necessity And while they feare that their friends out-strip them they give place and matter to their enemies to overtop them both Now the feare which they apprehend of their friends neglecting their duetie to them is very farre off and if ever it come to passe it should not be envied providing that kindnesse remain among them though they should grow greater then they and howbeit they answered not our expectation in kindnesse except it were joyned with extremitie of wickednesse and perhaps not then neither ought we to repent or repine it being much more tolerable then to bee overmatched by an
and though he had some colour of justice yet it tasted not so much of justice as of malice no not of indifferency which would be injustice having eye to the due circumstances so much as of partiality joyned with contempt of the King and his equall request and so it was constructed and gave more just occasions to his enemies surmising and the increasing of the Kings indignation which by yeelding and remitting a little of his priviledges and showing respect to the Kings entreaty he might have mitigated in some measure and that without any danger he could have incurred by the said Lord Harries enmitie although he should have been his enemy and perhaps he might have regained him to his friendship by remitting the offence The other fact which ensued upon this not so unjust but made as odious as carrying the odiousnesse of the other with it was Macklalane Tutor of Bombee the chiefe of that name and one of the principall houses in Galloway falling at odds with a servant of the Earle Douglas had slain him and was therefore with his brother who was partaker of the slaughter apprehended and put in prison in the Trevie a strong house belonging to the Earle His friends made means to the Courtiers and by them to the King informing him that Douglas carried a spleene against the man more for being a friend a favourer and follower of the best side so they called their owne then for killing of the man wherefore they besought him that he would not suffer a Gentleman of his rank who was also a good man otherwise however that had fallen out in his hands to bee drawne not to judgement but to certain and destinate death before one who was both judge and party By this and such like information whereby the eares of Princes are deceived while men go about to withdraw their friends from due punishment they perswade the King to send for Bombee and take the triall and judgement of him in his own hands desiring the Earle Douglas that iâ—… he had any thing against him he should come and pursue him before the King Amongst the furtherers of this sute Patrick Gray of Fowls uncle to the Tutor was chiefe he was directed with the Commission as one that both would be earnest therein being so neare to the party and would also bee respected being some way in kinne to the Earle Douglas having notice of his Commission and perceiving thereby they meant no other thing but to defraud him of justice for killing of his servant which he thought he could not suffer with his honour that he might doe what hee had determined the more calmely and with the 〈◊〉 offence as hee thought he courteously received the said Patrick Gray and intertained him with diverse purposes and caused the Tutor in the meane time to be tried by an Assise and being condemned to bee quickly conveyed a mile from thence to a place called Carling-work and there executed Afterward when Patrick Gray ignorant of what was done had delivered his Commission from the King he answered he was sory he was come too late and then told him what was done and desired him to excuse him to the King When he heard that and saw himselfe so deluded he presently in a great chafe and rage renounced all kindred and friendship and whatsoever band besides might seeme to tie him to the Earle vowing that from that time forth he should be his deadly enemy in all sort and by all means he could which the other little regarding dismissed him But however he little regarded it the French Proverb proveth true and is worthy to be regarded of all men That there is no little enemy for he had the power to be his death afterward with his owne hands and plotted it by his Counsell or set it forward being plotted and devised by others for being come to the King and relating the issue and effect of his message all was by him and the other Courtiers of the faction aggravated in the most haynous sort That the Kings commandments were contemned eluded and mocked That it was likely that the Earle Douglas was King That doubtlesse he aimed to be so yea hee behaved himselfe already as such That that was the meaning of his private conference with the King of England on that ground he gave licence to slay so many honest men to spoil and robbe That innocency now was contemned for brutishnesse faithfulnesse to the King punished for unfaithfulnesse That by the Kings indulgencie the common enemy was become insolent That it became him once to take upon him his place as King and do things by authority and by his power that then it would appeare who were friends who were foes These and such as these were the speeches of the Courtiers and interpretations of his actions such as it pleased them to make following their humour of faction or judgement But they neither considered the equitie that was done in punishing bloud by bloud nor the authority by which it was done for hee had authority and sufficient jurisdiction of old granted to him and given by former Kings to his Predecessours and their Heires for his service Neither did they observe what order and formality hee kept in his proceedings nor his honour interested in the revenging his servants death Neither what scorne to him it was on the other part if he had sent the party having thereby his priviledges infringed his servant slain and no satisfaction for it but to bee eluded by a Commission purchased by his enemies justice defrauded and the guiltie pulled out of his hands and by their credit with the King procuring him to hinder justice who should have beene the furtherer of it onely upon their particular private motion and by their factions inclining of his Majesty that way Upon these considerations what had beene more extraordinarily done would have beene excused by the same men in another then Douglas Now in him though done orderly it is thus traduced aggravated exaggerated amplified and named contempt of the King and affecting 〈◊〉 Crowne Such is the misery when Princes are moved by parties to command or request things that are unjust there being perill and inconvenients either in obeying or refusing their requests receiving hurt and prejudice in their rights scorne of their adverse party or denying to offend whom they would fain serve and happy is that man that can steere aright betwixt these rocks Happy hee who falleth into the hands of such a Prince as measureth and moderateth his commands according to equitie or if they bee inique when it falleth out so for what Prince may not fall into such weaknesse who tempereth his passion and moderateth his minde in the just refusall thereof taking it in good part and accounteth not his authority contemned when an unjust command is refused by his Subjects Whether it were on the displeasure of this fact or jealousie conceived of this and other actions of the Douglasses it is hard to
greatly perplex the King between domestick and forraign enemies In the year 1457. the Earl Douglas came in with Henry Percie Earle of Northumberland to the Merse which as they were in wasting pillaging they were encountred by Gâ—…orge Earle of Angus and put backe to their Camp Being irritated with this indignitie they put themselves in order of battell without staying for their full companies many of which were gone abroad into the Countrey and Villages for spoile and bootie and so entred into conflict When the noise hereof was carried to the eares of the forrowers they for feare of losing what they had gotten which was a very rich and great prey past directly into England without regarding what became of the two Earles Hereby the battell was lost by the English but the losse of men was almost equall on both sides This victorie did not a little recreate the King and so affrighted Donald and his Islanders that he sent and submitted himselfe to the King and was received by him Neither was there any farther insurrection within the Countrey Neither did the Earle Douglas without the Countrey enterprise any thing by the aid of England they being distracted at home by the dissention of Lancaster and Yorke during the dayes of this King which were not many for about two or three years after this the King alone was slain by the wedge of a peece of Ordnance of his own and with him George Earle of Angus hurt amongst 30000. of his Armie of whom none else was either slaine or hurt at the siege of the Castle of Roxburgh in the 29. yeare of his age in September 1460 some 8. yeares after the killing of Earle William in Stirlin Castle at which time he was about the age of twenty one or twenty two yeares Neither hear we any mention of the Earle Douglas his stirring in the next Kings James the thirds time either in his minoritie being but a childe of seven or eight yeares of age at his coronation or in his majoritie either in the dissentions betwixt the Kennediâ—…s and the Boydes or the dissention betwixt the King and the Nobilitie Whether it bee the negligence and sloth of Writers that have not recorded things or whether hee did nothing indeed through want of power his friends and dependers and vassals being left by him and despairing of him having taken another course and his lands being disposed of to others so it is that for the space of twenty yeares or three and twenty untill the yeare 1483. there is nothing but deepe silence with him in all Histories Onely wee finde that hee was made Knight of the noble Order of the Garter by King Edward the fourth and is placed first in order of all the Earles and next to him the Earle of Arundell who is the first Earle of England in the booke intituled Nobilitas Politica and the English Heraulds say of him that he was a very valiant noble Gentleman well beloved of the King and Nobility and very steadable to King Edward in all his troubles These troubles perhaps have beene the cause that they could enterprise nothing in Scotland untill the soresaid yeare 1483. However it be he hath the honour to be the first of his Nation admitted into that Order At last then in the yeare 1483. Alexander Duke of Albanie and brother to King James the third who was also banished in England and the Earle Douglas desirous to know what was the affection of their Countreymen toward them vowed that they would offer their offering on the high Altar of Loch-mabane upon the Magdalen day and to that effect got together some five hundred horse what Scottish what English and a certaine number of English foot-men that remained with Musgrave at Burneswark hill to assist them in case they needed So they rode toward Loch-mabane and at their coming the fray was raised through Niddisdale Annandale and Galloway who assembling to the Laird of Moushill then Warden encountred them with great courage The English who were on the hill Burneswark fled at the first sight of the enemy so that the rest behoved either to doe or die And therefore they fought it out manfully from noone till twilight with skirmishes after the border fashion sometimes the one sometimes the other having the advantage At last the victorie fell to the Scots though it cost them much bloud The Duke of Albanie escaped by flight but the Earle of Douglas being now an aged man was stricken from his horse and taken prisoner with his owne consent by a brother of the Laird of Closeburnes in this manner The King James 3. had made a proclamation that whosoever should take the E. Douglas should have 100. l. land the E. being then thus on foot in the field wearied of so long exile and thinking that he might perhaps be knowne by some other seeing in the field Alexander Kilpatrick a son of Closeburnes and one that had beene his owne servant before he calls on him by his name and when he came to him he said I have foughten long enough against my fortune and since I must die I will rather that ye who have bâ—…ene my owne servant and whom I knew to be faithfull to me as long as I did anything that was likely for my selfe have the benefit thereby then any other Wherefore take me and deliver me to the King according to his Proclamation but see thou beest sure hee keepe his word before thou deliver me The young man who loved the Earle entirely in his heart wept as is reported for sorrow to see him thus aged and altered in disguised apparell and offered to goe with him into England But hee would not being wearied of such endlesse troubles onely hee desired the young man to get his life safe if hee could obtaine so much at the Kings hands if not to bee sure of his owne reward at least Hereupon Kilpatricke conveyed him secretly out of the field and kept him in a poore cottage some few dayes untill hee had spoken with the King who granted him the Earles life and gave unto himselfe the fiftie pound land of Kirk Michaell which is possest by his heires unto this day Some give the honour of this victory to Cockpool and Johnston and make the number of those that came with Douglas and Albany greater and say that King Richard of England blamed the Duke of Albanie for the losse thereof and that hee discontented and taking it ill to bee so blamed withdrew himselfe secretly into France The Earle Douglas being brought to the King hee ordained him to be put into the Abbacie of Lindores which sentence when hee heard hee said no more but this Hee that may no better bee must bee a Monk which is past in a Proverbe to this day Hee remained there till the day of his death which was after the death of King James the third which fell out 1488. he being of a good age and having beene a man in action from the
in Policie and that plausible to many That Princes should not suffer too great Subjects in their Dominions yet it is certain that without great Subjects there can be no great service Things may be shufled at home but abroad there can never any thing bee done to the purpose or of note But now the question is where great men are already whether it bee best thus to undoe them and make up new men by their ruine or not a thing worthy to bee considered and also whether or not there be a possibilitie to use great men to good uses and if possible whether it were not better to doe so then to goe about to undoe them whether also there be not in undoing of them such great hazard as we see that though it may succeed at last as it did here yet it is not so good wisedome to adventure upon it with such trouble and uncertaintie Truely that which made it to succeed was the very honest heart of this last Earle James who if either hee would have turned English and cast off all respect to his native Prince or entered into battell against him at Abercorne it had proved an unwise course so to have affected the advancement of these mean men and not rather to have used them well that were become already great And therefore the Writers finde no other cause of this successe on the Kings side but the onely providence of God who had not determined to give the Crowne to the Douglas but to continue it in the right line which though the Douglas did not aime at yet being driven to this necessity either to lose his owne estate or to take the Crowne in case of victory hee could hardly have refused it if it should have come to that but hee chose rather to lose his owne and lost it indeed by a rare modesty which is even disallowed by Writers who interpret it to have beene fearefulnesse or lazinesse so hard is it to know the right and not to incurre some censure in our actions how ever it bee this appeares most certain that their meaning to their Prince and Countrey hath ever beene good and that even in this man Their errours and faults whatsoever they fell into they were drawne to them by the malice of â—…eir particular enemies and the Princes assisting fostering and maintaining them in their wayes thereby to undoe that Earledome jealous of their Crowne and that they might reigne perhaps with greater libertie and fuller absolutenesse which their Courtiers perswaded them they could not doe so long as they stood But it comes not ever so to passe and though it came here so to passe in this Kings dayes which were not many yet in his sonnes dayes wee shall see it fell out otherwayes for out of these mean men at least in respect of the house of Douglas there arose some who proved as great and greater restrainers of that liberty then ever the Earles of Douglas were So that if that bee the end of cutting off great men to obtain greater liberty wee see it is not alwayes attained and doth not ever follow upon it yea wee shall see that almost it never or but for a very short while produceth that effect It is therefore worthy to be examined whether it be to be sought or to be bought at so deare a rate such hazard and trouble But this is the vicissitude of this rolling world let men consider it and reverence the Ruler Jacobus Comes Lindorensi coenobio inclusus Quid rides rasumque caput cellaeque recessum Quodque cucullatis fratribus annumeror Fortunâ volvente vices fiet modo Princeps Plebeius Monachus saepè Monarcha fuit Why doe you laugh to see my shaven Crowne My Cell my Cloyster and my hooded Gowne This is the power of that Soveraigne Queen By whom Monkes Monarches Monarches Monkes have been Another Both Fortunes long I tri'd and found at last No State so happy as an humble rest Georgius Angusiae comes Anvici Gallos obsessos undique laetho Scotorum eripuit te duce parva manus Te duce Duglasius victus quoque Percius heros Militiae statuunt clara tropheae tuae Sed consanguinei sed quid meruere propinqui O furor O rabies perdere velle suos Matrem ingrata necat crudeli vipera morsu Stirpem quâ genita est noxia vermis edit His non absimilis fueras per te domus illa Eversa est ortum ducis unde genus Non me ventosa ambitio non dira cupido Egit opum me non impulit invidia Ferre parem poteram poteram vel ferre priorem Contentusque mea sorte beatus eram Ast Regi parere jussa facessere fixum Fas quoque semper erat fas mihi semper erit George Earle of Angus Thou ledst a handfull who from death did free The French besieg'd at Anwick victory Though bloudy from the Noble Piercy gaind Increast thy honour but against thy friend And kinsman what strange fury turn'd thy force What madnesse to destroy thy owne 't was worse Then Vipers cruelty compell'd to eat Their way or die thine was a needlesse hate No vain ambition oversway'd my heart No love of wealth no envie had a part In what I did I could an equall beare Nay did not grudge though Douglas greater were Content with what I had I happy liv'd But 't was my Prince his will and 't is beleev'd Lawfull and Justice hath pronounc't it good To serve our King without respect of bloud Aliud A solo potuit Pompeius Caesare vinci Non nisi Romano milite Roma cadit Duglasios nemo cùm posset vincere solus Duglasium potuit vincere Duglasius Another on the same Pompey by Caesar onely was o'recome None but a Romane Souldier conquered Rome A Douglas could not have been brought so low Had not a Douglas wrought his overthrow Here endeth the first Part containing the History of the House of Douglas THE SECOND PART OF THE HISTORY OF THE DOUGLASSES CONTAINING THE HOUSE OF ANGUS By Master DAVID HUME of Godscroft EDINBURGH Printed by EVAN TYLER Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie 1643. Of the House of ANGUS before it came to the name of DOUGLAS THe great and potent House of Douglas of which we may say the best subjects that ever served Prince the worthiest seconds that ever seconded any worthie for their modestie to be seconded by others second to none in all vertue and true worth of valour magnanimitie kindenesse courtesie faithfulnesse to King Countrey and kinred serving their Prince and served by the rest worthily served worthie to be served as knowers of service and recompencers thereof in due proportion and degree as Charters of Lands liberally given do testifie being thus brought to this pitifull end there arose in place thereof the House of Angus of which we come now to speak and to view in the descent of it If we shall consider it in our best discourse with all circumstances due to it and
Coghran in marriage as a bond of friendship and sociâ—…tie his name was Thomas Preston There was also a young page John Ramsay who was of the same combination These were the Kings Minions Counsellours and whole confidence On these he reposed and cast the burden of affaires Their hopes were built upon the ruine of the Nobilitie that by their fall they themselves might rise These were Counsellours and Executioners of the murder of his younger brother John and had caused him to commit his other brother Alexander to prison in the Castle who had died likewise if he had not found means to escape in the night by making a rope of his bed-clothes and so got over the wall To these great evils there were joyned worse things He had given himself to seek responses and predictions of things to come chiefly concerning his own estate of Magiciens and Witches He had for that purpose brought one out of Flanders that was thought very skilfull in divining named Andrew a Physician by profession and Astrologer This man had given the Kings Ambassadours some proof of his cunning when they went through Flanders to the Duke of Burgundie He hearing whether they were going told them they needed not to make any great haste for they should hear news of the Duke ere it were long And so they did indeed for within three dayes they heard that he was slain When they came home they related this to the King extoll his skill and inflame his minde which was too prone of it self with desire to hear him So he was sent for and being come was presented with many rich giâ—…ts And good reason he should if he could withall have instructed the King how to avoide the evils that were to come But meerly to foretell evill which could not be shunned it was too dear bought evil tidings Yet that is all he doth tels him that his own should be his ruine The King interprets it of his brethren his kins-men and his subjects especially the chief of the Nobilitie Whereupon being suspicious and jealous of all others he trusted none but his foresaid Minions By these doings he makes way for the fates by slaying or warding his brother he irritates the Nobilitie he suspecting them and being suspected of them by a mutuall fear They to secure themselves put hand into the Courteours who were the authours of these evils he interprets that to be Rebellion against himself and seeks how to be revenged They for their safety are driven from point to point constrained by necessitie for the preservation of their lives cast off all respect and take Arms openly drawes his sonne to the party his own nearest according to his responses whereon ensues his ruine This is the effect of seeking to Magiciens and sooth-sayers whereof we seldome hear a better end And it is but deservedly that those that leave the authour and fountaine of all good who guides all by his providence to follow follies and superstition and the authour of all evil and wickednesse should be thus served This is the effect of pride and arrogancie that leans onely to its own judgement and will not give way and libertie to admonish and informe rightly Upon which other inconvenients do follow by degrees First with-drawing the ear from faithfull Counsellours then giving themselves to flatterers then entertaining of these and rejecting and casting off others whereof ariseth suspicions jealousies wrongs injustice from hence shedding of bloud under colour of law or without colour in open Tyranny as no man at first becomes extreamly wicked At last followes the ruine of the authours together with the ruine of others To return to our point it came so about here The warre began betwixt Scotland and England An Army behooved to be raised and for the raising thereof the Nobilitie must be conveened Loath were those new men to the work they knew not what they might think when they were conveened But there was no remedie their privie counselling could not sustaine the warres That was the part of the Noblemen and could not be done without them So they are conveened the Army raised marches toward the borders on to Lawder they go It is a Town in the confines of Merse and Tivedale which countries were both wasted by the incursions of the enemy Nothing will make men wise where there is ruine determined The place the time the enemy the necessitie to use the Nobilitie could not serve to admonish the King and his Courteours to give them some small countenance and contentment Whom they were constrained to employ they would not endeavour to please On they go with their wonted course The King only countenances consults advises with his Cabin-councell Neglects the Nobilitie and distrusts them It had been strange if they had not recented it and as strange if they had not remedied it Now was the time or never The force power and all was in their own hands They disdain it they regrate it in private one to another They agree on the generall that some order must be taken with these disorders They appoint a meeting for advising of the forme and particular manner how and what to do The place Lawder Kirk the time next morning betimes Thither they come at the time prefixt Here the Earle of Angus first in place and rank first in credit first in authority and their account is also first in speech and is said first thus to have opened up the matter unto them My honourable Lords I hold it not needfull to go about with many words to set before you the Estate of this Kingdome For some things you your selves remember some you see before your eyes Our chief Noblemen are thrust into exile and forced either to suffer into lerably or do unjustly And you who are the Arms and Limbs of this Kingdome are left without a head as a Ship without a Pilot and Master exposed to the storms and tempests of fortune Our fields are burnt our goods carried away the labourers killed or seeing no other remedie of their manifold miseries have yeelded themselves to the enemy His Majestie in the mean time a man indeed if he were himself of a generous minde and rare understanding bewitched in his affection asketh no advice or counsell of his Nobilitie but consulteth of peace and warre of the good of the Countrey and safety of us all with a few base vile and ignorant fellows who by relating the predictions of Sorcerers and Magicians fill his sick minde with vaine fear and superstition And these men determine and set down decrees of our lives and estates who knowing that they merit the hatred of all men do therefore hate all men Neither do they seek onely to lessen your authority but to strike off your heads by one plot or other Some of you they have already made away by death others by banishment Neither do they as commonly new risers do climbe up to the highest places by degrees but they make the
no waies prejudiciall to the rest He tells him what a disgrace it would be for him if without order of law he should all of a sudden bring so many Noblemen to the scaffold without a crime to whom he was but lately reconciled and had promised remission of all that was past especially at such a time when they trusted to the publick assurance given them for their securitie Neither will those that â—…emain said he be terrified and dismayed with the death of these few but be irritated and driven to despair and so to greater violence But if it will please your Majestie to follow my advice I shall tell you a better way to give you satisfaction Do but charge and summond any of them at any time to under-lye the law and I with my friends and followers shall bring them in by force openly and in fair day light to what place you please where execution may be done according to law which is not onely more safe but more honourable than either to betray them under colour of friendship and feasting or to invade them in the night as if they were set on bytheeves and robbers This being spoken with that grace and courage wherewith he used to accompanie his actions the King acknowledging it was true that he said and knowing he was able to performe what he promised supposing he spake in sinceritie gave him many thanks and having loaded him with as many promises dismissed him Assoon as he was come to his lodging he revealed all to the Noblemen and withall went himself out of the Town From that time forth there was no more peace The Kings counsell being revealed he distrusted all men The Nobilitie seeing his resolution to ruine them and that there was no trust to be given to his words despairing of concord whereas they had before sought his amendement and not his over-throw retaining ever a dutifull love and regard to his Person now they set themselves and lay all the plots they can how to undo him Yet can they not be alienated from the race of their Kings His son had not offended and fell to succeed They affect him for their Captain He is also most acceptable and most agreeable to the people and so fittest for them Others might be suspected envied or mis-interpreted Wherefore they allure him to their partie by his keepers and his keepers perswade him by feare of being disinherited and put besides his succession to the Crown And now the parties are adressed the King and his own son There was divers times mention of peace but where all trust was taken away it could not be established They send the King word flatly they could not give credit to his promises And so there was no way to mediate a peace but by his dimission of the Crown to his son That condition was intollerable he aggravates it to forrain Princes and to the Pope shewing what an ill president it was for all Princes But before any help can come from thence the Lords make haste to come to a conclusion which fell out according to their desire The Kings Forces lay most part beyond Forth and in the Northerne parts For conveening of them Stirlin was the fittest place Thither lâ—…e takes his way with the Forces he had The Nobilitie following as near as they could come to him Yet was he gone before them and might first have come to the Castle But being excluded by the keeper he is constrained to hazard the battell at Bannock-burn There having overthrown the vanguard of the enemy he was overthrown by the Anandale men west-borderers that bare longer spears than they that were on the Kings side The King himself hurt with the fall of his horse and wounded in the right arme fled unto a water-mill that was near unto the place with intention to have fled to his Ships But he was perceived and known by the partisans of his Guard that stuck to him which were trimmed with white fringes or fasses and followed by Patrick Lord Gray and Stirlin of Keir and a Priest named Borthwick Which of these or if all of them fell upon him it is uncertain but there he was slain by them Fame layes it most on the Lord Gray who if it were Cowe-Gray it seemes his apprentiship and his practice in his old age have been very sutable For he it was that slew William Earle of Douglas at Stirlin under this Kings father 35. or 36. year before this He hath put a long time between his assay and his master-piece and gone too high in it If it was his son he hath followed well his fathers example and gone beyond him also All this while the Earle of Angus part was honourable and kindly his heart could not digest the slaughter of his King He sought his own safety and to shorten the reins of his unbridled minde but for his life he neither sought it nor could he suffer it to be taken so farre as he could hinder it Wherefore seeing the victorie to be on their side he cryed oft to save the King attesting all for their love to God and for their respect to the young Prince his sonne that they should do him no harm This was cast in his teeth by the way of reproach as childishnesse or too much tendernesse of heart at such a time by the Lord Gray There were slain on the Kings side the Earle of Glencarne and a few of his fellows the Earle of Angus married his daughter three years after to Robert Lord Kilmaers son or rather Grand-childe to this Earle of Glencarne This happened 1488. the 28. of King James Raigne and 35. of his age But the Warre did not end with the death of the King The old Kings faction was rather scattered than broken chiefly his Navy and Sea Forces of which the Captain Andrew Wood stood out obstinatly In the North the Lord Forbes had gotten the Kings bloudy shirt carrying it upon a spears point like an ensinge through Aberdene and other Towns stirred up all he could to revenge the Kings slaughter In the Westerne parts of the Kingdome the Earle of Lennox assembled his power and divers moe with him did send their messengers to and fro exhorting the people every where not to suffer so detestable a murder un-revenged forbidding them to scarre at the shadow of the present Kings authority whom these Parricides did detaine a captive to countenance their wickednesse he being rather a prisoner than a Prince the whole power resting in the hands of the Douglasses Humes and Hepburnes That even in that regard they would take Arms to free him from their tyrannie who would make the World beleeve that he being but a childe of 15. years of age were so unnaturall as to allow of his fathers murder Besides all this the English made some trouble by Sea with five Ships which lay in the mouth of Forth and not onely infested the Merchants and such as did trade
brother a forrain Prince ill informed Let us therefore hear such witnesses as were not blinded either with womanly affection or with the ignorance of a stranger such as were unpartiall and who had neither fear nor hope love or hatred which are the common causes of partiality These are ourhistories which if they record truth as they are recorders of truth if there was any more worthy or before him in any good quality then let it be accounted folly in her and weaknesse in her brother What do these our Histories then say First of his place and descent they say he was the first of the youth of Scotland for Nobility Lo here is one good quality and that a very main one wherein her choyce and her brothers approbation are justified and he shown to be worthy nay most worthy by hiâ—… place and birth whereof we have said enough heretofore But let that be thought of no moment or value if there be no more What say they next What of himself In himself in his personage The first of the youth of Scotland for favour and comelinesse of personage I dare not consent to them that make no account hereof It hath ever been in account men have thought it worthy whereon to bestow a Kingdome It is yet regarded it affects all humane creatures and moves us whither we will or no They say that beasts discern it not I doubt of it though we are not able to discern their discerning of it But let them be beasts that do so And let this also be nothing in him if there be yet no more in him if there be no qualities joyned to it which it gives lustre to as gold to a Diamond Let it be as in all men and women like a ring of gold on a Swines snout ill placed and matched unseemly and unworthily Yet it is gold and gold is ever precious and to be desired although the Swines snout of ill conditions be not worthy to be so fairly and finely deckt or adorned What are then his other properties and qualities of minde and man-hood soule and body which is the third point The first and principall say they of the youth of Scotland in all good exercise knowledge cunning skill and understanding belonging to a man of his place for I doubt not there were many more cunning Clerks than he yet not more sufficient in uprightnesse honest vertue dexterity and good addresse both in politick matters belonging to the good government of the Countrey and Gentleman-like exercise becoming his estate for body or minde for peace or warre What particulars they are we shall see in his particuliar actions viz. valour and true courage with love and kindnesse to his Countrey hereditarie properties from the very root of which he is sprung Also wisedome and magnanimity truth and uprightnesse in words and actions with others which will appear as the occasion occurres And so we have him by these testimonies thrice that is every way first or chief and principall 1. Chiefe in Nobility beyond all 2. Chiefe in personage beyond all 3. Chiefe in vertue and all good arts for so is the word or qualities beyond all Worthy therefore whom the Queen should have preferred and made choyce of to be her husband beyond and before all Worthy of whom should descend that race of Kings so Noble beyond all Which as it honours him so doth it not disgrace or disparage that Noble and Princely race to be come of such an one in his person of such stock in the whole race and descent of that whole Family so noble so worthy and heroicall every way Not so much private in place as Princely in worth all vertue and magnanimity though otherwise Subjects And thus the honour of the house doth rise in his person whom we see accounted by all every way honourable honourable by bloud honourable by vertue honourable by marriage honourable by affinitie and alliance honourable by progenie and posteritie honourable by all actions by all valiant and alwayes worthy acts As for his greatnesse and puissance we finde it at his entry and beginning matched yea over-matched by the Lord Hume Chamberlaine But in end harderto be matched by any nay matching almost what should not be matched in any sort wherewith no Subject should match himself Which however good or evil it be in using yet it is greatnesse to have done so To come to his particular actions The first we finde is his marriage which is not indeed to be attributed to his prudencie or his purchasing yet is it the effect of his worth She affected him and he had reason not to refuse the party Her brother King Henry consents and writes lovingly to them both He had his own particular end which was to counterpoize or weigh down the French faction and to hinder the incursions of Scotland by his means some say also to stay the Duke of Albanie from coming home to be Governour but that was not yet motioned And though that were his end yet the other was the end of his desire to stay Albanie and his main scope for all that he aimed at by staying of him was but to stay the Scottish warres which he by his coming was like to set on foot Things fal out contrary many times to mens intentions This marriage brought in the Duke of Albanie and by him had strengthened the French if he had guided wisely kept the hearts of men in Scotland and entertained his home-bringer the Chamberlain and given him a thankfull meeting for that work But there is a providence if men would observe This plot fails King Henry that fails the Chamberlain this fails the Duke of Albanie The King hopes to hinder the French by this marriage it furthers them to be all the guiders being brought in by the Chamberlain The Chamberlain looks to be rewarded he hath his head stricken off The Duke thinks that the Chamberlains death shall breed him all quietnesse ease and power it looseth him the hearts of all men and at last his office The working of these things was thus The Queen was by the King her husbands testament left Regent during her widow-hood That lasted not long from the 25. of September untill the next Spring was ended say some others fay untill the 6. of August almost a year Then she marrieth and so fals from that charge The Earle of Angus did labour to have it continued and used a strong motive which was that so the peace should last with England which was both profitable and necessary The Queen during her Regencie had procured it She had written to her brother that he should stay the war and abstain from troubling his Nephews Kingdome troubled already too much with factions within it self He had answered her that he warred against the Scots when they made war against him and that he would keep peace with them when they kept peace with him This was a magnanimous minde and a Princely say our writers
and had put servants into it but the Priour was stronger about the town and findes a mean to thrust them out Foreman cannot get his Bulls proclaimed none durst take it in hand so long as Hume and Hepburne agreed He workes wisely having been born under the Lord Hume he flees to him as his Patron agrees with him as a friend and gives the Abbacie of Coldinghame to his youngest brother David He doth his turne proclaimeth his Bull but had no power in Fife to prosecute it any further Yet it causeth Hepburne to come to a point to take composition the Bishoprick of Murray and 3000. crownes by year and a discharge for all his by-past intromissions So he agrees with Foreman but dis-agrees with the Lord Hume and despites him with such malice because of that morsell pulled out of his jawes that he ceased not to work him what mischief he could He did so possesse the Governour with jealousie of the Lord Humes and Angus greatnesse and aspiring that he thought there was no way to secure himself and his Government but by ridding the Countrey of them both Wherefore the Lord Hume repairing to him and finding by his neglectfull carriage and cold entertainment the little good-will he bare him repenting too late his forwardnesse in his election and calling to minde what Angus had foretold him though he had contemned his counsell yet now seeing no other remedie went to him and the Queen his wife condemning his fact and regrating the present estate of the King and Countrey and advised them to flie into England with the young King When the Governour had notice of this consultation he used such diligence and expedition that coming to Stirlin unlooked for he surprized the Queen and removing her and the Douglasses from about the King he gave the keeping of him to the Lord John Ereskin and other three Noblemen Hereupon the Queen and Angus as also the Lord Hume and his brother William with-drew themselves into England and the Governour upon their departure sent Ambassadours to King Henry to clear himself that he had done nothing why they should be so afraid of him or leave their Countrey He dealt also privately with themselves by their friends promising and protesting to give them all content and satisfaction in such wayes that they beleeving and desiring to live at home returned all of them save onely the Queen who being then near the time of her childe-birth remained at Harbottle in Northhumberland where she was brought to bed of Lady Margaret Douglas Then assoon as she was able to endure travell she went to London where she was kindly welcomed and lovingly entertained by her brother King Henry and her sister Mary Queen of France and afterward Dutchesse of Suffolk But the Governours head being once filled with suspitions and new causes of distrust arising dayly could not be quieted by their return nor the Queens absence neither could he think himself bound by promises Gawin Douglas Bishop of Dunkel uncle to Angus was committed to prison John Lord Drummond his Grandfather or mothers brother David Panetier Secretarie to the late King were likewise laid fast Alexander Lord Hume and his brother William were executed their goods confiscat their lands forfeited and their heads affixed on the Citie Gate of Edinburgh called the Nether-Bow Being thus rid of the Chamberlain he did much fear the Earle of Angus whom he left to governe in his absence for he went into France but joyned with him the Earles of Arran Argyle Huntley the Archbishop of S. Andrews and Glasgow together with a Frenchman named Antonius Darsius commonly known by the title of Sieur de la Beaute To this La Beaute he allotted Dumbar the Shires of Lowthian and the Merse where the Chamberlaines lands and friends were This Darsius was slain by Sir David Hume of Wedderburn occasionally in the year 1517. the 18. of September For this Sir David was out-lawed his house seized and Sir George Douglas Angus brother suspected to be accessarie imprisoned in Garvet Castle they not daring to meddle with the Earl himself who was no lesse suspected to have been conscious of it though falsely because Sir David had married their sister Alison Not long after this there fell out an occasion of great troubles betwixt the Earle of Angus and the Earle of Arrane There was some question of the Bailiff-ship and right of keeping Courts in Jedward Forrest the Earle of Angus his Lands but in which Andrew Ker of Farnihaste challenged a right and priviledge of doing justice and punishing male-factors as hereditarie Bailiff In this controversie Arrane sided with Farnihaste not for any particular relation or because he thought his right was good but onely in opposition to Angus whom he hated inwardly What the cause of his hatred was we â—…ear not and they had been good friends before Arrans base sonne James Hamilton as he was on his way towards Farnihaste to assist him John Summervale of Camnethen set upon him killed five or six of his company took thirty men and horses and pursued himfelf so near that he was forced to turne in to Hume Castle for his safetie This fact was imputed to Angus on whom Summervale did for the most part depend men thinking that it was done by his direction But it is well known that besides this quarrell of the Earles that man had ever a particular feude with the Hamiltons But if the Earle had been guiltie of this wrong and offence done unto them it is not likely that he would have been so slightly accompanied at Edinburgh and have stayed their coming thither with so small forces if he had suspected any ill meaning from them or known any such deserving in himself Besides they having so just cause they might have complained and gotten redresse and satisfaction of the Earle by order of law if they could have made it appear that he had any hand in it and not have taken this violent course Wherefore in all likelihood this was but a colour and pretext Hereupon however in the year 1520. the 27. of April a convention being appointed at Edinburgh where Archbald Douglas of Kilspindie the Earle of Angus his uncle or Consin-German rather was Provest the Hamiltons refused to come thither alledging that they could not think themselves assured of their lives in the Town where he was Provest Archbald to cut off their excuse and that he might not hinder publick businesse laid down his office voluntarily and in his room was chosen Robert Logane a Burgesse of Edinburgh Then they came to the City and finding the Earle of Angus there but meanly attended and weakly guarded his friends not being yet conveened they assembled together with the chief Noblemen of the West in Archbishop Betons house in the Black-Frier-Winde this Beton was also Chancellour and there resolve by all means to apprehend Angus alledging that his power was so great that nothing could be discerned freely so long as he
slaughters followed upon it amongst which was the slaughter of Sir Walter Scot himself in Edinburgh There my Lord Fleming also alighted with Angus and took part in the conflict but the Earle of Lennox sate still on his horse by the King as an indifferent spectatour and looker on He being before a suspected but now by this a declared enemie to the Douglasses with-drew himself from Court This fell out about the 18. of July 1526. After this attempt Angus perceiving so many evil-affected toward him entred into parleying with the Earle of Arran and having composed their old differences received him to be his partner and fellow-governour in ruling the Countrey This did the more incense Lennox against them both and his anger made them both the more watchfull and carefull to strengthen themselves against him The ground of their dissention was this Lennox was Arrans sisters sonne as hath been said and failing heirs of his own body was to be his heir and to succeed as well to the Earldome of Arran as to his right and title to the Kingdome of Scotland after the King and his heires and there being great appearance of it Lennox had conceived great hope that he should be his heir because his uncle Arran had been long married to the Chamberlan Hume his sister and had no children by her She also her self whether because she was of good age or because she had been so long barren had lost all hope to conceive whereupon her husband either by her advice or not without her consent as is thought divorceth from her pretending he had before he married her lien with a kinswoman of hers that was so near in bloud as made his marriage with her incestuous and so could not be brooked by him with a good conscience So being divorced he marries one Beton daughter to Creigh in Fyfe who was brother to Beton Archbishop of S. Andrewes This was a great stop in the Earle of Lennox his hopes chiefly concerning the Earledome of Arran for as touching the Crown the report went that the King would entaile that to him out of his own favour Neither was his hope of Arran quite given over if the divorcement could afterward be quarrelled either in substance or formality which Lawyers might readily do in a subject of this nature which is so full of questions and doubts These things wrought jealousie that contrariety and alienation of mindes which soone begat hostility and hatred The diversity of faction increased it and it bred and increased the faction The King held firm for Lennox or was held firm by him and sent him many private Letters to many of the Nobilitie with whom he dealt and drew a great faction In which being very confident he assembled them at Stirlin where was Arch-bishop Beton and divers other Bishops There he propounded in plain terms the setting of the King at liberty which they decreed and appointed a day for the performance and execution thereof Angus so soon as he had found the winde thereof and had begun to smell it out had written to the Earle of Arran to come to Lithgow where they might meet and take such order as was needfull Arran was not slow but gathered his Forces quickly and kept the appointment Lennox hearing of it resolved though the day were not yet come that was appointed for his associats to conveen at Stirlin to adventure to set upon the Hamiltons before Angus who was at Edinburgh should joyne with them with such power as he had ready about him The Hamiltons having notice of Lennox his intention advertised the Earle of Angus thereof Angus made ready and addressed himself for the journey but he got many letts and impediments The King also did hinder and stay him not a little for he lay long a bed pretending indisposition and sickishnesse he marched slowly and stayed often and made many halts by the way as being weary and troubled with loosenesse of his belly which moved him often to untrusse which he did onely for an excuse of purpose to stay them Angus perceiving it and fearing lest he should come too late left his brother Sir George and some few with him to attend the King made all the haste he could to joyn with Arran in time In this mean while Lennox was come from Stirlin straight to Linlithgow and the Hamiltons issuing out of the Town had manned the Bridge which is a mile from the Town and the rest had put themselves in order of battell along some small hiâ—…s not farre from the Bridge This forced Lennox to forsake the passing of the River by the Bridge and to crosse the water at a foord a little above near to the Abbey of Machlein He exhorted his men to assaile the Hamiltons before Angus should come to assist them and they made haste but by too much haste they broke their ranks and having the little hils to climbe up they were out of winde when they came to strokes and withall the cry arose that Angus did approach So the Hamiltons assailing them with long Weapons from a ground of advantage and the Douglasses also coming upon them on the other hand Lennox his men were over-thrown being sore wounded This was done ere Sir George Douglas could come to them who desired greatly to be with his brother but was held back by the Kings pretences It is constantly reported that Sir George seeing the King linger thus and knowing that he did it of purpose said to him in great fury It is as much as our lives are worthy if our enemies get you from us to day which rather than they shall do we will hold fast one half of you and let them pull away the other These words the King never forgot nor forgave neither would ever hear of pardoning him when he seemed not to be implacable towards the rest When the King could not stay Augus any longer from going to aide the Hamiltons he sent Andrew Wood of Largoe to have saved Lennox life by all means But he was slain in the chace by the Earle of Arrans base son James Hamilton who used the victory cruelly and whom afterwards a Groom of Lennox wounded almost to death having stabbed him in five or six places in revenge of his Lords death He was lamented of his uncle Arran with many tears by Angus with sorrow and sadnesse of heart but above all the King took his death ill seeing his care to save him not to have succeeded It is said that when he was coming from Stirlin Arran sent to him and prayed him not to come forward but to stay otherwise that he would force him to fight him which he desired not to do To which Lennox answered That he would not stay but would go and see the King maugre him and all that would take his part But his purpose was directly to fight the Hamiltons and not to go to the King for he could not go to him and leave them strong behinde
this maxime which he had received from his Predecessours That it was better to hear the Lark sing than the Mouse cheep The Castle was well defended for certain dayes none hurt within many without were wounded with shot from the Castle and some burnt and scalded with their own Powder which took fire unawares and divers killed The besiegers were troubled without by the horsemen who assaulted them daily at their trenches so that seeing no hope of carrying it they raised their siege and retired In their retreat they were set upon in the Reare by Angus his horsemen and one David Falconer a principall Cannonier slain with some otherhired Musketiers and two of the Cannons cloyed This the K. took so highly esteeming it an affort and scorn put upon him that he â—…wore openly that so long as he lived the Douglasses should never be received into favour He was then young and in his hot bloud and saw not their worth or at least looked upon it through the prospective of an angry passion but before he died he saw it more setledly and clearly and that their service was more steadable than all theirs that were now about him Being come to Edinburgh he adviseth what was next to be done It was thought fit to keep a company at Coldingham which needed not to be very great but onely to lye there constantly to preserve and protect the common people from their incursions But that was to Bell the Cat a good designe but difficult to prosecute Billie where Angus made his residence is within five miles of Coldingham and all the Countrey about did favour him yea some in that same Town it self did bear him good will The task to execute this conclusion was laid upon the Earle Bothwell who was the most powerfull man in Lowthian He refuses it absolutely as that which he was not able to perform So is the King driven to think of another The Earle of Arran was the greatest in power and friendship but he had slain the Earle of Lennox at Linlithgow and was in societie with the Douglasses He doubts with what zeal or fidelity he would prosecute the businesse Argyle was in great account for warrelike and politick wisedome But he lay farre off in the North-West parts of the Kingdome There is no remedie he must be the man he is made Lieutenant and as our Writers say by the Lord Humes assistance drove Angus out of Scotland But all our ancient men who lived in those dayes and were present at those doings and actors in them say the contrary That he did no good but came to Dumbar and some of his companies going before were set upon at the Peeths and three or fourscore of them slain Hereupon was made this rime in derision beginning thus The Earle of Argyle is bound to ride From the border of Edge-bucklin bray And all his Habergeons him beside Each man upon a sonke of Stray They made their vow that they would slay c. Neither did the Lord Hume take any particular dealing against him neither did he leave Scotland being compelled thereto by force as our traditioners say but upon the King of Englands desire who wished him so farre to obey and yeeld to his Prince He also caused him to render Tantallon up to the King What warrand the King of England had and what promises by word for it stood not with his honour to give any thing in writ that his clemency might be free and voluntary and not by capitulation our History doth rather glance at it than expresse it in these words That the Castle of Tantallon being rendred the King should under his hand-writing assure them of the rest of their petitions Yet the Castle being rendred the rest were not for all that sincerely kept What he speaks of the rendering of the Castle ouâ—… old men acquainted with these mysteries speak also of the Earles leaving Scotland That both were done upon these promises They tell also what the promises were that they should be received again pardoned and get their peace the Kings honour being once thus salved by his going out of the Countrey and rendering of the Castle within such a space as was agreed on Our Histories also signifie no lesse by the exception which it makes in this The rest sayes he were not sincerely kept except that favour was granted to Alexander Drumond to return c. Then his return hath been one of the conditions seeing it is accepted as one of them that were performed Neither hath the condition been that he alone should return but that they should be brought home all of them He signifies also that Drumonds return was not permitted out of any respect to the promise but at the request of Robert Bartaine So that the exception is no exception and so nothing hath been keeped But the King of England to whom the promise was made was not at this time disposed to exact the performance of it and to back his exacting of it with 40000. men as Princes promises should be urged Men say he had other work in hand and businesse of his own to request for which was to desire his Nephew James to be quiet and not to trouble his Kingdome while he made Warre against the Emperour Charles Yet afterward in the year 1532. he sought it directly amongst the conditions of peace that the Douglas according to his promise should be restored For King Henries own part he entertained them with all kinde of beneficence and honour and made both the Earle and Sir George of his privie Councell The Kings anger still continued against them in such sort that nine years after in 1537. he was contented that Jeane Douglas Lady Glames who was Angus sister should be accused by false witnesses condemned and execute The point of her accusation was that she and her husband Archbald Campbell then and her sonne and an old Priest had gone about to make away the King by Witch-craft Their servants were tried and racked but confessed nothing the accuser John Lion a Kinsman of her first husband when he saw how they were like to be used and that the house of Glames would be ruined repenting of what he had done confessed to the King that he had wronged them but it did no good She was burnt upon the Castle hill with great commiseration of the people in regard of her noble bloud of her husband being in the prime of her years of a singular beauty and suffering all though a woman with a man-like courage all men conceiving that it was not this fact but the hatred the King carried to her brothers that had brought her to this end Her husband seeking to escape over the wall of the Castle â—…ell and broke his leg and so died Her sonne was kept in prison because he was so young that the law could not strike against him Others were committed to Ward as Sir George Hume of Wedderburne who was Angus his sisters son
their own slain of the enemie besides Sir Ralph Ivers and Brien Laton 200. or as others say 800. amongst whom there were divers Gentlemen of good note and qualitie There were taken prisoners 1000. or as others 2000. with all their baggage which had been left at Melrosse of which there were 80. of good birth and qualitie It was no little furtherance to the victory the advantage which the Scots had of the Sunne going down and so beating full in the eyes of the enemy as also of the Winde that blew the smoak of the Powder on their faces likewise so that they were blinded two wayes They had also marched so fast to overtake the Scots that they were quite out of breath almost ere they came to strokes and when they came to them at the first joyning the Scots that were on their side fled without fighting It is said that the Earle of Angus was so resolute and void of feare that when they were going to joyn battell he perceiving a Heron flie over their heads cryed out aloud `` O that I had my white Gose-hawke here we should all yoke at once The honour of the victorie was wholly given to him and the profit came to the Governour But the more honour that Angus got at home of his own countrey-men the more hatred he had of the Enemy the English King Henry blamed him saying he was ungratefull and vowed to be avenged of him for it As if any gratitude could binde a man to betray his Countrey or any benefite tie him to omit his duty toward it Angus had never learned such gratitude of his Predecessours nor could his noble heart stoop to such mercenarinesse And as for his threatnings he looked upon them with the same courage and resolution Is our brother-in-law offended sayes he that I am a good Scottish man Because I have revenged the defacing of the tombes of my Ancestors at Melrosse upon Ralph Ivers They were better men than he and I ought to have done no lesse And will he take my life for that Little knows King Henry the skirts of Kirnetable I can keep my self there from all his English hoste The newes of this victory being come to France the King sent Monsieur de L'orge Earle of Montgomerie into Scotland with 3000. foot and 500. horse to assist against England He gave him also commission to bestow the order of the Cockle or S. Michael on the Governour Angus Huntley and Argyle which he did accordingly De L'orge arrived about the fourth or fifth of July 1545. and moved the Governour to assemble some power of men about 15000. which were mustered at Hadington From thence they went to the Borders and encamped over against Warke an English Castle upon Tweed But they did nothing to any purpose Hereupon the Count Montgomerie returnes into France the rest of that year and the next following with a good part of the year 1547 there was nothing done abroad or at home save that the Cardinall was busied in causing execute such as were of the reformed Religion whereupon followed his own tragicall death and the French Galleyes coming besieged S. Andrewes Castle and carried away the authors of the Cardinals slaughter into France The Earle of Angus hath had no hand in all these broyles for he is never mentioned in any of them Only his naturall son George is said to have gotten the Abbacie of Arbrothe But then if he got it he might have been called Abbot and not Postulat or Postulant which implies that he was ever asking it but got it not In the same year 1547. in August King Henry of England dying his son Edward a childe of some eight or nine years of age succeeded and his Uncle the Earle of Hereford was created Duke of Sommerset and made Protectour of England He levied two Armies to come against Scotland one by sea another by land in which he came himself in person and with him the Earle of Warwick It contained 18000. men He pretended for the cause of his coming the performance of the marriage betwixt the King his Nephew and the young Queen of Scots together with the observation of the Articles agreed upon with the Scottish Nobilitie in the Treatie of Peace with King Henry The Governour was mightily perplexed herewith He had no forraigne aide and he distrusted his Countreymen at home Notwithstanding he causeth it to be proclaimed that they should assemble themselves to resiste the common enemie They had their randezvous at Edinburgh and there came thither to the number of 30000. men From thence they march to Musclebrugh which is seated at the mouth of the river of Eske in Lowthian some foure miles from Edinburgh The English lay at Preston within two miles and their Fleet sailed along the Coast still in the view of the Land army ready to second or succour it The Protector looking down from Carberrie Hill and perceiving the Scottish Army to be greater than he had expected in regard of the civill discord and dissention that was amongst them called a Councell of Warre to advise about the Battell and in the mean time he sends a Letter to the Governour to try if things could be taken away without blood The summe of the Letter was that he was come to crave the performance of the marriage and the observance of the conditions agreed unto by the Scots If they would not yeeld to that yet if they would but promise not to enter into terms of marriage with any other forrain Prince nor carry her out of the Countrey till she were come to years of discretion to choose her own husband they should return in peace and make satisfaction for any dammage their Army had done This was very reasonable but it should have been treated of before they came from home and rather by Ambassadours than in the field and camp It hath never been the cause of their coming with an Army but rather hope that no head could have been made against them in respect of the dissention for Religion and other divisions which perswaded them to come Now the sight of an Army which was a sufficient party for them had taught them wisedome and moderation in their conditions If the Governour could also have moderated his hope of victorie which arose from his confidence in the number of his men the bargaine had been agreed on and the businesse had ended without blood But his councell of Warre his base brother the Bishop of S. Andrews George Durie Abbot of Dumfermling Archbald Beton and Hugh Rigge puffed him up with idle hope of a sure victory So the Letter is supprest and preparation made for battell The Armies were thus ordered The English were divided into three battels Whereof Warwick led the Vaunt-guard together with Sir Francis Brien who commanded 800. light horsemen which were in the wings The Protectour himself commanded in the mid battell having with him Sir Peter Mewtas with 600. Musketiers and Jamboas a Spaniard
with the mantle of silence and oblivion the nakednesse of those to whom we owe even a filial dutie pietie Concerning that Princesse my heart inclineth more to pitie I see good qualities in her and love them I see errours and pity them I see gentlenesse courtesie humilitie beautie wisedome liberalitie who can but affect these If they be carried to inconvenience who can but lament it In that sex in that place in that education in that company a woman a Princesse accustomed to pleasure to have their will by Religion by sight by example by instigation by soothing and approbation Happie yea thrice happy are they who are guided through these rocks without touch nay without shipwrack I do advert more than I finde set down by Writers while I search into all the causes which might have drawn on these lamentable events Besides the secret loathings in the estate of marriage which who knows but the actors bringing forth dislike then quarrels on both sides then crossing thwarting then hatred then desire to be freed besides all this impotencie and desire of revenge being seconded with shew of reason and backed with a colour of law and justice what wil it not do Her husband had killed a servant of hers whom he had dragged violently out of her bed-chamber Behold him therefore as Lawyers or such as pretended skill in law would alledge guiltie of death in their judgment He was not crowned but proclaimed King only by her sole authority never acknowledged by a Parliament so was he but a private man a subject to her his Soveraigne as are the wives and children of Kings Wherefore his Fact in slaying Rizio was flat treason for which he might have bin arraigned and suffered according to law But bearing the name of a King having many friends and kinred a legall proceeding could hardly be attempted without great difficulty and might have caused an insurrection and much bloud-shed with uncertain event Wheresore in wisedome the most convenient way was to do it privatly and secretly secret justice is justice notwithstanding formalities are but for the common course of things This was an extraordinary case Justice is absolutly necessary the form whether this or that way is indifferent it may be altered or omitted the Princes power may dispense with forms in case of necessitie or conveniencie so the substance be observed Well I conceive that a Prince upon such suggestions upon dislike in anger and indignation might be drawn by his counsellours neither can I but conceive that these colours have been here represented to perswade or to sooth To be short that fact so lamentable and which I can never remember without lamenting every way in her own and her husbands person done by the Earle Bothwell he murdering her husband she marrying him the matter seemed extreame strange and odious in the eyes of many It is true Bothwell was cleared or rather not filed by an Assise but the Nobilitie judging him not to be sufficiently cleansed but rather being fully perswaded that he was the authour of the murder thought themselves bound in duty to bring him to a further triall And howsoever he had married the Queen yet did they not take themselves to be so farre bound in obedience to her as in that regard to desist from all further inquiring into that Fact Nay it did rather move their indignation to see him who had committed so vile and execrable a murder not onely to escape Scot-free but to reap so large and rich a reward as was the Queens own person Besides they thought the consequent might prove dangerous if he who had massacred the father and married the mother should also have the son the onely barre and lett of his ambition to establish the Crown to himself and his posteritie in his power and custodie These were given out as the causes of their taking arms which were very plausible to the vulgar especially the safetie of the young Prince James There is no question they had also their own particular respects which are seldome wanting and do commonly concurre with the publick cause wherefore there joyned together the Earles of Argyle Glencairne and Marre the Lords Lindsay and Boyde These bound themselves to pursue Bothwel and to assist one another against whosoever would oppose them especially to keep the young Prince from coming into Bothwels power But Argyle repenting him went the next morning to the Queen and revealed all the matter and the Lord Boyde also was at last perswaded with many fair promises to forsake them and joyn with Bothwell The rest notwithstanding remained firme with whom Morton took part He thought he could do no lesse being so near a kinsman to the late King and so to the young Prince It is true he had been beholding to Bothwell but no benefit could binde him to assist him in this case for by so doing he should have given some colourable ground to that report which had so spred it self that it was beleeved a while about the Court of England that Murray and he were authours of the Kings murder To have remained neutrall would have been but ill taken on both sides The Lord Hume Cesford and Balcleugh though they had not subscribed with the other Lords yet did they hate Bothwell and were suspected to incline to the contrary Faction The year preceding Bothwel had made an in-rode upon Liddisdale for the suppressing of theeves and apprehending of out-lawed Borderers with bad successe for he was wounded and hardly escaped with his life This year he resolves to repair his honour and by some notable exploit to gain the good-will of the people which that he might the more easily do the chief men of the name of Scot and Ker who were likely to â—…inder him were commanded to enter into prison in the Castle of Edinburgh and there to remain till his returne But they fearing some worse meaning went home to their houses The Lord Hume also being summoned to enter would not obey Notwithstanding Bothwell goeth on with his intended journey and so the Queen and he come to Borthwick Castle there to make all things ready for this expedition The adverse party thought this place was not unfit to surprize him in it and therefore they appointed their Rendezvous at Liberton whither Morton onely came The Earle of Athole whither through his naturall slownesse or fearfulnesse by his not keeping that appointment caused the rest to break also and to stay still at Stirlin The Lord Hume in hope to have been seconded went directly to Borthwick and lay about the Castle but seeing no appearance of their coming he kept such negligent watch that the Queen and Bothwell escaped and went back to the Castle of Dumbar The Lords thus frustrated went to Edinburgh to practise the Citizens there and to draw them to their side which they easily effected The Castle was kept by Sir James Belfoure whom Bothwell had made Captain thereof and who had
been his intimate friend and prâ—…vie to all his secrets But upon some distaste or distrust Bothwell had sought to put him out of the place which he finding had made himself full Master thereof and he was now entred in termes of agreement and capitulation with the Lords to put it into their hands but had not yet concluded and transacted with them There were in the City at this time of the other party John Hamilton Bishop of S. Andrews the Earle of Huntley and the Bishop of Rosse John Lesly These when they heard that the Lords were come into the Citie came forth into the Street hoping the Citizens would assist them and help them to expell the Lords but when they saw that few or none did resort to them they fled to the Castle where they were received the Captain thereof not having as yet agreed with the Lords and some few dayes after were let out at a posterne and so escaped In the mean time the Queen had sent abroad to assemble her forces There came to her out of Lowthian the Lords Seton Yester and Borthwick small Barons Waughton Basse and Ormeston Out of the Merse Sir David Hume of Wedderburne with his Uncle Blackader notwithstanding their Chief the Lord Hume and his Cousin German Morton were on the other side Besides these they had 200. hired Souldiers under the leading of Captain Anstrudder mounting in all to 2000. and 500. with these they set forward from Dumbar with intention to go to Leith that so they might be nearer the enemy and lose no opportunity of taking advantage of them A wrong course and ill advised Whereas if they had but stayed a space in the Castle of Dumbar the Lords not having sufficient forces to assault them there nor Ordnance or any other necessary provision for a seige had been constrained to disperse themselves and retire home to their own houses Which if they had done they might easily have been overthrown being separated and scattered before they could have joyned their forces again But there is a directour of all things who had not ordained that Bothwell should prosper in his wayes which fell out also by his own temeritie and the counsel of Master Edmond Hay his Lawyer who is said to have advised him thus alledging that the Lords neither would nor durst abide their coming but would presently flee upon the first noise of their approach and that if they did but once shew themselves in the fields the Commons would all come flocking to them But it fell out clean contrary for neither did the people concurre with them because they hated Bothwell and the Lords having once taken Arms were enforced by necessity to fight for their own safety Their number was about some 2000. most part Gentlemen of good quality and ranke of the which the chief were Morton Marre 〈◊〉 Glencairne Montrose the Lords Hume Lindsay Ruthven Semple and Sanwhere Small Barons Cesford Drumlenrigge Tillebardine Grange They had no Artillerie neither any Musketiers save a few from Edinburgh They caused to be drawn on their ensignes the late King lying dead and his young son the Prince James sitting on his knees with his hands heaved up to Heaven with this Motto Judge and revenge my cause O LORD While they were in Edinburgh word was brought to them about midnight that the Queen and Bothwell were come to Seton and Salt-Preston within six miles of them Whereupon they made haste and having armed went speedily toward Muscleburgh lest the enemie should seize the Bridge and Foords of the River which was within two miles of Preston So having passed it without disturbance a little after the Sun-rising finding that the enemy did not stirre they took their refreshment and broke their fast at leasure Not long after those whom they had sent before to currie the fields and to give notice what the enemie was about having perceived a few horsemen without the village drove them back again but not daring to follow them for fear of some ambuscade could learne nothing else save that the enemie was ready to march Hereupon the Lords also began to set forward toward them and being now without the Towne of Muscleburgh they perceived the enemy ranged in order of battell all along Carburie hill ready to encounter them The hill was steep and the ascent difficult on that side wherefore they turned a little to the right hand where they might with more ease and lesse disadvantage ascend the hill being there much plainer and the ground more levell This deceived the enemy who seeing them turn aside supposed they had fled to Dalketh which belonged to Morton and lay on that hand But they being come where they would have been set their men in order having the Sun on their backs and in the face of the enemie which was no small advantage for the day was exceeding hot being the fifth of June 1567. besides the Townes-men of Dalkeeth did furnish them sufficiently with drink together with other villages that lay on that hand But on Bothwels side it was not so there was no such alacrity and readinesse in the people to supply them no foresight in themselves to provide no chearfulnesse in the Army but most of them wavering between their duty to the Queen and their suspicion of Bothwels guiltinesse Yet did they not offer to forsake her neither would they have done it for any thing we hear of if Bothwell durst have stood to it But his self-accusing conscience struck his minde with such terrour and dread that knowing what he had deserved he judged other mens mindes to be accordingly affected toward him and seeing head made against him beyond his expectation he began to doubt of the fidelity of those that were come to take part with him Especially he distrusted Sir David Hume of Wedderburne in regard of his friendship and Kinred with the Lord Hume and Earle of Morton Wherefore he moved the Queen to ask him whether he would abide constantly by her and performe his part faithfully He answered freely that he was come to serve her as his Soveraigne out of duty and in sincerity which he would do to the utmost of his power against whomsoever without respect of whatsoever friendship or kindred with any Blackader said the like and added withall speaking to Bothwell I wish my Lord you stay as well by it as we shall That which made them the more to fear Sir David was because a servant of his as he went to drink at a well not farre from the enemie was taken and brought to Morton who hearing whose man he was dismissed him and bade him tell his Master from him That if he were the man he should be he alone might put an end to that dayes work which is like enough he might have done if either he would have revolted to the Lords or forsaken Bothwell and gone home The rest of the Nobles and Gentlemen being in like manner exhorted by the Queen to
though they had intended to have come in to assist him he gave them no time to do it for ere they could have come as my Lord Boyd only did he had dimitted his Regencie and was so far from making any impediment or let to the Proclamation that he assisted a single officer with a trumpet who came to proclaime the Kings authoritie and publickly laying down his Office he took instruments of his dimission The next day when the Lord Boyd came to him hee chid him soundly for this his haste and even he himself when he had thought better on it was angry with himself that hee should so rashly and unadvisedly have given way to his enemies who used the Kings bare name against his authoritie which was to last five or six years longer and was established by the Laws of the Kingdome and Act of Parliament unto which they themselves had consented and given their approbation Whether or not hee did best in dimitting it may be disputed on both sides The adverse party seemed strong Argyle Athole Crawford yea also which did most astonish him his friends Glames Ruthven and Lindesay his most cherished Pitcarne Abbot of Dumfermling Secretary and Tillebardin Controller he had the ill-will of the Burrows especially Edinburgh And yet having right and the law on his side some would have regarded that the multitude so mutable might have been reconciled and the Faction dissolved being glewed together by nothing but common discontentment by contenting some and putting some in hope of having place in managing the affairs of the Kingdome Neither could matter of division have been long wanting amongst themselves where there were so many heads such diversitie of judgement and so many severall aimes and intentions If hee had but stuck to his right declared and claimed it and in the mean time kept himself safe by his own power and friendship in Dalkeith or Tantallon it is possible and not improbable that hee might have dis-appointed them But hee left that way and having dimitted the authority he rendered also the Palace of Haly-rood-house the Mint and Coyning-house with the printing irons also the Kings Jewels and what else belonged to the Crown was delivered to the Lord Glames and Maxwell who were sent from the King and his new Councell to receive them And good reason he should do so for now they were no more his seeing he was no more Regent having dimitted the authority he could not retain them Yet he did not so with the castle of Edinburgh which the same two Lords had also commission to receive His brother George of Parkhead as we have said was Captain of it who not being well provided of Victuall before he found that it was then too late to begin For seeking to Victuall it both privatly and openly hee was hindred by the Townsmen whereupon ensued bloud-shedding and slaughter The Town had placed a Guard about the Butter-market where the Weigh-house now stands and the Constable of the Castle Archbald Douglas brother to John of Tillie-whillie issuing forth set upon the Guard before they were aware and having killed two or three of them retired to the Castle again This did no good it procured hatred toward himself but purchased no Victuall to the Castle Wherefore the Guard being more warie he was so straited for want of Vivers that he was forced to surrender it to the Lord Ruthven and the Lord Lindsay the first of April 1578. In this mean time some fourtnight before the seventeenth of March the Lord Glames Chancellour was slaine at Stirlin There had been some old quarrell betwixt the Earle Crawford and him but now both being on the Kings side they were upon termes of agreement or assurance Iâ—… happened so that as the one was going to the Castle of Stirlin and the other coming from it they rencountred in a narrow Lane Both of them commanded their followers and train to give way which they did and were now all passed save two of their servants that were last who having first justled one another drew their Swords and flew to it Hereupon both their Lords with their Companies turned and began to skirmish where the Lord Glames being a tall man of stature and higher than the rest was shot with a Pistolet and so died It is uncertain who it was that shot him but many thought it was Crawford himselfe because he was very skilfull in shooting with a piece Wherefore he was committed to prison but was released again soon after without further triall or enquiry Whereupon followed great enmity and mischief betwixt these two families of Crawford and Glames It was observed with admiration that the news of this slaughter which was committed about five a Clock in the after-noon was reported punctually and perfectly at Edinburgh by six there being 24. miles distance between It appears by this that if Morton had not laid down his authority over hastily other such things might have fallen out to have divided that faction which might have furnished him with matter enough to have wrought out his own continuance therein But now having laid it down he must play the after-game as well as he may There were chosen to be of the Kings Councell Argyle Athole Montrose the Bishop of Caithnesse Montroses Grand Uncle the Abbots of Dumfermling and Newbottle the Lord Ruthven Lindsay and Oglebee These coming to Edinburgh he gives place and withdraws himself not to Dalkeeth it was too near neither to Douglas it was too farre off and out of the way nor to Tantallon it was a place of strength and it might have been interpreted fear in him but to Logh-leven to his Cousin William Douglas who was also a near Cousin to the Earle of Marre that from thence and by him he might deale with them who had the Kings Person in keeping and finde meanes to turne about the wheele againe and to overturne them who had turned him in a manner out of his Regencie There hee busied himself in making of Walks and Alleys in drawing of Garden plots or knots little minding any State affaires in appearanee or if any warie wit did suspect any thing of him or any clear eyed Lynceus or well sighted Argus espied some designe which was very hard for them to doe yet most part saw nothing and there were but few that suspected any thing and none that could help or hinder it For so hee brought it as most men think or so it came to passe that Alexander Ereskin brother to the late Earle a man of a good easie nature and no ill disposition and who though of himselfe hee were nothing factious or malicious yet he had been an instrument whom the other partie Argyle Athole c. had used to turne Morton out of his Regencie by admitting them unto the King who was committed to his charge as Captain of the Castle of Stirlin and Tutour to the young Earle of Marre was himselfe almost after the same manner turned out of his charge of
keeping the King and Castle For as the King had been moved to take the government upon himself before the time appointed so the Earle of Marre was moved to take upon himself that his own charge of keeping the King and Castle of Stirlin before his time being not yet of age nor Major The manner of it was this One morning the 26. of April 1578. the Earle got up betimes to go a hunting and sending for the Keyes of the Castle Gate Alexander his Uncle came himself in person and having opened the Gate to let his Nephew forth he himselfe and his servants were thrust out at the Gate by the Earle assisted by his own naturall brother and his Uncles the Abbots of Cambskenneth and Driebrugh very worthie kinde upright and honest Gentlemen and so he took the Keyes and keeping of the King and Castle into his own hands the 27. of April 1578. as my notes say and so not above 7. weeks after Mortons dimission of his Regency Whether or not Morton imployed Tillibardine in this work and gave him Money for it he being Uncle to the Earle of Marre I cannot affirme it though I know it was reported neither indeed can I say confidently that Morton plotted this businesse and that it was his doing or what hand he had in it or whether it were nothing else but division amongst themselves However it were by this meanes the designes of the new Counsellours were turned to nothing They had the 9. of April chosen the Earle of Athole Chancellour and indicted a Parliament to be held the 10. of July and had consulted of many Articles to be concluded therein Upon the newes of this change they go to Stirlin but the Castle was kept so close that they were not suffered to come in save one at once There they had some meetings in the Town and afterward returned to Edinburgh the 8. of May. Morton waa come to Dalkeith a little before wherefore they send to him and desire to conferre with him He came to Craig-Miller and there spake with Athole and Argyle and at last after much tossing of businesse they agreed so well that they went with him to Dalkeith to dinner On the morrow the 9 of June Morton goes to Stirlin and was friendly received by the Earle of Marre into the Castle The rest followed that same day so that the whole Nobilitie was assembled together the tenth day By their advice the Counsell was changed and Morton made Principal and President thereof The Parliament by Proclamation was transferred to Stirlin there to be held the twentie fifth day of July whither the Lords of Parliament were ordained to come with their ordinary train The other Lords Athole Argyle Montrose Lindesay Oglebee Maxwell Harris and the former Councell conveened in Edinburgh and sent Montrose and Lindsay to excuse their absence and to give the reason and cause of it because as they alledged the Parliament was not free being kept within the Castle of Stirlin and both King Castle and all in the Earle of Marres power All this notwithstanding the Parliament held wherein there were not many things concluded The chief things were a discharge given to Morton for his government during the time of his Regencie An â—…xoneration to the late Earle of Marre who had been Regent for his keeping of our Soveraigne Lords Person within the Castle of Stirlin The Lord Hume was also restored from his forfeitrie by the meanes and procuring of Sir George Hume of Wedderburne with the consent indeed of Morton whom he solicited for that end but against his opinion and advice For he told him freely that he thought it was not his best course for sayes he you never got any good of that house if it were once taken out of the way you are next and it may be you will get but small thanks for your paines Sir George answered that the Lord Hume waâ—… his Chief and he could not see his house ruined if they were unkinde he could not do withall that would be their own fault this he thought himself bound to do and for his own part whatsoever their carriage were to him he would do his duty to them if his Chief should turne him out at the fore-doore he would come in again at the back-doore Well sayes Morton if you be so minded it shall be â—…o I can do no more but tell you my opinion and so consented to do it Yet Sir George had so ordered the matter that he made no question to have carried it without Mortons consent by the Abbot of Driebrugh and Cambskenneth to whom he was allied by his wife Wherefore they are mis-taken that say 〈◊〉 did all and that there was nothing done but according to his pleasure for hee was but accessary and concurred as one of the chief and prime Noblemen but the house of Marre had the main sway at this time At this Parliament the wardenrie of the East march was taken from Coldinknowes and given to Sir George of Wedderburne and he thought it no robberie to take it being given him In August the other Lords with whom were Coldinknows and Manderston Cesford and Fadunside assembled their forces and having set forth a Declaration that their purpose was to set the King at liberty they marched from Edinburgh to Fawkirk Neither was Morton slow in gathering together his friends at Stirlin with resolution to have tryed the hazard of a battell The Earle of Angus went out divers times and skirmished with them but there was no great hurt done Onely in a single Combate or Duell upon a challenge which was fought on horse-back with Lances one Taite a Tividale man that belonged to Cesford was slain by James Johnston a follower of Angus he also being sore wounded At last they came to an agreement and lest they should seem to have done nothing they condescended that the King should be brought to Edinburgh or elsewhere as they pleased by the advice of the Nobility which served little for their purpose for there was no time limited and when he was brought to the palace of Haly-rood-house the 30. of September 1579. a year after yet was Marre and Morton the chief men about him and had greatest credit with him But before that time it was concluded in Councell that the Lord Aberbrothe and Claude of Pasley his brother should bee pursued as slayers of Lennox and Murray late Regents which was done accordingly But they themselves having fled into England their servants were taken and some executed others imprisoned and their Lords Houses demolished This motion is thought to have proceeded chiefly from the house of Marre and Logh-leven Wee hear of no new occasion given by them for they remained neutrals and did not side with either partie at this time Mortons part was that he remained a spectator and was contented that mens minds should be taken up with some other thing and not have leasure to think of him and his late
to be removed off the Counsell as such an one and when it was refused he likewise refused to deliver his message or to shew his Commission for so he had been commanded by the Queen and State of England Morton withdrew himselfe as discontented and retired to Dalkeith either for dislike of the present estate of things or out of feare and doubte of some danger or inconvenient or for both neither did hee come to Court or Counsell but when hee was sent for by the King This disliking of their wayes made them to dislike the more of him and his feare caused them to feare him more also dislike and feare increased their hatred and hastned their resolution to overthrow him The way was laid which was to charge him with the murther of the late King the accuser either made choice of by them or who did willingly offer himselfe was James Stuart sonne to the Lord Ochletrâ—…e a bold venturous and aspiring young man And so the last of December he was sent for and being set in Counsell he was accused by James to his face The crime was of being airt and pairt of the murther of the late King Henry Being greatly moved herewith he arose from the table and purged himselfe with great vehemency as innocent thereof and offered to abide a legall triall not onely of his Peeres but of any Gentlemen whatsoever though he himselfe were an Earle and had been Regent Hereupon hee was confined to his lodging where he abode all the next day which was the first of January and the Sabbath day So much leasure he had to bethinke himselfe of his case and what were best for him to doe he might have seen that it was a quarrell pickt against him of malice seeing the crime laid to his charge was so hainous as none but his mortall enemies would have broched and such as sought his utter ruine And hee might know that innocency is not alwayes a sure warrant and defence against such and that it was dangerous to fall into their hands On the other side to avoid and shun a triall were halfe a confession of the crime and would make him seem guilty nay it would make him truely guilty of contempt disobedience and rebellion which might perhaps bee the thing they sought through feare to drive him to some rebellious act and so to involve him in a true crime while he sought to eschew a fals accusation his friends followers advised him to take the first way but he himselfe resolved on the second for he supposed that they could not convict him by law and that they would not proceed against him without law having as he thought friends that would not suffer it especially the Earle of Angus being at liberty and out of their power But he had forgotten the old maxim of his predecessors That it was better to heare the Larke sing then the Mouse peep and their Proverb Loose and living On the second of January hee had a warrant sent to him to enter himselfe prisoner in the Castle of Edinburgh which he obeyed immediately As hee went up the street accompanied onely with his owne domesticks James Stuart his accuser was coming downe and as he passed by hee said to him in an insolent and insulting manner fare well my Lord goe on His servants would fain have made an end of the accuser if not of the accusation but he would not suffer them by any meanes but held on his way toward the Castle without replying any thing and so entred there a prisoner This obedience of his is liable to bee diversly thought of by diverse and is diversely censured by men according to that saying Laudatur ab his culpatur ab illis it is commended by some and discommended by others They blame his wisedome that he should have trusted and relied so much upon his innocency as to have put his life into the hands of his enemies who used the colour and shadow of the Kings authority for their owne private ends and to fulfill their owne malice and revenge Others commend him that being innocent he obeyed the King and submitted himselfe to the lawes The event gave judgement for the first and all men since are of the former opinion yet it may be he did not rely meerly on his innocency and that he looked not to have had such a number of enemies having never deserved such hatred of any and that he thought the Nobility would never give way to such extremity which was an ill precedent and preparative against themselves But however God had his worke to bring to passe and meant to humble him this way and therefore his wisedome which appeared at other times did now fail him so that hee was confounded in his discourse and reason There can nothing else bee said or alledged for this grosse errour in so wise a man This is the first evident step of his falling They might now doe with him what they pleased and yet scarce all that they pleased with safety and security His Nephew the Earle of Angus was at liberty and remained at Dalkeith who being sent for to come to Court refused to come yea though he were charged under pain of treason by a Herauld to come to the King yet he would not obey but was declared rebell Also Mortons keeper Alexander Ereskene master of Marre being an honest and kinde hearted Noble man they could not use any violence toward him so long as he was in his custody Therefore they thought it best to send him to Dumbarton and that they might doe it the more safely they set forth Proclamations discharging all men that had any relation to him or that they suspected to favour him to come within foure miles of any place where the King was or should happen to be So in the 17. or 18. of January he was brought forth of the Castle of Edinburgh to be carried to Dumbarton There it did appeare how the change of mens fortune doth change the minds and affections of people toward them When Morton dimitted his office and authority of Regent none of the Citizens would take norice of him or looke toward him Now that hee suffers for a good cause as they esteemed it to wit opposing Obignie and his courses they flock to him and accompany him out of the town in such numbers and multitude that his keepers were afraid of them And that the rather because some of his well-wishers had some nights before called the Captain of the Castle and desired him not to deliver him or to let him come out and had threatned that if hee should deliver him it should be remembred as an act of hostilitie and hee reputed and used as an enemy They that were his convoy were commanded if any should come to rescue him from them that they should kill him rather then suffer him to escape The Queen of England by her Embassadour Master Randolfe interceeded for him and told the King and
he passed the Carne-Mont with great celerity and haste the rest of his houshold following after by easie journeyes Great was the care his worthy friend the Constable had of him and many wayes did hee labour to keepe him from melancholy and to divert his thoughts from too much dwelling upon his present hard condition there was no kinde of sport or game which he did not afford him with all the varietie he could devise to entertain him and to cheare him up till the court envying even this small contentment to him commanded the Constable also to goe off the Countrey yet was hee never destitute of friends such was the sweetnesse of his disposition and of such power and force was it that it wonne the hearts of all the Gentlemen in those quarters to him such as the Innesses Dumbarres Hayes and others who did all strive who should shew most affection toward him by inviting him to their houses and feasting him by turnes and using of him with all courtesie and respect so that hee could not have beene more honoured and regarded amongst his dearest friends and nearest kinsfolkes Nay such was their love to him that hearing some surmises of no great good will borne to him by Huntley they of their own accord came to him and forbade him to bee afraid of him for they would spend their lives in his defence and for his safetie if the Earle of Huntley should attempt any thing against him Wherefore it was thought that they being thus affected he durst not adventure to execute any Court plot against him which he wanted no good will to do and otherwayes would have done Yet was this the place of the Kingdome where all Huntleyes power and friendship lay very neare at hand and where Angus had least acquaintance and fewest friends all of them being meere strangers to him without any other bond of obligation or tie of relation but what his vertue and worth had gained in that short time of his being amongst them and conversing with them The Courtiers at this time were at no small contest and variance with the Ministers chiefly with Master James Lowson Master Walter Balcanquell John Durie Ministers at Edinburgh and Master Andrew Melvin Principall of the new Colledge of Saint Andrewes and Professour of Divinity there The occasion was this they had at a Generall Assembly approved the fact of Ruthven by the Kings especiall commandement and now being desired by the Courtiers to condemne it they refused to doe it Both sides alledged the Kings authority the Courtiers pleading that such was his will now and the Ministers that it was not such then The Courtiers said that he was a captive then and the Ministers replyed that perhaps he was so now that they saw not any thralling of him then and that it might as well be alledged hereafter that he was a captive now as it was alledged now that hee was a captive then As for the particular quarrels of either side they said they knew them not but one thing they knew that they were as good men as Noble as worthie as well affected to his Majestie who were with him then as those were who were about him now that they were as free from all suspition of unsoundnesse in Religion nay much freer the others being at least suspected In which regard they could not retract what they had done and could not but allow of their fact who had removed from the King men that were not altogether free of suspition What private ends or aimes they had was unknown to them as also they were ignorant what the respects were which they now had both pretended the Kings will but they were sure of this point that the removing of suspected men was a good office and made for his well being and that the instruments thereof were instruments of a good work whatsoever were their intentions Thus most of them spake Others expressed themselves more harshly saying that wicked men were removed and such as were enemies to the Church to the Countrey and to the Nobility who sought their own preferment with the overthrow of all that they might be built upon the ruines of all these These speeches were very unfavourie to the Earle of Arran to the Colonell Stuart and the Prior of Pitten-weeme It rubbed upon them and by consequent as they would have it appeare reflected upon the King Wherefore they called it sedition and stirring up of dissention betwixt the King and his Subjects So they informe the King and by their Information animate him against them Wherefore John Dury behooved to be removed from Edinburgh to Monrosse Master James Lowson and Master Walter Balcanquell were rebuked onely Master Walters Text was treason against the Courtiers and spake too much though hee had said nothing It was that passage of Ecclesiastes I saw Princes walking on foot and servants riding on horse-back that is Great and worthie men displaced and base men set up in their room to which doctrine hee added an admonition that they should look to themselves when the cup of their iniquitie should bee full Master Andrew Melvin was dilated to the King and Councell by one William Stuart that he had said in a Sermon of his That the King was unlawfully called to the Kingdome but he craved that seeing he was accused of wrong doctrine that hee might bee tried by a Generall or Synodall Assembly who are the proper judges of doctrine delivered from the Pulpit It was answered that he should have no other than the King and Councell who ordained him to enter himself prisoner in BlackNesse Whereupon hee fearing and informed that Colonell Stuart and Arran had no good meaning toward him fled secretly to Berwick Before his departure hee drew up his Apologie of which it will not be amisse to set down the summe as a testimony of his innocencie and equity of his cause as also of the violence and iniquity of those times that so it may appear more evidently what just grounds and reasons the Noblemen had to labour to have things redressed and such enormous insolencies repressed First He protested solemnly before God and his Angels that he never uttered either in that Sermon or in any other any one word which might import any disgrace or slander of his Soveraigne the Kings Majestie but had ever exhorted all men to yeeld him all reverence and obedience that hee had ever and still did acknowledge him his lawfull Prince and supreame Governour in civill matters that he had ever and even then prayed for his preservation and prosperity Secondly that his desire to bee tried by a Synod of the Church did not proceed from any intention to call his Majesties authority in question but onely because they were appointed to bee the ordinary judges of any thing delivered in preaching In primâ instantiâ He alledged for this a plaine Act of Parliament and a conâ—…erence betwixt certain Lords of the Councell and some Ministers deputed by
know our designes but wee are to receive some help of Moneyes for so it is promised Sir William Russell shall also joyne with us as a male-content having been of late ill used by that State in killing Sir Francis but not as having any command so to do If matters go on we minde to enter on both hands Hamilton and Maxwell shall enter on the West-borders Angus and Marre at the East with such as will joyne with them there Thus did it please him to speak of himself in the third person howbeit it was written all with his own hand But Sir William Russell did not joyn with them Angus Marre and the Master of Glames came to Calsoe and remained there with the Earle Bothwel two or three nights Thither came the Lord Hume Sir George Hume of Wedderburne and others of their friends and with common consent from thence they went to Jedbrugh where they made their coming known and professed their intentions Upon the report hereof Colonell Stuart was sent against them with such forces as he could get and came to Peebles but he found that he had not to doe with irresolute and lingering folks as the Earle of Gowrie nor with such deserted and abandoned men as had fled from Stirlin and therefore he retired in due time to tell tidings of the certainty of their coming They took their journey toward Hamilton and there joyned the Lord Hamilton and the Lord Maxwell and so altogether marched to Fawkirk They caused publish Declarations every where containing their intentions and justifying their proceedings which are set down word by word in the History of Scotland written by Holinshed an English-man who pleaseth may read it there The summe is not unlike to that which was made before at Stirlin when they fled to England onely such things were added thereto as had fallen out since then in the time of their abode there As namely First The proceeding by cruelty under the shadow of the Kings name whose Predecessours did commonly labour to winne the hearts of his Subjects by clemencie Secondly The executing imprisoning banishing by wrested Lawes the worthiest most ancient and the most faithfull to G O D and the King both Noblemen and Barons Thirdly Acts and Proclamations published inhibiting Presbyteries other exercises priviledges and immunities allowed by Parliament or practised and permitted by laudable custome of the Church without which purity of Doctrine the right form of Ecclesiastical discipline cannot continue Fourthly compelling forcing the most learned and most religious men and such as were of most entire life conversation of most sincere conscience to forsake their Countrey or inhibiting them to preach and defrauding them of their Stipend by violence Fifthly the entertaining of Jesuites and executers of the Decrees of the cruell Councell of Trent Sixthly obdurate Papists having place in Session and honest men removed an evident proof and presage of intention to root out the true Religion Seventhly the thrusting of Magistrates upon Burrows contrary to their priviledges which were neither free of the Townes nor fit to discharge the place in their persons Eighthly the secret practices of James Stuart and the Colonell to turne the love and amitie which hath been now of a long time entertained with England very happily into open hostility having had intelligence with such persons as sought the Queen of Englands destruction a point confessed by divers her Rebels executed in England and which appeared by the slaughtering of the Lord Russell a man noble in birth honourable by vertue zealous in Religion of great expectation and a speciall friend and lover of Scottish men notwithstanding that they had made shew of the contrary for certaine moneths and had pretended to enter into an offensive and defensive League with her The conclusion was Wee command and charge in our Soveraignâ—… Lords name as his born Counsellours who are bound in dutie to be carefull of his welfare honour and reputation for which we have our Lands and Inheritances all and sundry his subjects to further and assist this our godly enterprise to concurre with us and so to give testimony of their affection to the true Religion his Majesties welfare and publick peace and quietnesse of this Realme It contained also certification That such as should attempt any thing to their contrary yea that did not take plaine and open part with them should bee reputed as partakers of all vice and iniquitie as assisters of the said treasonable Conspiratours James and William Stuarts and enemies to Religion to his Majestie and Authoritie and to the publicke quietnesse of the two Realmes and should bee used as such in body and goods Commanding all Justices and Magistrates as well the Lords of the Session as others Sheriffes and whatsoever inferiour Judges to administer justice for the furtherance hereof as they would answer upon their allegeance and highest perils with the like certification to them also if they failed herein They staid at Fawlkirke that night being the second day of November and kept strong watch being within five miles of the enemy It was observed with great disdain that the Lord Maxwel who had the charge of the hired souldiers that were put on the watch and so the choyce of the watch-word gave it Saint Andrew as smelling of his superstitious disposition and which was a blemish and contradiction in a manner to their declaration wherein they professed to stand for the true Religion But it was rather privately grudged at than publickly reproved On the morrow there came a message from the Castle of Stirlin as from the King to the Earle Bothwell whereby he was desired to forsake that Company and either come to the King or returne to his own house which he pleased This was a trick to divide them and which did so work upon him that if the Earle of Angus had not partly by reason perswaded him and partly by his authoritie being a man greatly respected detained him and fixed his wavering minde he had forsaken them altogether not without great danger to have weakned the hands and hearts of the rest by such an untimely example On such moments many times do even the greatest businesse depend But God had determined to blesse that Work at that time in their hands That rub being removed they march forward and about the going down of the Sunne they shewed themselves at S. Ninians Kirk which is scarce a full mile from Stirlin and were seen from the Castle wall of friends and foes They lodged there-about as they could till near the dawning of the day and then upon a secret signe given to the Companies that had dispersed themselves into the neighbour Villages for better lodging and victuall without sound of Drumme or Trumpet they came to their Camp and Colours The way of assaulting the Town was laid down thus First one of the Commanders with a few Companies was directed to go and make shew as if hee meant to enter
Behold the ground of your Lordships cause and of this so worthy an action done by you to your perpetuall honour of rare memory and example in any age lo what you have been not contemplating and disputing in the Schooles but practising in the Common-wealth For if it be not lawfull to disobey the command of Princes even of lawfull and borne Princes in any case then is this that you have done very unlawfull If it be a wrong to controll their wills then must this your fact be condemned as wrong If it bee not lawfull to remove from them wicked Counsellours and instruments of iniquitie then is this your act altogether unjust enormous unlawfull and treacherous But the world acknowledges all men assent and the Prince himselfe confesses that you have happily atchieved a worthie worke in freeing your King from the jawes of these wolves and lions who devoured the Realme and polluted his name and fame that you have restored him to his honour and that high expectation of him to his Countrey and to the Church of God throughout the whole world There rests onely this exception and doubt in mens mindes whether or not this hath been your aime in very deed and the true scope and end of your enterprise or if this bee but incident and adventitious to your own particular designes For it is sure your particular was joyned with it but that is no fault yea I account him happy whose lot joynes his estate with an honest cause so that they must stand or fall together or whose minde and resolution casts him upon it But it is of great weight and makes a great difference when the cause is our end and our particular but accessorie or contrarily when our particular is the maine motive and the common cause but a by end and embraced only to advance our particular Your Proclamation or Declaration which ye published speaks much of the publick cause and common-weale but you may perceive what men think how your actions and doings since do not answer thereto by this Letter For they are begun to think that howsoever you pretended the publick yet your intention was fixed onely on your own particular because you have done nothing for the Church or Countrey and hath settled your own particular And it is observed That of all the Parliaments that were ever held in this Countrey this last held since you came home is it in which alone there is no mention of the Church either in the beginning thereof as in all others there is or elsewhere throughout This neglect of the state of the Church and Countrey as it is a blemish of your fact obscuring the beauty and lustre of it so is it accounted an errour in policie and civill prudencie by so doing to divide and separate your particular from the common cause of the Church and Countrey which as it hath been the meane of your particular restitution so is it the onely meane to maintain you in this estate and to make it sure and firme Hee having thus spoken the Earle of Angus answered I know that question stands yet undecided betwixt those that stand for Tyrants and those that are against them and is disputed by Lawyers on both sides as what is not disputed and called in question by them I see also there hath been continuall practice of both wayes and the practice hath been allowed or dis-allowed according to the successe The Nobility calling it Tyranny and mis-government and the Prince calling the controlling of him Sedition Rebellion Treason But if Doctor Blackwood say that which you say hee touches the point very right and the fashion of our Countrey whose ordinary custome hath ever been such to take order with wicked Counsellours carrying all respect to the Prince and as much reverence as ever any Nation did Yet that beginning with the Counsellours drew many at last by necessity to betake themselves directly to their Prince himself when hee would needs espouse their quarrell and either to protect and maintaine them or to revenge them So that if Blackwood say that it is lawfull to punish wicked Counsellours he must confesse also that it is lawfull to controll Kings Neither is hee aware that in so saying hee makes the Nobility or Estates Judges to discern whether the Counsellours bee wicked or not and whether their proceedings bee for the good of the Countrey which he will alledge they are and that both themselves are good servants and their service good and profitable to him and the Countrey and these actions which they do and the counsell which they give that they do them as his servants and by his direction as Counsellours advising and propounding things not prescribing or enjoyning and therefore what is done against them is not done against them but against him and that they are not wicked but good and faithfull men Now the case standing thus to whomsoever he allowes the power to put order to them as wicked hee allowes them also power to cognosce of them as wicked to judge of them as wicked and that contrary to the judgement of their Prince who will never judge them such And indeed unlesse it be so when wicked men shall winde themselves in about a Prince and abuse his name or pervert his minde How shall the Prince be preserved How shall the Countrey the State Religion Lawes Order and particular mens estates be saved from ruine As hath been profitably and necessarily practised divers times before in this Kingdome and of late by us upon a flat necessity for his own good and the good of the Countrey And for my own part I will answer for one and can answer but for one his good did as much move me to that course as any private interest of my own and I still shall as much regard it by GODS grace so long as this weak life is in my body I know not how long that will be and who lives longest lives but a short time and I account not that hee lives who lives onely to live this life or to enjoy any thing that is in it This Lesson I have learned substantially so my GOD hath schooled me and I speak it to you seriously knowing to whom I speak Neither shall ever any endeavour of mine have any particular for the last end of it That all is not so well done and so clearly to the satisfaction of the Ministery and all honestly affected it grieves me as much as any and I am not ignorant that these inconvenients follow thereupon That we undergo the slander of respecting our particular Of carelesnesse of the Church and Countrey as though all our speeches and Proclamations tending that way had been but pretexts and that if ever any such businesse should fall out again our credit will not be so great Yet not for these causes but for the well doing it self my desire is That every thing be rightly done because it is right so to doe But what can I help it I
beginning of Dreams and of Drivelings c. at least in our language The fourth son was Archbald Douglas of Kilspindie who married a daughter of one Little in Edinburgh He had by her Archbald of Kilspindie who was Provest of Edinburgh in King James the fifth his minoritie and was married to the Earle of Crawford his daughter by whom he had first Patrick secondly Alexander and thirdly James Patrick was married to one Murray a daughter of the house of Balbaird by whom he had William After that he married Agnes daughter to the Lord Gray and had by her two sons and two daughters And thus much of his sons His daughters were first Marjoriâ—… married to Cudbert Lord of Kilmaers in the year 1491. Her portion was 1700. Marks Secondly Elizabeth married to Robert Lile Lord Chief Justice Her portion was 1000. Marks whereof 100. pounds was to be payed at the first Terme and then 50. pounds termely till all were payed It is with dispensation which is a signe that they have been in kin before the year 1493. Thirdly Jennet whom we finde contracted to Robert Lord Harris in the year 1495. Novemb. 22. to be married and that he 〈◊〉 divorce from the wife he had so soon as can be That she in the mean time shall not marry elsewhere For which caufe she is infeft in his Lands of Tarrigla with the Kings confirmation past thereupon the same year and day Her portion is that the said Earle then Chancellour shall procure his Lands to be new holden of the King This fact for a man to contract to part with the wife he hath and marry another as it is harsh to conceive so being done so solemnely by such persons we must suppose it had sufficient and honest grounds For certainly the Earle of Angus being withall Chancellour for the time needed not to hunt after unlawfull or unseemly marriages for his daughters Some reckon a fourth daughter whom they name not but say she was eldest and married to the Earle of Montrose this Earles great Grandfathers father but because I have not seen any monument of her I reserved her to the last place He had also sundry bastard sonnes after his wifes death First William of the Parkhead of whom the house of the Parkhead is come and the Lord of Torthorrell by his mother Secondly James of Tod-holes And thirdly one that they say was gotten in Glenbarvie born after his decease But this seemes to be false because they affirm commonly that aâ—…ter the field of Flowdon where his sonne George was slain he went into Galloway to Saint Maines and lived the space of a year an austere life Then he was not thus incontinent if that be true neither came he to Glenbarvie seeing he lived in Galloway He had also a base daughter And thus much of his children To come to himself we have heard how his father Earle George raised the house of Angus to such greatnesse of credit and authoritie that it was become not much inferiour to the house of Douglas to which it had succeeded Archbald his son did no way diminish it But when he came to be of years fit for managing affairs he so behaved himself and gained so good opinion of his wisedome and courage that the whole burden of the estate of the Countrey did lye upon him 〈◊〉 And for that cause chiefly he is commonly designed by the epithete of The great Earle of Angus For as touching his Lands and Rents we finde no great augmentation of them save that he provided his children well If we consider the means it hath been his own worth and sufficiencie that hath brought him to it for he began indeed his marriage with Court as a fit mean whereby to rise but that lasted but short while as we have heard The Court changing it was rather a mean to have wrought him discredit Notwithstanding of which and though he was young himself we finde nothing but that his businesse went right He got his own wardship even when his alliance were at the hardest pinch that same very year that Thomas Boyd had his wife taken from him and married to another His successe in the marriage of his sisters doth also show the same Neither hear wee of any hard effect that their dis-courting did produce toward him It was he that was the chief actor in taking order with Robert Cochran and the other Courtiers that did abuse the King and Countrey He propounds the matter to the Nobilitie he opens up the estate of things he puts hand to work and executes what was concluded The rest consent and follow he goeth before in every thing And even then when he did all this he was of no great age not above five and twentie and yet his credit power and authoritie was able to go through with it The History is written at length in our Chronicle we need do no more but transume it Neither is it necessary that we do that to the full it will suffice to set down onely what is requisite for laying open the occasion and circumstances for clearing of the fact that the Reader may the better discerne the right from the wrong which otherwise lye confused Thus it was King James the third of that name a man of a great and high spirit and of a hastie nature and prone to anger and such a one as would not suffer patiently his own judgement to be contradicted could not away with that freedome of speech which he found in his Nobilitie wherefore hee made choice of such to be about him as would not correct but approve all his sayings and who would not offend him by gainsaying but did curie favour by soothing of him and who with flattering admiration did extoll all that he said or did Wherefore excluding the Nobilitie he was wholly at the devotion of a few of his servants with whom he advised and consulted of all busines and either followed their opinions or made them to consent and exâ—…cute his will Thus he began to do about the year 1474. having after his marriage in the year 1470. addicted himself most part to his domesticke and private pleasures seldome coming abroad or giving time to the affaires of his Kingdome He had gotten about him base men both in place and worth whom he had advanced to honours and nobilitated Amongst these there was one Robert Coghran a Mason by his trade whom he made Earle of Marre An English singing man called William Rogers whom he honoured with Knight-hood with diverse others of meane rank and qualitie whose chief commendation was that they were impudently wicked and villanous This Rogers is thought also to have been his Pander and an enticer of him to lewdnesse and wronging his Queen Amongst these base men there was one Gentleman of good birth but he seeing the Kings inclination had set himself fully to follow it in all things wherefore he had given his daughter to Robert