THE ENGLISH IARRE OR DISAGREEMENT AMONGST the Ministers of great Brittaine CONCERNING the KINGES Supremacy VVritten in Latin by the Reuerend Father F. MARTINVS BECANVS of the Society of IESVS AND Professour in Diuinity And translated into English by I. W. P. ¶ Imprinted Anno M. DC XII THE PREFACE TO the Catholikes of England GOD saue you Right HONOVRABLE and most worthy Champions Giue me leaue awhile to interrupt your patience And if it be not troublesome vnto you heare me a word or two I will not hould you long Two yeares agoe I wrote two little bookes concerning the Kings Primacy the one against the Apology and Preface Monitory of the High and Mighty Prince Iames King of Great-Brittaine the other against the Torture of Tortus or the Kings Chaplayne This thing your Academickes tooke heauily and preseÌ„tly waged warre against me in their Kings quarrell especially M. VVilliam Tooker M. Richard Tompson M. Robert Burhill and M. Henry Salclebridge Yet for all this I do not fly or feare Nay there be many reasons which make me more couragious First the equity of the Cause Then your Faith and Constancy And lastly the Iarres and deadly Discords of my Aduersaryes one against another Concerning the right of the Cause which I am to defend what need I say any thing I am to fight for the Church of Christ for the honour and Obedience of Prelates and for the example and custome of my Forefathers And heerin shall I feare any man Hath not your faith and constancy which is testified to the whole world by your daily imprisonments fetters punishmeÌ„ts yea death it self suffered for Christ already shakeÌ„ off my drowsinesse Whome would it not animate and spurre forwards seing that in this case I may with good reasoÌ„ apply that saying of the Apostle vnto you Spectaculum facti estis Deo Angelis Hominibus you are made a spectacle to God Angels and Men To God who behouldeth your Combats giueth you strengh to get the victory and prepareth a Crowne for your Triumph To Angells who admire that liuing in this frayle flesh you do not feare the mighty powers of Hell and withall reioyce that so valiant Champions are coÌ„mitted to their charge You are made a spectacle to men who throughout the whole world are wonderfully incensed and styrred vp by your example vertue and patience to vndergoe the like combats and conflicts for Christ. Besides this the disagreements and iarrings of my Aduersaries amongst theÌ„selues are so many and their forces so scattered disordered that I do not esteeme them to be greatly feared If perhaps you know not these their discords heere I offer and dedicate this little Booke vnto you wherin it is particulerly shewed in what points they disagree If your leasure serue you read it and hope well of the issue In the meane while I will prepare my selfe to the Combat and when it is tyme I shall intreat you to be the Spectators Fare ye well and take in good part I beseech you this mâ— Interpellation From Mentz this moneth of Nouember 1611. Your most louing friend Martin Becanus THE ENGLISH IARRE CONCERNING the Kings Supremacy THE Kinges Supremacy in the Church of England is a new thing It began vnder King Henry the 8. continued vnder King Edward the 6. and Queene Elizabeth and now vnder King Iames the same is rent and torne in peeces with so many domesticall iarres and diuisions that long it cannot stand So as Christ in the Ghospell said full well Omne regnum in se diuisum desolabitur Euery Kingdome deuided in it selfe shal be destroyed But what and how great these discords be I will shew in these few questions following I. VVhether the King of England haue any Primacy in the Church or no II. VVhether the Primacy of the King be Ecclesiasticall and spirituall III. VVhether the King by this Primacy may be called the Primate of the Church IIII. VVhether by vertue of the same Primacy the K. may be called Supreme Head of the Church V. VVhether this Primacy consist in any Power or Iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall VI. VVhether the King by reason of his Primacy can assemble or call togeather Councels and sit as President therin VII VVhether he can make Ecclesiasticall Lawes VIII VVhether he can dispose of Ecclesiasticall liuings or Benefices IX VVhether he can create and depose Bishops X. VVhether he can excommunicate the obstinate XI VVhether he can be Iudge and determine of Controuersies XII From whence hath the King this his Primacy XIII VVhether he can force his Subiects to take the Oath of Supremacy In these QuestioÌ„s do our Aduersaries extremely differ and disâ—gree but especially these M. Doctor Andrewes in his Tortura Torti M. William Tooker Deane of Lichefield in his Combat or single Fight with Martin Becanus M. Richard Tompson in his Reproofe of the Refutation of Tortura Torti M. Robert Burhill in his Defence of Tortura Torti and M. Henry Salclebridge in his Refutation of Becanus his examen Besides these as opposite vnto them I will also cite Doctor Sanders in his booke of the Schisme of EnglaÌ„d Genebard in his Chronology Polydor Virgil in his History of England Iacobus Thuanus of Aust in the History of his tyme Iohn Caluin in his Commentary vpon the Prophet Amos and others The I. Question vvhether the King of England haue any Primacy in the Church 1 THE first Iarre or contention then is concerning the Name of Primacy Many of our Aduersaries admit this Name but M. Richard Tompson had rather haue it called Supremacy then Primacy His reason is because Primacy doth signify a power of the same Order Now the King hath not power in the Church of England of the same Order with Bishops and Ministers but a power of higher and different Order from them Ergo he hath not the Primacy but the Supremacy The words of M. Tompson pag. 33. of his booke are these Nos in Anglico nostro idiomate belliores longè sumus quà m per inopiam Latini sermonis nobis Latinè esse licuit Non enim dicimus The Kings Primacy Regis Primatum sed The Kings Supremacy Regis Suprematum Quo vocabulo nos quoque deinceps vtemur Multùm enim disserunt Primatus Suprematus Illud enim Potestatem eiusdem Ordinis videtur significare hoc non item We in our English tongue do speake much more properly then we can do in the Latin speach through the penury therof For we do not say The Kings Primacy but The Kings Supremacy which word we will heerafter vse For that Primacy and Supremacy do greatly differ Primacy seeming to signify a power of the same Order but Supremacy not so 2. Out of which words we gather two things The one that all Englishmen who vse the Name of Primacy do eyther erre or speake improperly if we belieue M. Tompson For if they speake properly seing that the word Primacy doth properly signify a Power of the same Order they do plainely vnderstand that the
Primatemque confingas It may seeâ—e to â—auour of malice and cry out vpon your sausines when as you feigne the King Head and Primate of the Church c. And M. Burhill pag. 133. Nec Primatem quidem omnino Regem nostrum dicimus multò vâ—rò minù◠Primatem Ecclesiasticum Neyther do we at all call our King Primate and much lesse Ecclesiasticall Primate c. 3. â—eere hence do I frame a twofold Argument One out of M. Tookers words in this manner He that aâ—â—irmeth the King to be Primate of the Church is a sausy and malicious fellow But M. Salclâ—bridge affirmeth the King to be Primate of the Church Ergo he is a sausy and malicious fellow The other argument I frame out of M. Salclebridges words thus He that denyeth the King to be Primate of the Church doth offend against the publicke Profession of the Truth receyued in England But M. Tooker denyeth the King to be Primate of the Church of England Ergo he offendeth against the publicke profession of the Truth receyued in England So I wâ—s one Mule claweth another 4. But now it may be demaunded whether of them doth iudg more rightly in this case M. Salclebridge who affirmeth the King to be Primate of the Church or M. Tooker that denieth it This controuersy dependeth vpon another question to wit whether these two Names Primate and Primacy are necessarily coÌ„nexed or as they say Coniugata M. Salclebridge thinketh that they are Therfore because he hath once affirmed the King to haue the Primacy of the Church he consequently auerreth that the King is Primate of the Church For that with him this argument hath force à Coniugatis The King hath Primacy Ergo the King is Primate As also this The Chaplaine hath a Bishopricke Ergo he is a Bishop 5. Now M. Tooker he thinketh the contrary For pag 6. of his booke he expressely saith That the King hath the Primacy of the Church but yet he is not the Primate of the Church And contrariwise The Archbishop of Canterbury hath not the Primacy of the Church and yet is he Primate of the Church So as he denyeth these two consequeÌ„ces à Coniugatis to wit 1. The King hath the Primacy Ergo he is Primate 2. The Archbishop is Primate Ergo he hath the Primacy And perhaps he will deny these in like manner 1. The Chaplayne hath a Bishopricke Ergo he is a Bishop 2. M. Tooker is a Deane Ergo he hath a Deanery IIII. Question VVhether the King by reason of his Primacy may be called Head of the Church THIS Title first began to be vsurped of King Henry the 8. as all Authors aswell our owne as our aduersaryes do testifie For thus wryteth Iacobus Thuanus in his first booke of the Historyes of his times Henricus post diuortium se Caput Ecclesiae constituit K. Henry after his diuorce from Q. Catherine made himselfe Head of the Church c. And Polydor Virgil lib. 27. of his History of England saith Interea habetur Concilium Londini in quo Ecclesia Anglicana formam potestatis nullis antè temporibus visam induit Henricus enim Rex Caput ipsius Ecclesiae constituitur In the meane while to wit after his forsaid diuorce a Councell was held at London wherin the Church of â—ngland tooke to it selfe a forme of power neuer heard of before For that King Henry was appointed Head of the same Church c. Genebrard also in the fourth booke of his Chronology hath these words Henricus anno 1534. in publicis Comitijs se Caput Ecclesiae Anglicanae appellauit King Henry in the yeare of our Lord 1534. in publicke Parliament called himselfe Head of the Church of England c. Also Doctor Sanders in his booke of the Schisme of England saith Ex qua dicendi formula primam occasionem sumptam aiunt vt Rex Supremum Caput Ecclesiae Anglicanae diceretur By which manner of speach it is said the first occasion was taken of calling the King supreme Head of the Church of England c. And againe in the same booke Proponebantur cis noua Comitiorum Decreta iuâ—â—bantur iurciurando affirmare Regim Supremum Ecclesiae esse Caput The new Laws or Statutes of the Parliament were propounded vnto them to wit to the Kings subiects and they were commaunded to sweare that the King was head of the Church c. Iohn Caluin in like manner vpon the 7. Chapter of the Prophet Amos wryteth thus Qui tantopere extuâ—erunt Hâ—nricum Regem Angliae certè fucrunt homines inâ—enâ—â—derati Dedâ—runt enim illi summam rerum omnium petestatem hoc me grauiter semper vulnerauit Erant enâ—m blasphemi cùm vocarent cum summum Caput Ecclesia sub â—hristo Those who so greatly did extoll K. Hâ—nâ—y of Enâ—land were men void of consideration For they gaue vnto him the chiefe power of all things and this point did euer gall me grieuously For that they were blasphemers when they called him the chiefe Head of the Church vnder Christ c. 2. The same Title did K. Edward Sonne to K. Henry and his Successour vsurpe as it may be seene by his Letters to Thomas Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury which begin thus Edouardus Dei gratia Angliae Franciae Hyberniae Rex supremum in terris Ecclesiae Anglicanae Hybernicae tam in causis spiritalibus quà m temporalibus Caput Reuerendo Thomae Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo salutem Edward by the Grace of God King of England France and Ireland supreme Head on earth of the Church of England and Ireland as well in causes Ecclesiasticall as temporall to the Reuerend Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury greeting c. The same Title also did Bishop Cranmer giue vnto the said King as appeareth by his letters wrytten to other Bishops subiect vnto him thus Thomas permissione diuina Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus per Illustrissimum in Christo Principem Edouardum Regem sextum supremum in terris Caput Ecclesiae Anglicanae Hybernicae sufficienter legitimè authorizatus Tibi Edmundo Londinensi â—piscopo omnibus fratribus Coëpiscopis vice nomine Regiae Maiestatis quibus in hac parte fungimur mandamus vt Imagines ex â—cclesijs cuiusque dioecesis tollantur c. We Thomas by Gods permission Archbishop of Canterbury being sufficiently and lawfully authorized by our most gratious Prince in Christ King Edward the sixt supreme Head on earth of the Church of England and Ireland do in his Maiesties Name and place which herein we supplie commaund you â—dmund Bishop of London and all the rest of our Brethren Bishops that Images be taken out of the Churches of euery Diocesse c. And Doctor Sanders also in his booke of the Schisme of England saith thus Quamprimùm visum est Henrici octaui mortem diuulgare statim Edouardus Henrici filius nonum aetatis annum agens Rex Angliae proclamatur summum â—cclesiae Anglicanae in terris Caput proximè secundum Christum constituitur
c. As soone as it was thought good to diuulge King Henryes death by and by Edward his sonne being of the age of nyne yeares was proclaymed King of England and ordayned supreme Head of the Church of England on earth next vnder Christ c. 3. Queene Elizabeth although she were a woman yet she thought her selfe no way inferiour to her Father or Brother She therfore would be also called supreme Head of the Church of England For so wryteth Iacobus Thuanus in his 15. booke of the Historyes of his time Elizabetha recepto à Patre fratre titulo Ecclesiae Caput per Angliam coepit appellari Q. Elizabeth hauing receaued the former Title from her Father Brother began to be called Head of the Church throughout England c. 4. But now adayes vnder K. Iames this title is put in ieopardy The Chaplaine to wit M. Doctor Andrewes doth admit the same in his Tortura Torti but M. Tooker and M. Burhill do reiect it M. Tookers words which a little before I recited are these Olere autem militiam clamitare audaciam tuam videtur illud cùm Regem Caput Ecclesiae Primatemque confingas It may seeme to sauour of malice and cry out vpon your sausines when as you feigne the King to be Head and Primate of the Church c. And in like manner doth M. Burhill pag 133. reprehend a certaine person of ouer much wantonnes and boldnes for calling the King Head Pastour and Primate of Bishops 5. In this debate and Iarre then what shall the King do If he admit the Title of Supreme head of the Church of England M. Tooker M. Burhill will no doubt murmure shrewdly If he reiect it what then will the Chaplaine say Perhaps this contention may be mollified if the King as he gaue to the Chaplayne the Bishopricke of Ely so he would giue to M. Tooker and M. Burhill two other Bishopricks For then least they might seeme vngratefull they would easily graunt this Title to the King and a far greater too V. Question VVhether the Kings Primacy do consist in any Power or Iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall HEERE now is there a great Iarre and debate amongst our English Aduersaries nor can the same be easily vnderstood vnlesse it be first well distinguished Ecclesiasticall Power is threefold as the Deuines do teach One of Order another of interiour Iurisdiction the third of exteriour Iurisdiction To the first belongeth to effect or consecrate and administer Sacraments to the second to gouerne the Church in the interiour Court or Court of Conscience and to the third belongeth to gouerne the Church in the exteriour Court Now certaine it is that the King hath not the Power of Order by reason of his Primacy For this doth M. Tooker confesse pag. 14. where he saith Reges non habent potestatem administrandi Sacramenta Kinges haue not power to administer Sacraments It is also certaine that he hath not Iurisdiction of the interiour Court or Court of Conscience For this in like manner doth M. Tooker confesse pag. 63. Omnis iurisdictio saith he in foro interiori Sacerdotum est nulla Regum All iurisdiction in the interiour Court or Court of Conscience belongeth to Priests not any way to Kings c. 2. All the question then is whether the King hath IurisdictioÌ„ Ecclesiastical in the exteriour Court or no About this point are the Englishmen at a great iarre and variance amongst themselues some affirming it some denying it others distinguishing M. Tooker affirmeth it pag. 305. in these words Qui habet plenissimam amâ—lissimam iurisdictionem in foro exteriore potest eamdem dare auferre Rex eam habet Ergo potest eamdem dare auferre Totum hoc liquet ex V. N. Testamento He that hath most full and ample Iurisdiction in the exteriour Court can giue and take away the same at his pleasure But the King hath this Iurisdiction Ergo he can giue and take away the same Al this is manifest out of the old new Testament c. With him agreeth also M. Salclebridge pag. 140. Reges oleo sacro vncti capaces sunt Iurisdictionis spiritualis Kings saith he annoynted with holy oyle are made capable of spirituall Iurisdiction c. And then againe in the same place out of the Lawes of England Râ—x saith he est persona mixta vrpote qui â—cclesiasticam temporalem iurisdictionem habet quidem Supremam The King is a person mixt to wit that hath both Iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall and Temporall and that in the highest degree c. And yet more pag. 144. Per leges â—cclesiasticas in hoc Regno approbatas vnus Sacerdos duo benâ—ficia haâ—ere non potest nec Bastardus Sacris initiari Vâ—rùm Rex â—cclesiastica potestate iurisdictione quam habet in vtroque dispensare potest By the Ecclesiasticall Lawes approued in this Kingdome of â—ngland one Priest may not haue two Benefices nor a Bastard be made Priest But the King by the Iurisdiction and Power Ecclesiasticall which he hath can dispense in both c. 3. M. Tompson and M. Burhill do absolutely deny it M. Tompson pag. 80. of his booke wryting thus â—rimatus â—cclesâ—ae non est dâ—â—iniendus per iurisdictionâ—m Ecclesiasticam sed per gubernationâ—m suprâ—mam The Primacy of the Church is not to be defined by Iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall but by supreme Gouerment c. And againe pag. 95. Diximus Regâ—m gubâ—rnarâ— quidâ—m Ecclesiasticaâ— sâ—d non Ecclesiasâ—iâ—è We haue said before that the King indeed doth gouerne Ecclesiasticall things but not Ecclesiastically And why I pray you Because forsooth he hath not Iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall but only temporall And hereunto agreeth M. Burhill pag. 234. granting this negatiue proposition Rex saith he nullam habet Iurisdictionem Ecclesiasticam nec in foro interiori nec in exteriori The King hath no Iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall neyther in the interiour nor exteriour Court c. 4. Now my Lord of Ely he distinguisheth in this case as may be seene in M. Tookers Booke pag. 305. in these wordes Habet Rex omnem iurisdictioneÌ„ spiritualem in foro exteriori exceptis quibusdam Censuris The King hath all Iurisdiction spirituall in the exteriour Court except in certaine Censures c. So as now to this question to wit whether the King as he is Primate and Head of the Church haue any Iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall or spirituall in the exteriour Court we must answere thus First with M. Tooker and M. Salclebridge That he hath most ample most full and supreme Iurisdiction Secondly with my Lord of Ely That he hath indeed some but not all And lastly with M. Burhill and M. Tompson That he hath none no not any one iote at all VI. Question VVhether the King of his owne Authority can assemble or call togeather Councells 1. NOv follow the Iarres and debates of our Aduersaries concerning the Offices and Functions of the Kings Primacy they â—re six in number which may be
the Kings subiects in England are bound in conscience to take both these Oathes as often as the King shall exact the same Or whether they should suffer imprisonments torments and death it selfe rather then sweare Concerning the former point the Catholikes doubt nothing for that they haue certainly and firmly determined rather to loose their liues together with the glorious Martyrs Syr Thomas More and the Bishop of Rochester then to adâ—it the Kings Primacy and abiure the Popes Now concerning the later Oath there hath byn some doubt made these yeares past For that some Catholikes who perceaued not the force and scope of that Oath did a little stagger at the beginning whether they might with a safe coÌ„science sweare therto or no. Which doubt of theirs notwithstanding did not last long but was soone taken away by Pope Paul the fifth and Cardinall Bellarmine For the Pope forthwith directed two Apostolicall Breues to the Catholikes of England and the said Card. wrote a letter to M. Blackwell then Archpriest of this affaire Both Pope and Cardinall do deny that the said Oath may be taken with a safe Conscience And their reason is this Because no man with a safe conscienceâ— can deny the Catholicke faith But he now who should take this Oath proposed by the King should deny the Catholicke faith though not generally yet in â—art so far forth as beloÌ„geth to some one article therof Ergo no man with a safe coÌ„science can take this Oath 7. This reason being very sound all good Catholicks admit but our aduersaries do not I in fauour and consolation of the Catholicks haue determined to adioyne heerunto two other reasons especially against the Oath of Supremacy which by the Aduersaries cannot be reiected The first is this No man is bound in CoÌ„science to sweare that which is eyther apparently false or at leastwise doubtfull But that the King is Primate and supreme head of the Church and for such to be obeyed not only in temporall but also in Ecclesiasticall matters is eyther apparently false or at leastwise doubtfull Ergo no man is bound in Conscience to sweare the same The Maior is euident of it selfe for that it is not lawfull to affirme any thing which is eyther false or doubtfull and much lesse to sweare the same The Minor is proued thus For that is it iudged apparently false aswell amongst the Caluinists as amongst the Catholicks that the King is Primate and supreme head of the Church But now amongst the Caluinists of England who adhere vnto the King the same is called into doubt For that some of them affirme others deny these points following 1. That the King is Primate of the Church 2. That he is supreme head of the Church 3. That he hath Ecclesiasticall Primacy ouer the Church 4. That he hath power iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall 5. That the K. by his owne proper Authority may assemble Councells or Synods and sit as chiefe Head or President therin 6. That he can confer benefices or Ecclesiasticall liuings 7. That he can create and depose Bishops 8. That he is Iudge in Controuersies of faith c. So as truly if these and the like points be doubtfull and vncertaine amongst those who adhere vnto and fauour the King seing that some deny them some affirme them it followeth necessarily that the Kings whole Primacy is an vncertaine thing What rashnes then and imprudency is it to go about to bynd Catholicks in their Consciences to sweare that which they themselues do affirme some of them to be false some others to be doubtfull 8. I will explicate more distinctly that which I haue said The Oath of the Kings Primacy doth contayne so many parts as there be or are thought to be Offices and functions of the Kings Primacy The offices then eyther are or are thought to be diuers as we haue seene before to wit to assemble Synods to enact and decree Ecclesiasticall lawes to conferre benefices to creâ—te Bishops to determine controuersies of faith and the like Therfore diuers are the parts of the Oath of the Kings Supremacy Of these parts then let vs take one of them by it selfe to wit this I A. B. do sweare in my conscience that I will be faithfull and obedient vnto the King as often or whensoeuer he shall by his owne proper authority create Bishops whom he will and againe depose from their office or dignity whome he will c. If this part only of the Kings Offices should be exacted of all his Maiesties subiects in England what do you thinke would be done Would all trow you yea they who most adhere now vnto the King sweare this Let them sweare that would M. Tooker I am sure if he be a constant man would not For that he denyeth the creation and deposition of Bishops to belong any way vnto the King And if so be that he who otherwise acknowledgeth the Kings Primacy at least in words would not sweare heerunto how then should Catholicks be compelled to do the same who doe in no wise acknowledge it And what I haue said concerning this point the same may be also said of the rest 9. My other reason is this King Iames doth often protest that he claymeth no more right or Inrisdiction ouer the Church then did the Kings in the old Testament in ancient times and therfore that this his Primacy must be contayned within the same lymits termes that theirs was in the old TestameÌ„t But the Kings in the old Testament could not compell their subiects to sweare such an Oath as this I A. B. do openly testiâ—ie and in my conscience declare that Ieroboam is the only supreme Gouernour of this Kingdome of Israel aswell in spirituall as temporall matters And that no forrayner hath any iurisdiction power superiority preheminence or authority in this Kingdome c. Ergo neyther King Iames can inforce his subiects to take such a like Oath The Maior is manifest out of his Maiestyes owne words in his Apology The Minor I thus explicate After the death of King Salomon his Kingdome God so disposing was deuided into two parts wherof one conteyned ten Tribes the other two So as by this meanes they became two distinct Kingdomes afterwards therin raigned two distinct Kings one wherof had no dependance of the other in temporall gouerment One was called King of Israel the other King of Iuda and both of theÌ„ had successours in their kingdomes The first Kings that ruled after the diuision of the kingdome made were Ieroboam King of Israel Roboam King of Iuda In eyther kingdome were Priestes and Leuites But the high or Chiefe Priest could not reside in both Kingdomes but only in one and that ordinarily in Iuda yet notwithstanding he was Head of all the Priestes Leuites that remayned in both Kingdomes Neither could Ieroboam lawfully say vnto his Priests and Leuites You shall not obey the High Priest that resideth in the Kingdome of Iuda but you shall obey me
only for you are exempted from his iurisdiction and power c. And though he should haue so said yet no doubt but he had offended If now King Ieroboam could not exempt the Priests and Leuites of his owne Kingdome from the Iurisdiction and Power of a forraine High Priest by what right then doth now King Iames of England do the same especially seeing he auerreth that he claymeth no more right or iurisdiction vnto himselfe ouer the Church then the Kings of the old Testament did The Conclusion 1. ALL then that hath bene hitherto said may be reduced vnto three heads The first is that the Kings Primacy in the Church is a new thing and first brought in by King Henry the 8. nor hitherto hath bene heard of or vsurped in any other place then only in the Kingdome of â—ngland The second is that there be so many Iarres disagreements of the English Ministry among â—hemselues concerning this Primacy that it is not manifest nor certaine what the said Primacy is nor what force or authority the same hath The third that the Oath of this Primacy can neyther be exacted by the King nor may the Subiects take the same 2. Heerehence three other questions which might be made concerning the Subiects will eaâ—ily be solued There be three sorts of Subiects in England The first as some call them are Henricians who both aâ—knowledg sweare vnto this Kingly Supremacy The second sort are Puritans or pure Caluinists who indeed do not acknowledge the said Supremacy but yet do sweare therunto The third are Catholikes which neyther acknowledge it nor will sweare it 3. The first question then is What may be said of these Henricians which both acknowledge and sweare to the Kings Supremacy I answere that they do vnwisely and inconsiderately The reason isâ— Because it is folly and rashnes as before I haue said to sweare a thing that is doubtfull and vncertaine But the Primacy of the King is a thing altogeather doubtfull and vncertaine amongst the Henricians as is manifest by their iarres and dissentions which hitheâ—to we haue shewed Ergo to sweare to such a Supremacy is both folly and rashnes 4. The second question is What may be said of the Puritans or pure Caluinists who do not indeed acknowledg the Kings Primacy yet if they be coÌ„maunded do sweare therto I answere that they are periured persons and Politicians The reason is Because they belieue one thing and sweare another They belieue with Calnin that neyther Kings nor secular Princes haue any Primacy in spirituall and Ecclesiasticall matters but only in temporall yet neuerthelesse they sweare Allegiance vnto the King togeather with the forsaid Henricians as to the Primate and supreme Head of the Church and this they do to make an externall and politicall peace which is more esteemed by them then their faith and Religion and therfore they are rather to be called Politicks then Christians Of whome his Maiesty gaue a most worthy testimony in his Preface Monitory to wit That he had found more truth and honesty in the high-land and bordering theeues then in that sort of people 5. The third question is what may be said of Catholickes who neyther acknowledge the Kings Primacy nor sweare therto I answere that they be iust vpright men who walke before God in truth verity They be sincere who professe with their mouth that which they thinke in their hart They are wise indeed who with good Eleazarus had rather dye then consent to any vnlawfull thing no not so much as in outward shew They be like vnto the Apostles who endeauour to obey God rather then men They be like to the Martyrs of the primitiue Church who freely professe themselues before the persecutours to be such as indeed they are 6. But you will say they be miserable For if they refuse the Oath they are forced to vndergoe imprisonments torments punishments Truly they are not therfore miserable but most happy For so did our Sauiour teach vs in the Ghospell Matth. 5.10 Blâ—ssâ—d are thâ—yâ— who suffer persecution for iustice for thâ—irs is the Kinâ—dome of heauâ—n But then you will say It is a hard thing to suâ—â—er How is that hard which is done with ioy and delight Heare what is said of the Aposâ—les Act. 5.41 And they went from the sight of tâ—e Councâ—ll reioycingâ— bâ—cause they were accompted wortâ—y to sufâ—er reproach for the name of Iesus Heare what â—â—e Apostle saith of himselfe 2. Cor. 4. Superabundo gaudio in omni tribulatione nostra I excedingly reioyâ—e in all our tribulations 7. And from whence commeth this ioy Truly from a twofold gift of the holy Ghost to wit Hope and Charity Hope of future glory that maketh vs ioyfull and full of comfort in all aduersityes Rom. 8.18 The sufferings of these tymes are not condigne to the future glory that shal be reuealed in vs. And againe Râ—m 12.12 Reioycing in hope and patient in tribulation And Hâ—br 10.34 The spoyle of your owne goods you tooke with ioy knowing that you haue a better and a pâ—rmanent substance Do not therefore leese your confidence which hath a great râ—ward For patience is nâ—â—â—ssary â—or you that doing the will of God you may recâ—yue the promise c. 8. Nor is the force of Charity lesse Rom. 8.35 Wâ—o thâ—n shall separate vs from the Charity of Christ Tribulatio or aâ—stresse or famiâ—â— or nakâ—dnes or dangâ—r or persecution or the sword c. But in all these things we ouercome bâ—cause of him that hath lâ—uâ—d vs. For I am sure that neyther death nor life nor Angells nor Principaliâ—yes nor Powers neythâ—r things prâ—sâ—nt nor things to come neyther might nor height nor depth nor other creature shal be able to separate vs from the Charity of God which is in Christ Iâ—sus our Lord c. 9. Heerto belong the examples of Christ of other Saints which haue great force and efficacy to styr vp and strengthen the harts of Catholickes to suffer patiently in this life prisons fetters torments yea death it selfe 1. Pet. 2.20 If doing well you sustaine patiently this is thanke before God For vnto this are you called because Christ also suffered for vs leauing you an example that you may follow his steppes who did no sinne nâ—yther was guile sound in his mouth who when he was reuiled did not râ—uileâ— when he suffâ—red he threatned not but deliuerâ—d himselfe to him that iudged him vniustly c. 10. And Hebr. 11.36 Others had triall of reproaches and stripes moreouer also of bands and prisons they were stoned they were hâ—wed they were tâ—mpted thâ—y died in the slaughter of the sword they went about in sheep-skins in goate-skins needy in distrâ—sse aâ—flictâ—d of whome the world was not worthy wandring in dâ—serts in mountaines and dennes and in caues of the eartâ— c. 11. And againe in the 12. Chapter and 1. verse And therfore by patiâ—nce lâ—t vs runne to the Combat proposed vnto vs looking on the author of Faith and the consummator Iesus who ioy being proposed vnto him sustayned the Crosse contemning confusion and sitteth on the right hand of the seat of God For thinke diligently vpon him who sustayned of sinners such contradiction against himselfe that you be not wearied fainting in your mynds For you haue not yet resisted vnto bloud c. 12. And yet more 2. Cor. 11.23 In very many labours in prisons more aboundantly in stripes aboue measure in deaths often Of the Iewes fiue tymes did I recâ—yue fourty stripes sauing one Thrice was I beaten with rodds once I was stoned thrice I suffered shipwracke night and day haue I byn in the depth of the sea in iourneying often in perills of waters perills of theeues perills of my nation perills of Gentiles perills in the Citty perills in the wildernesse perills in the sea perills among false brethren in labour and misery in much watching in â—unger and thirst in fastings often in cold and nakednes c. 13. And yet more in the 12. Chapter and 9. verse Gladly will I glory in my owne infirmity that the power of Christ may dwell in me For which cause I please my selfe in infirmityes in contumelies in necessities in persâ—cutions in distresses for Christ. For when I am weake then am I mighty c. 14. With these and the like testimonies of holy Scriptures were armed Syr Thomas More the Bishop of Rochester when they rather chose to dy then to take an impious wicked Oath With these places were others also animated who followed them in their glorious fight And lastly with these are they encouraged who now in England are kept in prisons bound in fetters spoyled of their goods and lyuings and purpled in their owne bloud S. Cyprian Epist. 9. Pretiosamors haec est quae emit immortalitatem pretio sanguinis sâ—i Pretious is that death which buyeth immortality with the price of it bloud And in the end of the same Epistle O beatam Ecclesiam nostram quam temporâ—bus nostris gloriosus Martyrum sanâ—uis illustrat Erat antea in operibus fratrum candida nunc facta est in Martyrum cruore purpurea O happy is our Church which the glorious bloud of Martyrs doth in these our dayes illustrate It was made white before in the works of our brethren but now is it made purple in the bloud of Martyrs And yet more in Epist. 24. Quid gloriosius aut felicius vlli hominum poterit ex diuina dignatione contingere quà m inter ipsos carnifices interritum confitâ—ri Dominum Dâ—um quam inter saeuieÌ„tia saecularis potestatis tormenta etiam extorto exâ—ruciato exâ—arnificato corpore Christum Deâ— fiâ—ium etsi recedente sed tamâ—n libâ—ro spiritu confitâ—ri quà m relicto mundo caelum pâ—tiâ—â—e quam dâ—sâ—rtis hominibus inter Angelos starâ— quam collâ—gam passionis â—um Christo in Christi nomine factum â—ssâ— What can happen vnto any man through Gods diuine bountifulnes more glorious or more prosperous then without all feare to confesse our Lord God then amidst the cruell torments of secular power to confesse Christ the Sonne of God with a free spirit though now departing from the bodie yea from the bodie tortured tormented and all to bemangled then by leauing the world to goe to heauen then by forsaking the company of men to be conuersant with angells and be made partaker of the Passion of Christ in Christ his name FINIS