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A15415 Hexapla in Danielem: that is, A six-fold commentarie vpon the most diuine prophesie of Daniel wherein according to the method propounded in Hexapla vpon Genesis and Exodus, sixe things are obserued in euery chapter. 1. The argument and method. 2. The diuers readings. 3. The questions discussed. 4. Doctrines noted. 5. Controversies handled. 6. Morall observations applyed. Wherein many obscure visions, and diuine prophesies are opened, and difficult questions handled with great breuitie, perspicuitie, and varietie ... and the best interpreters both old and new are therein abridged. Diuided into two bookes ... By Andrevv Willet Professour of Diuinitie. The first booke. Willet, Andrew, 1562-1621. 1610 (1610) STC 25689; ESTC S118243 838,278 539

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their conscience in religion and they call that heresie which is the truth and pietie And then when they obey not their wicked and impious decrees they accuse them as rebells to the Prince Thus are the seruants of God handled in Italy and Spaine so that there Omnia cum liceant non licet esse pium when all things else are lawfull it is not lawfull to be godly Polan 7. Controv. Of the vniust proceeding of the Romanists in their cruell inquisition condemning the Protestants their cause not beeing heard v. 16. As Daniel was presently brought and cast into the lyons denne it was sufficient to accuse him he hath no libertie giuen him to answer for himselfe Thus both vnder the Pagan Emperours of Rome were the Christians proceeded against beeing not suffred to come to their answer as appeareth in the Apologie of Iustinus and Athenagoras And this course the Spanish Inquisitors take in their cruell inquisitions against the Protestants to this day condemning them in corners and neuer bringing them to publike answer Polan 8. Controv. Of the practizing of Popes against Princes v. 21. O king liue for euer Daniel here prayeth for the life and prosperitie of the king who had vniustly persecuted him and commaunded him to be cast into the lyons denne And S. Paul exhorteth that supplications should be made for Kings who then were heathen and persecutors 1. Tim. 2. 2. So the Christians vsed to pray for the heathen Emperours wishing vnto them vitam prolixam imperium securum domum tutam exercitus fortes Setum fidelem a long life a quiet Empire a safe house strong armies a faithfull Senate a good people c. Tertull. in Apologet. c. 30. Contrarie hereto hath beene and yet is the practise of the Popes of Rome they pray not for Princes but rather seeke to make a prey of them They excommunicate princes such as fauour not their superstition and stirre vp their subiects to rebellion against them Gregor 2. and 3. Leo. 3. did excommunicate the Emperors Gregor 7. waged battell against Henrie the 4. he hired one to haue brained him with a stone in the Church but that the mischeife was preuented the beame beeing broken and the stone falling downe which drewe ●he murtherer to the ground after it Clemens the 5. practised to haue poisoned Henrie of Lucelburg the Emperour in a consecrated hoast Paschalis the 2. set Henrie the 5. against Henrie the 4. his father Adrianus stirred vp the Lombards against Frederike Barbarossa the Emperour and betraied him to the Sultane of Egypt Such were the practises of late also of that bloodie Sea against our late renowned Soueraigne as in the conspiracie of Ballard with his confederates and of Parrie incited by the counsell and gifts of the Cardinall of Coinie to mu●ther our worthie Queene Elizabeth Polan And now since his maiestie came vnto the crowne first treacherous Watson with his adherents attempted against the kings Royall person and since that miscreant crue Catesbie Percie Digbe with their mates enterprised that monstrous attempt by gunpowder to haue blowen vp the parliament house and so at once to haue made hauocke of King Queene Prince nobles and the chiefe of the commons 9. Controv. Whether one is iust before God by an inherent iustice v. 22. My iustice was found out before him It followeth not hereupon because in this particular act Daniel was innocent before God that therefore by any righteousnesse in vs we are iustified before God the iustice whereby we are iustified with God is the righteousnesse of Christ imputed vnto vs by faith and is not inherent in vs as the Apostle saith that I may be found in him not hauing mine owne righteousnesse which is of the law but that which is through faith in Christ Philip. 3. 10. Beside this iustice which is vnto eternall life which is not inherent but imputed there is iustitia temporaria a temporarie iustice or righteousnesse which is our innocencie and holinesse which is called our Sanctification and this is inherent in vs the first is called iustitia personae the righteousnesse of the person which is iustified by faith in Christ the other is iustitia causae the righteousnesse of our cause See more of this question of inherent iustice Synops. Centur. err 56. 10. Controv. Whether Daniels innocencie were the meritorious cause of his deliuerance According to the reading of the vulgar Latine because my righteousnesse is found out before him hence this collection is made by the Romanists that Daniels innocencie was the cause of his deliuerance Contra. 1. The word is not well translated quia or quoniam because but rather propterea therefore as Iun. and Polan for so the words col kebel di may be translated and then the meaning is that this deliuerance of Daniel was onely a testimonie of his innocencie and to shewe the goodnesse of his cause 2. But if it be translated quia because it is not alwayes taken as a causall but as an illatiue particle a word onely of inference and consequence as cap. 2. 43. whereas thou sawest yron mixed with clay there the verie same words are vsed yet is it not there taken as a causall for the kings vision and dreame was no cause of the things to come which were reuealed vnto him so Psal. 25. 11. Dauid saith be mercifull vnto mine iniquitie for it is great the greatnesse of his sinne was not the cause of forgiuenesse this coniunction therefore alwaies sheweth not the cause 3. There is great difference betweene these two for ones innocencie to be found before God and for the same innocencie to merit for to merit is required that a man should doe some worke dignum compensatione worthie of compensation but innocencie is not mans worke it is Gods worke in man for if the innocencie and godnesse of the cause should deserue a temporal deliuerance then God should haue dealt vniustly with many martyrs which haue not beene temporally deliuered Polan 4. The cause then of Daniels deliuerance was indeede the faith of Daniel as it followeth v. 13. there was no hurt found vpon him because he beleeued in his God And so the Apostle testifieth Heb. 11. that Daniel by faith stopped the mouthes of lyons ex hac vera fide sequitur innocentia vitae and out of this faith proceeded his innocencie as a fruite thereof Osiand for otherwise without his faith though this cause had beene neuer so good it should not haue beene accepted 5. Here also we must distinguish betweene eternall deliuerance and temporall God deliuereth vs from euerlasting death not for any respect of any righteousnesse in vs but freely of his owne grace he respecteth vs in Christ but in particular deliuerances Deus potest respicere vniuscuiusque iustitiam God may respect euerie ones righteousnes not as it is theirs but as it is wrought in the by his spirit Cal. So then as Melancthon saith here are three things to be considered saith whereby we are acceptable vnto
Bel a name contracted of Behel which commeth of Bahal which signifieth a Lord Berosus saith this was Iupiter Belus the sonne of Saturne to whom was erected a temple in Babylon with a vast and huge tower in the middes which continued vnto the time of Vespasian the Emperour as Plinie witnesseth lib. 6. c. 26. 2. The second god was the Sunne which they called rach that is a king because he is the chiefe among the planets and the Persians call him Mithra as Iustinus Martyr saith dialog in Tryphon the priests of this idol were called Raciophantae obseruers of the Sunne 3. Their third god was Nego the fire so called of the brightnesse which was carried about among them 4. Their first goddesse was Shacha which was the earth worshipped also of the Romanes vnder the names of Opis and Tellus of the Syrians called Dorcetha In the honour of this goddesse they vsed to keepe a feast fiue daies together in Babylon during which time the masters were vnder the dominion of their seruants this festiuall time was called Shache whereof Babylon was called Sheshach of keeping this feast Ierem. 25. 27. and 52. 41. 5. Their other goddesse was Mulitta which was Venus whose priests were called Natitae or Natophantae the obseruers of faire Venus Polan But the chiefest of their idols was Bel Isay 46. 1. Bel is bowed downe which Iunius in that place thinketh was taken for the Sunne whom the Assyrians and Chaldeans worshipped But he was the same who was called Iupiter Belus Plin. 6. 26. as is before shewed they worshipped the Sunne and the fire beside Quest. 17. Ver. 2. What is to be commended what discommended in Nebuchadnezzar in carrying away part of the vessells of the Temple Ver. 2. With part of the vessels of the house of God 1. Herein he is commended for his moderation that he would not as an insatiable conqueror that came onely to spoile carrie away all the vessels of the temple but contented himselfe with part which notwithstanding was Gods speciall worke so moouing the heart of Nebuchadnezzar that the temple yet standing should not be stripped of all the ornaments Pere 2. In that he put them not to any ciuill house neither enriched himselfe by them but laid them vp in the temple of his god vnde aliquam religionem Deo exhibuit wherein he shewed some reuerence vnto God in reuerencing the vessels of the Sanctuarie gloss ordinar Pere 3. But herein the grosse blindnesse of Nebuchadnezzar appeareth who giueth the honour of this victorie vnto his idols which was onely due vnto God as Habacuk saith they sacrificed vnto their nettes cap. 1. Iun. Quest. 18. Why it pleased God to suffer that the vessels of the Temple should be carried away 1. God thereby would punish the wickednesse and impietie of the Iewes for it is no small iudgement rebus sacris priuari to be depriued of sacred things 2. Herein also the Lord shewed his iust indignation against the sinnes of the people that he would rather abijcere res suas cast off his owne things which were dedicate to his seruice And for the same cause he refused their oblations saying incense is abhomination vnto me Isay. 1. 13. 3. The Lord herein also reproued their carnall confidence thinking that the Temple and the vessels thereof were sufficient defence vnto them therefore the Prophet Ieremie saith cap. 7. 4. trust not in lying words saying the temple of the Lord the temple of the Lord. 4. And by occasion of the transporting of these vessels the Lord shewed his wonderfull and strange workes in Babylon as by the writing of an hand vpon the wall when Baltazar profaned the vessels of the Temple The like worke the Lord shewed among the Philistims when at the presence of the Arke Dagon their idol lost both his head and hands Pere While the kings of Babel did regard with some reuerence the holy vessels they pr●spered as Nebuchadnezzar and Euilmerodach his sonne but when they grew to be presumptuous and profane in abusing them as Baltazar did the Lord iudged them for their contempt 5. God also hereby signified that he needed not any thing of theirs as any vessels of gold and siluer but such things beeing offred vnto God tended onely to the good of the offerer Pintus Quest. 19. Of Ashpenah the master of the Enuches his name and office V. 3. And the king said to Ashpenah c. 1. there are three parts of the kings charge vnto this Ashpenaz first concerning the transporting and carrying of certaine children of the Kings seede and of other nobles for at this time Iehoiakim the king himselfe went not into captiuitie then what choice was to be made of them both for their kindred and for their qualities of bodie and minde v. 4. and to what ende that they might stand before the king And in the third place order is taken v. 5. for their prouision and diet 2. Concerning the name Ashpenaz it signifieth in the Chalde tongue magistrum obiurgantium the master of the controllers that is the chiefe controller and gouernor of the kings house as Ctesias vseth the word Ashpamitres which signifieth the master or chiefe of the Priests Iun. 3. The kings of the Chaldeans Persians Egyptians at the first vsed Eunuches which were gelded men as their chamberlaines specially for the custodie of their concubines in Hebrew they are called sarisim of saras which signifieth to pull away but afterward the principall officers and seruants to the kings were called by that name as Potiphar Pharaohs chiefe steward or captaine is called an Eunuch that is a Courtier And the Queene of Ethiopia her Eunuch whom Philip baptized was her treasurer Act. 8. the word Eunuch is deriued of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a chamber and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to keepe they first attended vpon the king in his chamber So this Ashpenaz was a chiefe minister or officer to the king Polan Osian Pin. Quest. 20. Whether Daniel may be prooued from hence to haue beene an Eunuch in the first sense 1. Of this opinion are Iosephus Origen Simon Metaphrastes that Daniel was indeede an Eunuch and in him and the rest of the kings ●eed some thinke that prophesie of Isaiah to Hezekiah to be fulfilled that his sonnes should be Eunuchs in the King of Babels palace 2. King 20. 18. But it is not necessarie as is shewed before to take an Eunuch alwaies in that sense for that name generally is applyed to the principall officers and ministers of the king 2. Some are of opinion that Daniel was called an Eunuch because of his perpetuall virginitie Dorotheus in Sinops Epiphan in vita Daniel so also Damascen lib. 4. de fide orthodex cap. 25. but this may be gainsaied by that place Ezek. 14. 20. that Noah Daniel Iob should deliuer neither sonne nor daughter it may seeme then that they all had sonnes and daughters P●rerius hereunto answereth 1. that by sonnes and daughters here are meant the
in two respects 1. because they both issued out of the kingdome of Alexander which after his death was diuided as also because one of these two kindomes was of greater strength and had the chiefe superioritie which was the kingdome of the North. 2. it is euident in the text that diuerse states and regiments are comprehended in this fourth Monarchie for it is said ver 43. in the plurall number they shall mingle themselues with the scede of men and they are said to be Kings ver 44. in the dayes of these kings c. 3. Obiect Alexanders kingdome was diuided into 4. parts as is before shewed but here by the two legges two kingdomes onely are signified Answ. 1. Though Alexanders kingdome were diuided among his foure chiefe captaines Cassander Antigonus Seleucus Ptolome yet soone after Seleucus vanquished and killed Antigonus and Cassander of Macedonia was not of like power vnto the rest 2. wherefore these two kingdomes are onely spoken of as the mightiest and because they two onely had to doe with the people of God oppressing them continually and keeping them vnder 4. Obiect The Empire of the Romanes is held of all to be the fourth Monarchie of the world and the most flourishing This image therefore representing the foure great Monarchies of the world is to be extended to the Romane state Answ. It is not denied but that the Romane dominion maketh the fourth generall Monarchie of the world yet this remaineth to be prooued that in this vision the generall state and condition of the world is described the argument therefore followeth not Foure principall kingdomes and Monarchies are set fourth in this vision therefore the Romane is one of them for onely these kingdomes are here described which then had to deale with the people of God and which did beare sway vntill the comming of Christ and then determined Iun. annotat But seeing we are fallen to make mention of these 4. generall Monarchies it shall not be amisse briefly to shewe the beginning and continuance of them Quest 51. Of the beginning and continuance of the foure generall Monarchies of the world 1. The Babylonian Empire which is made one with the Assyrian tooke beginning from Ninus of whom the citie Niniue is thought to haue beene so called and it continued aboue a 1000. yeares yet it neuer flourished more then vnder Nebuchadnezzar the great who subdued vnto his kingdome all Syria Phoenice Iudea Idumea Egypt Lybia with other countries And this his large dominion began in the first yeare of his raigne when he besieged Ierusalem but it was not at the height till the 23. yeare of his raigne in the 38. Olympiad and so it held 60. yeares vnto the raigne of Cyrus which was in the 55. Olymp. The Persian Monarchie beginning in Cyrus flourished about 230. yeares as Pere 228. as Bullinger and was dissolued by Alexander in the 112. Olympiad 3. The Grecian Empire was first founded by Alexander who held the same 6. yeares then it was diuided into foure kingdomes which were soone turned to three the Syrian kingdome whereunto was annexed also all Asia Minor which Seleucus possessed continued in that house vnto Olympiad 175. and afterward was held by Tygranes king of Armenia 12. yeares and then in the 179. Olympiad was by Pompey subdued to the Romane Empire The second kingdome which was of Macedonia in the 150. Olympiad was made subiect to Rome with Perseus the last king thereof The third kingdome of Egypt held out vnto the 187. Olympiad and then Antonie who had married Cleopatra Queene of Egypt was ouercome of Augustus Caesar. 4. The Romane kingdome simply beganne from the building of Rome in the 7. Olym. but it was not an absolute Monarchie vntill the 44. Olympi after the ende of the second Punike warre for then all Italy Spaine Sardinia Sicilia and Carthage were brought vnder the Romane obedience And their dominion was much enlarged in the 147. Olympi when Antiochus the great was vanq●ished by the Romanes but most of all in 179. Olympiad when Pompey subdued the East countries So that Asia the lesse which was before the bounds of the Romane Empire was then but counted in the middes In this glorie it continued the space of 500. yeares from the second Punike warre till it was taken of the Gothes vnto which time frō the first building of the citie were a 1164. yeares or thereabout Varr● writeth lib. 18. Antiquat that Vectius the Augur by those 12. vulturs which Romulus coniectured by when he built Rome did forespeake that Rome should continue so many hundred yeares but this may worthily be held to be a fable ex Pere Quest. 52. vers 43. Of the meaning of these words they shall mingle themselues with the seede of men 1. Vatablus vnderstandeth it of the diuerse nations and people which should be admitted into the commonwealth and were donati ciuitate priuiledged with the immunities of citizens but the phrase of mingling themselues with the seede of men signifieth more 2. Osiander thus expoundeth it that the princes of the Romane state iuncturi essent affinitates cum Regibus should ioyne in affinitie with other kings but the text sheweth that the kings of this fourth Monarchie should be ioyned in mariage among themselues 3. Pappus with others interpret it of the affinitie betweene Caesar and Pompey who maried Iulia Caesars daughter and when she was dead he would haue giuen him in mariage Octauia his sisters daughter and desired also to haue maried Pompeys daughter so Augustus gaue vnto Antonie his sister Octauia But Caluin calleth this frigidum a weake conceit to ayme at some speciall mariages he thinketh it was the continuall practise of that state to combine and linke themselues together by mutuall mariages But this matrimoniall coniunction here spoken of is between diuerse kings not in the same slate and common-wealth 4. Some vnderstand it of the societie and league betweene the Romanes and Macchabees which first beganne vnder Iudas Macchabeus but the phrase as is before shewed doth signifie a league and coniunction by mariage 5. Some referre it to herod who beeing a stranger would haue maried one of the Macchabees daughter that his sonne might peaceably enioy the kingdome but the maide killed her selfe for griefe and he is said to haue abused her beeing dead ex Lyran. But the kingdome of the Iewes was no part of this fourth Monarchie 6. The true meaning then is that these two kingdomes signified by the two legs that is the kings of the South and North should linke together in mariage as is shewed before Quest. 46. argum 4. Quest. 53. vers 44. What manner of kingdome the Prop●et speaketh of which God shall set vp 1. Porphyrius and the Hebrewes doe interpret this of the kingdome of the Iewes which in the ende of the world shall as they dreame be most mightie and subdue all other kingdomes it seemeth also that Iosephus had some such conceit for when he commeth to make mention
occasion wherefore this vision was sent which was the profanation of the vessels of the Temple which is set forth in this manner 1. the occasion the king made a feast v. 1. 2. the vessels are brought and abused in excessiue drinking at the kings commandement v. 2. 3. 3. withall they blaspheme God and praise their idols v. 4. 2. The vision it selfe followeth where is noted 1. the time 2. what appeared a mans hand 3. the manner it did write 4. the place ouer against the candlesticke 3. The effects are two 1. the king seeth it v. 5. 2. vpon his fight he is troubled both inwardly in his thoughts and outwardly in his bodie his countenance is changed his Ioynes loosed and his knees smote together v. 6. In the interpretation there is the way and preparation made vnto it vnto v. 17. then the declaration it selfe from v. 17. to the ende In the preparation there is 1. the kings inquisition of his soothsayers but all in vaine v. 10. 2. his sending for Daniel at the Queenes motion In the inquisition 1. the wise men are called 2. the matter is propounded with promise of great reward v. 7. 3. their vaine attempt is shewed v. 8. 4. the euent thereof the kings perplexitie v. 9. In Daniels sending for 1. there is the Queenes motion and speach see the parts thereof quest 22. 2. the execution by the king with his speach vnto Daniel which consisteth of 4. parts 1. his enquirie concerning his person 2. a commendation of his gifts v. 14. 3. a narration of the wisemens weakenes and insufficiencie v. 15. 4. a promise of great reward to Daniel if he can expound the vision v. 16. Then followeth the declaration it selfe which consisteth 1. of a sharpe reprehension or redargution the order and methode thereof see quest 25. 2. the interpretation it selfe the parts thereof see quest 31. 2. The text with the diuerse readings 1. v. Belshatzar the king made a great feast bread C. to a thousand of his princes and dranke wine before the thousand and euery one dranke wine according to his age L. ad 2. And Belshatzar while he tasted wine in the tast of wine C. S. that is beeing now enflamed with wine and merrie with wine L. while the wine was in for to tast wine I. but it is said before v. 1. that he had drunke wine commanded to bring the vessells of gold and siluer which his father Nebuchadnezzar had brought from the Temple in Ierusalem that the king and his princes his wiues and concubines might drinke therein 3. Then were brought the golden vessels which they had taken out of the Temple of the Lords house which was at Ierusalem and the king and his princes his wiues and his concubines dranke in them 4. They dranke wine and praised the gods of gold and siluer of brasse of yron of wood and stone 5. At the same time came forth appeared B. G. L. the fingers of a mans hand which wrote ouer against the candlesticke vpon the plaister of the wall of the kings palace and the king sawe the palme or part I. the ioynts or knuckels L. V. B. pas signifieth a part some interpret it the palme of the hand that wrote 6. Then the kings countenance glory or brightnesse C. which Iunius vnderstandeth of that whole festiuitie which was suddenly turned was changed changed it selfe C. his thoughts troubled him so that the girdle I. bands C. V. ioyntes L. B. G. of his loynes was loosed and his knees smote one against another 7. Then the king cried aloud strongly C. that they should bring in the Astrologians Chaldeans and the Soothsayers wisards B. And the king spake and said to the wisemen of Babel Whosoeuer can reade me this writing and shewe me the interpretation thereof shall be cloathed in purple and shall haue a chaine of gold about his necke and shall be the third ruler rule the third C. in the kingdome 8. Then came all the kings wise men but they could neither read the writing nor make knowne vnto the king the interpretation 9. Then was king Belshatzar greatly troubled and his countenance was changed in him and his princes were astonied 10. Now the Queene by reason of the talke of the king and his princes came into the banket house and the Queene spake and said O king liue for euer let not thy thoughts trouble thee neither let thy countenance be changed 11. There is a man in thy kingdome in whom is the spirit of the holy gods and in the dayes of thy father light lat det and vnderstanding and wisedome like the wisedome of the gods L. S. det was found in him whom the king Nebuchad-nezzar thy father made chiefe of the Magicians Astrologians Chaldeans and soothsayers the king I say thy father thy grandfather I. 12. Because that a more abundant spirit excellent I. G. and knowledge and vnderstanding the interpretation of dreams decla●ing of hard sentences and the solution of doubts knots C. was found in Daniel whom the king named imposed the name Beltashazzar now let Daniel be called and he will declare the interpretation 13. Then was Daniel brought before the king and the king spake and said vnto Daniel art thou that Daniel which art of the children of the captiuitie of Iudah whom my father the king brought out of Iudea 14. Now I haue heard of thee that the spirit of the holy gods is in thee and that light and vnderstanding and excellent abundant C. wisedome is found in thee 15. Now therefore wisemen and Astrologers haue beene brought before me that they should reade this writing and make knowne vnto me the interpretation thereof but they were not able to declare the interpretation of the thing 16. Then heard I of thee that thou art able to shewe interpretations interpret interpretations C. and dissolue doubts knots C. now if thou canst reade the writing and shewe me the interpretation thereof thou shalt be clothed in purple and haue a chaine of gold about thy necke and shalt be the third ruler in the kingdome 17. Then Daniel answered and said before the king Keepe thy rewards to thy selfe thy rewardes be to thee C. and giue thy gifts to another yet will I read the writing to the king and make knowne the interpretation vnto him 18. O thou king heare thou O king G. Iunius referreth it to the 22. v. but it is better put interrogatiuely the most high God gaue vnto Nebuchadnezzar thy father a kingdome and maiestie and power and glorie 19. And for the maiestie that he gaue him all people nations and languages trembled and feared were trembling and fearing before him whom he would he slue and whom he would he saued aliue I. he 〈◊〉 L. S. B. G. V. but the other is fitter as set in opposition to the former clause and then the word must not be deriued of macah to smite but of caiah to make aliue whom he would he set vp and whom he would
celeritie of Gods iudgements Bulling 3. And in that the hand was seene to write it sheweth the certentie of the iudgement sententia iam scripta lata est the sentence was written and decreed against him Oecolamp 4. And the hand was seene in loco aspectabili in a conspicuous place ouer against the candlesticke not in a corner of the house but ouer against the middes where they vsed to set vp their lights Polan and vpon the white pargent of the wall that it might be the better seene Bulling 16. Quest. Why this hand appeared ouer against the candlesticke 1. The most doe make this the reason of it vt melius appareat manus c. that both the hand and that which was written might better appeare gloss ordinar H●g vt illustretur scriptura that the writing might be more conspicuous so the place where it appeared was very bright tum ob alborem parietis both because of the whitenes of the wall and the light of the candlesticke Bulling and Calvin giueth a reason of it fuit nocturnum conviuium it was a night banket 2. Iunius in his Commentarie thinketh that this writing was made the more conspicuous non solum luce diei sed etiam lampadum not onely by the light of the day but of the lamps also But it is not like they would set vp lamps and lights in their feasts by day 3. I rather approoue Iunius iudgement in his annotations whome Polanus followeth who thinketh that this was an hanging candlesticke prepared to giue light against the night for till then was the feast protracted it was not de nocte coeptum begun in the night for afterward Daniel is rewarded beeing cloathed with purple and a chaine of gold put about his necke with proclamation made that he should be the third in the kingdome which is not like to haue beene done in the night as it may appeare also by the sending for of the Chaldeans and wise men and further it is like it was done in the day that Gods iudgements might be so much the more manifest and euident to all men This place ouer against the candlesticke is mentioned because it was a conspicuous place about the middes of the house where their lights vsed to hang. Polan 17. Quest. Of Balthazar 's sudden feare and the manner thereof v. 6. The kings countenance changed 1. This sudden passion and great feare of the king is set forth by the parts it was both internall his thoughts troubled him then it wrought vpon his bodie by diuers degrees first his countenance was changed waxing wanne and pale the blood running all to the heart and vitall parts as it vseth to doe in such sudden feare Lyran then his bodie so trembled that both his loynes did shake and quake in so much that he was constrained se discingere to vnbrace himselfe as it were sweating swelling for feare Iun. Polan and then his knees smote together and it is like also that his teeth chattered in his head Hug. 2. Though Balthazar vnderstood not the meaning of this writing yet he trembled and feared expecting some present iudgement because his owne conscience accused him And though the wicked for the most part are hardened and are not much mooued by the iudgements of God yet Gods hand was here vpon Balthazar and strooke terrour into his soule this beeing as the last summons to call him before the Lords tribunall seate Polan 3. This his terror might haue beene a preparation to his repentance if he had had grace to vse it sed in medio cursu defecit he gaue ouer in the middes of his course for these his passions did soone vanish away he was not much mooued afterward when Daniel had shewed vnto him how present the daunger was and at hand Calvin 18. Quest. v. 7. Why Daniel is not here called among the rest 1. Lyranus moouing the like doubt why Nabuchadnezzer vpon his second dreame called not for Daniel with the first c. 4. giueth this reason that Daniel was at that time absent about some necessarie affaires and the king expected his comming which was the cause why he commanded not all the Soothsayers to be killed as he did the first time he dreamed But neither was that the cause then but rather Nabuchadnezzer was still addicted vnto his superstitious Chaldeans and would not haue vsed Daniel at all if he could haue found any helpe at their hands neither can this reason be alleadged here for it seemeth Daniel was much neglected 2. Wherefore as Osiander well collecteth it seemeth that Daniel so much esteemed in Nabuchadnezzers time was not employed vnder licentious Balthazar he was a straunger in Court and growne out of knowledge and therefore the old Queene to whome he was knowne in Nabuchadnezzers daies maketh first mention of him 19. Quest. v. 8. How it came to passe that the wise men could not so much as read the writing 1. Lyranus thinketh the Chaldees could not read the writing because it was written in Hebrew letters which they were ignorant of but there beeing such great affinitie betweene the Hebrew and Chalde tongue it is not like there was such difference in the characters but that the learned among them might haue read them 2. The Hebrew Cabbalists imagine that the letters were inuerted and the words transposed and set out of order and so they could not read them but it seemeth by Daniels reading of the writing and setting downe of the words in order as they were written that there was no such transposing 3. Pererius thinketh the meaning is that they could not read the words with any vnderstanding they knew not what words to ioyne together to make any sense or construction of them but it is euident by Daniels speech afterward that they could neither read the writing at all nor giue the interpretation for first he saith This is the writing it should seeme then that they could not so much as spell the words and then he addeth This is the interpretation v. 26. 4. Wherefore it is most probable that this writing was written in some strange and vnknowne characters vnto the Chaldeans or rather which is most like that they were so blinded and astonished by the power of God that they could not read it they were caecitate stupore perculsi smitten with blindnes and stupiditie Polan so also Calvin 20. Quest. What Queene it was which came in v. 10. Now the Queene by reason of the talke of the King c. came in 1. This Queene was not Balthazar 's wife as Porphyrie scoffingly obiected that shee knew more then her husband for of his wiues mention is made before v. 3. that his wiues and concubines drunk in the vessels of the Temple which were brought 2. Origen and so also Theodoret take her to haue beene the mother of Balthazar so Bullinger alleadgeth Herodotus to haue beene of the same opinion who calleth the mother of Labynetus which was this Balthazar Nitocris whome he maketh
resurrection of the Lord or the Lord taking reuenge came Nebuchadnezzer king of Babel not into Ierusalem L. for at the first comming he entred not into the citie and besieged it 2. v. And the Lord gaue into his hand not in his hand L. into his power V. Iehoiakim king of Iudah and part of the vessells of the house of God which he carried that is the vessels not the persons as Iun. Polan for he spake onely of Iehoiakim before into the land of Shinar into the house of his God not the house Polan for the whole land was not the house of his god I. his gods V. and he brought the vessels into the treasure house of his god his gods V. the treasurie G. 3. v. And the king had said to Ashpenaz the master of the Eunuches the master of the pallace V. of the Courtiers for so saris signifieth as Potiphar is so called Gen. 37. 36. who had a wife but properly it signifieth an Eunuch so called of keeping the chamber of the Greeke word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a chamber and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to keepe Elias Levita noteth that onely the ministers or Courtiers of the Kings of Egypt Babylon Medes and Persians were so called that he should carie away I. P. rather then bring G. or bring in L. V. for the same word is vsed in the same sense to carie away v. 2. and this charge was giuen at the taking of Ierusalem some of the children of Israel and of the kings seede and of the Princes of the tyrants L. but that word though sometime it were taken in the better part is now out of vse the word is partemim which Kimhi taketh for the princes about Euphrates but Mercerus thinketh rather thereby to be signified the chiefe princes and gouernours of the Prouinces 4. v. Children in whome there was not any blemish and well fauoured heb good to the sight and instructed in all wisdome and skilfull in knowledge and endued with much vnderstanding and in whome there was facultie that they might stand in the kings palace I. P. better then which were able to stand in the kings palace for the distinction comming betweene doth diuide the sentence and that they might teach them the learning heb letters I. P. L. and tongue of the Chaldeans 5. v. And the King appointed them prouision for euery day heb the thing of the day in his day of a portion of the Kings meate and of the wine which he dranke heb of his drinks and so to nourish them three yeares that at the ende thereof they might stand before the King v. 6. Now there was among these of the children of Iudah Daniel Hananiah Mishael and Hazariah v. 7. Vpon whome the master of the Eunuches imposed other names for he imposed vpon Daniel he called Daniel G. but the word shum in the originall signifieth to put on or impose the name Belteshazzer and on Hananiah the name Shadrach and on Mishael the name Meshach and on Hazariah the name Abednego v. 8. But Daniel had purposed in his heart heb put it in his heart that he would not defile himselfe be defiled L. V. but the word is in hithpael and hath a compound signification with the portion of the Kings meate not with the Kings table L. and with the wine which he dranke heb of his drinks therefore he required of the chiefe of the Eunuches not the chiefe of the Eunuches G. for then the Hebrew preposition should be omitted that he might not defile himselfe v. 9. Now God had brought heb gitten Daniel into fauour and tender loue heb rachamim with the chiefe of the Eunuches or prince of the Eunuches I. master of the palace V. v. 10. And the chiefe of the Eunuches said vnto Daniel I feare my Lord the King who hath appointed your meate and your drinke for wherefore who if L. V. G. but asher is here put for a causall for and lammah signifieth not if but wherefore should he see your faces worse liking leaner L. but the word properly signifieth sadder heauier because they which are leane are sadde and heauie then the children which are of your sort G. your companions L. equals heb which are according to your revolution that is of like time and standing and are appointed likewise three yeares for their education and so ye should make me loose my head G. condemne mine head L. make me subiect vnto a capitall sentence V. make me guiltie of my head I. heb endebted for my head vnto the King 11. Then said Daniel to the butler I. Pol. not to Melzar L. V. A. G. for it is was a propername as appeareth by the article ha set before it hamelzar whom the chiefe of the Eunuchs had set ouer Daniel Hananiah Mishael and Hazariah 12. Trie I beseech thee thy seruants tenue daies and let them giue vnto vs of pulse that we may eate and water that we may drinke 13. Then let our countenances be looked on before thee and the countenances of the children that eate of the portion of the kings meate and as thou seest deale with thy seruants 14. So he hearkned vnto them in this thing and tried them tenne daies 15. And at the ende of tenne daies their countenance appeared fairer and they were better liking more corpulent L. heb fatter in flesh then all the children which did eate of the portion of the kings meate 16. Then the butler not Melzar see before v. 11. tooke away the portion of their meate heb was taking away and the wine that they should drinke and gaue them pulse heb seede 17. And vnto these fowre children children L. fowre is omitted God gaue knowledge and vnderstanding in all learning sepher in bookes or letters and wisdome also he gaue Daniel vnderstanding heb made Daniel to vnderstand in all visions and dreames 18. Now when the daies were expired heb in the ende of the daies which the king appointed heb said to bring them in the chiefe of the Eunuches brought them in before Nebuchadnezzar 19. And the king communed with them and there was not found of them all like vnto Daniel Hananiah Mishael and Hazariah therefore stood they before the king 20. And in euery matter of wisdome and vnderstanding which the king enquired of them he found them by tenne parts tenne fold L. tenne times G. better heb aboue or superiour then the Magicians and Astrologers that were in all his kingdome 21. And Daniel was vnto the first yeare of king Cyrus 3. The questions and doubts discussed 1. Quest. v. 1. Of the third yeare of Iehoiakim which is called the fourth Ier. 25. 1. how these places are reconciled 1. Polanus saith that the prophet Ieremie there speaketh not of the captiuitie of Iehoiakim as here Daniel doth but onely of a certaine prophesie deliuered by Ieremie in the fourth yeare so that he thinketh the third yeare here named and the fourth yeare there mentioned not to concure together But that the same time and
do feede vpon other delicate meates and daint●e confections with drinking of wine which doe more pamper the flesh and enflame the lust 3. This example of Daniel doth nothing at all fit their turne 1. Daniel kept this abstinence 3. yeares together 2. he abstained as well from eating of fish as flesh 3. neither did he drinke any wine all this time of abstinence let them goe now and imitate Daniels fast themselues which they would take to be a verie hard penance Polan 4. Controv. vers 20. What the wisemen of the Chaldeans were and whether the wisemen which came to Christ were kings Pintus vpon this place giueth this note that the wise men among the Chaldeans and Persians were called Magi which is a Persian word and was the same with a Philosopher among the Grecians and a Gymnosophist among the Indians and because the kings of the East were philosophers they were called Magi wisemen and so the wise men which came to Christ Matth. 2. are held by an auncient tradition of the Church to haue beene kings as Tertullian Hierome and Augustine affirme with other Pintus p. 24. Contra. 1. Hierome writing vpon the 72. Psalme calleth them not reges but regum typos kings but types of the kings Augustine saith monente subdolo sermone regis alacres eunt beeing craftely warned by the king they goe cheerefully not as it is corruptly read reges alacres eunt the kings goe on cheerefully 2. Tertullian indeede saith nam Magos reges fere oriens habuit in the East they had for the most part the Magi or wisemen for their kings c. But this can hardly be prooued the wise men were of great authoritie with the Persian kings and did vsurpe the kingdome a while before Darius was chosen king but the Magi were not kings 3. And if this be such a firme tradition of the Church that these 3. wisemen were kings what tradition haue they for the rest that these three kings lie buried at Collen and that their names were Gaspar Melchior Balthasar which three names written in parchment and hung about the necke they say are auaileable to driue away any disease from the bodie 4. If they had beene kings Herod would haue beene afraide to haue entertained them beeing iealous of his kingdome neither is it like that the Euangelist would haue omitted it it beeing much for the honour of Christ that he was adored of kings in his infancie see Beza in his annotat Matth. 2. 1. 5. Controv. v. 20. Of the Magicians among the Chaldeans and how that such were alwaies opposite to the true Church of God as diuers of the Popes were such 1. The word chartummim is a strange and forren word and is taken properly as Aben Ezra for the Magician or Genethliake the caster of mens natiuities 2. In the beginning the tearme of Magicians was honourable among the Persians for they were such as professed the knowledge both of diuine and humane things and were assistant vnto Kings they were the same among the Persians with the Priests or Prophets in Egypt the Philosophers in Greece among the French the Druidae among the Indians the Gymnosophistes among the Bactrians the Samanaei 3. But afterward these Magi fell to practising of vnlawfull artes to inuocate spirits and to confederate themselues with deuills of whome they learned their enchantments and coniurations as Theodoret alleadgeth out of Porphirie 4. Such were the Magicians and Sorcerers in Egypt of whome Iannes and Iambres were the chiefe which resisted Moses Most of the Heretikes were Magicians as Simon Magus and Menander his successor and Marcion as Iustinus witnesseth Apolog. 2. pro Christian. and one Marcus who by his magicall impostures deceiued many as Ireneus Many of the Popes were professed Magicians and by such Diabolicall practises obtained the Popedome as Sylvester the 2. Sylvester the 3. Gregorie the 6. Benedict the 9. Iohn the 12. who in playing at dice was wont to call vpon the deuill as Luitprandus and to offer wine vnto him as Fasciculus temp Gregorie the 7. did vse to carrie about with him a booke of Necromancie and was condemned as a Magician and Sorcerer in the Synod at Brixia as Abb. Vrspergens and Benno Cardinal write Polan Thus in the aduersarie Church Magicians haue beene had in great reputation as here they were accounted of among the Chaldeans But as Daniel by his godly wisdome obscured them all so the light of Gods truth and Gospel hath preuailed agrinst all such abominations 6. Morall observations 1. Observ. v. 2. That victorie and conquest is to be vsed moderately V. 2. With part of the vessells of the house of God Although this was especially wrought by Gods prouidence that Nabuchadnezzar caried away onely part of the vessels of the Temple that some might still remaine for the seruice thereof yet in this victorious king is set forth an example of moderation who is contented to take part of these holy vessels and carieth away part of the chiefe men into captiuitie he maketh not hauocke and spoile of all which teacheth that Princes should not vse their victorie to make desolation and lay all wast but rather to helpe to bring things to better order Bulling 2. Observ. Princes can doe no more then God permitteth Herein also euidently appeareth Gods worke Nabuchadnezzer had no power to carie away more of the men or vessels then God gaue into his hand for the text saith God gaue Iehoiakim into his hand c. with part of the vessels of the house of God If God had giuen all into his hand he had taken all but now he is limited he taketh no more then God would he should take Papp So like as though the Sea rage and the waues thereof rise yet the Lord keepeth it within the bounds and bindeth as it were with swadling bands Iob. 38. 9. So the Lord staieth the rage and furie of the mightie men of the earth they haue no power to doe any thing but from God as Iesus said vnto Pilate Thou couldest haue no power at all against me except it were giuen thee from aboue Ioh. 19. 11. 3. Observ. The Lord punisheth by degrees At this time Nebuchadnezzer onely caried away part of the holy vessells and some few Daniel with other persons but afterward he tooke Iechonias the king himselfe and caried him into captiuitie and last of all he put out Zedekiahs eyes burnt the Temple and made hauocke of the citie and remooued the most of the inhabitants into captiuitie Thus the Lord proceedeth by degrees to see if he can draw the people by his smaller corrections to repentance till he powre out the whole viole of his wrath at once vpon them Osiand This manner of the Lords proceeding in his iudgements by degrees is well expressed Levit. 26. v. 18. 21. 24. how the Lord still punisheth his people seauen times more that is with more grieuous iudgements when they doe not profit by the former 4. Observ. God
will not be honoured with euill gotten goods Nebuchadnezzer ha●ing taken the vessels of the Temple doth offer them in the house of God thus honouring his idol with vniust spoiles but our God will not so be serued the wise man saith Honour the Lord with thy riches that is thine owne and not an others They which offer vnto God or giue vnto the poore of that which is gotten by extortion are herein like vnto Nebuchadnezzer and they be compared vnto the Eagle which liueth of the pray of other birds and that which shee leaueth doth distribute among the rest Pintus The law of Moses forbiddeth that any should bring the price of a whore into Gods house Deut. 23. 18. nothing is acceptable vnto God which is gotten by vnlawfull and dishonest means 5. Observ. v. 8. Against the riotous liuing and excessiue expenses of students Vers. 8. Daniel had determined not to defile himselfe with the kings meat● c. This great abstinence in Daniel and the rest who were sequestred and set apart for the studie of wisedome Bull. well applyeth against the euill vse of students in these dayes which are not mediocri mensa honesta veste contenti content with moderate fare and modest garments but doe exceede both wayes Many which liue of exhibition and vpon the foundation of liberall patrons doe frequent tavernes and ruffle in their silkes to the great offence and scandale of that kind of Vniuersitie life and to the hinderance of much beneuolence which otherwise would be bestowed that way 6. Obserua vers 18. That time is to be redeemed Vers. 18. When the time was expired that the king had appointed to bring them in c. The time appointed for the instruction of Daniel and his fellowes was 3. yeares this time beeing expired then the king calleth them to account to see how they had profited which example is worthie to be followed by those who are set ouer Colledges of students to see that they mispend not their time in vaine but goe forward in their studies Bullinger As there is nothing more precious then time so the losse of nothing is more to be lamented therefore the preacher would haue a young man remember his Creator in the dayes of his youth before the euill dayes come c. Eccles. 12. 1. CHAP. II. 1. The argument and Methode THis chapter consisteth of 3. parts 1. of Nebuchadnezzars dreame with the inquisition after the meaning thereof to vers 14. 2. the interpretation giuen by Daniel vers 46. 3. the effects that followed 1. Nebuchadnezzars dreame is described by the circumstance of time and the effects it troubled his spirit vers 1. The inquisition followeth consisting of the calling and conuention of the wisemen v. 2. 2. The conference betweene them and the king which is threefold In the first the king simply propoundeth his motion to haue his dreame expounded vers 3. and the Chaldeans promise to declare it so they knewe it ver 4. In the second the king requireth of them two things to tell him his dreame which he had forgotten and to declare the meaning both threatening punishment ver 5. and promising reward ver 6. and the Chaldeans answer as before ver 6. In the third the king vrgeth them sore that if they did not as he requireth he would hold them to be imposters and deceiuers and punish them ver 8. 9. The Chadeans excuse themselues 1. by the impossibilitie of the thing 2. by the example of other kings 3. by the difficultie that none could doe such a thing but the Gods ver 11. 3. Then followeth the euent they are commanded to be slaine ver 12. 2. In the second part there is 1. the preparation to the interpretation ver 14. then the interpretation it selfe to ver 46. 1. In the preparation 1. is set forth the occasion Daniel is sought for with his fellowes to be killed ver 13. whereupon followeth his perswasion with Arioch ver 16. his motion to the king ver 17. 2. then the meanes are expressed which he vsed first prayer with the effect thereof ver 18 19. then a thanksgiuing vnto God both generall to ver 23. then particular ver 23. 2. The interpretation followeth where 1. the opportunitie is shewed how he is brought in vnto the king by Arioch ver 24. 25. 2. the preamble to the interpretation consisting of the kings demaund ver 26. and Daniels answer in these 4. parts concerning the Astrologians that they could doe nothing ver 27. touching God that he onely reuealed secrets ver 28. concerning the king how he was affected when he dreamed ver 29. touching himselfe that he imputeth it not to his owne wisedome ver 30. 3. The interpretation consisteth of the simple narration of the dre●me which consisted of two parts the vision of the image to ver 34. and of the stone which dashed it in pieces ver 34 35. 2. of the exposition first of the image and the parts thereof to ver 44. then of the stone vers 44. 45. 3. The effects are three 1. the reuerencing of Daniel ver 46. 2. his confession of God ver 47. 3. the rewarding of Daniel with gifts and honours ver 48. and the aduancing of his fellowes at his request vers 49. The diuerse readings v. 1. In the second yeare in the raigne of Nebuchadnezzer I. Pol. not of the raigne of Nebuchadnezzer L. V. G. for the distinction comming betweene seuereth these two clauses Nebuchadnezzer dreamed dreames wherewith his spirit was troubled troubled it selfe Chald. and his sleepe was vpon him G. I. Pol. better then left him V. or was broken vpon him Pag. or fled from him L. the word is haiah was and the preposition ghal doth not signifie from the meaning is while he was in a deepe sleepe or slumber 2. Then the King commanded to call the Magicians and the Astrologians and Sorcerers and the Chaldeans to shew the King his dreames so they came and stood before the King 3. And the king said vnto them I haue dreamed a dreame and my spirit was troubled Chald. troubled it selfe to know the dreame 4. Then spake the Chaldeans to the king in the Aramites language O King liue for euer tell thy seruants the dreame and we will shew the interpretation 5. The King answered and said to the Chaldeans The thing is gone from me if ye will not make me vnderstand the dreame and the interpretation thereof not the coniecture thereof L. ye shall be rent in pieces ye shall perish L. ye shall be made pieces Chald. and your houses shall be made a iakes G. dunghill Chald. I. not your houses shall be confiscate L. 6. But if ye declare the dreame and the interpretation thereof ye shall receiue of me gifts and rewards and great honour therefore shew me the dreame and the interpretation of it 7. They answered againe the second time Chald. and said Let the king tell the dreame to his seruants and we will declare the
Iupiter I haue taken the earth to my selfe take thou heauen c. with which picture Alexander was so delighted that he proclaimed none should take his picture but Lysippus 6. Such was his celeritie also that in the space of 13. yeares he conquered more nations then one would haue thought he could haue trauelled ouer in so short a time Apelles therefore pictured Alexander with a thunderbolt signifying his great swiftnes and agilitie in his exploits 7. Alexanders great ●ame also may be counted among other parts of his greatnes by the which he subdued more nations then by warre for the very terrour of his name made many Kingdomes submit themselues vnto him and at the same time when he died he expected Embassadours from all the Nations of Europe from France Spaine Italie Sicilie and from Africa for if he had not then died he had taken order to prouide him a great navie to haue compassed Arabia and Africa and so to haue surprised Spaine and Italie 8. The acts and monuments of Alexander are to be counted among other memorable things as first the Cities which he built which Plutarke nameth to haue beene 70. then he brought the barbarous nations to ciuilitie he taught the people Hyrcani the vse of mariage the Arachosians tillage and husbandrie the Sogdians that they should nourish and not kill their parents the Persians to honour their mothers and not to vse them for their wiues the Scythians that they should not eate the dead but burie them 9. Adde hereunto his singular vertues his constancie and patience in induring of labour his clemencie toward those whome he conquered the same day he tooke and restored againe to the king of India his kingdome Darius mother he honourably entertained as a Queene his continencie was singular Darius wife and his most beautifull daughters he touched not but preserued their chastitie neither would he see them But his liberalitie and magnificence exceeded his other vertues he gaue 23. thousand talents among his souldiers to pay their debts he bid to one feast 9. thousand ghests and gaue vnto euery one a cuppe of gold to one that asked a reward of him he gaue a citie which he refusing as too great a gift for him Alexander said Non quaero quid to decet accipere sed quid me decet dare I stand not vpon it what it is meete for thee to take but what it is fit I should giue And to conclude this point Plutarke saith that those vertues for the which seuerally certaine worthie men haue beene commended did all concurre in him as the valour of Achilles the chastitie of Agamemnon the pietie of Diomedes the courage of Cyrus the policie of Themistocles the boldnes of Brassida the wisdome of Philip his father 10. This was also part of his terrene happines that as he counted Achilles happie because he had Homer to set forth his praise so he had diuers excellent writers to register his acts as Ptolome King of Egypt Hecataeus Aristobulus Callisthenes Onesicratus Diodorus Siculus Trogus Pompeius Iustinus Q. Curtius with others Quest. 49. vers 40. Whether this fourth kingdome must be vnderstoode to be the Romane Empire There are here two opinions some take the Romane Empire to be vnderstood by this fourth kingdome which is compared to yron and the same to continue after the comming of Christ to the ende of the world as Lyranus interpreteth the two legges of the diuision of the Romane Empire into the Occidentall and Orientall at Constantinople of the same opinion are Rupertius Hugo Cardinal Pintus and of our writers Bullinger Pellican Geneuens Caluin Melancthon Osiand Some doe here comprehend the Romane Empire but vntill the comming of Christ as Pererius in vers 32. We will examine their reasons 1. Vers. 28. Daniel saith that the Lord shewed the king what should come to passe in the latter dayes therefore all the Monarchies to the ende of the world are here signified Contra. The word acharith as is before shewed doth not onely signifie the latter or extreme dayes but the time following as it is taken Gen. 49. 1. and the Prophet expoundeth himselfe vers 29. what is meant by the latter dayes that which should come to passe hereafter 2. It is not like that the Lord would conceale this thing from his Prophet and that Daniel speaking of three of the Monarchies should omit the fourth which was the greatest of all neither would the Lord leaue his Church without comfort herein Contra. 1. As God reuealed not his whole minde vnto the rest of the Prophets so neither had Daniel a cleare vision of all which should happen in the world 2. he toucheth all these foure kingdomes and gouernments which should be the chiefe oppressors and afflictors of his people vntill the rising of Christs kingdome vntill which time they had not endured much at the Romanes hands but by their owne procurement Daniel therefore speaketh of those kingdomes onely which medled most with the people of God then it much belonged not to their present comfort to heare of those kingdomes which should come afterward 3. Daniel prophesieth of the kingdome of Christ which should still encrease vnto the ende of the world vers 44. And cap. 12. 2. he euidently speaketh of euerlasting life and of the resurrection Contra. 1. The Prophet doth but touch that by occasion in a word to shewe the perfection and consummation of Christs kingdome it followeth not that therefore he should describe all the Monarchies to the ende of the world 4. But the euent of things answering to this prophesie sheweth that it is most fitly applyed to the Romane Empire 1. Because as yron the Romane Empire subdued all other kingdomes for whereas Alexanders kingdome was diuided into foure Prolome had Egypt Seleucus Syria Antigonus Asia the lesse and Antipater Macedonia who also obtained Antigonus regiment all these foure dominions were dissolued and dissipated by the Romanes Paulus Aemilius ouercame Perseus king of Macedonia and led him with his two sonnes Philippui and Alexander in triumph Lucullus and Pompeius subdued Mithridates and Tygranes and brought vnder the Syrian kingdome and Augustus Caesar ouercame Antonie with Cleopatra his wife and made a Prouince of Egypt And all the East countries Pompey the great subdued and ioyned to the Romane Empire as Asia Pontus Armenia Paphlagonia Cappadocia Cilicia Syria with others waging battell with them 30. yeares together hauing slaine put to flight or taken an 121. thousand and 83. thousand and taken 846. shippes and a 1538. cities and castles Plin. lib. 7. cap. 26. Bulling Pap. and Lyranus sheweth 3. wayes whereby they became such conquerours sapientia exercitio armorum bon● regimine by their wisedome exercise of warlike feates and good discipline and gouernement 2. The two legges doe signifie the diuersitie of gouernement which was euidently seene in the Romane common wealth first they were gouerned by Kings then by Consuls afterward by Tribunes they had their decemviri their Dictators for a
aduantage but to seeke the welfare of the people of God as Daniel here doth 2. that they defile not themselues with the superstitious and idolatrous vsages in such places as these three in the next chapter beeing chiefe officers yet refused to worship the kings golden image 2. And as it is lawfull to enioy such places of honour so it is not inconuenient for kings to set sometime strangers in place of gouernement such as for their wisedome and pietie are fit but not to that ende to make a pray of such places of gouernement 4. Places of doctrine 1. Doct. That God onely hath the knowledge of things to come Vers. 11. There is none that can declare it except the gods Hierome hence inferreth that euen in the opinion of the wisemen and Soothsayers of Babylon none hath the knowledge of things to come but onely God by the which it is euident that the Prophets foretelling things to come spake by the spirit of God Bulling By this argument the Prophet sheweth the vanitie of the Idols of the heathen and conuinceth them to be no gods Isay 41. 23. shewe the things that are to come hereafter that we may knowe that yee are gods 2. Doct. Of the immortalitie of the soule Vers. 4. O King liue for euer These heathen men voide of the true knowledge of God in wishing eternall life vnto the king doe shewe their opinion of the immortalitie of the soule which shall further be prooued 1. by the testimonie of Scripture 2. by the demonstration of reason 3. and by the euidence of forren and heathen witnesses 1. The Scripture plentifully testifieth that the soule liueth after it is separated from the bodie as in that the Lord calleth himselfe the God of Abraham Isaac and Iaacob long after their death Exod. 3. 6. whereupon our Sauiour inferreth that he is not God of the dead but of the liuing So Elias prayed vnto God to haue his hostesses child restored to life in these words I pray thee let this childs soule returne vnto him againe 1. King 17. 22. his soule then was aliue for otherwise it could not returne to his bodie Salomon saith that the spirit returneth to God that gaue it Eccle. 12. 7. In the parable Luk. 16. the soule of Lazarus was carried by the Angels into Abrahams bosome 2. 1. Seeing God is most iust and will recompence euerie man according to his life the righteous shall haue reward and the wicked punishment which is not alwaies seene in this life it must needs be that God should execute his iustice in another life 2. Seeing vertue which is in the minde is immortall the subject also thereof the soule must also needes be immortall 3. And the soule beeing not subiect to corruption is consequently immortall for that which is incorruptible is immortall 4. All things haue a place of rest as the center is vnto bodies the soule is restlesse in the bodie and neuer is at quiet if then it should not haue a place of rest elswhere it should be more miserable then any other creature 5. And how could the soule thinke of things immortall or desire them if it were not it selfe immortall 3. By these reasons and such like the heathen beeing perswaded beleeued the immortalitie of the soule as Antiochus in his epistle to Lysias that beginneth Since our father is translated to the gods c. 2. Macchab. 11. 23. In the funeralls of such Romane Emperours as had deserued well of the commonwealth they vsed to set an eagle and to put fire vnder which the eagle feeling soared aloft whereby was signified that the soule or spirit ascended vp into heauen Herodian Pythagoras and Thales Milesius were strong maintainers of the immortalitie of the soule likewise Plutarkain epistol consola and Seneca lib. de morte immatura Euripides held coelos esse aeterna animarum domicilia that the heauens are the eternall houses of the soules Many such like testimonies and examples might be brought from the heathen to this purpose 3. Doctrine Of the vanitie of Soothsayers Vers. 4. Shew thy seruants the dreame and we shall shewe thee the interpretntion These foolish Soothsayers promise much vnto the king but they were able to performe nothing for afterward cap. 4. when the king told them his dreame they could say nothing so they are liberales in verbis c. liberall in words but they can not performe that which they promise It is euident then that there is no art or certaine rule to interpret dreames or to coniecture of things to come but it is an extraordinarie gift that commeth from God Po. So the Lord saith by his Prophet Isay 44. 25. I destroy the takens of the Soothsayers and make them that coniecture fooles c. 4. Doctrine Of the mutabilitie of Princes fauours Vers. 12. He commanded to destroy all the wisemen of Babel Nebuchadnezzar who had before highly rewarded the wisemen and greatly fauoured them now in his rage without any iust cause commandeth them to be slaine such small certaintie there is in the fauour of Princes Dauid at his first entertainement was in Sauls fauour but not long after he hated him as much wen he returned from the slaughter of Goliah Ioseph at the first was much fauoured of Potiphar but vpon the false suggestion of his wife he soone cast him out of his fauour Alexander the great made great account of his friends Parmenio Philotas Clitus Calisthenes but in the ende he so hated them as that he would neuer be reconciled vnto them but killed them therefore the Prophet Dauid saith it is better to trust in the Lord then to haue any confidence in princes Pintus 5. Doct. The sentence of death ought not hastily to be executed Vers. 15. Daniel said why is the sentence so hastie from the king Daniel findeth fault with the hastie execution of the kings sentence shewing that in such cases long deliberation should be vsed and great aduisement taken This was the error of Theodosius the Elder who when one of his gouernours was slaine in a commotion at Thessolonica commanded a great number of the people to be put to the sword for which his bloody fact he was excommunicated of that couragious and religious Bishop S. Ambrose Theodoret lib. 5. Tripart 9. Polan 6. Doctrine Of Gods prouidence Vers. 21. He changeth the times and seasons This is an euident place to shewe that things are not gouerned by chance in the world but ruled by Gods prouidence Meminerimus in tot mutationibus c. fulgere Dei prouidentiam c. let vs remember that Gods prouidence shineth in so many mutations and changes in the world c. Caluin If things that seeme so vncertaine as times and seasons the change of weather the variable disposition of the ayre be yet directed by Gods prouidence then all other things must depend of the same cause This alteration cannot be altogether ascribed to nature for naturall causes worke certainely and orderly and to chaunce much
commanded that they should bring Shadrach Meshach and Abednego then these men were brought before the king were hastily brought L. but that word is added 14. And Nebuchadnezzar spake answered C. and said vnto them of set purpose I. P. better then what disorder G. or desolation A. or is it true L. V. B. S. the word tzedah as R. Dauid signifieth to lie in wait to mooue a question will not you worship my gods nor bow A. P. worship caeter vnto the image of gold which I haue set vp 15. Now if ye be readie I. L. V. be readie B. are ye readie G. behold ye are readie A. but cheen here must signifie if as appeareth by the other clause of the verse if ye worship not c. that when ye heare the sound of cornet pipe harpe sackbut psalterie and dulcimer or symphonie ye fall downe and bow vnto the image which I haue made it is well this must be added to make the sense full But if ye will not bow downe in the same houre shall ye be cast into the middes of an hoat fierie furnace for who is that God that can deliuer you out of my hands 16. Shadrach Meshach and Abednego answered and said vnto the king O Nebuchadnezzer we are not carefull I. V. A. it behooueth not vs. L. P. the word cashach signifieth both but it is here most proper in the first sense as R. Dauid and R. Shelemoh here take it to answer thee in this matter 17. Either it will be our God whome we worship beeing able to deliuer vs out of the hoat fierie furnace and out of thine hand O King wil deliuer vs better then behold our God c. is able to deliuer vs out of the fornace and to deliuer us out of thine hand L. for the latter word is in the future tense will deliuer or then he will deliuer vs G. B. for they were not assured of present deliuerance as appeareth in the next verse but if not or whether God be able to deliuer vs V. or not V. for this had beene to doubt of Gods power if it will be Polan that is that we be cast into the fornace but this must be referred to their deliuerance as the other opposite part is but if not we resolue then vpon the first interpretation the word is is deuided by the distinction rebia from the sentence following and so cannot be ioyned with God 18. Either it will not yet be it knowne vnto thee O King that we will not worship thy gods nor bow vnto the golden image which thou hast set vp 19. Then was Nebuchadnezzer filled with rage and the forme of his visage G. the image of his face C. I. the countenance of his face B. was changed vpon B. L. or against V. G. I. Shadrach Meshach and Abednego and he answering gaue charge C. I. charged and commanded G. B. commanded L. that they should heate the fornace at once seauen times more then it was wont seemed good C. to be heate 20. And to the most valiant men of strength which were in his armie he gaue charge to bind Shadrach Meshach and Abednego to cast them into the hoat fierie fornace 21. So these men were bound in their coates breaches L. their bonets L. their hosen V. I. G. B. and their cloakes G. I. their shooes L. bonets V. B. with their other garments and cast into the middest of the hoat fierie furnace see the diuerse readings quest 25. following 22. Therefore because the kings word was straite or vrgent C. that the fornace should be exceeding hoate the flame sparkes I. A. of the fire slew those men which had put in B. thrust in I. or sent in L. not brought forth G. V. the word properly signifieth to cause to ascend they had brought them vp to cast them downe into the fornace Pel. Shadrach Meshach and Abednego 23. And these three men Shadrach Meshach Abednego fell downe into the middes of the hoat fierie fornace bound 24. Then Nebuchadnezzar the king was astonied and rose vp in hast with a troubled mind or beeing perplexed I. the word behal signifieth both hast and perplexitie but the first rather both because his perplexitie is expressed in the former word and the preposition ●eth more properly signifieth in then with and spake and said vnto his counsellers or gouernours I. or nobles I. V. Did we not cast three men bound into the midst of the fire who answered and said to the king True O king truely O King L. V. 25. He answered and said Lo I see foure men loose walking in the middes of the fire and they haue no hurt no corruption C. and the forme of the fourth is like the Sonne of God L. I. B. G. of the gods C. V. 26. Then the king Nebuchadnezzar came neere to the mouth G. B. the doore C. cum caeter of the hoat fierie fornace and spake and said Shadrach Meshach and Abednego the seruants of the high God goe forth and come hither then Shadrach Meshach and Abednego came forth of the middes of the fire 27. Then the nobles princes and dukes and the kings counsellers mightie ones L. gouernours I. came together to see these men because the fire had no power ouer their bodies for not an haire of their head was burnt neither were their coates changed not any smell of fire came passed C. vpon them 28. Wherefore Nebuchadnezzar spake and said Blessed be the God of Shadrach Meshach and Abednego who hath sent his Angel and deliuered his seruants that put their trust in him and haue altered the kings commandement and yeelded their bodies that they should not serue nor bowe vnto any god saue their owne God 29. Therefore I set forth a decree that euery people nation and language which shall speake any blasphemie error C. against the God of Shadrach Meshach and Abednego shall be drawne in peices shall perish L. and his house be made a iakes be vasted L. because there is not any other God there is no God B. G. but here the word other is omitted which can deliuer after this sort 30. Then the king aduanced caused to prosper C. Shadrach Meshach and Abednego in the Prouince of Babel 1. The questions discussed Quest. 1. At what time Nebuchadnezzar set vp this great image 1. Some thinke that this was done not long after the former dreame which Nebuchadnezzar had as the Rabbines that imagine this image to be set vp by the king as an amulet or defense to preuent the effect of his dreame ex Caluin But it is not like that the great impression which that vision left behind it in Nebuchadnezzars minde could be so soone extinguished 2. Theodoret and Chrysostome in his sermon of the three children following some greeke copie reade that this image was set vp in the 18. yeare of Nebuchadnezzars raigne But then it should haue beene made before the destruction and desolation of Ierusalem which is not like for when Nebuchadnezzar had
That these three seruants of God were not deliuered from the fire for their virginitie or abstinencie Vers. 25. VValking in the middes of the fire and they haue no hurt Damascene thinketh that they were not hurt of the fire because they kept their virginitie lib. 4. but no such thing appeareth in this storie that they liued vnmaried Basil in a certaine homilie of the praise of fasting doth ascribe this their deliuerance vnto their fasting But the Apostle putteth vs out of doubt that they were preserued by their faith Heb. 11. 33. through faith they stopped the mouthes of lyons quenched the violence of fire As Pintus well obserueth 11. Controv. Against the Vbiquitares They which maintaine the omnipresence of Christs flesh and that the bodie of Christ may be in the Eucharist without the essentiall properties thereof as circumscription quantitie visibilitie and such like doe thus reason out of this place the burning heat is an essentiall propertie of the fire but this was separated from the fire and yet the essence of the fire remained therefore the essentiall properties of a thing may be separated from it the nature still remaining Contra. 1. The burning facultie of the fire is not an essentiall propertie but an effect of the heat which is an essentiall qualitie of the fire 2. the heat was not separated from the fire for then it should haue beene no longer fire but the heat thereof was onely restrained and hindred from working and that not generally but onely where the seruants of God were for without the fornace the flames killed the kings ministers and if the fire had lost the heat the miracle had not beene so great for a thing not beeing hoat not to be burnt Polan 3. If all this were admitted it serueth not their turne for here the Scripture testifieth that there was fire and yet it burned not they must then shewe the like warrant for their miracle in the Eucharist that a bodie should be there without the due properties it followeth not because it pleased God at this time to shewe a miracle to set forth his glorie that he should doe so continually 12. Controv. That miracles are not alwaies a note and sure marke of the Church 1. The true notes and markes of the Church are such as are alwaies seene in it but the Church of God alwaies hath not the power of miracles neither is it alwaies necessarie Againe the true markes of the Church cannot be found els where but miracles may be wrought by those which are not of the Church as by the forcerers of Egypt and Antichrist shall worke wonders 2. Thes. 2. and false Prophets may giue signes which may come to passe Deut. 13. 1. 2. But it will be thus further obiected that whereby God is acknowledged is a note of the Church but God is here confessed and acknowledged by Nebuchadnezzar by this miracle therefore it was a note of the Church Ans. 1. That whereby God alwaies and onely is acknowledged is a note of the Church but such are not signes and miracles for sometime they may seduce and drawe away from God 2. God is in some sort knowne by miracles but onely in respect of his power he is not sufficiently knowne but by his word and therefore by this reason the word of God is the proper note of the Church whereby the Lord is most absolutely knowne and yet this is denied by the Romanists Polan 3. This must be vnderstood of true miracles which are wrought by the spirit of God and are applyed to a right ende this reason holdeth not for false miracles 4. true miracles then doe for that time demonstrate the Church while that gift and power remaineth but a perpetuall note it cannot be of the Church because that power alwaies remaineth not See more hereof Synops. Centur. 1. err 22. 13. Controv. Whether a contrarie religion may be tolerated in a commonwealth 1. Nebuchadnezzar here maketh a decree that whosoeuer spake any blasphemie against the God whom these three worshipped should be punished hereupon this question is mooued by Polanus whether the prince is onely to suffer the true religion to be professed in his kingdome wherein these three considerations are to be had 1. If the kingdome is such as hath an absolute gouernement and the true religion is alreadie setled and established in this case no mixture of contrarie religion is to be admitted As diuerse good kings of Iudah are reprooued because they remoued not the high places But Iosias for his faithfulnesse is commended who put down the Chemarims and abolished all monuments of superstition 2. If the kingdome be such as professeth corrupt religion which cannot be remooued all at once then the godly prince intending reformation must content himselfe to doe what he may and to followe Nebuchadnezzars president who although idolatrie were not then abolished yet prouideth that no iuiurie should be offred vnto true religion nor blasphemie vttered against the true God So where true religion cannot be drawne in altogether it must set in foote as it may as now is seene in the kingdome of Fraunce 3. Sometime where true religion is professed in a state not of absolute gouernement for peace sake and to auoide sedition the magistrates are constrained to tolerate some errors as wise pilates for the time giuing way vnto the tempest Polan as the Israelites suffered the Cananites to dwell among them whom they could not expell at once 14. Controv. That the conuersion of Nebuchadnezzar here doth not signifie the conuersion of the deuill in the ende of the world Lyranus here noteth the opinion of some which thinke that Nebuchadnezzar this proud king was herein a type of the deuill who in the end and consummation of the world should receiue and embrace the true knowledge of God But this heresie is opposite to the Scriptures which calleth it euerlasting fire which is prepared for the Deuill and his Angels Matth 24. 41. and S. Iude saith that the Angels which fell are reserued in euerlasting chaines vnder darkenesse Iude 6. And the Deuills cannot be conuerted or saued but by a Mediator Christ is no Mediator for them for he in no sort tooke the Angels that is their nature Heb. 2. 16. 6. Morall obseruations 1. Obseruat The mutable state of religion in kingdomes Vers. 1. Nebuchadnezzar c. made an image Not onely the fauour of the king was mutable for whom he lately extolled he now adiudgeth to the fire but his minde was variable concerning religion he which before confessed the God of Israel now setteth vp idolatrie in despight of God Thus in the time of the kings of Iudah religion often altered and changed sometime the true worship of God flourished as vnder Hezekiah and Iosias but their wicked sonnes after them set vp idolatrie Bulling Thus was it in England King Edward maintained the Gospel Queene Marie brought in the Masse againe Thus there is no certaintie of any thing in this world the Church
among the Medes in the meane time Niglasar and his sonne Labosardach after him a while vsurped the kingdome and after that Balthazar was restored So that Balthazar was in deede the right nephew of Nabuchadnezzer yet called his sonne according to the phrase of Scripture see before quest 2. Quest. 22. Of the Queenes oration to the King It consisteth of 4. parts 1. the salutation O King liue for euer whereby shee doth insinuate her selfe 2. the proposition which containeth the drift and scope of her speech that he should not be troubled v. 10. 3. The narration followeth containing a reason why he should not be troubled because there was a man found in his kingdome who was able to reueale this secret In this narration three things are expressed 1. a description of Daniel by his gifts 2. the experience of his gifts in the daies of Nabuchadnezer which were three light or illumination by Gods spirit vnderstanding in the apprehension of those things which were reuealed and wisdome in wisely and fitly applying the same 3. then the approbation of his gifts and publike testification by his aduancement he was set ouer all the wise men 4. The fourth part is the conclusion that Daniel might be sent for to interpret the kings vision with a repetition of the argument taken from his sufficiencie and abilitie which consisted either in his gifts which are the three before named an excellent spirit called before light vnderstanding and knowledge called before wisdome or els in the exercising and vse of these gifts specially in the expounding of dreames more generally in declaring hard sentences and most generally of all in declaring any manner of doubts or hidde matters v. 12. Quest. 23. Of the excellent wisdome and other princely parts in this old Queene 1. In that shee came in vpon this occasion to the banket not hauing beene there before therein shee was an example of great temperance and sobrieti● in not beeing present at this riotous seast Polan 2. her wisedome appeareth in the whole course of her speach she saluteth the king with louing words to insinuate her selfe therein also giuing an example of due reuerence to be yeelded vnto kings Bulling 3. she is sola admiratrix viriutum Danielis found to be the onely admirer of Daniels gifts Oecolamp and setteth him forth as one excelling all other in the gifts of wisedome and vnderstanding 4. And beside in making mention of Nebuchadnezzar a prince of great wisedome and iudgement who aduanced Daniel for his excellent wisdom ostendit eum nimis crasse arrare she sheweth that he greatly erred in neglecting such an excellent man in his kingdom and seeking satisfaction of others where it was not to be found Calvin herein then appeareth her faithfulnesse in giuing such good aduice vnto the king 5. And the Queene whom Herodotus calleth Nitocris is by the same author commended for a woman of great wisedom whereof he giueth this experiment she caused her tombe to be made in an high and conspicuous place ouer one of the gates of the citie with an inscription to this effect that if any of the kings of Babylon wanted money if he opened that sepulchre he should finde enough Afterward Darius of Persia opened the tombe wherein he found nothing but a writing to this effect that if he had not an vnsatiable minde he would not haue raked in the tombes and ashes of the dead 6. This woman for her great age and experience like to haue beene the wife of Nebuchadnezzar was of great wisedome she was not Balthazar 's wife as is before shewed quest 20. And therefore Porphyrie his scoffe that the wife here shewed her selfe wiser then her husband is soone answered Quest. 24. Of Balthazar 's speach to Daniel v. 13. Art thou that Daniel c. 1. he vpbraideth him with his captiuitie which art of the children of the captiuitie c. Iunius and Polanus following him thinke that he mooued this question to be certaine of his person but there beeing no more of that name or of those excellent parts it is rather to be imputed to his pride as insulting ouer the poore captiues and vaunting of the victorie which his predecessours had gotten the Queene wisely concealed this hoc vnum commemorat gloriosus rex but the king remembreth this one thing more then the rest Oecolamp so also Bulling The gloss saith that he asked this question because the Prophets were onely of the nation of the Iewes But if the king had held such an opinion of the Iewes he would not haue relied vpon his Chaldean Soothsayers therefore these questions rather spirant superbiam regis doe breath out the pride of the king Osiand 2. The kings simplicitie appeareth that saith no other thing then was put before into his mouth as vnwise and simple Princes vse to speake vnto their people conceptis verbis in aurem suggestis in a set speach and suggested as it were to their eares Bulling 3. Detegitur eius socordia his carelesnesse appeareth that hath nothing but by heare-say Calvin that he did not take knowledge himselfe of so worthie and excellent a man as Daniel was 4. Dubitanter loquitur he speaketh doubtfully v. 16. if thou canst c. he had yet more confidence in his Chaldees Oecolamp 5. Non quaerit consilium c. he doth not require any counsell how he might escape this danger but onely to knowe the meaning of the dreame Pellican Quest. 25. Of Daniels answer to the king and the seuerall parts thereof It consisteth 1. of the exordtum or preface and 2. of the narration 1. In the preface there is 1. a refusall of the kings rewards then a promise and vndertaking to interpret the dreame 2. In the narration there is first a redargution and reprehension of the king shewing the cause why the Lord sent this strange sight v. 25. then the interpretation of the vision In the reprehension 1. there is a commemoration of that which happened to Nebuchadnezzar to v. 22. 2. an application thereof to the king In the commemoration 1. the benefits are rehearsed which God had bestowed vpon Nebuchadnezzar a kingdome maiestie authoritie and honour v. 18. 2. his vnthankfulnesse is shewed that abused his authoritie and power to crueltie iniustice and tyrannie v. 19. 3. his punishment is declared 1. in his depriuation and deposing from his kingly estate 2. in the miserie that befell him liuing and dwelling among bruite beasts to v. 22. In the application the reprehension is set forth first negatiuely that he was not mooued with an example which was so neare him euen in his grandfather who is here called his father Then affirmatiuely he had lift vp his heart which is described by fowre effects 1. in that he had brought forth the vessels of Gods house 2. he had profaned them in that he his princes wiues and concubines drunke in them 3. he praised their idols which are described 1. by their matter they were made but of siluer brasse and
God who was the principall author and chiefe worker in the plurall it is vnderstood of Gods iustruments in this worke the Medes and Persians Polan 2. And in the word pheres there is an euident allusion vnto the word paras which signifieth the Persian 3. It is also put in the preter tense he hath deuided to shewe the certanitie thereof before the Lord it was as alreadie done 4. Two things are here prophesied that this kingdome should be deuided and between whom the Medes and Persians for so Darius and Cyrus did as it were deuide the kingdome betweene them Darius had Babylon and Cyrus Assyria leauing Babylon to Darius himselfe going in expedition against the Scythians 5. This Isaiah prophesied of aboue 200. yeares before as Pererius rather an 170. yeares as Polanus that the Medes should be sent against the Chaldeans Isay. 13. 17. behold I will stirre vp the Medes against them Quest. 36. Of the tropologicall that is the morall application of this vision 1. By the hand writting vpon the wall is signified the iustice of God which both praescribit supplicia suo tempore infert prescribeth aforehand punishments due vnto mens sinnes and in due time bringeth them forth and inflicteth them it also may be applyed vnto the iudgement of the conscience wherein are written and as it were scoared vp the sinnes which one committeth as Iob saith c. 13. 26. thou writest bitter things against me and makest me to possesse the sinnes of my youth 2. And by the three words may be signified the three last things which shall come vpon sinners the remembrance whereof vseth to be most grieuous vnto them death finall iudgement and bell By the numbring of the dayes and the fulfilling of them men are brought to thinke of their ende as Iob saith c. 14. 5. are not his dayes determined the number of his moneths is with thee by weighing in the balance is signified the most perfect iudgement of God in the last day And by diuision the punishment of hell where the wicked and reprobate shall for euer be diuided and separate from Gods presence Perer. Quest. 37. Why Balthazar commanded Daniel to be honoured hearing so euill newes 1. Iosephus giueth this reason that although Daniel had told heauie things vnto the king yet he kept his promise and seemed not much to be mooued thus thinking with himselfe quod non bona audierat sui fati culpani esse non prophet● that it was his owne fate and destinie not the Prophets fault that he heard no better newes the Prophet did but discharge his dutie But it is not like that the king had any such thought or so equall consideration 2. Hierome giueth two other reasons hereof aut post long a tempora credidit futura he did thinke that these things might come to passe long after or in honouring the Prophet he might thinke to obtaine pardon of his sinne But the citie beeing now besieged if the king had not beene altogether besotted might haue put the king in minde of his present danger and it seemeth by his securitie that he had no such good thought as to thinke how his sinne might be forgiuen him 3. Some thinke the king kept his promise ne coram hominibus mendacij arg●eretur leaft he might before men haue beene found in a lie Lyran. And it was the constant vse and custome of the kings of Persia to keepe their word intelligebat proprium esse regis veritatem seruare he vnderstoode it was the propertie of a king to keepe the truth Pintus so also Occolampadius sanctissima esse c. the things which the kings promised were most sacred 4. The king might haue some care of his credit to keepe his princely word as Herod had to performe his wicked oath But this the king did rather beeing caried with great admiration of the diuine wisedome which was in Daniel Osiand And herein the king shewed his carnall securitie incolume regnum sibi promisit he still promised vnto himselfe a safe estate and prosperous kingdome Bulling Caluin thinketh that although Balthazar were somewhat mooued with this commination yet he caused Daniel to be honoured to set a good face vpon it ne signum aliquod praeberet timiditatis that he should not seeme to shewe any signe of fearefulnesse But it rather shewed his stupiditie and great securitie as before is noted Quest. 38. Of the honours bestowed here vpon Daniel The honours and fauours here conferred vpon Daniel are either the ensignes of honour or the gouernement it selfe vpon which the other ornaments attended 1. The ornaments of honour are two purple raiment and a chaine of gold Lyranus here noteth that there were fowre kind of ensignes and ornaments of estate the purple to be or other pretious garment a chaine a ring of gold and a crowne all these things concurring together did signifie the regall dignitie but beeing more or fewe and not all designabant participationem honoris regij they did but shewe the participation of the kingly honour as Ioseph had three of them when he was aduanced of Pharaoh a ring costly raiment and a chaine of gold Gen. 41. 42. but he had not the crowne or diademe So Mordecai was honoured with princely raiment and a diademe but mention is not made of the kings ring and chaine of gold Esther 6. 9. 2. The honour it selfe which is bestowed vpon Daniel is to be the third man in the kingdome which Iosephus expoundeth that the third part of the kingdome should be giuen vnto him but that is not like that the king would giue away any part of his kingdom Hierome thinketh he was made one of the three which was set ouer the kingdome as cap. 6. 2. But if Daniel had beene in that place before then Darius needed not to haue aduanced Daniel againe to be one of the three rulers Therefore Theodoret taketh it he was the third man in honour and authoritie next to the king so also Lyran the king was the first the Queene or heire of the kingdome might be the next and Daniel the third Quest. 39. Whether Daniel did well in accepting of these honours 1. Though Daniel were vnwilling to receiue these honours yet seeing they were forced vpon him he is content to accept of them least if he had refused still in suspitionē proditionis veniret he might haue beene brought into suspicion of some treason or practise against the king Polan 2. And beside foreseeing that the kingdome should come vnto the hands of the Medes and Persians he accepted of them vt postea noti●r fieret Persi● in solatium filiorum Dei that he might thereby be better knowne vnto the Persians for the comfort of the children of God gloss ordinar O●●●lamp 3. And beside these ornaments beeing a signe of freedome and of dignitie it was fit that Daniel to whom the king had obiected before his ser●itude and captiuitie should not refuse them whereby he was now made free and honourable
absque ordine nullum regnum he knew that a kingdome could not continue without order 3. Their office was to see that the king sustained no damage to see that the lawes were obserued and the kings reuenues were not wasted The Latine interpreter readeth vt rex non sustineret molestiam that the king might not be troubled but that were as though the king gaue himselfe to his ease and had care of nothing which is not like that a king of so many Prouinces could be without care of the gouernment 6. Quest. Whether Darius did wisely in thinking to set Daniel beeing a stranger ouer the whole realme v. 3. 1. Though it ordinarily be more safe for such gouernours to be appointed which are of the same nation because both the hearts of the people will be more inclined vnto such and the care and loue of such officers will be greater toward their countrey yet in two cases it may fall out to be better to appoint a stranger 1. when as there are any singular and extraordinarie parts of wisdome in such an one as there was in Daniel more then is to be found in any other 2. where countries are subdued by conquest it is not safe to commit the gouernment to men of the same nation least they might rebell This was the Romane policie to make their owne citizens Proconsuls and Leiftenants ouer their Prouinces And in the same policie it was sometime enacted here in England that no Irish man should be made a Bishop in Ireland least such beeing then popishly affected might haue beene instruments to corrupt the people in religion and so mooue them vnto rebellion 2. Likewise it is more safe for the Prince to haue his Senate and assemblie of Counsellers where many may be found trustie and faithfull but otherwise it is not amisse to preferre one prudent and faithfull man before many vnwise and vnfaithfull as Pharaoh committed the gouernment of the whole realme vnto Ioseph and here Darius vnto Daniel Polan 7. Quest. Whether Daniel did well in taking vpon him to beare office in an idolatrous kings court 1. Two conditions beeing obserued it is not vnlawfull to beare such an office 1. Daniel did not here ambitiously seeke this place of gouernment but it was cast vpon him 2. he kept himselfe pure from their idolatrie as Ioseph did likewise in Egypt 2. Neither was it vnlawfull for Daniel to haue the chiefe charge of the kings accounts and to be as chiefe Treasurer vnder him and to be a faithfull steward for the kings profit as Ioseph was a meanes that the kings reuenewes were greatly augmented and encreased But such must haue care that they seeke not the kings profit with the oppression of the subiects and laying hard impositions vpon them As Haman by oppressing the Iewes promised to bring ten thousand talents of siluer into the kings treasure Esth. 3. 9. 8. Quest. How the Rulers failed in their purpose finding no fault at all in Daniel 1. There are three words here vsed they found no occasion blame nor fault the first word is ghillah which the Septuag translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the second shal● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the third shachitha which the Septuag interpret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the first Polychr●nius vnderstandeth of capitall offences the second of faults not capitall the third of corruption in receiuing of gifts or misgouernment Oecolamp Lyranus thus distinguisheth they found no fault in facto in deede not any occasion or suspition in signo in the least signe 2. Whereas the words are they sought occasion ex latere regni on the part or side of the kingdome Lyranus readeth ex latere regis on the side of the king giuing three interpretations thereof that they practised to remooue him from the kings side from beeing so neare vnto him or to accuse him that ambiret aequalitatem regis as though he sought to be equall to the king and to goe as we say side by side with him or they sought to picke out matter concerning the Queene which lay at the kings side as though Daniel had beene too familiar with her But all these gloases are grounded vpon a false text the words are on the side or behalfe of the kingdome malcutha not of the king that is they sought to find some fault concerning the administration of the kingdome 9. Quest. Of the edict and decree made to entangle Daniel the occasion thereof and iniustice therein 1. Some thinke that these gouernours wrought vpon the kings ambitious humour who thought that Cyrus would obscure him as Xenophon writeth that Cyaxares which was this Darius would say with teares that Cyrus was more glorious then he therefore they knew that this decree would content the king that none should be praied vnto for 30. daies but himselfe But they beside pretended the kings profit that it was necessarie by this decree to trie the obedience of his subiects especially the Chaldeans which were lately subdued Calvin that by this meanes Darius might be established in his kingdome Not much vnlike vnto this was the practise of Gryslerus gouernour of Austria who to trie the affections of the people to the nobilitie caused a cappe to be hung vpon a pole that they which passed by should doe obeisance thereunto for reuerence to the nobilitie and magistrates But whatsoeuer their pretence was to the king they intend the destruction and ouerthrow of Daniel 2. Now how vniust this decree was diuersly appeareth 1. herein they first dishonour the God of Israel whose power they had experience of though they knew him not in denying that honour which was due vnto God to be inuocated and called vpon and giuing of it vnto a nortall man 2. They are iniurious to their owne gods whome they would not haue worshipped for 30. daies for enuious and ambitious men contemne all religion both true and false to compasse their owne desire Polan 3. they abuse and deceiue the king Rex non perspiciens eorum malitiam c. the king not perceiuing their malice giueth consent Ioseph and so Daniel whome the king most fauoured is entrapped 4. They limit this decree vnto the space of 30. daies whereupon Chrysostome well noteth si hoc bonum ●pertebat semper facere if it were a good thing it ought alwaies to be done if euill it was not fit to continue 30. daies 5. Beside they vrge a generall consent of all the nobles whereupon Chrysostome againe if it were good quid tantam multitudinem pratexitis why doe ye pretend such a multitude for it ought to be approoued without such a multitude and if it were euill ●e toto mundo praecipiente parere fas erat it was not lawfull to obey though all the world commanded it 6. Beside in barring all men to make petition to any saue the king they doe wrong vnto Cyrus by whose fauour and benefit Darius held the kingdome Iun. in comment 7. And lastly it was a most bloodie decree vnder paine
Persians is vrged v. 8. Darius was then in Media not at Babylon 3. after the dissolution of the Chaldean Monarchie Babylon was no longer the seate of the kingdome but Shushan Nehem. 1. 1. Esth. 1. 1. 4. The places of doctrine 1. Doctr. That order is necessarie in a kingdome v. 1. Darius set ouer the kingdome an 120. gouernours c. This prudent Prince knew that no Commonwealth could stand without order for like as in families where confusion is and no order all things goe to ruine so much more in the great familie of the Common-wealth without order all things soone come to decay Therefore Iethro gaue wise counsell vnto Moses that there might be captaines ouer thousands hundreds fifties one to be vnder an other And the Queene of Saba comming to Salomon wondred at nothing more then to see the order of his house 1. king 10. So here the king first setteth a certaine number of gouernours ouer his whole kingdome then he appointeth three to take account of them whereof Daniel was one Bulling 2. Doctr. Of the ende of Civill administration and gouernment which must be for the common good v. 2. That the king might haue no damage Darius was carefull that the treasure of the kingdome should be maintained not therein respecting his owne priuate gaine but his principall care was to vphold and support the charges of the kingdome for the kings purse and treasure is for the maintenance of the Commonwealth the Crowne can not want but the whole Commonwealth will soone feele it Though Princes may by their reuenues and receipts maintaine their princely dignitie and employ part thereof vpon their pleasure and bestow it as they see cause yet they must haue care that there be sufficient to support the burthens and charges of the Commonwealth and to remember that their subsidies are ipsum sudorem sanguinem populi the very sweat and blood of the people and therefore must be sparingly vsed Polan as Nehemiah had that respect vnto the people in respect of their present poore estate that he did forbeare to eate the bread of the gouernour Nehem. 5. 14. 3. Doctr. How praier should be made v. 10. He praied and praised his God Daniel onely was not a petitioner vnto God for the obtaining of good things and the turning away of euill but he also together giues thanks for the benefits receiued Men then must learne not onely to be beggers of God but to offer vp the sacrifice of praise and thanksgiuing also as S. Paul exhorteth that not onely prayers be made and intercessions but giuing of thanks 1. Tim. 2. 1. And the Apostle followeth his owne rule Rom. 1. 9. First I thanke my God then he commeth to his prayer v. 10. Alwaies in my prayer beseeching c. 4. Doctr. Of kneeling in prayer v. 10. He kneeled vpon his knees Though a man may pray in his heart vnto God without any outward gesture as Moses did Exod. 14. 15. when the Lord said vnto him Why criest thou vnto me when as Moses was not heard nor his praier perceiued by any gesture but he cried vnto God in his heart yet when as opportunitie serueth as it doth most fitly in priuate houses and in publike places of prayer then it becommeth vs to humble our selues vpon our knees thereby to stirre vp our deuotion and to expresse our humilitie Thus our Sauiour fell vpon his face when he prayed in the garden and Daniel here praieth vpon his knees If subiects humble themselues vpon their knees to their Prince how much more should we vse all humblenes and lowlines in gesture before God 5. Doctr. Of the ministerie of Angels v. 22. My God hath sent his Angel c. God could at his becke haue staied the rage of the lyons as he commanded the Whale to cast vp Ionas but it pleaseth him for his owne glories sake and the comfort of his children to vse the ministerie of his holy Angels and blessed spirits as the Apostle saith Are they not all ministring spirits sent forth to minister for their sakes that shall be heires of saluation Heb. 1. 14. And in three things doth it please the Lord to vse the ministerie of Angels in preseruing and defending of his children as Iacob saw the Lords host when he was afraid of his brother Gen. 32. 1. or in the destruction of their enemies as Senacheribs host was smitten by an Angel 2. king 19. or in conueying blessings as Manna is called Angels foode which was ministred vnto the people by the Angels 6. Doctr. How farre the Prince is to be obeyed v. 22. Vnto thee O king haue I done no hurt Hereupon Melancthon well noteth that although Daniel did goe against the kings Edict and decree yet he had committed no euill against him So if Princes commaund vniust and impious things they are not hurt if their precepts be not obeyed neither must they thinke themselues despised if God be preferred before them As the Apostles resolution was when they were forbidden to speake in the name of Iesus Whether it be right in the sight of God to obey you rather then God iudge yee Act. 4. 19. And hereby Melancthon iustly excuseth the Protestants of Germanie for refusing to obey the Emperours edicts made against the profession and professors of the Gospel 7. Doctr. Of true miracles v. 23. No manner of hurt was found vpon him Hence Polanus well inferreth divina miracula non esse praestigias that diuine miracles are not counterfeit tricks such as are the iugling feates of Magicians but the Lords workes are wonderfull in deede the three seruants of God which were cast into the fierie ouen had not so much as the smell of fire vpon them And Daniel hath no hurt by the lyons at all God onely maketh true wonders But the power of Satan and his ministers is by false signes and lying wonders as the Apostle calleth them 2. Thess. 2. 9. 8. Doctr. That the beasts and other creatures are readie to execute Gods will v. 22. And hath shut the lyons mouth The vnreasonable creatures as here they doe spare Daniel so at other times they are readie to execute vengeance as the lyon that slue the Prophet that was disobedient to the word of God 1. king 13. 25. and an other was slaine by a lyon for not obeying the Prophet 1. king 20. 36. And the Lord sent lyons vpon the Samaritans because they feared nor the Lord 2. king 17. 25. So whether it be to shew mercie or to execute iudgement the creatures are readie to performe the will of God Polan 9. Doctr. Of the force and efficacie of faith v. 23. Because he beleeued in him Daniel here by his faith was deliuered from the lyons because with a firme and assured trust he reposed himselfe vpon God So S. Iames saith c. 5. 15. The prayer of faith shall saue the sicke and as Clemens Alexand. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 faith is effectuall and auaileable to saluation But though euery
tenebitur in manu accusatoris which shall be held in the accusers hand which is the deuill But 1. as Augustine saith non sic datur liber mortis c. there is not found to be a booke of death as there is of life onely they which are elected are said to be written and the reprobate not to be written in the booke of life 2. And whereas Pererius answereth that though there be no such booke of death with God yet the deuill may haue such a booke neither doth the deuill know who are saued who condemned and therefore he can haue no such booke neither is there any booke mentioned in Scripture but of the Lords writing as Moses saith Exod. 32. 32. Rase me out of the booke of life which thou hast written 3. Apoc. 20. 12. there are other bookes saide to be opened beside the booke of life then is not the booke of life here comprehended 2. Augustine by these bookes vnderstandeth the Saints which shall come with Christ to iudgement In whose godly life and conuersation the good will of God appeared and in them the wicked as in bookes may see what they should haue done But by the opening of these bookes not onely the wicked but the rightehus are iudged Apoc. 20. 12. The dead were iudged of those things which are written in the bookes 3. Beda by these bookes which shall be opened in the day of the Lord vnderstandeth the sacred Scriptures according to the which mens doings shall be examined and sentence giuen according to the same But the Scriptures are called a booke Apoc. 10. 9. not bookes 4. Calvin by the opening of the bookes would haue signified the manifestation of the knowledge of God vnto the world at the comming of Christ which before lay hid But here bookes are not opened for instruction vnto saluation but for triall and examination vnto iudgement 5. Therefore these bookes are better interpreted to be euery ones conscience wherein all their doings good and bad are written whereof S. Paul speaketh Their conscience also bearing witnesse and their thoughts accusing one an other or excusing in the day when God shall iudge the secrets of men by Iesus Christ Rom. 2. 15. And thus are those bookes interpreted Apoc. 20. 12. The dead were iudged of those things which were written in the bookes according to their workes So Hierome conscientiae opera singulorum in vtraque parte bona vel mala revelabuntur the consciences and works of euery one shall be reuealed whether good or bad c. To the same purpose also Rupertus As here the acts and workes of this fourth beast are examined before sentence giuen 6. But as Chrysostome well noteth these bookes are not opened that God should receiue information thereby to whome all mens hearts are opened like as in earthly tribunalls bookes are brought forth non so●um vt princeps in instruatur sed vt iudicium iustum appareat not onely to informe the Prince but that the iudgement may appeare iust c. So God openeth euery mans conscience that they may themselues see and confesse that their iudgement is most iust whether to life or death Oecolampad 38. Quest. Of the destruction of the fourth beast v. 11. v. 11. I beheld till the beast was slaine c. Hierome whome Lyranus followeth vnderstandeth this of the destruction of Antichrist in the ende of the world whome Christ shall destroy with the spirit of his mouth so also Vatablus Antichristus significatur eius membra Antichrist is signified and his members But in this sense this prophesie should not yet be fulfilled whereas it is euident that all this was fulfilled before the first comming of Christ. 2. Calvin applying this to the Romane Empire thinketh that the beast was destroyed when the Empire beganne to decay which was immediatly after Traiane the Emperours time for after that time well nigh these 15. hundred yeares nullus Romano potitus est Imperio none hath enioyed the Romane Empire But though the state of that Empire was somewhat empayred yet it was not then wholly destroied but continued in great power and glorie many hundred yeares after Traians time but here the beast is slaine and his body vtterly destroied 3. Bullinger expoundeth this of the ruine of the Papall kingdome 4. Osiander of the decay of the Turkish dominion togither with the Romane Empire so also Oecolampad expoundeth it of the destruction of the Pope and Turke togither by that prophesie Apoc. 19. 20. of the taking of the beast and the false prophet But these prophesies must be distinguished Daniels extendeth to the first comming of Christ Iohns Reuelation to the second 5. Iunius in his Commentarie applieth this prophesie vnto Antiochus Epiphanes his iudgement is set forth in three degrees 1. the beast is slaine the death of Epiphanes is foreshewed who hauing receiued euill tidings first at Persepolis then at Elymais fell into a grieuous and incurable disease as is set forth 1. Macchab. 6. 2. Macchab. 9. 2. his bodie is destroyed his armies were ouerthrowne and all his posteritie rooted out for Antiochus Eupator his sonne raigned not aboue 3. yeares and in him the whole familie of Epiphanes was extinct and the kingdome returned to the right heires 3. his bodie is giuen to the burning fire whereby is signified the grieuous torments of his disease which he endured 2. Macch. 9. 6. But seeing Antiochus Epiphanes is the little horne of the fourth beast and this iudgement belongeth to the whole beast here rather is described the ruine and destruction of the whole kingdome of the Seleucians the meaning then is this rather 1. that the power of the Seleucians after Epiphanes began to abate and their kingdome to be much ●olested by enemies without the Parthians and Armenians and by commotions within and so the beast was slaine then the bodie of the beast was destroyed the kingdome beeing taken from the house of the Seleucians and giuen to Tygranes king of Armenia as Iustine writeth lib. 40. And this bodie was giuen to the fire when Tigranes beeing taken the kingdome was dissolued and made a Prouince by Pompey Polan 39. Quest. v. 12. When the other beasts had their dominion taken away and how their liues were prolonged 1. Some doe interpret these words by the time past that before the destruction of this last beast the other three had beene destroyed so Calvin Vatablus ante interitum quartae bestiae evanuerāt they had vanished away before the ouerthrow of the fourth beast Osiand And though mention be made hereof after the destruction of the fourth beast yet the other beasts were before remooued and taken out of the way Calvin But to what ende is it said that after the dominion of the other three beasts was taken away their liues were prolonged if there had not beene some remainder of the other Monarchies the Chaldean Persian and Grecian after their dominion ceased 2. Some on the contrarie hee thinke that here is
Christianitie decreaseth and is more and more empayred 2. That Christ is that little horne out of the fourth beast and so consequently not this fifth kingdome thus they obiect 1. this horne was little in respect of the obscure beginning so was Christs rising vp obscure 2. this horne speaketh proud things so Christ said he was without sinne that he was the sonne of God 3. this horne changeth times and lawes so Christ violated the Sabbath and abolished the ceremonies of Moses 4. and as this horne was to continue a time two times and an halfe that is three yeares and an halfe so Christ preached iust so many yeares Contra. 1. Their reasons vpon the first point are easily answered 1. It is denied that the Romane Empire is the fourth beast but rather the kingdome of the Seleucians in Syria which was destroyed before the comming of the Messiah 2. And so Christs kingdome was distinct from the fourth and from all other terrene kingdomes and dominions they are earthly and temporall Christs is spirituall and eternall the Christian faith is maintained vnder the Romane Empire yet it is farre differing from it the Iewes here imagine that this fift kingdome should be a temporall and externall kingdome in the world such as they dreame of their Messiah but therein they are deceiued for our blessed Sauiour himsefe saith that he came not to be ministred vnto but to minister Matth. 21. and he said to Pilate that his kingdome was not of this world yea the thiefe who was conuerted vpon the crosse vnderstood as much saying to Christ remember me when thou commest into thy kingdome therefore Christ had no temporall kingdome in this world but spirituall in which respect it was diuerse and distinct from all other earthly kingdomes See more hereof cap. 2. que 58. 3. And though this kingdome of the Messiah doth not alwaies shewe it selfe mightier in this world in externall power then other kingdomes yet the spirituall power thereof farre exceedeth all temporall dominion seeing euen those terrene powers which persecuted the gospel of Christ were by the power thereof subdued vnto the faith as Constantine the Empecour and other Christian Emperours and Kings which maintained the Christian faith according to the prophesie of Isay 49. 23. Kings shall be thy nursing fathers and Queenes thy nursing mothers 4. though the terrene bounds and limits of those kingdomes which prof●sse the gospel of Christ may sometime be enlarged sometime empayred yet the spirituall kingdome of Christ is not conquered which triumpheth in the middes of the greatest trialls and afflictions of his seruants and it is most certaine though the Church of Christ may be translated from one kingdome to another yet it shall remayne as long as the earth endureth and after shall raigne in heauen for euer 2. Concerning the other obiection that Christ should be this little horne 1. The most of these arguments are answered before quest 27. 7. to the which place I referre the Reader 2. Christ violated not the Sabbath but taught the right vse of the Sabbath against the superstitious obseruations of the Iewes 3. though this little horne was to rage against the Saints 3. yeares and a halfe it followeth not because Christ preached no longer that he should be this little horne euerie meane Logician knoweth what an inartificiall kind of reasoning it is to conclude affirmatiuely in the second figure as thus this little horne shall rage 3. yeares and an halfe Christ preached 3. yeares and halfe Ergo he is this little horne Beside there is great difference betweene raging and tyrannizing against the Saints and preaching to the Saints so that beside the fayling in the forme of the argument they assume not right 4. But that Christ no wayes can be this little horne it is euident for these hornes must be kings and kings of the fourth kingdome or Monarchie and it must plucke away three kings before it but Christ was no king neither of the Syrian nor Romane kingdome neither can it be shewed how he remooued 3. kings before him 2. and after this horne is taken away it is said the Saints should haue the kingdome but after Christ was put to death the people of the Iewes were more afflicted then they were before and within fewe yeares their citie and Temple were destroyed by the Romanes Therefore this their assertion is most blaspemous and absurd that Christ should be this little horne 3. Those Rabbines are more reasonable which doe vnderstand this kingdome of the Messiah as R. Iesua Ab. Ezra R. Saadia though herein they fayle in dreaming of a temporall kingdome which should be raised by their Messiah Quest. 44. That this kingdome giuen to the Sonne of man shall not be in earth against the Chiliastes 1. Some of the auncient writers were of opinion that after 6. thousand yeares for so long they held the world should continue for euerie of the sixe dayes of the creation counting a thousand yeares Christ should come and raigne with his Saints a thousand yeares in all prosperitie in the earth they should be raised from the dead which they call the first resurrection and liue in peace and all happinesse marrying wi●es and begetting children And after these thousand yeares Sathan should be let loose and then should be the greatest persecution that euer was by Antichrist after which time the dead should be raised to life which they say is the second resurrection and then the Saints should raigne with Christ in heauen for euer 2. Of this opinion was Papias whom Ireneus affirmeth to haue beene one of Iohns disciples who for his antiquitie mooued others to embrace the same opinion as Iustinus dialog cum Tryphon Iereneus Tertullian also as Hierome thinketh lib. 11. in Ezekiel Victorinus in Apocalyps Lactantius also and Seruius Sulpitius But the simplicitie of Papias gaue occasion to this error who vnderstood literally those things which the Apostles spiri●ually meant of the glorie and peace of Christs kingdome and to Eusebius giueth this testimony of Papias that he was a man ingenij perquam tenuis of a verse slender wit as may appeare by his writings 3. The chiefe ground of this errour is by the mistaking of that place Apocal. 20. 2. that Sathan should be bound for a thousand yeares and that the Saints liued and raigned with Christ a thousand yeares this is the first resurrection But this place maketh nothing at all for this opinion as shall be shewed afterward 4. Cerinthus the heritike had the like conceite of Christs raigning in earth a thousand yeares as Eusebius testifieth lib. 3. histor Ecclesiast c. 22. But herein they differed Cerinthus thought that men vnder this kingdome of Christ should liue in carnall pleasure and voluptuousnesse This opinion Augustine alwaies misliked but he confesseth that sometime he approoued the other lib. 20. de ciuit dei c. 7. Cont●a But now briefely it shall be shewed how vaine and false this opinion is 1. Our Blessed Sauiour himselfe saith
them Plin. lib. 6. c. 27. Quest. 8. Why Daniel nameth himself● in the first person 1. It is the manner of the Prophets in their seuerall visions to expresse their names as Isay. 2. 1. and 6. 1. so also Ierem. c. 1. 1. c. 2. 1. and in diuerse other places as Daniel in this place saith a vision appeared vnto me euen vnto me Daniel and the reason is because the truth of such prophesies and visions dependeth vpon the credit of those Prophets to whome they were onely reuealed but it is otherwise in matters of historie where the author need not insert his owne name seeing the credit of histories relyeth not vpon the authoritie of the writer but vpon the euidence and truth of the things themselues 2. Therefore that is a weake exception which Dyonisius of Alexandria taketh to the booke of the Reuelation that it was not written by Iohn the Euangelist but by some other because the Euangelist verie sparingly nameth himselfe in the gospel and when he doth so he describeth himselfe in the third person the disciple whom Iesus loued for as is before shewed there is great difference betweene the writing of prophesies and histories the Reuelation beeing prophetical it was fit the Euangelist should expresse his name for the credit of those visions as the other Prophets vse to doe in their prophesies Quest. 9. Why the kings of Persia are compared to a ramme v. 3. There are three parts of this description 1. from the similitude or comparison they are likened to a ramme 2. by the parts the two hornes 3. by the effects their preuayling toward the West North and South Concerning the first there are diuerse opinions why the Persian Monarchie should be resembled to a ramme 1. Theodoret alleadgeth this reason sicut aries sua lana grauatur as a ramme is loaded with his fleece and at the length is killed for his flesh and fleice so the Persian Monarchie abounding in wealth at length became a prey But the Persians are likened to a ramme in their flourishing and prosperous state when as yet they rather preyed vpon then were a prey vnto any 2. Lyranus from the Hebrewes thinketh the kingdome of the Medes to be expressed by a ramme a gentle beast quia non multum erat infestum Iudaeis because it was not much troublesome to the Iewes But hereby the kingdome not of the Medes onely but of the Persians is signified who were grieuous to the people of God 3. Rupertus to the same purpose saith the kings of Persia were as rammes quia lanis suis id est opibus eundem populum fouit c because with their riches as with wool they cherished the same people of the Iewes But the most of the Persian kings though some were more equall did suffer the Iewes to be pilled and polled 4. Calvin yeeldeth this reason we knowe quam ignobile fuerit Persarum exordium how base and meane the beginning of the Persians was 5. But that other reason of Calvin better satisfieth that here the kingdome of Persia is set forth comparatiuely as hauing relation to the kingdome of Grecia likened to a goate quia multo fuit agilior origo obscurior because his agilitie was greater and his beginning more obscure Calvin And the ramme bringeth a great companie with him but of sheepe such were the multitude of the Persians as sheepe before Alexander Osiand Quest. 10. Who are signified by the two hornes whereof one was higher then the other 1. Some here doe vnderstand certaine particular persons as Melancthon interpreteth Cyrus to be this ramme hauing both Medes and Persians in his armie as the two hornes thereof Some vnderstand this ramme to be Darius gloss interlinear Hierome whom Lyran Hugo Calvin Genevens follow maketh Darius king of the Medes and Cyrus king of Persia these two hornes whereof the latter was the greater for Cyrus grewe to be greater then Darius 2. Theodoret expoundeth these two hornes to be two families of the Persian kings the one of Cyrus which was extinguished in Cambyses his sonne the other of Darius Hystaspis But neither of these opinions can stand for the goat fighting with this ram brake his two hornes Alexander ouercame Darius long after the time of the first Darius and Cyrus these then could not be the two hornes neither was this last Darius of either of those kindreds but was elected to the kingdome for his valour as writeth Iustinus lib. 10. though Diodorus lib. 17. make him the sonne of Darius Arsanes who succeeded Ochus his brother 3. Wherefore by these two hornes are better vnderstood the two kingdomes of the Medes and Persians this grewe to be the greater in power though the other were the more auncient thus the Angel expoundeth afterward v. 20. these two hornes are the kings of the Medes and Persians Thus interpret Oecolampadius Pellican Osiand Iun. Polan Quest. 11. Of the greatnesse and prosperous successe of this ramme v. 4. I sawe the ramme pushing against the West and against the North c. 1. The kingdome of Persia beeing in the East did extend it selfe vnto the other three parts of the world toward the West as Babylon Cappadocia Asia minor Grecia toward the North as Lydia Armenia Albania and other Northerne countreys toward the South as Arabia Aethiopia and this answereth to the former vision c. 7. 5. where the beare which signifieth the Persian Monarchie had three ribbes or morsells in the mouth 2. no beasts were able to withstand them for though the Babylonians had combined themselues with the Egyptians Thracians Grecians and other nations and were in league with Craesus king of Lydia as Herodotus testifieth lib. 1. yet all would not helpe as the Prophet Ieremie saith the strong men of Babel ceased to fight they became as women Ierem. 51. 30. 3. whereas it is said he did what he listed this must be vnderstood of the Persian Monarchie in generall for some of their kings in the end had but hard successe as Cyrus with his armie was slaine by Queene Tomyris and Xerxes was foyled of the Grecians and constrayned with shame to flee away yet notwithstanding these particular losses the Monarchie continued still and increased in power Calvin Oecolamp Quest. 12. Of the meaning of these words as I considered v. 5. The Latine translation reading I vnderstood giueth occasion here of question how Daniel is said to vnderstand this whereas afterward v. 16. the Angel Gabriel maketh him vnderstand it 1. Hierome thus interpreteth that he had a generall vnderstanding he was instructed by the former vision hereby to vnderstand the change and commutation of kingdomes so also Lyran. gloss ordinar Theodoret expoundeth it of Daniels desire to vnderstand 2. But all this question and doubt is remooued by the right translating of the words I considered or marked the word is mabin eram perpendens as I weighed and considered Montan. Quest. 13. Why the kingdome of the Grecians is resembled to a goat 1. Pererius thinketh the Grecians
thunder vpon the captaine But it is euident that Antiochus is vnderstood by the captaine v. 13. 14. Albeit the captaine and they which were with him seemed inuincible yet they were slaine in the Temple of Nanea for Antiochus as though he would dwell with her came thither to receiue money vnder the title of a dowrie It was Antiochus himselfe that pretended mariage with Nanea or Diana as the like is reported of Tiberius Nero Heliogabalus that would make marriages with the goddesses he therefore came himselfe in person to receiue as a dowrie the treasure of the Temple 4. But Bellarmine and Pererius likewise doe most approoue this solution who thus interpret these words v. 13. cecidit in templo Naneae the captaine with his host fell in the temple of Nanea that is they were smitten not slaine Bellarmine giueth instance of the like place Gen. 14. 10. The king of Sodome and Gomorrah fell there in the slimie pits that is were discomfited they were not killed for the king of Sodome met Abraham afterward Pererius obiecteth that place Dan. c. 11. 30. how the Romanes should come against Antiochus and he should be smitten yet he was not killed Contra. 1. The word vsed 2. Macchab. 1. 13. is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not they fell but they were smitten or slaine concisi sunt they were hewen and cut in pieces as Vatablus and Iunius translate 2. in that place Gen. 24. 10. it is onely said they fell but here more is expressed they were cut in pieces v. 16. 3. and in the other place the word is better translated by Vatablus consternabitur he shall be grieued or terrified not smitten 5. This then remaineth to be saide that this is an vncerten and vntrue report of Antiochus death as that is likewise of the holy fire which was hid and when Nehemias sent to set it they found thicke water in stead of fire And therefore that other report of Antiochus death beeing twice set downe 1. Macchab. c. 6. and 2. Macchab. c. 9. is to be receiued as the more probable Iun. 34. Quest. Of the agreement of other persecutors of the Church with this description of Antiochus 1. As the apostasie of the Iewes was a forerunner of the tyrannie and persecution of Antichrist So when persecution is raised in the Church many doe fall away as when Constantius fauoured Arrius and persecuted the orthodoxall professours Liberius the Bishop of Rome fell away also to Arrianisme And of late daies when Charles the fift made warre against the Protestant Princes in Germanie many gospellers either fell to Poperie or receiued the Interim And in England in Queene Maries daies many forsooke the Gospel and turned Papists 2. As Antiochus was of a bold countenance and full of craft such were the persecutors of the Gospel as Iulian the Apostata Valens the Emperour the Duke of Albanie in the low countries 3. As Antiochus encreased by the treacherie of others that helped him so it is vsuall for the enemies of the Gospel to preuaile if they can by treacherie as many treasons against Queene Elizabeth and our noble Soueraigne that now is haue beene set forward by some forren Popish princes 4. Antiochus by flatterie and vnder colour of peace deceiued many so did the Duke of Albania in the lowe countries and king Philip when he intented the inuasion of England ann 1588. yet made shewe of peace by the Prince of Parma vnto Queene Elizabeth 5. As Antiochus was taken away by Gods hand not by mans So the Lord himselfe encountreth the wicked as he did Pharaoh and Herod Polan Quest. 35. Why it is called the vision of the enening and morning v. 26. 1. Some vnderstand it thus the vision quae per successiones temporum complenda est which is to be fulfilled in succession of time Hugo 2. Lyranus thus interpreteth by the morning he would haue vnderstood the time of Antiochus by the euening the time of Antichrist who was prefigured by Antiochus 3. the vulgar Latine readeth the vision of the morning and euening as though this were spoken of the time when this vision appeared 4. But it hath relation rather to the former part of the vision v. 14. where mention is made of 2300. dayes vnto the euening and morning that is so many naturall dayes this vision which is expressed by part of the subiect taken for the whole is said to be true Cal. Polan Quest. 36. Why Daniel is bidden to seale vp the vision 1. Some by fealing vnderstand the committing to memorie Hugo 2. Some the committing of it to writing Lyran. 3. Bullinger alludeth to the vse of men which seale and confirme those things which are true and so Daniel is bid to seale it as a thing most certaine 4. Some thinke that hereby is signified that he should conceale this vision least the Iewes hearing what affliction they should endure in their owne countrey might be slack to returne thither 5. Chrysostome giueth this sense that he should keepe it faithfully ne temporis prolixitate dispereat that it perish not in continuance and length of time 6. The Hebrewes referring this vision to the last times of their redemption by their Messiah would haue it therefore sealed because the time was long before it should be fulfilled 7. But the reasons why Daniel is commanded to seale vp the vision were these 1. that he should not communicate it vnto the Chaldees whom it concerned not or to any other carnall men or vnbeleeuers that would not giue credit vnto it but that he should conceale it from such yet vnto the faithfull he might impart it As the Prophet Isay saith to the same purpose 8. 16. bind vp the testimonie seale vp the lawe among my Disciples and this is according to the rule of our Sauiour not to cast things holy vnto dogges Matth. 7. 6. Polan 2. By this sealing of the vision is signified that it was not presently to take effect but after a long time about 300. yeares after yet it should be most certainely fulfilled in the appointed time Iun. in commentar so he is not bidden simply to conceale it but hereby rather he is admonished not to doubt of the accomplishment thereof and that be should not measure it ex vulgi sententia by the opinion of the vulgar sort Calvin 37. Quest. What kings busines Daniel did v. 27. v. 27. I did the kings busines c. 1. Some doe thinke that this was king Darius busines that caried Daniel with him into Media Lyr. and they thinke this worke was the building of the great tower which Iosephus maketh mention of Hug. But this can not be so for Iosephus saith that Darius caried Daniel with him into Media but Daniel was at this time at Shushan v. 2. and that great tower was built not at Shushan but at Ecbatane as Iosephus writeth lib. 10. cap. 12. 2. Oecolampad and Pellicane in that it is said when I rose vp I did the kings busines doe inferre non
time according to Origens supputation will exceede the time of the Messiah almost 900. yeares 3. It is euident that these 70. weekes must beginne at such time as the word went forth to build againe Ierusalem and the Temple they must not then take beginning so long before 4. Neither are they to be extended vnto the destriction of Ierusalem as shall be shewed when we come to examine the seuerall opinions for the ende of these 70. weekes 41. Quest. That the 70. weekes must not beginne before the peoples returne out of captiuitie 1. Hippolytus as Hierome setteth downe his opinion in his Commentarie vpon this place beginneth the 70. weekes fiftie yeares before the dissoluing of the captiuitie and endeth them in Christs natiuitie but this opinion can not stand for 1. the Angel sheweth that these weekes must then beginne when the people returned out of captiuitie 2. from thence vnto the Messiah are 490. yeares but if we should beginne fiftie yeares before the number will arise to 540. yeares By the same reason may be confuted the opinion of Lyranus Burgens Galatinus who beginne the 70. weekes at the 4. of Zedekiah because then they say the promise was made from the Lord by Ieremie for the returne of the people as is shewed before quest 34. for 1. by this reckoning there will be 70. yeares within fowre all the time of the captiuitie added to Daniels propheticall weekes 2. if they will fetch the beginning from that word and promise why may they not as well beginne an eleuen yeares before when Ieremie in the 4. yeare of Iehoiakim shewed them of the captiuitie of 70. yeares Ierem. 25. 1. 11 or yet they may beginne further off from that promise made concerning Cyrus Isa. 45. that he should cause Ierusalem to be builded againe from which time to the ende of Daniels weekes are aboue 700. yeares Likewise R. Salamons opinion is confuted by the same reasons who beginneth the 70. weekes from the first destruction of the Temple in the 19. yeare of Nebuchadnezzer and endeth them at the destruction of the citie for 1. so there will be found aboue 50. yeares more then the 70. weekes from the destruction of the Temple vnto the going forth of the commandement to build againe Ierusalem 2. seeing the Angel pitcheth the beginning at the going forth of the word to bring againe the people and to build againe Ierusalem it is absurd to set the beginning when the people were carried into captiuitie and the citie and Temple destroied 42. Quest. That the 70. weekes doe not beginne in the raignes of the other kings of Persia after Cyrus 1. From the second or 20. yeare of Darius Hystaspis the 70. weekes cannot beginne 1. for we doe not read of any decree made by that Darius for the reedifying of the Temple and citie it is Darius Longimanus in whose 2. yeare the worke of the house of God went forward who is mentioned Ezr. 4. 24. As it may be thus gathered there are named in that chapter v. 6 7. two kings of the Persians after Cyrus Assuerus and Artashasht then after them followed Darius But Darius the sonne of Hystaspis was the third king of Persia. 2. In Darius decree mentioned Ezr. 6. there is no speach of building the citie but of the Temple onely here the Angel speaketh of the going forth of the word to build Ierusalem Perer 2. Neither can the computation beginne from Xerxes the 4. king of Persia by whom Iosephus thinketh first Ezra to haue beene sent and afterward Nehemiah who is called Artaxerxes Ezra 7. and Nehem. 2. for Xerxes is held by the most to haue raigned but 20. yeares onely Clemens affoardeth him 26. yeares but mention is made of the 32. yeare of this Artaxerxes Nehem. 5. 14. 3. Neither can their computation stand which beginne at the 7. yeare of Artaxerxes Longimanus when Ezra was sent with the kings letters to Ierusalem for Sulpitius well obserueth Ezram nihil super reficienda vrbe fecisse comperio c. I doe not finde that Ezra did any thing in repayring of the citie his greatest care seemeth to haue bin to reforme the corrupt manners of the people c. And whereas the king doth furnish him with siluer and gold that was rather employed for the sacrifices and seruice of the Temple then for the building thereof Bullinger setteth downe diuerse reasons to confirme his opinion as 1. he prooueth that Ezra was sent to Ierusalem by Artaxerxes 2. that Nehemiah liuing vnto Alexanders time as appeareth by the names of Iaddua and Samballat who liued in Alexanders raigne was sent by this Artaxerxes not by Darius Hystaspis for then he should exceede an 194. yeares 3. the commission giuen vnto Ezra c. 7. 23. thou Ezra c. set iudges and arbiters which may iudge the people c. agreeth with the Angels speach here the going out of the word c. 4. the time agreeth from the 7. of Artaxeres to the death of Christ are found iust 490. yeares Contra. 1. The first is graunted beeing euident out of the Scripture but that is nothing to the purpose 2. It is also confessed that this was Artaxerxes Longimanus not Darius Hystaspis that reason then is impertinent 3. Ezra his commission sheweth that he was to reforme the manners of the people and to set them in order not to build the citie or Temple and therefore it was not the going forth of the word here spoken of which was to build Ierusalem 4. It can not be shewed that this agreeth with the iust computation of the 490. yeares for therein lieth the question 4. Pererius with others as namely M. Lydyat lib. de emendat temp ann mund 3553. would haue the 70. weekes beginne from the 20. yeare of Artaxerxes Longimanus by whome Nehemiah was sent to repaire the citie Nehem. 2. 8. which agreeth to the going forth of the word here spoken of to build Ierusalem And for the which enterprise Nehemiah is commended Ecclus. 49. Contra. 1. Nehemiah did not first build the citie and lay the foundations of the walls which was done long before in the raigne of an other Artaxerxes Ezr. 4. 12. which is held to be Cambyses he onely viewed and repaired the breaches of the citie Nehem. 2. 15. there is mention made both of gates and walls before his comming 2. The Temple was builded and finished before the 20. yeare of Longimaniu namely in the sixt yeare of his raig●● but it is not like that the building of the Temple beeing the most speciall thing which the people of God longed after should be excluded out of the compasse of the 70. weekes 5. Their opinion also may be refelled who count the beginning of these 70. weekes from the 2. yeare of Darius Nothus when by the commandement of the king the building of the house went forward and was finished in the sixt yeare Ezr. 6. 15. from thence to the destruction of Ierusalem are found iust 490. yeares the particulars
whereof Polanus thus gathereth from the 2. of Darius Nothus to the death of Alexander are yeares 99. from thence to the destruction of Ierusalem 391. which make 490. yeares Contra. 1. In the place giuen in instance Ezr. 6. 14. it is said they builded and finished the house by the appointment of God and by the commandement of Cyrus and Darius and Artashasht king of Persia seeing then that all these gaue commandement for the building of the Temple from which of them rather must the account beginne then from the first for they onely finished the worke of the Temple now it could not be begunne and made an ende of in foure yeares 2. Neither is his computation of yeares certaine and agreed vpon for some beginne to account from the 3. yeare of Darius Nothus M. Lively p. 216. Iunius reckoneth but 98. yeares from the 2. of Nothus to the death of Alexander further in this reckoning counting 70. yeares from the birth of Christ to the destruction of the citie 33. and an halfe to his passion and 36. with an halfe afterward he leaueth in the summe of 391. from Alexanders death 321. yeares for the kingdome of the Greekes and Macchabees vnto the 30. yeare of Herod but others allow not so much Melancthon not much aboue 300. yeares counting them thus from Alexanders death to the beginning of the Macchabees 146. yeares from thence to Herod 127. yeares then in the 30. yeare of Herod was Christ borne Oecolampadius thus maketh vp the reckoning an 160. yeares from Alexanders death to the Macchabees thence to Herod an 127. and 30. yeares of Herod to Christ the whole summe is 317. Others recken 300. yeares from the beginning of Alexanders raigne vnto the raigne of the Roman Empire after Cleopatra her 22. yeares and from thence to the death of Christ 60. yeares so Africanus as Lyranus citeth him and H. Br. in his proleg in Dan. Therefore the computation of Polanus is not so certaine to be builded vpon 6. Concerning the last opinion of Apollinaris who beginneth to count the 70. weekes at the birth of Christ it neede no long refutation for then there went forth no word for the building of the citie and there must be 7. weekes and 62. weekes before the Messiah so that he beginneth Daniels weekes where they almost ende 43. Quest. That Daniels 70. weekes must take beginning from the proclamation made by Cyrus for the returne of the people There remaine then onely to be examined the opinions of the third sort of those which beginne the account of the 70. weekes from Darius and Cyrus who raigned together Tertullian beginneth them from Darius and endeth them in the ouerthrow of Ierusalem Origen taketh the same beginning but goeth no further then the natiuitie of Christs so also Melancthon in his first account The Hebrewes making the same beginning doe extend the time to the last subuersion of Ierusalem by Adrian the Emperour Clemens Alexandr beginneth from Cyrus and endeth in the subuersion of Ierusalem lib. 1. stromat Origen doth ende them too soone and the rest extend them too farre but touching the ende of these weekes more shall be said in the next question but that all these doe take the beginning right of these weekes from the edict of Cyrus who raigned together with Darius the Mede it may thus euidently be prooued 1. First when the seuentie yeares of captiuitie were expired the 70. weekes of libertie immediatly beganne as M. Calvin sheweth vpon the 24. verse Certum est quinquaginta annos quinquaginta hebdomadas simul coniungi the 70. yeares and 70. weekes are ioyned together And this proposition is confirmed Ier. 29. 10. Thus saith the Lord After seuentie yeares be accomplished at Babel I will visit you and performe my good promise toward you and cause you to returne to this place But the 70. yeares were expired in the first yeare of Cyrus 2. Chron. 36. 22. therefore then the 70. weekes beganne 2. The 70. weekes beganne from the going forth of the word to cause the people to returne v. 25. but in the first yeare of Cyrus the Edict came forth for the returne of the people Ezr. 1. 1. then was the generall deliuerance of the people from captiuitie Ergo. 3. Paulus Burgensis vrgeth this reason that if the beginning of these weekes were suspended an hundred yeares to the raigne of Artaxerxes Longimanus or after then it would follow that Daniel was ignorant when these weekes should beginne and so consequently did not know the time of the comming of the Messiah but it is not like that so great a Prophet hauing reuealed vnto him the time of the comming of the Messiah should be ignorant of it Pererius to this maketh a double answer 1. that though Daniel haue a vision in generall of the Messiahs comming yet he might be ignorant of the very time as it was reuealed to Daniel that one should rise vp to afflict the people of God most grieuously 2300. daies chap. 8. yet he knew not the particular time 2. It is like that it was reuealed to Daniel when these 70. weekes should beginne though it is not expressed in Scripture Contra. 1. There is not the like reason to know the particular time of Christs comming and of Antichrist there was more necessitie for the comfort of Gods people of the one then of the other neither was the time foretold of Antiochus comming as here of Christs but onely how long his tyrannie should continue when he was come 2. Such vnwritten directions not expressed in Scripture it is dangerous to imagine it is true that Daniel knew the beginning of these weekes and had thereto direction and that here expressed in Scripture other direction he had none and not hauing other direction then here he should haue continued ignorant of his owne prophesie if he had not seene the accomplishment of it himselfe 4. An other argument may be taken from the continuance of the Persian Monarchie the most agree that the kingdome of the Macedonians continued 300. yeares from the beginning of Alexanders raigne and that thence to the passion of Christ the Romanes gouerned 60. yeares so African Lyr. Iunius counteth but 362. yeares in all there remaineth then to make vp the summe of 490. an 130. yeares for the Persian Monarchie and not aboue the reason is this because Nehemiah saw both the beginning and the ende of the Persian Monarchie that he saw the ende Iosephus Scalliger thus prooueth 1. because Nehemiah in his storie maketh mention of the last Darius whome Alexander ouercame c. 12. 22. And that it was the last Darius is euident because Iaddua the high Priest is there mentioned who met Alexander 2. Nehemiah was hindred in repairing the walls of the citie by one Samballat c. 4. this Samballat afterward ayded Alexander at the siege of Gaza with a band of souldiers and died before Alexander had taken Gaza so that Nehemiah and Samballat were both of the same
that if the account beginne from Cyrus there will be found an 100. yeares more then the 70. weekes to the passion of Christ which he counteth thus The Persian Monarchie continued 230. yeares the kingdome of the Macodonians or Grecians 300. th●nce to the death of Christ the Romanes ruled 60. yeares all make 590. yeares Contra. 1. Though Cyrus decree did not at the first take place altogether yet because they by vertue of that decree laid the foundation of the Temple in the 2. yeare Ezr. 2. 10. though the worke were interrupted from thence the reckoning must beginne and the rather for that this decree of Cyrus was the ground of Darius edict renewed afterward Ezr. 6. yea the Angel foresheweth here as much in diuiding 7. weekes from the rest that the building of the citie and Temple should be interrupted 49. yeares and should be finished in a troublesome time v. 25. 2. Though Cyrus edict specially intended the building of the Lords house yet they had libertie giuen them there withall to reedifie the walls and citie as is euident Ezr. 4. 12. for otherwise the prophesie of Isai concerning Cyrus had not beene fulfilled c. 54. 28. He saith to Cyrus thou art my shepheard and he shall performe all my desire saying also to Ierusalem thou shalt be built and to the Temple thy foundations shall be surely laid 3. That the Persian Monarchie continued not 230. yeares is prooued before so that this obiection is soone answered And if Lyranus thinketh that from Cyrus to Christs passion 590. yeares expired how then can he make his own account afterward good counting from the 4. of Zedekiah 52. yeares before Cyrus as he casteth it to the passion of Christ but 490. yeares in all Thus the beginning of Daniels 70. weekes beeing knowne it remaineth that we come to examine the diuers opinions for the ende and determining of them as they are before propounded qu. 34. But first because we will at once make an ende of the questions doubts of the Persian Monarchie three other matters shall here be briefly touched 1. vnder which of the Persian kings Mordecai liued 2. what king it was by whome the Edict was renewed to build the Temple 3. which Artaxerxes it was by whome in the 20. of his yeare Nehemiah was sent 44. Quest. Vnder which of the Persian kings Mordecai liued and of his age 1. Some take the great king Assuerus who married Esther to be Cambyses the sonne of Cyrus as Paul Burgens calleth this Assuerus filium Cyri maritum Esther both the sonne of Cyrus and the husband of Ester addit 3. in 9. c. Dan. But this cannot be for Cambyses is held by most Chronologer● to haue raigned but 7. yeares the Hebrewes giue vnto him but 6. yeares but this Assuerus married not Esther till the 7. yeare of his raigne toward the ende thereof in the 10. moneth Estb. 2. 17. and c. 3. 12. mention is made of his 12. yeare 2. Some take this Assuerus the husband of Esther to be Darius Hystaspic the 3. king of Persia so Iun. in his annotat Esth. 1. 1. in the first edition and Esther called Adassa he thinketh to be A●ossa Darius wife mentioned by Herodot lib. 3. Of the same opinion seemeth Lyranus to be that the next king vnto Cam●yses was this Assuerus But Darius Hystaspicis succeeded C●●byses so also Genevens 3. Ioseph lib. 11. thinketh that this Assuerus was Artaxerxes Longimanus surnamed the long-hand the 5. king of Persia But Eusebius in his Chronicle ●●felleth him by this argument that seeing Ezra liued in the daies of this Artaxerxes it is like he would haue made some honourable mention of Esther and Mordecai Herein though Eusebius doe truly contradict Iosephus yet his reason is not so forcible for seeing there is a speciall historie written of Esther and Mordecai their acts which booke is like to haue beene made by Ezra or some other of the Prophets then liuing it was not needefull in the other bookes of Ezra and Nehemiah to make mention of them seeing in those bookes they meddle not with the Persian affaires but with such things as happened about the building of the citie and Temple at Ierusalem But this reason rather may be vrged that Artaxerxes 〈◊〉 who is that Darius called also Artashasht who gaue licence to build the Temple which was finished in his 6. yeare and in his 7. sent Ezra and in his 20. Nehemiah with new commissions to repaire the citie it is not like that he would be so mooued and incensed against the Iewes to roote them out as Assuerus was 4. A fourth opinion there is that this Assuerus was Artaxerxes Mnemon which succeeded Darius Nothus the 7. king of Persia which is the opinion of Exsebius Isidore Beda Sulpitius to whome subscribeth Pererius But these two obiections may be made against this opinion 1. that if Esther had beene the Queene in Nehemiahs time it is like he would haue vsed her mediation to the king or Mordecaies and not haue pressed himselfe vpon the king 2. whereas Mordecai is said to haue beene one of those which was carried away in the captiuitie of Iechoniah Esth. 2. 6. from which captiuitie vnto the raigne of Artaxerxes Muemon are accounted by the most Chronologers 250. yeares as Pererius confesseth then could it not be that Artaxerxes vnder whome Esther and Mordecai liued Hereunto Pererius answereth that whereas the words stand thus Mordecai which was the sonne of Iair the sonne of Shemei the sonne of Kish a man of Iemini which had beene carried away c. with the captiuitie of Iechoniah c. he would haue the relatiue which referred to the nearest antecedent Iemini whome he supposeth to haue beene then carried into captiuitie But herein Pererius is greatly ouerseene for Iemini is here taken for the tribe Beniamin as Kish the father of Saul is said to be of Iemini 1. Sam. 9. 1. and Shemei is called the sonne of Iemini 2. Sam. 16. 11. Then this Iemini could not possibly goe into captiuitie with Iechoniah Therefore other answer better that it is referred to Kish that he went into captiuitie so Burgens and Iunius in his last edition Ioseph Scal. l. 6. de emendat tempor But hereunto Thoring maketh a double answer 1. They must shew vs an other Kish out of Scripture beside the father of Saul which if they can not doe eadem facilitate contemnitur qua probatur it may as easily be reiected as it is prooued yet this may be admitted that this was an other Kish beside that auncient Kish the father of Saul as this Shemei was diuers from him that railed vpon Dauid 2. He hath then a better answer that if they will count so many generations namely these foure of Mordecai Iair Shemei Kish from the captiuitie of Iechonia● they will make Mordecai either scarse yet borne or a very young man who was now auncient and nourished Esther as his daughter he was as a father vnto
the rest because of the intermission of the worke of the Temple 2. Iunius in his first edition annot in Ezr. 4. 24. was of opinion that this Darius that sent Ezra was Artaxerxes Longimanus sonne of Darius Hystaspis by ●●sther so also Melancthon And this is most like for if the building of the Temple be driuen further off then vnto this kings daies Daniels 7. weekes set apart for the building of the Temple will no waies agree see more qu. 59. following 3. Iunius in his last edition thinketh otherwise that it was Darius Nothus in whose sixt yeare the house of God was finished which Iosephus Scalliger would prooue by this argument because this Darius hath an Artaxerxes next before him Ezr. 4. 7. and an other next after him Ezr. 7. 1. and so hath no other Darius among the kings of Persia But the first Artashasht was Gambyses who was not the next before Longimanus and the other Artashassht is the same with Darius called also Artaxerxas Longimanus as is further shewed qu. 59. following 46. Quest. What Artaxerxes it was in whose senenth yeare Ezra was sent and in his 20. Nehemiah 1. Iosrphus thinketh lib. 11. Antiquit that this was Xerxes by whome Ezra first and afterward Nehemiah was sent but this can not be for Xerxes is not held to haue raigned aboue 20. or 32. yeares now mention is made of the 32. yeare of this Artaxerxes Ezr. 5. 14. Beside Iosephus manifestly erreth in two other points 1. he saith that Nehemiah was sent in the 25. yeare of this Artaxerxes whereas it is euident that it was the 20. yeare Nehem. 2. 1. 2. he saith the walls were finished in two yeares and 3. moneths whereas they were repaired in the space of 52. daies Ezr. 6. 15. 2. Pererius therein consenting with some auncient writers holdeth this to be Artaxerxes Longimanus the sonne of Xerxes wherein he thinketh right sauing that this can not agree with his former opinion that it was Darius Hystaspis in whose sixt yeare the Temple was built which Darius in truth was Artaxerxes Longimanus as is further declared qu. 58. following M. Lydyat also thinketh well that this was Artaxerxes Longimanus by whome Ezra and Nehemiah were sent in ann 3553. but from hence he doth not well beginne Daniels 70. weekes as is shewed before qu. 42. 3. Some thinke that this was Artaxerxes Muemon which gaue libertie vnto Ezra and Nehemiah to returne to Ierusalem and repaire the citie because no other Artaxerxes but he of the kings of Persia immediatly succee d●da Darius Ioseph Scall●g Iun. The Art●shasht mentioned Ezr. 7. 1. who sent Ezra and afterward Nehemiah succeeded not Darius but was that Darius in whose 6. yeare the Temple was built● See qu. 58. following 47. Quest. That Daniels 70. weekes were determined neither before Christs passion● nor at the destruction of the citie 1. Euseb. lib. 8. de demonstr Euangel in his first account beginneth the 70. weekes in the first of Cyrus and endeth 69. of them about Hyrcanus time when Pompey the great tooke Ierusalem and defiled the Temple 2. In an other account he beginneth the 69. weekes in the 6. of Darius when the Temple was reedified and maketh them to ende at Herod the last weeke he beginneth at Christs haptisme 60. yeares after and endeth it 3. yeares and an halfe after his passion Both these accounts of Eusebius O●cal●mpadius indifferently followeth But neither of these r●ckonings can stand 1. because Daniel saith that after 7. weekes and 62. weekes the Messiah shall be slaine that is in the 70. weeke next after but in the first account the Messiah was slaine aboue 90. yeares in the second aboue 60. after the expiring of the 69. weekes 2. the 70. and last weeke must immediatly follow the other because they are made one whole number of 70. weekes vers 24. though afterward they be diuided 3. Some ende these 70. weekes at the natiuitie of Christ as Origen beginning them in Darius raigne others beginne at the instautation of the Temple vnder Darius and end the 69. weekes at the birth of Christ counting vntill then 483. yeares Tertullian But both these opinion● are contrarie to the text which ende these 69. weekes at the passion and death of Christ not at his birth after 62. weekes the Messiah shall be slaine beside as the first account commeth short aboue 30. yeares of the 490. so the other ouerreacheth aboue 60. yeares as shall be showed in the particular account 4. Some ende these weekes at the baptisme of Christ Melancth but the text will not heare it for before these weekes are expired or togither with the expiration of them shall the Messiah be slaine 5. As these ende Daniels weekes somewhat too soone so some extend them somewhat too farre as to the destruction of Ierusalem by Titus and Vespasian wherein not withstanding they do much differ Tertullian beginneth the account at Darius the Mede and endeth at the subuersion of Ierusalem so also Clem. Alex. beginning at Cyrus Chrysostome there ending beginneth at the 20. yeare of Darius Longimanus Some beginne form the 2. yeare of Darius Nothus and ende at the destruction of the citie by the Romanes Iun. Bulling Polan M. Lively But the first beginning right ouershoote the 70. weekes almost 40. yeares from the passion of Christ to the taking of the citie by the Romanes The other neither beginne right seeing it is prooued before that the beginning of the weeks must be from the first going forth of the word vnder Cyrus qu. 43. neither doe they ende well for immediatly after the 69. weekes the Messiah must be slaine in the last weeke then can it not be extended 40. yeares after Christs death to the destruction of the citie these words after 69. weekes the Messiah shall be slaine are otherwise expounded by Iunius and Polanus which shall be further examimed when we come vnto the handling of that verse Now the reasons that these weekes must be extended to the finall destruction of Ierusalem are these 1. The Angel saith Seuentie weekes are determined ouer the people and ouer the holy citie that is within which time there shall be a destruction of both Iun. an●otat 2. Our blessed Sauiour doth apply this prophesie of Daniel vnto the desolation and destruction of Ierusalem Matth. 24. 15. Polan 3. Daniel first maketh mention of the destruction of the citie and Sanctuarie and then speaketh of the confirming of the couenant in one weeke and of the ceasing of the sacrifices in the middes of the weeke which if it be vnderstood of Christs death it were a preposterous order that after the destruction of the citie which happened 40. yeares after he should returne to speake of the Messiahs death M. Lively Persian Monarch p. 225. 4. To what purpose should mention be made here of the destruction of Ierusalem if it be not within the compasse of these weekes Ans. 1. The Angel expoundeth himselfe afterward how these words are to
sonne of Seleucus Nicanor as Iustine writeth lib. 41. By others then here are meant none els but those fowre generall captaines who diuided Alexanders kingdome among them yet it shall not be amisse here somewhat to touch the petie diuisions of the kingdome before it grew into fowre parts and of Alexanders seuerall captaines with their endes 14. Quest. Of the petie diuisions of Alexanders kingdome among his seuerall captaines before it grew into fowre and of their mutuall dissension Three things here shall be briefly touched concerning Alexanders captaines 1. of their feuerall diuisions 2. of their ciuill warres which they made one with an other 3. of their bloodie endes 1. After that Alexanders captaines had by a generall consent chosen officers for the whole kingdome Arideus was appointed Viceroy during the nonage of Alexanders children Perdiccas protectour whome Antipater afterward succeeded in that place Seleucus generall for the armie Craterus Treasurer then they sorted the seuerall Prouinces among them Ptolomeus had Egypt Laomedon Syria Philotas Cilicia Antigonus Lycia Pamphylia and Prygia the greater Cassander Caria Menander Lydia Leonatus Phrygia the lesse Eumenes Cappadoeia and Paphlagonia Phiton Media ex Curtio Lysimachus Thracia Antipater Ma●edonia H. Br. And Iustinus maketh mention beside of others to Nicanor called Seleucus were committed the Parthians to Amyntas the Bactrians to Neoptolemus the Persians to Peucestes the Babylonians to Philippus the Hircanians And the other Prouinces remained vnder their gouernment which held them Alexander yet liuing Thus Alexanders Empire beeing distributed among so many petie gouerners 15. or 16. in all could not long so continue vnder so many masters but they presently fel at variance among themselues And in this respect Demades wittily compared Alexanders armie when he was dead to Cyclops the huge gyant when he had lost his eye for as that huge bodie wanting light to direct it hit here and there and could not guide it selfe so this vnruly companie wanting a guide dashed one vpon an other as a shippe without a pilote runneth vpon the rocks and sands 2. We are in the next place then briefly to see the ciuill dissention and warres which were mooued among these captaines 1. The first warre was begunne thorough the ambition of Perdiccas who beeing in greater authoritie then the rest intended to marrie Cleopatra Alexanders sister and so to take vpon him the gouernement which his purpose that he might the better atchieue he first enterpriseth to remooue the lettes and impediments and sendeth Eumenes against Antipater and Antigonus and he himselfe goeth against Ptolome into Egypt but he was slaine of his owne souldiers and not long after Alcetas his brother and his sister were slaine also and this was his ende who was the first beginner of sedition 2. After this a second stirre beganne betweene Eumenes and Antigonus in which battell Neoptolemus and Craterus were slaine and Eumenes was betraied by his souldiers vnto Antigonus whome he killed 3. Then Cassander after he had most treacherously extinguished Alexanders familie quarrelleth with Antigonus from whome he would haue taken certaine cities in Asia and ioyneth with Ptolome and Seleucus who feared Antigonus greatnes but Antigonus vanquisheth Cassander and maketh him to restore the cities in Asia 4. After this Antigonus setteth vpon Seleucus and Ptolome but first he was ouercome by Ptolome at Tyrus who tooke Demetrius Antigonus sonnes pauilion with all the princely furniture but restored it againe afterward Demetrius surprized Cilles one of Ptolomes captaines and 8000. men but returned them safe to Ptolome to requite his former humanitie and kindnes 5. Then followed a soare battell betweene all of the chiefe captaines remaining not farre from Ephesus on the one side were Seleucus and his sonne Antiochus Lysimachus and Ptolomes forces on the other Antigonus the night before the battel Antigonus had a vision wherein Alexander appeared saying vnto him that now he would goe vnto his enemies whereby Antigonus vnderstood that hauing beene hitherto victorious he should be ouercome now And so it fell out for as he pursued Antiochus in battell he was slaine by Seleucus horsemen beeing almost 80. yeare old his sonne fledde to Athens and renewed the warre but he was taken by Seleucus and long suruiued not his father then the rest diuided the kingdome of Antigonus among them 6. The last battell betweene Alexanders captaines was betweene Lysimachus and Seleucus This Lysimachus was a man of valour for beeing familiar with Callisthenes whome Alexander killed he was commanded to be cast vnto the lyons but he killed the lyon and so escaped for which his valour he was afterward much made of by Alexander But this Lysimachus among his vertues had enormous vices he married two sisters and had children by them both but the one killed the others child the mother for succour fledde vnto the other kings allied vnto her hereupon beganne the quarrell betweene Lysimachus and Seleucus but Lysimachus beeing ouercome was slaine Melancth ex Pausan. 3. In the last place let vs take a view of their bloodie endes Perdiccas first killed Meleager Ptolome killeth Cleomenes Perdiccas friend and Perdiccas himselfe is slaine of his owne souldiers going against Ptolome Craterus and Neoptolemus are slaine in battell Philotas killeth Phiton and he with Eumenes are slaine by Antigonus Antigonus fighting against Seleucus is killed Lysimachus by Seleucus Seleucus is slaine by Ptolome Ceraunus brother to Ptolome Philadelphus then raigning in Egypt and the same Ceraunus not long after was slaine by Brennus Demetrius Antigonus sonne rooteth out the house of Cassander and so he and his posteritie held the kingdome of Macedonia vntill the Romans possessed it And this was the ende of Alexanders captaines 15. Quest. Why the Angel prosequuteth the storie onely of the king of the South and of the North omitting the the rest Two reasons may be yeelded hereof 1. The other kingdomes the one of Asia the lesse in the North to Egypt which fell vnto Antigonus after he was slaine and vanquished by Seleucus was diuided among the other captaines and so it was extinguished and the other kingdome of Macedonia in the West was translated from Cassander and his posteritie vnto Demetrius the sonne of Antigonus neither was it in power answerable vnto the other two kingdomes of Syria and Egypt and therefore these onely are mentioned for vers 5. the Angel speaketh onely of two mightie kingdomes which should preuaile aboue the rest 2. An other reason is Iudea stood in the middes betweene these two kingdomes of Syria and Egypt by which occasion these kings waging battell one against an other Iudea beeing in the middes went to wracke betweene them Melancthon And sometime the Iewes fauoured one and sometime an other and then the aduersarie part still afflicted them and thus betweene these two kings were the Iewes molested the space of three hundred yeares Lyranus And a third cause there was of trouble vnto the Iewes sometime the Ptolomies of Egypt challenged the gouernment and soueraigntie of Iudea
by force as by craft and subtiltie Oecolamp 3. Antiochus is set forth by his rapacitie he spoyled and robbed Egypt and the most pleasant places thereof more then euer did any before him v. 24. And thus hath the Romane Antichrist in time past polled and pilled the world by his annates first fruites tenths Peter-pence pardons and such like deuises to get money 4. Antiochus is also described by his dissimulation that he with the king of Egypt shall talke of deceit euen at the same table but his heart euen then shall be to doe mischiefe v. 27. So there hath not beene more deepe dissimulation practized with kings and Princes then by the Bishops of Rome 5. As Antiochus practised with the forsakers of the holy couenant v. 30. by their meanes to seeke to preuaile against Gods people So hath the Pope vsed as his ministers and instruments runnagates from their countrey and Apostataes from the faith as is euident to all the world in those monstrous and vnnaturall treasons which haue beene attempted against this nation and Church of England And as Daniel prophesied of Antiochus that he should haue intelligence and consult with them that did forsake the couenant v. 30. so S. Paul saith that there shall come a departing first that is from the faith and that man of sinne shall be disclosed But because there is some difference betweene vs and the Papists what this apostasie and departure from the faith should meane it shall not be amisse a little to insist thereupon Controv. 12. That S. Paul speaketh of an apostasie and departing from the faith 2. Thessal 2. 3. 1. Pererius thinketh that this Apostasie is to be vnderstood of the departure and falling away from the Romane Empire and to that purpose he alleadgeth Lactantius who faith incolumi vrbe Roma nihil istiusmodi esse metuendum that so long as the citie of Rome is safe no such thing is to feared c. Bellarmine also bringeth this for one exposition 2. and further he addeth that by this apostasie we may vnderstand dispositionem adregnū Antichristi a disposition or preparation to the kingdome of Antichrist 3. and if it be vnderstood of a defection or falling away from the faith he thinketh it rather to agree to the Protestants then any other who are departed from the vnitie of the Church Contra. 1. It shall be shewed that apostasie is here to be taken not as the word is vsed in the Ciuill lawe for a departure either of a subiect from the obedience of his prince or of a souldier from his captaine for S. Paul speaketh not here of such ciuill and politike matters or as the Romanists call apostasie when one leaueth the order and sect into the which he was entred for in S. Pauls time there were no such superstitious sects of Monkerie but that Apostasie here is to be taken for a departure and falling away from the faith it may thus appeare 1. So is this word vsed in other places of the newe Testament as Act. 21. 11. They are informed of thee saith Iames to Paul that thou teachest the Iewes to forsake or play the Apostataes from Moses 1. Timoth. 4. 1. the spirit speaketh euidently that in the latter times some shall depart from the faith and shall giue heede to the spirit of error and to the doctrine of deuils 2. The euent is answerable hereunto for together with the rising and manifestation of Antichrist came in a generall corruption and deprauation of the most of the a●●icles of Christian religion 3. thus also diuerse of the auncient writers expound this place Iustin. Martyr calleth Antichrist defectionis homo a man of apostasie or falling away dialog cum Tryphon Ireneus saith he shall be sine lege quasi Apostata as an Apostata without lawe lib. 5. aduers. haeres c. 21. So also expound Primasius Cyrillus Chrysostome Oecumenius 4. Thus also Thomas in explanation Lyranus Hugo Card. expound and the Rhemists also vpon this place mislike not this sense 2. A disposition or preparation it cannot be vnto Antichrists kingdome because it is said that the man of sinne shall thereby be disclosed he shall then come together with it because he shall be reuealed by it 3. But it is a false imputation vpon the Protestants that they are Apostataes They haue separated themselues from the Church of Rome as did Enosh and the faithfull of the olde world from the posteritie of Caine and as our Blessed Sauiour and his Apostles diuided themselues from the synagogue of the Scribes and Pharisies But they were departed first from the doctrine of Moses as the Romane sectaries haue declined from the auncient Apostolike faith in stead thereof establishing their owne traditions and the doctrines of men 13. Controv. Of other notes and markes wherein Antiochus and Antichrist agree 6. As Antiochus vsed the armes and armies of his captaines to oppresse the Iewes So likewise the Bishops of Rome haue abused the secular arme and power to maintaine their pompe and ambition and to establish their superstition Marcellinus the historian who was no Christian writeth of the dissension betweene Damasus and Vrsicinus about the Episcopall seate that the contention betweene them was so hoate and such parts taking that in one day in the Church of Seruinus there were found an 137. dead bodies which were slaine in a skirmish And yet the ambition of the Romane Bishops was in those dayes nothing like to the pride of that vaine-glorious Sea now Gregorie the 7. called Hildebrand as witnesseth Benno a Cardinall of that Sea did mooue and make great warres to vphold his papall dignitie so did Paschal 2. Innocentius 3. Gregorie 9. fill all Germanie Fraunce Italie Spaine with warres and so haue the Popes maintained their factions and quarrells a long time by the Ciuill power Phocas the Emperour that killed his Lord and Master Pipinus king of Fraunce that murtherer Rodolphus that disloyall duke to Henrie the 4. Emperour Henrie 5. that disobedient sonne to Henrie the 4. his father were all the Popes vassals to fight his battells and to maintaine his quarrels with the sword So haue beene of late the kings of France on a rowe Henrie the 2. Francis the second Charles the 9. Henrie the 3. Such was the Duke of Albanie in the lowe countreys and other captaines and Generalls vnder the king of Spaine By the secret practising of Nicolaus 3. all the French in one day were killed thorough out Sicilia Matchiavil with the priuitie and knowledge of Vrbane the 6. was Ioanna Queene of Naples slaine before the altar Theodoric à Niem lib. 1. de schism c. 25. Iulius the 2. was a warriour himselfe and present in the battels which he fought Sixtus the 4 spent most of his time in warres and when they were ended vpon a conclusion of peace he died for griefe Paulus the third was author of the German warre Polan The Pope sent his secular armes the king of Spains
the sonne of the said Friderike by the procurement of Pope Innocent the 3. who established transubstantiation was slaine at Bamberge by Otto Count Palatine Otto the 4. and Friderike the 2. were excommunicate by Pope Innocent the 3. and Gregor 9. Henrie the 7. was poisoned with a consecrate host by a Monke of the faction of the Guelphes which was on the Popes side the Gibellines were an other faction which held with Emperour Lodovike the 4. was likewise excommunicate by the Pope who sent forth his Monkes and Friers into euerie quarter to defame the Emperour and the Cardinals did stirre vp the Princes to warre against him Avent And thus haue the Popes handled the Emperours Kings and Princes opposing themselues to their superstition haue found no better measure 2. Childericus king of France was deposed and thrust into a monasterie Rachis king of the Lombards was by the same Pope Zacharie put into a monasterie Lodovike the 12. was much encumbred by Iulius the second who himselfe leading his armie from Rome as he went ouer the bridge of the riuer Tiber threw S. Peters keies into the riuer and seeing they would doe him no good he said he would betake himselfe to Pauls sword Henrie the 4. now king of Fraunce was assaulted by 6. Popes Gregor the 13. Sixtus the 5. Vrbane the 7. Gregor the 14. Innocentius the 9. Clement the 8. who the last named hauing brought the king to be reconciled to the Church of Rome did thereupon triumph insolently ouer him As in a certaine booke set forth of that matter there is a tractate de victoria Clementis 8. de Henric● 4. c. gloriose triumphantis of the victorie of Clement the 8. most gloriously triumphing ouer Henrie the 4. king of Fraunce and Navarre Thus haue the famous kings also of this Realme of England beene serued by the Popes and their ministers King Iohn was poisoned by a Monke King Henrie the 8. that most famous and renowned king was by the bull of Paulus the 3. depriued of his kingdome and his subiects freed from their oath of alleagance Queene Elizabeth our late Gracious Soueraigne of blessed memorie before she came to her crowne was persecuted by her sister Queene Marie and her chiefe agent Stephen Gardener for her religion and after that by Gods fatherly prouidence and care to his Church she was aduanced to the kingdome she was practised against by nine Popes the sixe before named and by Paulus the 4. Pius the 4. Pius the 5. both by open warre and hostilitie wherein the two Philips of Spaine bare the chiefest stroke and by priuie treacherie and treason Our kings maiestie that is now both in Scotland had experience of Popish practises against him and since his happie comming into England some of the Popish faction haue more then once or twice conspired against him But blessed be God he hath escaped their snares 3. Now in the third place Some Princes and nobles shall be produced whom the Popes haue cruelly assaulted The Exarc● or viceroy of Ravenna vnder Leo the 3. Emperor by the Popes faction was slaine with his sonne The Medices at Florence were set vpon in the Church by the counsell of Sixtus the 4. the Popes legate gaue the signe when the host was lift vp Volaterran lib. 5. Geograph The Earle of Tholouse was pursued by the French king by most fierce warre at the instigation of the Pope onely because he fauoured the Albigenses Iohn Friderike Duke of Saxonie and Philip the Lantgraue of Hassia were assaulted by most cruell warre onely for the cause of religion Count Egmond and Count Horne were beheaded for fauouring the Protestants The Prince of Condie was poisoned Caspar Colignius slaine in the Massacre in Fraunce Antelot and Cardinall Castilion poisoned William prince of Aurane was slaine by a villane Charles the king of Spaines sonne because he was thought to fauour the Protestants whom they call heretikes was made an ende of by the Inquisitors for religion neither could his father or would not deliuer him 4. These learned confessors also and some holy martyrs haue in diuerse ages opposed themselues against the Pope and were euill entreated for it Vigilantius Bishop of Barcellona in Spaine because he found fault with the adoration of reliques and with single life was counted an heretike The Bishops and Presbyters which held a synod at Eliberine in Spaine were adiudged heretikes by Pope Adrian in a synod at Frankefort Ann. 840. Bertram writ against transubstantiation So did Ioannes Scotus Ann. 869. and was slaine of his schollers with their writing pens Ann. 964. Huldericus Bishop of Augusta impugned the single life of the Clergie Ann. 1039. Berengarius bent himselfe against transubstantiation Ann. 1157. Ioannes Sarisburiens did teach that the Pope was Antichrist and Rome Babylon Arnoldus Bishop of Brixia denied vnto the Pope the vse of the temporall sword About the same time liued Peter Bloix who publikely maintained in his writings that Rome was Babylon the Popes officers harpies his Priests Baalites Ann. 1160. Petrus Waldo of Lions ann 1240. Petrus de Vineis ann 1260. Gulielmus de S. Amore ann 1306. Petrus Cassiodorus a learned Noble man of Italie 1314. Dulcimus of Navarre 1315. Arnoldus de noua villa 1383. Iohn Wicleffe in England 1405. Iohn Hus and Nicolaus Clemangis a Doctor of Paris Hyeronym Savonarola a Monke of Ferrara whom Alexander the 6. caused to be burned Antonius Mancinellus Gulielmus Occam All these were great impugners of the Pope Ann. 1517. Martin Luther ann 1519. Huldericus Zuinglius and since many learned men in Germanie Oecolampadius Capito Melancthon Martyr Bullinger with others in Fraunce Calvin Beza Farellus Viretus with others in England B. Cranmer B. Ridley B. Hooper M. Latimer M. Filpot M. Bradford holy martyrs and since B. Iewell D. Fulke D. Whitakers D. Reynolds with many more excellent writers and worthie preachers haue discouered the nakednesse of the whore of Babylon 5. Lastly whole Churches haue beene persecuted for resisting the Pope and his doctrine the Albigenses vnder Innocentius the 3. the Waldenses vnder Pope Iohn the 22. the Church of Calabria of Sevill in Spaine of England in Queene Maries dayes and the Curches of Fraunce vnder Charles the 9. and Henrie the 3. endured much oppression by the tyrrannie of the Popish faction And thus doth the Pope resemble Antiochus in persecuting with fire and sword the faithfull seruants of God professing the truth 15. Controv. Of the pride and blasphemie of Antichrist against God 10. v. 36. He shall magnifie himselfe against all that is God This is most true of the Antichrist of Rome for he exalteth himselfe aboue the Angels which are called gods in respect of their excellencie of nature and condition making himselfe iudge of the Angels Princes and Magistrates also are called gods them hath the Pope caused to kisse his feete and hath troad vpon their neckes disposing of their kingdomes at his pleasure Innocentius the third
it seemeth he should haue bought some dignitie which he missed of Latomus when he should haue made an oration at Bruxels against Luther before Charles the 5. and could not goe forward beeing sent out with hisses was so ashamed that he fell madde and vttered diuerse blasphemies in the Schooles and in the Readers chaire whence he was taken by Ruardus Tapperus and was carried to his bed and died in despaire saying he was damned Frier Cherubin which in the yeare 1598. challenged the ministers of Berne and Geneve to dispute with them after he had both in words and deeds bewrayed his madnesse was tied with chaines and had keepers appointed him 3. neither is it true that they striue for Gods glorie but for the Popes whom indeede they make their terrene god and therefore they cannot expect any reward from God he must reward them whose seruants they are 4. And these great reuennues which the Pope hath to bestowe he hath rather gotten by rapine and violence then by the pietie and deuotion of others As the Dukedome of Ferrara ann 1598. was by Pope Clement the 8. by force and violence taken from the right heire thereof ex Polan 27. Controv. Of Antichrists insatiable ambition crueltie and couetousnesse 1. As Antiochus vpon euery occasion was readie to inuade Aegypt and other countreys so the Pope vsurpeth vpon the nations and kingdomes of the world without any title but with pretenses and fogeries as by that forged donation of Constantine he challengeth to be Lord of the Occidentall Empire there is no king in all these West parts whom either the Pope hath not made in times past his vassall or at least will not say that he holdeth his kingdome of him and therefore ought to doe him homage Boniface the 8. decreed that it was of necessitie of saluation for euerie creature to be subiect to the Pope Extrav de maiorit obedient c. Vnam sanctam And in the same canon he glorieth that he is set ouer nations and kingdoms to plant and pull vp to build and destroy he challengeth vnto himselfe power in heauen and earth and dominion from sea to sea and from the flood to the endes of the world lib. 1. ceremon pontifical c. 7. 2. As Antiochus tooke euerie opportunitie to afflict the people of God but he spared the Edomites Ammonites Moabites that assisted him and hated the people of God as he did v. 41. So Antichrist ceaseth not to persecute the Church of Christ and by all meanes to oppresse it and to trample vpon it But such as are addicted to his superstitions and are affected toward him he spareth and fauoureth 3. As Antiochus hunted after nothing else but the spoile of Egypt the treasurers of gold and siluer and other precious things So the Romane Antichrist gapeth after the treasure and riches of the world raking vnto him whatsoeuer he can lay hold of he selleth mens sinnes and pardons for money releaseth the paines of purgatorie for money dispenseth almost with any thing for money he imposeth taxes tenths mulcts of money by way of penance As Henrie the second had a mulct set vpon him for the murder of Thomas Becket and it was enioyned him to goe a warfare at his great charge as a part of his penance Frederike the Emperour beeing excommunicate by Gregor the 9. bought his absolution for a 100. thousand ounces of gold as witnesse Onuphryus and Guicciardin Alexander the 6. appointed certaine rich Cardinalls to be poisoned that he might seaze vpon their riches Onuphryus in Alexand. 6. The Pope exacteth great summes of the Iewes dwelling at Rome of the harlots and vsurers Iohn the 22. lest when he was dead 25. millions of ducats of gold in the treasurie Boniface the 9. gathered out of one Prouince an 100. thousand Florence pieces by his indulgences in a very short time the Senate of Paris in their petition to Lewes the 11. alleadged that the Pope euery yeare had out of France 946. thousand markes Leo the 10. receiued a great summe of money by his pardons and indulgences out of Germanie and gaue them to his sister Magdalen a most famous strumpet Guicciard lib. 13. ex Polan Therefore Theodor. à Niem thus well resembled the Pope-Apostolike sea camera Apostolica mari assimilatur in quod intrant omnia flumina non exvndat the Apostolical chamber is likened to the Sea into the which all riuers doe runne and yet it neuer ouerfloweth so many thousand pounds are brought into it and it is neuer filled c. Vnion tract 6. c. 37. 28. Controv. Of the rage and furie of Antichrist v. 44. Like as Antiochus when he heard of the euill successe of his captaines how they were ouerthrowne and discomfited in Iudea went forth with a great rage thinking to destroy many so the Romane Antichrist hath fretted and fumed when he heard of any that were reuolted from his obedience As Leo the 10. and after him Adrian the 6. sent out their bulls against Martin Luther Zuinglius and other ministers that preached the Gospel in Germanie When king Henrie the 8. had abolished the Popes supremacie in England Paulus the 3. thus bestirred himselfe he depriued the king of his kingdome disinherited his children of the crowne released his nobles of their oath of alleagance gaue the possessions and lands of his subiects to be a pray to any that list to inuade them he interdicted them from the Church and Sacraments made voide all leagues confirmed with forraine kings and states After the same manner proceeded Pius the 5. against Queene Elizabeth depriuing her of her crowne releasing her subiects of their fealtie and excommunicating all her subiects that continued in her obedience the like also did Sixtus the 5. who also pursued Henrie king of Navarre now king of Fraunce and Henrie of Burbon Prince of Condie with the same weapons deposing them by his sentence from their honours and dignities freeing their subiects of their fealties and disinheriting them of their title to the crowne of Fraunce 29. Controv. How Antichrists palace is planted betweene the two Seas As Antiochus pitched his pauilion betweene the two Seas the dead Sea and Mediterranean Sea where Iudea was situate v. 45. So the Romane Antichrist hath his seate iust betweene two Seas the Sea called Tyrrhenum and Adriaticum and he sitteth in the Temple of God not either the Temple of Ierusalem which is long since destroyed and neuer shall be builded againe nor in any other materiall Temple but he sitteth in the Church of God taking vpon him to be the head of Christs Church but he with his faction are not the true Church of Christ though he sit in the Church as the vitious and corrupt humors are in the bodie but are no part of it Polan And the Popes palace may fitly be compared to a Tabernacle because his seate was remooued by Clement the 5. from Rome to Avenion in Fraunce where it continued 74. yeares Osiander
Of the meaning of those words According to the request of the holy ones 19. qu. of the meaning of those words v. 14. appointeth ouer it the most abiect of men 20. qu. Why Daniel held his peace for the space of an houre 21. q. v. 16. In what sense Daniel wisheth this dreame to the kings enemies 22. qu. That a tyrannical gouernment is better then an Anarchie or no gouernment 23. qu. v. 20. What is meant by hewing down the tree 24. qu. v. 22. How Nebuchadnezzer was driuen from among men dwelt with beasts 25. qu. How Nebuchadnezzer did eat grasse like an oxe 26. qu. How the kingdom of Babylon was gouerned in Nebuchadnezzers absence 27. qu. v. 22. what is vnderstood by 7. times 28. qu. Of Nebuchadnezers transmutation but first in generall of the diuers kinds of transmutations 29. qu. what manner of change Nebuchadnezers was 30. qu. How Nebuchadnezzers bodie was changed 31. qu. v. 24. How Daniel gaue counsel to the king to preuent this iudgement seeing it was determined 32. qu. whether Daniel did counsell the king to redeeme his sinnes by almes deedes 33. qu. whether Daniel spake doubtfully saying v. 24. It may be thy prosperitie may be prolonged 34. qu. whether Nebuchadnezer did follow Daniels counsell 35. qu. Of the greatnes of the citie of Babylō 36. qu. whether Nebuchadnezer were the builder of Babel 37. qu. Of Nebuchadnezers pride in saying which I haue built for the house of c. 38. qu. what manner of voice it was which came downe from heauen 39. qu. The summe of the sentence denounced against Nebu●hadnezer 40. qu. v. 30. of the execution of the sentence vpon Nebuchadnezer he did eat grasse c. 41. qu. v. 31. After the end of what daies Nebuchadnezer was restored 42. qu. of the restitution of Nebuchadnezer 43. qu. That God onely is without check and not to be controlled in his works 44. qu. whether Nebuchadnezer were saued 45. qu. why Nebucdadnezer was saued and not Pharaoh both being in the same cause 46. qu. why Nebuchadnezer being thus conuerted the Iewes kept in captiuitie were not deliuered nor Ieho●akim released out of prison Questions vpon the fift chapter of Daniel 1. qu. Why this chapter is transposed and no● set downe according to the order of time 2. qu. Of the kings of Chalde which succeeded after Nebuchadnezer 3. qu. Of the diuers names of this Balthazar 4. qu. In what yeare of Balthazar 's raigne this historie fell out 5. qu. of the greatnes of Balthazar 's feast 6. qu. of the maner and order of this feast 7. qu. of the occasion of this feast 8. qu. who commanded the vessells of the Temple to be brought and how 9. qu. Of Balthazar 's prophaning of the holy vessels 10. qu. Whether Nebuchadnezer did not likewise prophane the vessels in laying them vp in his idols temple 11. qu. Of the blind and obscene idolatrie of the Chaldeans 12. qu. How farre it is lawfull to applie some things to prophane vses 13. qu. Of the fingers which appeared on the wall how they were caused 14. qu. whether it were the likenes of an hand onely and seene of Balthazar alone 15. qu. Of the manner of the apparition of this hand 16. qu. Why the hand appeared ouer against the candle sticke 17. qu. Of Balthazar 's sudden feare and the manner thereof 18. qu. v. 7. Why Daniel is not here called among the rest 19. qu. How it came to passe that the wise men could not so much as read the writing 20. qu. What Queene it was which came in 21. qu. In what sense Nebuchadnezzar is called Balthazar 's father 22. qu. of the Queenes oration to the king 23. qu. of the excellent wisdome and other princely parts in this old Queene 24. qu. of Belshazars speech vnto Daniel 25. qu. Of Daniels answer to the king and the seuerall parts thereof 26. qu. Of Daniels abrupt beginning in his speech to the king v. 17. keepe thy rewards to thy selfe 27. qu. why Daniel reiecteth the kings rewards 28. qu. why Daniel receiueth the like rewards from Nebuchadnezer and refuseth them from Balthazar 29. qu. VVhether Daniel after his refusall accepted afterward of these rewards v. 29. 30. qu. whether in these words he put to death whom he would v. 19. Nebuchadnezzars tyrannicall gouernement be expressed 31. qu. Of the writing and interpretation thereof in generall 32. qu. Of the interpretation by writing in generall 33. qu. why the first word Mene is doubled 34. qu. Of the meaning of the word tekel 35. qu. Of the meaning of the word Pheres 36. qu. Of the tropological that is the morall application of this vision 37. qu. why Balthazar commanded Daniel to be honoured hearing so euill newes 38. qu. Of the honours here bestowed vpon Daniel 39. qu. whether Daniel did well in accepting of these honours 40. qu. why Daniel exhorted not Balthazar to repentance as he had done Nebushadnezzar before 41. qu. v. 30. whether Balthazar were slaine at that time 42. qu. whether Balthazar were slaine the same night and the citie taken 43. qu. whether Balthazar was taken in Babylon 44. qu. By what meanes Babylon was taken 45. qu. By whom Balthazar was slaine 46. qu. By whom the citie of Babylon was taken 47. qu. who was chiefe in the taking of Babylon Darius or Cyrus and why mention is made onely of Darius 48. qu. Of the cause of this Babylonian war 49. qu. whether Babylon was at this time finally destroyed according to the predictions of the Prophets 50. qu. How long the Chaldean Empire and Monarchie continued 51. qu. Of the yeares of the raigne of the seuerall kings of Babylon Questions vpon the sixt chapter of Daniel 1. qu. what Darius this was which tooke vpon him the kingdome of Babylon 2. qu. of the diuers names which Darius had 3. qu. How Darius tooke vpon him the kingdome of Babylon 4. qu. when Darius tooke vpon him the kingdome of the Chaldeans 5. qu. Of the officers which Darius appointed and the reason thereof 6. qu. Whether Darius did wisely in thinking to set Daniel beeing a stranger ouer the whole realme v. 3. 7. qu. Whether Daniel did well in taking vpon him to beare office in an idolatrous kings court 8. qu. How the rulers failed in their purpose finding no fault at all in Daniel 9. qu. Of the edict and decree made to entangle Daniel the occasion thereof and iniustice therein 10. qu. Of the immutable decrees of the Medes and Persians v. 8. 11. qu. why Daniel did not stay the kings decree by his contrarie aduise 12. qu. Of Daniels constancie of praying with the circumstances therof 13. qu. How Daniels custome in opening the windows when he praied agreeth with our Sauiours precept Matth. 6. to shut the dores of the chamber in praier 14. qu. Why Daniel opened the window of his chamber toward Ierusalem 15. qu. why Daniel praied thrice in a day 16. qu. whether Daniel did well in this
euerlasting kingdome and his dominion is from generation to generation with generation and generation 4. I Nebuchadnezzar beeing at rest happie V. in mine house and flourishing like the spreading boughes C. in my palace 5. I sawe a dreame which made me afraide and the thoughts vpon my bed and the visions of mine head troubled me 6. Therefore I set forth a decree to bring before me all the wise men of Babel to make knowne vnto me to shewe vnto me caeter the interpretation of the dreame 7. So came the magicians astrologians Chaldeans and Soothsayers and I told the dreame before to them G. B. but they could not make knowne vnto me the interpretation thereof 8. Till at the last Daniel Daniel the collegue L. S. but acharin beeing onely found in this place as R. Kimhi is better interpreted here at the last came before me whose name was Belteshazzar according to the name of my God which hath the spirit of the holy gods in him and before him I told the dreame 9. O Belteshazzar chiefe of the Magicians because I knowe that the spirit of the holy gods is in thee and not any secret puts thee to businesse is impossible vnto thee L. or escapeth thee V. or troubleth thee G. B. or oppresseth thee I. the word anas signifieth to trouble to put to businesse tell me the visions of my dreame which I haue seene that is I. and caeter but it is not here a coniunction copulatiue for he desireth onely the interpretation of his dreame ver 15. he declareth his dreame himselfe the interpretation thereof 10. Thus were the visions not vision L. of mine head in my bed I did behold and loe a tree in the middes of the earth and the height thereof was great 11. A great tree and strong and the height thereof reached vnto heauen and the sight thereof to the ende of all the earth 12. The boughes thereof bough C. the singular is put for the plurall not the leaues thereof L. were faire and the fruit thereof much and in it was meate for all the beasts of the field tooke shade I. B. not it made shade G. or the beasts dwelt vnder it and in the boughes thereof dwelt the foules of heauen and all flesh fedde of it 13. I sawe in the visions of my head vpon my bed and behold a watchman and an holy one came downe from heauen 14. And cried aloud with strength C. and said thus Hewe downe the tree and breake off his branches shake of his leaues and scatter his fruite that the beasts may flee from vnder it and the foules from his branches 15. Neuerthelesse leaue the stumpe not the budde of his rootes in the earth and with a band of yron and brasse bind it among the grasse of the field not which is without and let it be wet dipt C. with the dewe of heauen and with the beasts beast C. let his portion be among the grasse of the field 16. Let his heart be changed let them change C. from a mans from a man and let a beasts heart be giuen vnto him and let seauen times be passed changed L. ouer him 17. The sentence is according to the decree of the watchmen and the request according to the word of the holy ones B. I. V. not and the word of the holy ones and the request and is but once in the originall nor according to the word of the holy ones the demaund was answered G. for this last word is not in the originall to the intent that vntill L. the liuing may knowe that the most high hath power ouer the kingdome of men man C. and giueth it to whom he will and appointeth ouer it the most abiect of men 18. This is the dreame that I king Nebuchadnezzar haue seene now thou Belteshazzar tell the interpretation thereof for all the wisemen of my kingdome are not able to make knowne the interpretation but thou art able for the spirit of the holy gods is in thee 19. Then Daniel whose name was Belteshazzar was amazed I. stood as astonished V. held his peace L. B. G. S. but the word shamam signifieth properly to be astonished amazed to wonder by the space of an houre and his thoughts troubled him and the king spake and said Let neither the dreame nor the interpretation thereof trouble thee then Belteshazzar answered and said The dreame be to them that hate thee and the interpretation thereof to thine enemies 20. The tree which thou sawest which was great and mightie whose height reached vnto the heauen and the sight thereof through all the earth 21. Whose leaues were faire and the fruit thereof much and in it was meate for all vnder the which the beastes of the field dwelt and the foules of the heauen did sit 22. It is thou O king that art great and mightie for thy greatnesse is growen and reacheth vnto the heauen and thy dominion is to the ende of the earth 23. Whereas the king sawe a watchman and an holy one that came downe from heauen and said Hewe downe the tree and destroy it yet leaue the stumpe of the rootes thereof in the earth and with a band of yron and brasse bind it among the grasse of the field and let it be wet with the dewe of heauen and let his portion be with the beasts of the field till seauen times passe ouer him 24. This is the interpretation O king not of the king I. and this is the decree of the most high which is come vpon my Lord the king 25. That they shall driue thee from men and thy dwelling shall be with the beasts of the field and they shall make thee ●ate grasse like the oxen thou shalt ●at L. and they shall wet thee with the dewe of heauen till thou knowe that the most high beareth rule ouer the kingdome of men and giueth it to whomsoeuer he will 26. And whereas they said not he said L. that they should leaue the stumpe of the tree rootes thy kingdome shall be stable vnto thee or remaine vnto thee L. B. G. after thou shalt haue knowne hast learned to knowe L. that the heauens beare rule 27. Wherefore O king let my counsell be acceptable vnto thee and breake off thy sinnes by righteousnesse I. G. B. not redeeme thy sinnes V. L. by almes deeds L. for pharach signifieth to breake off as it is taken Gen. 27. 40. and the other word tzidecah signifieth righteousnesse if so be thy peace may be prolonged I. A. P. V. better then that there may be an healing of thine error G. B. or God may forgiue thy sinnes L. S. 28. All these things came not shall come G. or touch B. vpon the king Nebuchadnezzar 29. At the ende of twelue moneths he walked in the palace of the kingdome of Babylon 30. And the king spake and said Is not this great Babel that I haue built for the house of the kingdome by the might of my power and for the honour of
my maiestie 31. While the word was in the kings mouth the word beeing yet in the kings mouth C. V. A. I. a voice came downe from heauen saying To thee be it spoken they speake C. O king Nabuchadnezzer thy kingdome is departed from thee 32. And they shall driue thee from men and thy dwelling shall be with the beast of the field they shall make thee to eare grasse they shall cause thee to tast grasse C. like the oxen and seuen times shall passe ouer thee vntill thou knowest that the most high beareth rule ouer the kingdome of men and giueth it to whomsoeuer he will 33. The very same houre was this word this thing G. this matter B. fulfilled vpon Nabuchadnezzer and he was driuen from men and did eate grasse as the oxen and his bodie was wet with the dew of heauen till his haires were growne as eagles feathers and his nailes as birds clawes 34. And at the ende of these dayes I Nebuchadnezzar lift vp mine eyes to heauen and mine vnderstanding or mind V. I. returned vnto me was restored vnto me L. B. G. and I blessed the most high and I praised and glorified him that liueth for euer because his power whose power B. G. is an euerl●sting power and kingdome is from generation to generation 35. And all the inhabitants of the earth are reputed as nothing and according to his will he worketh in the armie of heauen and in the inhabitants of the earth and there is not any that can stay resist L. B. his hand or say vnto him What doest thou 36. At the same time did mine vnderstanding returne vnto me and I returned to the glorie of my kingdome my glorie and my beautie was restored returned C. vnto me and my counsellors and my princes sought vnto me and I was established in my kingdome and my glorie was augemented toward me 37. Now therefore I Nebuchadnezzar praise and extoll and magnifie the king of heauen because all his workes are truth and his wayes iudgement and those that walke in pride he is able to abase 3. The questions discussed Quest. 1. Of the kings epistle the summe and parts thereof This epistle of the king consisteth of the exordium or beginning in three verses which some make part of the third chapter whose opinion is refuted before quest 40. 3. chap. and the narration in this whole chapter The exordium or beginning which is the generall inscription containeth 1. the salutation 2. the generall argument of the whole epistle 1. the salutation sheweth 1. the author and writer Nebuchadnezzar 2. the persons to whom he writeth to all nations and languages vnder his kingdome 3. the salutation it selfe peace be multiplied 2. In the argument three things are declared 1. what he will set forth the signes and wonders of God which are amplified by two adiuncts of the greatnesse and strength 2. what mooued him to declare them because they were shewed toward him he had particular experience of them 3. to what ende to make knowne the power of Gods euerlasting kingdome Quest. 2. At what time Nebuchadnezzar wrote this epistle 1. It is euident by the salutation of the epistle wherein the king wisheth peace vnto all nations that as Oecolampad noteth quietus erat in regno militiae finem fecerat he was now quiet in his kingdome and had made an ende of warre c. it is cleare then that this epistle was written after he made an end of conquering subduing the nations round about 2. Further the conquest of Egypt fell out after the 25. yeare of Ieconias captiuitie Ezec. 29. 17. which was 10. yeare before the ende of Nebuchadnezzars raigne for in the 37. yeare of Iechonias captiuitie began Euilmerodach the sonne of Nebuchadnezzar to raigne 3. This fearefull and strange accident then of Nebuchadnezzars transmutation his deiecting from his throne and restoring againe might fall out some 9. or 10. yeares before the ende of his raigne Perer and this epistle might be written two yeares before his death Iun. for one yeare after this dreame ver 26. he was driuen from among men and liued 7. yeares among the beasts Quest. 3. How Nebuchadnezzar could write vnto all the people in the world 1. Caluin thinketh that here the king superbe locutus est spake proudly as making himselfe Lord of the whole earth as the Romanes because they had a large dominion called Rome Dominam totius orbis the Ladie of the whole world so also Polan But that Nebuchadnezzar did not this of any ostentation may appeare both by the ende of his writing which was to set forth the power of Gods kingdome and by his stile he contenteth himselfe with one title calling himselfe king whereas the Emperours of Rome vsed many swelling titles of their conquests as Parthicus Persicus Germanicus c. of Parthia Persia Germania and such like Bulling 2. The same author maketh this the reason because now this epistle beeing preserued vnto our times as the rest of the Scriptures by the spirit of God is indeed written and made knowne to all people but this seemeth not to be the literall and historicall meaning 3. Pappus saith he writte to all people and languages not onely to those which were subiect vnto him but he was desirous to make knowne the workes of God to all people in the world So also Oecolampad vnder these nations comprehendeth the South and West parts of the world as Mauritania Spaine for he was known in those parts as Strabo writeth lib. 15. non enim praecipit sed hortatur for he in this epistle cōmandeth not but onely exhorteth But it is euident by the forme of the decree which he made before concerning euerie people nation and language where he onely meaneth such nations as were subiect vnto him for his lawe could not bind those which were not subiect that the inscription of this epistle must be taken in the same sense 4. Wherefore as R. Saadiah well expoundeth he vnderstandeth here onely his owne kingdomes as of Persia Assyria Egypt which are said to be the whole earth because he was monarcha orientis the Monarch of the East parts Lyra which was the most famous and flourishing part of the earth the principall part then is taken for the whole Geneuens Quest. 4. Of the signes and wonders which Nebuchadnezzer declareth 1. Some seeme to confound these two signes and wonders making them all one as Oeco Osian 2. some make this distinction those are signes qua fieri videntur contra naturam c. which seeme to be done against nature wonders and miracles are those workes which are admiratione digna worthie of admiration Hugo but this is no difference at all for whatsoeuer is done aboue or against nature is worthie of admiration 3. They are thus rather to be distinguished the same things in diuerse respectes are both signes and wonders signes because many things are thereby signified and miracles or wonders because they are done aboue and beyond nature I●n
Persarum inimicae populo Dei which Prince it is not to be doubted but was the aduersarie power which fauoured the nation of the Persians which was an enemie to the people of God c. Cassian collat 8. c. 13. Rupertus also concurreth with him prudens auditor principes illos angelos malos intelligere non dubitaret a discreete hearer will not doubt to vnderstand by those Princes of Persia and Grecia the euill Angels the euill angel of Persia laboured to keepe the people in captiuitie because he was delighted with their afflictions and would haue the Persians thereby sinne more grieuously by oppressing the Lords people the euill Angel of Grecia laboured for the same reasons to bring them in captiuitie to the Grecians Thus Hugo Cardinal deliuereth Hieromes exposition of the same opinion that this Prince of Persia was Satan are Melancthon Osiander and Pappus But thus it may be obiected against this exposition 1. the euill angels are not able to resist the good but the most inferiour of the good angels is of greater power then the most mightie of the euill for as Thomas saith ordo gratiae praeponderat ordini naturae the order of grace preuaileth against the order of nature To this it is answered that the euill angels haue not power to resist the good by any naturall facultie but by reason of the sinnes of the Iewes malus pugnat accusando bonus defendendo the euil doth fight in accusing the good in defending And Rupertus sheweth how the euill angel withstood the deliuerance of the Iewes foure waies 1. instigando ad gravissima scelera by prouoking them vnto great sinnes whereby God should be offended with them 2. exaggerandis bonis quae in captiuitate possidebant by amplifying and setting forth those good things which they enioyed in Babylon 3. alienando animum Cyri by alienating the minde of Cyrus from them 4. and by accusing them and presenting their sinnes before God so Rupert lib. 9. de victor verb. c. 6. Contra. But it is euident by the text that no such resisting by perswasion suggestion or seduction is meant but by a contrarie power and endeauour because the Angel speaketh of Michaels ayding and helping him against the Prince of Persia v. 13. and v. 20. of his fighting with the king of Persia. As the angel fighteth against him so the Prince of Persia resisted the Angel But he did fight not by perswasion or suggestion but by hindring and suppressing his enterprises 2. Againe it is obiected that the euill spirits are not made presidents of nations as some imagine that euery nation and kingdome hath both a good and euill angel set ouer it to this it is answered that the euill spirits haue not this power giuen them of God ouer nations but they haue it by reason of mens sinnes and indeede the Persians and Grecians worshipped deuills in their idols and so they themselues made the deuills and euill spirits their Princes Contra. True it is that the Prince of darknes ruleth in the hearts of the disobedient but it is one thing to seduce and entice men vnto sinne an other to manage the affaires of kingdomes This Prince of Persia hindred the building of the Temple and the returne of the people This Satan had no power to doe otherwise then by his ministers and instruments So then the euill spirits are the Princes of darknes and of the world of the wicked but Princes of countries and kingdomes they are not Satan indeede saide vnto Christ that all the kingdomes of the world were his to giue to whome he would Luk. 4. 6. but therein he lied for the earth is the Lords and all that therein is Psal. 24. 1. 2. An other opinion is that this Prince of Persia was a good Angel to whome the care of that nation was committed of this opinion are Gregorie Theodoret Thomas 1. p. q. 123. ar 7. Lyranus Carthusianus vpon this place and Vatablus in his annotations and Pint so also Oecolampad Pellic. And whereas one Angel is said to withstand an other it is not they say so to be vnderstood as though they did contend and striue together but as long as the will of God is not yet reuealed the Angels populorum quibus praesunt diuersa merita exponunt coram Deo doe onely lay open before God the diuers state and deserts of the people ouer whome they are set Perer. yet so reasoning the case vt quando revelata fuerit divin● voluntas simpliciter concordent that after Gods will is reuealed they simply accord together Lyran. Pererius bringeth in the Angels thus reasoning together first the Angel of the Persians thus alleadgeth that it was not fit for the Iewes to returne 1. because it was profitable for them to be vnder affliction in their prosperitie they would quickly forget God 2. And their sinnes were so great that they deserued a longer time of captiuitie then for 70. yeares 3. And beside some respect was to be had vnto the Persians that they by the Iewes cohabiting among them might be brought to the knowledge of the true God On the other side Gabriel for the Iewes might thus alleadge 1. that it was requisite they should now be deliuered as God had promised seeing the 70. yeares of captiuitie was determined 2. there was great feare least if they should continue longer among the Idolatrous Gentiles they might sooner be peruerted to idolatrie then the other conuerted to their religion 3. And though they were vnworthie in respect of themselues of this benefit yet the Lord would respect them for the Messiahs sake that was to come of that nation Contra. 1. It is a very base thing to imagine that there is any such altercation or dispute betweene the good Angels among whome there is a most sweete concent and harmonie If Satan be not diuided against Satan Matth. 12. 25 26. but they worke together to vphold their kingdome much more doe the good angels consent together to doe the Lords will 2. All the Angels are sent forth to minister for their sakes that shall be heires of saluation Hebr. 1. 14. therefore they will not perswade any thing against the people of God 3. If they rest contented when Gods will is knowne then they would not reason against the deliuerance of the people of Israel wherein the Lords will pleasure was reuealed alreadie 3. Therefore this Prince of Persia was none other then Cyrus or Cambyses in his absence beeing at this time in warre ●gainst the Massagetes who by the suggestion of some enemies to the Iewes and false informations giuen in against them caused them to cease from building of the Temple All this was no doubt wrought by the malice of Satan But Cambyses is this Prince of Persia who withstood the Angel not as opposing himselfe but interposing his authoritie to hinder the worke of Gods house which the Angel furthered And who this Prince of Persia was the ende of the verse sheweth where the Angel nameth
the kings of Persia. 21. Quest. How the Prince of Persia is said to haue withstood the Angel 1. They which vnderstand the Prince of Persia here spoken of v. 13. and the Prince of Grecia mentioned v. 20. to be euill angels doe verily thinke that there is striuing and fighting betweene them in deede as Cassianus thus conludeth Discordias gentium conflictus quos istis instigantibus inter se gerunt etiam contra se aduersae exercent potestates the discords and conflicts of the nations which they make among themselues by the instigation of these spirits euen the aduersarie powers doe exercise among themselues c. He thinketh that by the variance betweene nations which is caused by euill spirits the Deuills themselues may be thought likewise to be at variance 2. Rupertus goeth further Etiam sibimet semper dissentiunt inter eos semper sunt iurgia quia superbi sunt the euill Angels doe not onely resist the good but they are at variance betweene themselues alwaies and there are continually brawles among them because they are proud c. But both these opinions are contrarie to that saying of our Sauiour that Satan is not diuided against Satan for then his kingdome could not long stand 3. The euill Angels likewise resist the good as Hierome saith in this place enumerando peccata Iudaeorum by rehearsing the sinnes of the people for the which they were iustly held in captiuitie and Rupertus sheweth how they contradict the good Angels about our praier nostra contra nos declamando causas iniustitiae c. by declaiming against vs shewing our vnrighteousnes for the which we deserue not to be heard But in this sense they might as well be said to contradict God and to withstand him when they seeke to hinder his gratious will and purpose toward his and thus the euill angels oppose themselues not onely 21. daies but continually they neuer giue ouer 4. Pappus seemeth to vnderstand this resistance of the Deuill of his suggestions and tentations which he worketh fiue waies 1. by peruerting the vnderstanding and iudgement and corrupting it with error as Idolaters and heretikes are seduced 2. by incensing the will and affections to anger enuie lust and such like 3. by offering the obiects and occasions of sinne as opportunitie of time person place 4. by driuing men to despaire through aduersitie and affliction 5. by puffing them vp with prosperitie But this is not the withstanding here spoken of which continued but an 21. daies whereas Satan neuer ceaseth in this manner to tempt 5. Some referre it vnto Satans instruments that Satan in respect of them is said to resist because he turned the minde of Cambyses and of the nobles of Persia against the people of God Osiand Indeede Satans instruments properly resisted herein as is before shewed But Satan is not here said to resist in them for then they should haue resisted still for Satan neuer left egging and sti●●ing of them vp against the Church of God 6. They which vnderstand and this of the good Angels doe thinke they are said to resist and withstand one an other allegando contraria merita c. by alleadging the diuers merits of the nations ouer the which they are set Lyran. Pint. with others but this is confuted before in the former question 7. This Prince of Persia then beeing vnderstood to be Cambyses the gouernour of Persia he is saide to withstand the Angel not that any morall Prince can oppose himselfe against the Angels but this was done per accidens by an accident because mora iniecta est Angelo the Angel was staied beeing occupied in hindring the contrarie endeauours of the Prince of Persia against the people of God who while he practised against the Church of God whose cause the angel sought to further is said to withstand him Iun. in commentar 7. Vatablus thinketh that this is but a prase of speech that one Angel withstood an other res exprimit Scriptura more nostro the Scripture expresseth things according to our manner Emmanuel Sa resolueth thus that it seemed an hard thing to him to vnderstand and admirable how there should be any contention among the Angels the best resolution then is to insist vpon the plaine and literall meaning that this Prince of Persia was Cambyses as is shewed before 22. Quest. Who this Michael was that helped the Angel 1. The most take Michael for one of the chiefe Angels which assisted Gabriel Hierom Pintus Pererius Bullinger Oecolamp with others and Lyranus thinketh that this Arkangel had the protection of all the people of God wheresoeuer as this Angel was set ouer those which were left in Persia. 2. But the better opinion is that this Michael was none other but Christ the Sonne of God the Prince and chiefe of the Angels the reasons are these 1. the word Michael signifieth who is as God whereupon it can not be inferred that he is not God for the essence of the Sonne is not compared with the essence of the Father but the comparison is of their persons and so Christ is called the image of the inuisible God Coloss. 1. 15. the ingrauen image of his person Heb. 1. 3. 2. He is called the cheife of the Angels who are called Princes in comparison of all other terrene Princes the word achad here vsed signifieth as well the first as one as the word achath of the same sense is taken Dan. 1. 21. he was vnto the first yeare of Cyrus Christ then was not one but the first or chiefe of the Princes that is the Angels 3. This Michael is called the Prince of the people of God v. 21. who is Christ and the great Prince c. 12. 1. 4. He is saide to helpe the Angels then he was greater then the Angels for there is no power greater then the Angelical power but the diuine onely Polan Melancth Genevens H. Br. Iun. all consent that Michael is not here a created Angel but Christ Iesus the Sonne of God the Prince of the Angels M. Calvin leaueth it as a thing indifferent 23. Quest. How Michael helped the other Angel 1. Lyranus thinketh that he was a superiour Angel and so helped him as beeing of greater power but God would not employ an Angel in the defense of his Church not beeing of power sufficient to goe through with the busines 2. Pererius thinketh he helped him validissime repellendo rationes Principis Persarum by valiant repelling the contrarie allegations of the Prince of the Persians whome he supposeth to haue beene a good Angel But it is an inconuenient thing to imagine that there is such dispute and arguing among the Angels 3. Oecolampad who taketh the Angel that speaketh to Daniel to be Christ and Michael for another chiefe Angel maketh this the sense that Christ calleth an Angel his ●elper vt commodius fauere videatur that he might seeme more commodiously or fitly to fauour and protect his people his meaning is that Christ