that he had promised me in the name of the king but he would not let me depart before the comming of the king which was greatly to my hinderance because I was twenty and one moneths sequestred that I could not buy nor sell any kinde of marchandize Those commodities that I brought thither were peper sandols and Porcellan of China so when the king was come home I made my supplication vnto him and I was licenced to depart when I would From Martauan I departed to goe to the chiefest Citie in the kingdome of Pegu which is also called after the name of the kingdome which voyage is made by sea in three or foure daies they may goe also by lande but it is better for him that hath marchandize to goe by sea and lesser charge And in this voyage you shall haue a Macareo which is one of the most marueilous things in the world that nature hath wrought and I neuer saw any thing so hard to be beleeued as this to wit the great increasing diminishng of the water there at one push or instant and the horrible earthquake and great noyse that the said Macareo maketh where it commeth We departed from Martauan in barkes which are like to our Pylot boates with the increase of the water and they goe as swift as an arrowe out of a bow so long as the tide runneth with them and when the water is at the highest then they drawe themselues out of the Chanell towardes some banke and there they come to anker and when the water is diminished then they rest on dry land and when the barkes rest dry they are as high from the bottome of the Chanell as any house top is high from the ground They let their barkes lie so high for this respect that if there should any shippe rest or ride in the Chanell with such force commeth in the water that it would ouerthrowe shippe or barke yet for all this that the barkes be so farre out of the Channell and though the water hath lost her greatest strength and furie before it come so high yet they make fast their prowe to the streme and oftentimes it maketh them very fearefull and if the anker did not holde her prow vp by strength shee would be ouerthrowen and lost with men and goods When the water beginneth to increase it maketh such a noyse and so great that you would thinke it an earthquake and presently at the first it maketh three waues So that the first washeth ouer the barke from stemme to sterne the second is not so furious as the first and the thirde rayseth the Anker and then for the space of sixe houres while the water encreaseth they rowe with such swiftnesse that you would thinke they did fly in these tydes there must be lost no iot of time for if you arriue not at the stagious before the tyde be spent you must turne backe from whence you came For there is no staying at any place but at these stagions and there is more daunger at one of these places then at another as they be higher and lower one then another When as you returne from Pegu to Martauan they goe but halfe the tide at a time because they will lay their barkes vp aloft on the bankes for the reason aforesayd I could neuer gather any reason of the noyse that this water maketh in the increase of the tide and in deminishing of the water There is another Macareo in Cambaya but that is nothing in comparison of this By the helpe of God we came safe to Pegu which are two cities the olde and the newe in the olde citie are the Marchant strangers and marchantes of the Countrey for there are the greatest doings and the greatest trade This citie is not very great but it hath very great suburbes Their houses be made with canes and couered with leaues or with strawe but the marchants haue all one house or Magason which house they call Godon which is made of brickes and there they put all their goods of any valure to saue them from the often mischances that there happen to houses made of such stuffe In the new citie is the pallace of the king and his abiding place with all his barons and nobles and other gentlemen and in the time that I was there they finished the building of the new citie it is a great citie very plaine and flat and foure square walled round about and with ditches that compasse the wals about with water in which diches are many crocodils it hath no drawe bridges yet it hath twentie gates fiue for euery square on the walles there are many places made for centinels to watch made of wood and couered or guilt with gold the streetes thereof are the fayrest that I haue seene they are as streight as a line from one gate to another and standing at the one gate you may discouer to the other and they are as broad as 10 or 12 men may ride a breast in them and those streetes that be thwart are faire and large these streetes both on the one side and on the other are planted at the doores of the houses with nut trees of India which make a very commodious shadowe the houses be made of wood and couered with a kind of tiles in forme of cups very necessary for their vse the kings palace is in the middle of the citie made in forme of a walled castle with ditches full of water round aboue it the lodgings within are made of wood all ouer gilded with fine pinacles and very costly worke couered with plates of golde Truely it may be a kings house within the gate there is a faire large court from the one side to the other wherein there are made places for the strongest and stoutest Eliphants appointed for the seruice of the kings person and amongst all other Eliphants he hath foure that be white a thing so rare that a man shall hardly finde another king that hath any such and if this king knowe any other that hath white Eliphantes he sendeth for them as for a gift The time that I was there there were two brought out of a farre Countrey and that cost me something the sigth of them for that they commaund the marchants to goe to see them and then they must giue somewhat to the men that bring them the brokers of the marchants giue for euery man halfe a duckat which they call a Tansa which amounteth to a great summe for the number of merchants that are in that citie and when they haue payde the aforesayde Tansa they may chuse whether they will see them at that time or no because that when they are in the kings stall euery man may see them that will but at that time they must goe and see them for it is the kings pleasure it should be so This King amongst all other his titles is called the King of the white
We found it here very hote The winter beginneth here about the last of May. In these partes is a porte or hauen called Masulipatan which standeth eight dayes iourney from hence toward the gulfe of Bengala whether come many shippes out of India Pegu and Sumatra very richly laden with Pepper spices and other commodities The countrie is very good and fruitfull From thence I went to Seruidore which is a fine countrey and the king is called the king of Bread The houses here bee all thâ—tched and made of lome Here be many Moores and Gentiles but there is small religion among them From thence I went to Bellapore and so to Barrampore which is in the country of Zelabdim Echebar In this place their money is made of a kind of siluer round and thicke to the value of twentie pence which is very good siluer It is marueilous great and a populous countrey In their winter which is in Iune Iuly and August there is no passing in the streetes but with horses the waters be so high The houses are made of lome and thatched Here is great store of cotton cloth made and painted clothes of cotton wooll here groweth great store of corne and Rice We found mariages great store both in townes and villages in many places where wee passed of boyes of eight or ten yeeres and girles of fiue or six yeeres old They both do ride vpon one horse very trimly decked and are caried through the towne with great piping and playing and so returne home and eate of a banket made of Rice and fruits and there they daunce the most part of the night and so make an ende of the marriage They lie not together vntill they be ten yeeres old They say they marry their children so yoong because it is an order that when the man dieth the woman must be burned with him so that if the father die yet they may haue a father in lawe to helpe to bring vp the children which bee maried and also that they will not leaue their sonnes without wiues nor their daughters without husbands From thence we went to Mandoway which is a very strong towne It was besieged twelue yeeres by Zelabdim Echebar before hee could winne it It standeth vpon a very great high rocke as the most part of of their castles doe and was of a very great circuite From hence wee went to Vgini and Serringe where wee ouertooke the ambassadour of Zelabdim Echebar with a marueilous great company of men elephants and camels Here is great trade of cotton and cloth made of cotton and great store of drugs From thence we went to Agra passing many riuers which by reason of the raine were so swollen that wee waded and swamme oftentimes for our liues Agra is a very great citie and populous built with stone hauing faire and large streetes with a faire riuer running by it which falleth into the gulfe of Bengala It hath a faire castle and a strong with a very faire ditch Here bee many Moores and Gentiles the king is called Zelabdim Echebar the people for the most part call him The great Mogor From thence wee went for Fatepore which is the place where the king kept his court The towne is greater then Agra but the houses and streetes be not so faire Here dwell many people both Moores and Gentiles The king hath in Agra and Fatepore as they doe crâ—dibly report 1000. elephants thirtie thousand horses 1400. tame Deere 800. concubines such store of Ounces Tigera Buffles Cocks Haukes that is very strange to see He keepeth a great court which they call Dericcan Agra and Fatepore are two very great cities either of them much greater then London and very populous Betweene Agra and Fatepore are 12. miles and all the way is a market of victuals other things as full as though a man were still in a towne and so many people as if a man were in a market They haue many fine cartes and many of them carued and gilded with gold with two wheeles which be drawen with two litle Buls about the bignesse of our great dogs in England and they will runne with any horse and carie two or three men in one of these cartes they are couerâ—d with silke or very fine cloth and be vsed here as our Coches be in England Hither is great resort of marchants from Persia and out of India and very much marchandise of silke and cloth and of precious stones both Rubies Diamants and Pearles The king is apparelled in a white Cabie made like a shirt tied with strings on the one side and a litle cloth on his head coloured oftentimes with red or yealow None come into his house but his eunuches â—hich keepe his women Here in Fatepore we staied all three vntill the 28. of September 1585. and then master Iohn Newberie tooke his iourney toward the citie of Lahor determining from thence to goe for Persia and then for Aleppo or Constantinople whether hee could get soonest passage vnto and directed me to goe for Bengala and for Pegu and did promise me if it pleased God to meete me in Bengala within two yeeres with a shippe out of England I left William Leades the ieweller in seruice with the king Zelabdim Echebar in Fatepore who did entertaine him very well and gaue him an house and fiue slaues an horse and euery day sixe S. S. in money I went from Agra to Satagam in Bengala in the companie of one hundred and fourescore boates laden with Salt Opium Hinge Lead Carpets and diuers other commodities downe the riuer Iemena The chiefe marchants are Moores and Gentiles In these countries they haue many strange ceremonies The Bramanes which are their priests come to the water and haue a string about their necks made with great ceremonies and lade vp water with both their hands and turne the string first with both their hands within and then one arme after the other out Though it be neuer so cold they will wash themselues in cold water or in warme These Gentiles will eate no flesh nor kill any thing They liue with rice butter milke and fruits They pray in the water naked and dresse their meat eate it naked and for their penance they lie flat vpon the earth and rise vp and turne themselues about 30. or 40. times and vse to heaue vp their hands to the sunne to kisse the earth with their armes and legs stretched along out and their right leg alwayes before the left Euery time they lie downe they make a score on the ground with their finger to know when their stint is finished The Bramanes marke themselues in the foreheads eares and throates with a kind of yellow geare which they grind euery morning they do it And they haue some old men which go in the streetes with a boxe of yellow pouder and marke men on their heads necks as they meet them And
they go vp to them with long ladders for feare of the Tygers which be very many The countrey is very fruitful of all things Here are very great Figs Orenges Cocoes and other fruits The land is very high that we fall withall but after we be entred the barre it is very lowe and full of riuers for they goe all too and fro in boates which they call paroes and keepe their houses with wife and children in them From the barre of Nigrais to the citie of Pegu is ten dayes iourney by the riuers Wee went from Cosmin to Pegu in Paroes or boates and passing vp the riuers wee came to Medon which is a prety towne where there be a wonderfull number of Paroes for they keepe their houses and their markets in them all vpon the water They rowe too and fro and haue all their marchandizes in their boates with a great Sombrero or shadow ouer their heads to keepe the sunne from them which is as broad as a great cart wheele made of the leaues of the Coco trees and fig trees and is very light From Medon we went to Dela which is a very faire towne and hath a faire port into the sea from whence go many ships to Malacca Mecca and many other places Here are 18. or 20. very great and long houses where they tame and keep many elephants of the kings for there about in the wildernesse they catch the wilde elephants It is a very fruitfull countrey From Dela we went to Cirion which is a good towne and hath a faire porte into the sea whither come many ships from Mecca Malacca Sumatra and from diuers other places And there the ships staie and discharge send vp their goods in Paroes to Pegu. From Cirion we went to Macao which is a pretie towne where we left our boats or Paroes in the morning taking Delingeges which are a kind of Coches made of cords cloth quilted caried vpon a stang betweene 3. or 4. men we came to Pegu the same day Pegu is a citie very great strong and very faire with walles of stone and great ditches round about it There are two townes the old towne and the newe In the olde towne are all the marchants strangers and very many marchants of the countrey All the goods are sold in the olde towne which is very great and hath many suburbes round about it and all the houses are made of Canes which they call Bambos and bee couered with strawe In your house you haue a Warehouse which they call Godon which is made of bricke to put your goods in for oftentimes they take fire and burne in an houre foure or fiue hundred houses so that if the Godon were not you should bee in danger to haue all burned if any winde should rise at a trice In the newe towne is the king and all his Nobilitie and Gentrie It is a citie very great and populous and is made square and with very faire walles and a great ditch round about it full of water with many crocodiles in it it hath twenty gates and they bee made of stone for euery square fiue gates There are also many Turrets for Centinels to watch made of wood and gilded with golde very faire The streets are the fairest that euer I saw as straight as a line from one gate to the other and so broad that tenne or twelue men may ride a front thorow them On both sides of them at euery mans doore is set a palmer tree which is the nut tree which make a very faire shew and a very commodious shadow so that a man may walke in the shade all day The houses be made of wood and couered with tiles The kings house is in the middle of the city and is walled and ditched round about and the buildings within are made of wood very sumptuously gilded and great workemanship is vpon the forefront which is likewise very costly gilded And the house wherein his Pagode or idole standeth is couered with tiles of siluer and all the walles are gilded with golde Within the first gate of the kings house is a great large roome on both sides whereof are houses made for the kings elephants which be maruellous great and faire and are brought vp to warres and in seruice of the king And among the rest he hath foure white elephants which are very strange and rare for there is none other king which hath them but he if any other king hath one hee will send vnto him for it When any of these white elephants is brought vnto the king all the merchants in the city are commanded to see them and to giue him a present of halfe a ducat which doth come to a great summe for that there are many merchants in the city After that you haue giuen your present you may come and see them at your pleasure although they stand in the kings house This king in his title is called the king of the white elephants If any other king haue one and will not send it him he will make warre with him for it for he had rather lose a great part of his kingdome then not to conquere him They do very great seruice vnto these white elephants euery one of them standeth in an house gilded with golde and they doe feede in vessels of siluer and gilt One of them when he doth go to the riuer to be washed as euery day they do goeth vnder a canopy of cloth of golde or of silke carried ouer him by sixe or eight men and eight or ten men goe before him playing on drummes shawmes or other instruments and when he is washed and commeth out of the riuer there is a gentleman which doth wash his feet in a siluer basin which is his office giuen him by the king There is no such account made of any blacke elephant be he neuer so great And surely there be woonderfull faire and great and some be nine cubites in height And they do report that the king hath aboue fiue thousand elephants of warre besides many other which be not taught to fight This king hath a very large place wherein he taketh the wilde elephants It standeth about a mile from Pegu builded with a faire court within and is in a great groue or wood and there be many huntsmen which go into the wildernesse with she elephants for without the she they are not to be taken And they be taught for that purpose and euery hunter hath fiue or sixe of them and they say that they anoint the she elephants with a certaine ointment which when the wild elephant doth smell he will not leaue her When they haue brought the wilde elephant neere vnto the place they send word vnto the towne and many horsemen and footmen come out and cause the she elephant to enter into a strait way which doeth goe to the palace and the she and he do runne in for it is
like a wood and when they be in the gate doth shut Afterward they get out the female and when the male seeth that he is left alone he weepeth and crieth and runneth against the walles which be made of so strong trees that some of them doe breake their teeth with running against them Then they pricke him with sharpe canes cause him to go into a strait house and there they put a rope about his middle and about his feet and let him stand there three or foure dayes without eating or drinking and then they bring a female to him with meat and drinke and within few dayes he becommeth tame The chiefe force of the king is in these elephants And when they go into the warres they set a frame of wood vpon their backes bound with great cordes wherein sit foure or sixe men which fight with gunnes bowes and arrowes darts and other weapons And they say that their skinnes are so thicke that a pellet of an harquebush will scarse pearce them except it be in some tender place Their weapons be very badde They haue gunnes but shoot very badly in them darts and swords short without points The king keepeth a very great state when he sitteth abroad as he doth euery day twise all his noble men which they call Shemines sit on ech side a good distance off and a great guard without them The Court yard is very great If any man will speake with the king he is to kneele downe to heaue vp his hands to his head and to put his head to the ground three times when he entreth in the middle way and when he commeth neere to the king and then he sitteth downe and talketh with the king if the king like well of him he sitteth neere him within three or foure paces if he thinke not well of him he sitteth further off When he goeth to warre he goeth very strong At my being there he went to Odia in the countrey of Siam with three hundred thousand men and fiue thousand elephants Thirty thousand men were his guard These people do eate roots herbs leaues dogs cats rats serpents and snakes they refuse almost nothing When the king rideth abroad he rideth with a great guard and many noblemen oftentimes vpon an elephant with a fine castle vpon him very fairely gilded with gold and sometimes vpon a great frame like an horsliter which hath a little house vpon it couered ouer head but open on the sides which is all gilded with golde set with many rubies saphires whereof he hath infinite store in his country and is caried vpon sixteene or eighteene mens shoulders This coach in their language is called Serrion Uery great feasting and triumphing is many times before the king both of men and women This king hath little force by Sea because hee hath but very few ships He hath houses full of golde and siluer and bringeth in often but spendeth very little and hath the mines of rubies and saphires and spinelles Neere vnto the palace of the king there is a treasure woonderfull rich the which because it is so neere he doth not account of it and it standeth open for all men to see in a great walled court with two gates which be alwayes open There are foure houses gilded very richly and couered with leade in euery one of them are Pagodes or images of huge stature and great value In the first is the picture of a king in golde with a crowne of golde on his head full of great rubies and saphires and about him there stand foure children of golde In the second house is the picture of a man in siluer woonderfull great as high as an house his foot is as long as a man and he is made sitting with a crowne on his head very rich with stones In the third house is the picture of a man greater then the other made of brasse with a rich crowne on his head In the fourth and last house doth stand another made of brasse greater then the other with a crowne also on his head very rich with stones In another court not farre from this stand foure other Pagodes or idoles maruellous great of copper made in the same place where they do stand for they be so great that they be not to be remooued they stand in foure houses gilded very faire and are themselues gilded all ouer saue their heads and they shew like a blacke Morian Their expences in gilding of their images are wonderfull The king hath one wife and aboue three hundred concubines by which they say he hath fourescore or fourescore and ten children He sitteth in iudgement almost euery day They vse no speech but giue vp their supplications written in the leaues of a tree with the point of an yron bigger then a bodkin These leaues are an elle long and about two inches broad they are also double He which giueth in his supplication doth stand in a place a little distance off with a present If his matter be liked of the king accepteth of his present and granteth his request if his sute be not liked of he returneth with his present for the king will not take it In India there are few commodities which serue for Pegu except Opium of Cambala painted cloth of S. Thome or of Masulipatan and white cloth of Bengala which is spent there in great quantity They bring thither also much cotton yarne red coloured with a root which they call Saia which will neuer lose his colour it is very wel solde here and very much of it commeth yerely to Pegu. By your mony you lose much The ships which come from Bengala S. Thome and Masulipatan come to the bar of Nigrais and to Cosmin To Martauan a port of the sâ—a in the kingdome of Pegu come many ships from Malacca laden with Sandall Porcelanes and other wares of China and with Camphora of Borneo and Pepper from Achen in Sumatra To Ciâ—ion a port of Pegu come ships from Mecca with woollen cloth Scarlets Ueluets Opium and such like There are in Pegu eight Brokers whom they call Tareghe which are bound to sell your goods at the price which they be woorth and you giue them for their labour two in the hundred and they be bound to make your debt good because you sell your marchandises vpon their word If the Broker pay you not at his day you may take him home and keepe him in your house which is a great shame for him And if he pay you not presently you may take his wife and children and his slaues and binde them at your doore and set them in the Sunne for that is the law of the countrey Their current money in these parts is a kinde of brasse which they call Gansa wherewith you may buy golde siluer rubies muske and all other things The golde and siluer is marchandise and is worth sometimes more and sometimes lesse as other wares be This
the kings captiues Afterward about the tenth day of Iuly next following the king road foorth vpon the greatest and fairest mare that might be seene as white as any swanne hee had not ridden fourtie paces from his house but on a sudden the same mare fell downe vnder him starke dead and I with sixe more were commaunded to burie her skinne shoes and all which we did And about three moneths after our deliuerie Master Barton with all the residue of his company departed from Tripolie to Zante in a vessell called a Settea of one Marcus Segoorus who dwelt in Zante and after our arriuall at Zante wee remained fifteene dayes there aboorde our vessell before wee coulde haue Platego that is leaue to come a shoare because the plague was in that place from whence wee came and about three dayes after we came a shoare thither came another Settea of Marseils bound for Constantinople Then did Master Barton and his company with two more of our company shippe themselues as passengers in the same Settea and went to Constantinople But the other nine of vs that remained in Zante about three moneths after shipt our selues in a shippe of the said Marcus Segoorus which came to Zante and runs bound for England In which three moneths the souldiers of Tripolie killed the said king And then the Kings sonne according to the custome there went to Constantinople to surrender vp all his fathers treasure goods captiues and concubines vnto the great Turke and tooke with him our saide Purser Richard Burges and Iames Smith and also the other two Englishmen which he the said kings sonne had inforced to become Turkes as is aforesayd And they the said Englishmen finding now some opportunitie concluded with the Christian captiues which were going with them vnto Constantinople being in number about one hundred and fiftie to kill the kings sonne and all the Turkes which were aboorde of the Galley and priuily the saide Englishmen conueyed vnto the saide Christian captiues weapons for that purpose And when they came into the maine Sea towarde Constantinople vpon the faithfull promise of the sayde Christian captiues these foure Englishmen lept suddenly into the Crossia that is into the middest of the Galley where the canon lieth and with their swordes drawne did fight against all the foresaid Turkes and for want of helpe of the saide Christian captiues who falsly brake their promises the said Master Blonkets boy was killed and the sayde Iames Smith and our Pursser Richard Burges and the other Englishmen were taken and bound into chaines to be hanged at their arriuall in Constantinople and as the Lordes will was about two dayes after passing through the gulfe of Venice at an Island called Cephalonia they met with two of the duke of Venice his Gallies which tooke that Galley and killed the kings sonne and his mother and all the Turkes that were there in number 150. and they saued the Christian captiues and would haue killed the two Englishmen because they were circumcised and become Turkes had not the other Christian captiues excused them saying that they were inforced to be Turkes by the kings sonne and shewed the Venetians also how they did enterprise at sea to fight against all the Turks and that their two fellowes were slaine in that fight Then the Venetians saued them and they with all the residue of the said captiues had their libertie which were in number 150. or there abouts and the saide Gallie and all the Turkes treasure was confiscated to the vse of the state of Venice And from thence our two Englishmen traueiled homeward by land and in this meane time we had one more of our company which died in Zante and afterward the other eight shipped themselues at Zante in a shippe of the said Marcus Segorus which was bound for England and before we departed thence there arriued the Assension and the George Bonauenture of London in Cephalonia in a harbour there called Arrogostoria whose Marchants agreed with the Marchants of our shippe and so laded al the marchandise of our shippe into the said ships of London who tooke vs eight in as passengers and so we came home and within two moneths after our arriuall at London our said Purser Richard Burges and his fellow-rame home also for the which we are bound to praise Almightie God during our liues and as duetie bindeth vs to pray for the preseruation of our most gracious Queene for the great care her Maiestie had ouer vs her poore Subiects in seeking and procuring of our deliuerance aforesaide and also for her honourable priuie Counsell and I especiall for the prosperitie and good estate of the house of the late deceased the right honourable the Earle of Bedford whose honour I must confesse most diligently at the suite of my father now departed traueiled herein for the which I rest continually bounden to him whose soule I doubt not but is already in the heauens in ioy with the Almightie vnto which place he vouchsafe to bring vs all that for our sinnes suffered most vile and shameful death vpon the Crosse there to liue perpetually world without ende Amen The Queenes letters to the Turke 1584. for the restitution of the shippe called the Iesus and the English captiues detained in Tripolie in Barbarie and for certaine other prisoners in Argier ELIZABETHA Deiter maximi vnici coeli terreque conditoris gratia Angliae Franciae Hiberniae Regina fidei Christianae contra omnes omnium inter Christianos degentium ChristÃque nomen falsò profitentium idololatrias inuictissima potentissima defensatrix augustissimo inuictissimóque principi Zultan Murad Can Musulmanici regni dominatori potentissimo imperijque Orientis Monarchae supra omnes soli supremo salutem multos cum summa rerum optimarum affluentia foelices fortunatos annos Augustissime potentissime Imperator biennio iam peracto ad Caesaream vestram Maiestatem scripsimus vt dilectus noster famulus Guilrelmus Harebornus vir ornatissimus pro legato nostro Constantinopoli alijsque Musulmanici imperij ditionibus sublimi vestra authoritate reciperetur simuletiam Angli subditi nostri commercium mercaturam in omnibus illis prouincijs exerceant non minùs liberè quà m Galli Poloni Veneti Germani caeterÃque vestri confoederati qui varias Orientis partes peragrant operam nauantes vt mutuis commercijs coniungatur Oriens cum Occidente Quae priuilegia cum nostris subditis Anglis inuictissima vestra Maiestas literis diplomate suo liberalissimè indulserit facere non potuimus quin quas maximas animus noster capere potest gratias eo nomine ageremus sperantes fore vt haec instiâ—uta commerciorum ratio maximas vtilitates commoda vtrinque tam in imperij vestri ditiones quà m regni nostri prouincias secum adferat Id vt planè fiat cùm nuper subditi nostri nonnulli Tripoli in Barbaria Argellae ab eius loci incolis voluÌ„tatem vestram
Eliphants and it is reported that if this king knewe any other king that had any of these white Eliphantes and would not send them vnto him that he would hazard his whole kingdome to conquer them he esteemeth these white Eliphants very deerely and they are had in great regard and kept with very meete seruice euery one of them is in a house all guilded ouer and they haue their meate giuen them in vessels of siluer and golde there is one blacke Eliphant the greatest that hath bene seene and he is kept according to his bignesse he is nine cubiâ—es high which is a marueilous thing It is reported that this king hath foure thousand Elephants of warre and all haue their â—eeth and they vse to put on their two vppermost teeth sharpe pikes of yron and make them fast with rings because these beastes fight and make battell with their teeth hee hath also very many yong Eliphants that haue not their teeth sprowted foorth also this king hath a braue deuise in hunting to take these Eliphants when hee will two miles from the Citie He hath builded a faire pallace all guilded and within it a faire Court and within it and â—ounde about there are made an infinite number of places for men to stande to see this hunting neere vnto this Pallace is a mighâ—y great wood through the which the hunâ—s-men of the king ride continually oâ— the backs of the feminine Eliphants teaching them in this businesse Euery hunter carieth out with him fiue or siâ—e of these feminines and they say that they anoynt the secret place with a certaine composition that they haue that when the wilde Eliphant doeth smell thereâ—nto they followe the fâ—miniâ—es and cannot leaue them when the hunts-men haue made prouision the Eliphant is so entangled thâ—y guide the feminines towards the Pallace which is called Tambell and this Pallace hath a doore which doth open and shut with engines before which doore there is a long streight way with trees on both the sides which couereth the way in such wise as it is like darkenesse in a corner the wilde Eliphant when he commeth to this way thinketh that he is in the wooâ—s At the end of this darke way there is a great field when the hunters haue gotten this praye when they first come to this field they send presently to giue knowledge thereof to the Citie and with all speed there go out fiftie or sixtie men on horsebacke and doe beset the fielde rounde about in the great fielde then the females which are taught in this businesse goe directly to the mouth of the darke way and when as the wilde Eliphant is entred in there the huntâ—rs shoute and make a great noyse asmuch as is possible to make the wilde Eliphant enter in at the gate of that Pallace which is then open and assoone as hee is in the gate is shut without any noyse and so the hunters with the female Eliphantsâ— and the wilde one are all in the Court together and then within a small time the females withdraw themselues away one by one out of the Court leauing the wilde Eliphant alone and when he perceiueth that he is left alone he is so madde that for two or three houres to see him it is the greatest pleasure in the world he weepeth hee flingeth hee runneth he iustleth hee thrusteth vnder the places where the people stand to see him thinking to kil some of them but the posts and timber is so strong and great that hee cannot hurt any body yet hee oftentimes breaketh his teeth in the grates At length when hee is weary and hath laboured his body that hee is all wet with sweat then he plucketh in his truncke into his mouth and then hee throweth out so much water out of his belly that he sprinckleth it ouer the heades of the lookers on to the vttermost of them although it bee very high and then when they see him very weary there goe certaine officers into the Court with long sharpe canes in their haâ—ds and prick him that they make him to goe into oâ—e of the houses that is made alongst the Court for the same purpose as there are many which are made long and narrow that when the Eliphant is in he cannot turne himself to go backe againe And it is requisite that these men should be very wary and swift for although their canes be long yet the Eliphant would kill them if they were not swift to saue themselues at length when they haue gotten him into one of those houses they stand ouer him in a loft and get ropes vnder his belly and about his necke and about his legges and binde him fast and so let him stand foure or fiue dayes and giue him neither meate nor drinke At the ende of these foure or fiue dayes they vnloose him and put one of the females vnto him and giue them meate and drinke and in eight dayes he is become tame In my iudgment there is not a beast so intellectiue as are these Eliphants nor of more vnderstanding in al the world for he wil do all things that his keeper saith so that he lacketh nothing but humaine speech It is reported that the greatest strength that the king of Pegu hath is in these Eliphants for when they goe to battell they let on their backes a Castle of wood bound thereto with hands vnder their bellies and in euery Castle foure men very commodiously set to fight with hargubushes with bowes and arrowes with darts and pikes and other launcing weapons and they say that the skinne of this Eliphant is so hard that an harquebusse will not pierce it vnlesse it bee in the eye temples or some other tender place of his body And besides this they are of great strength and haue a very eâ—cellent order in their battel as I haue seene at their feastes which they make in the yeere in which feastes the king maketh triumphes which is a rare thing and worthy memorie that in so barbarous a people there should be such goodly orders as they haue in their aâ—â—ies which be distinct in squares of Eliphants of horsemen of harquebushers and pikemen that â—â—uly the number of them are infinite but their armour and weapons are very nought and weake as well the one as the other they haue very had pikes their swords are worse made like long kniues without points his harquebushes are most excellent and alway in his warres he hath eightie thousand harquebushes and the number of them encreaseth dayly Because the king will haue them shoote euery day at the Plancke and so by continuall exercise they become most excellent shot also hee hath great Ordinance made of very good mettall to conclude there is not a King on the earth that hath more power or strength then this king of Pegu because hee hath twentie and sixe crowned kings at his commaunde He can make in his Campe a million
quilted gownes of cotton like to our mattraces and quilted caps like to our great Grocers morters with a slit to looke out at and so tied downe beneath their eares If a man or a woman be sicke and like to die they will lay him before their idols all night and that shall helpe him or make an ende of him And if he do not mend that night his friends will come and sit with him a litle and cry and afterwards will cary him to the waters side and set him vpon a litle raft made of reeds and so let him goe downe the riuer When they be maried the man and the woman come to the water side and there is an olde man which they call a Bramane that is a priest a cowe and a calfe or a cowe with calfe Then the man and the woman cowe and calfe and the olde man goe into the water together and they giue the olde man a white cloth of foure yards long and a basket crosse bound with diuers things in it the cloth hee laieth vpon the backe of the cowe and then he taketh the cowe by the ende of the taile and saieth certaine wordes and she hath a copper or a brasse pot full of water and the man doeth hold his hand by the olde mans hand and the wiues hand by her husbands and all haue the cowe by the taile and they poure water out of the pot vpon the cowes taile and it runneth through all their hands and they lade vp water with their handes and then the olde man doeth tie him and her together by their clothes Which done they goe round about the cowe and calfe and then they giue somewhat to the poore which be alwayes there and to the Bramane or priest they giue the cowe and calfe and afterward goe to diuers of their idoles and offer money and lie downe flat vpon the ground and kisse it diuers times and then goe their way Their chiefe idoles bee blacke and euill fauoured their mouthes monstrous their eares gilded and full of iewels their teeth and eyes of gold siluer and glasse some hauing one thing in their handes and some another You may not come into the houses where they stand with your shooes on They haue continually lampes burning before them From Bannaras I went to Patenaw downe the riuer of Ganges where in the way we passed many faire townes and a countrey very fruitfull and many very great riuers doe enter into Ganges and some of them as great as Ganges which cause Ganges to bee of a great breadth and so broad that in the time of raine you cannot see from one side to the other These Indians when they bee scorched and throwen into the water the men swimme with their faces downewards the women with their faces vpwards I thought they tied something to them to cause them to doe so but they say no. There be very many thieues in this countrey which be like to the Arabians for they haue no certaine abode but are sometime in one place and sometime in another Here the women bee so decked with siluer and copper that it is strange to see they vse no shooes by reason of the rings of siluer and copper which they weare on their toes Here at Patanaw they finde gold in this maner They digge deepe pits in the earth and wash the earth in great bolles and therein they finde the gold and they make the pits round about with bricke that the earth fall not in Patenaw is a very long and a great towne In times past it was a kingdom but now it is vnder Zelabdim Echebar the great Mogor The men are tall and slender and haue many old folks among them the houses are simple made of earth and couered with strawe the streetes are very large In this towne there is a trade of cotton cloth of cotton much sugar which they cary from hence to Bengala and India very much Opium other commodities He that is chiefe here vnder the king is called Tipperdas and is of great account among the people Here in Patenau I saw a dissembling prophet which sate vpon an horse in the market place and made as though he slept and many of the people came and touched his feete with their hands and then kissed their hands They tooke him for a great man but sure he was a lasie lubber I left him there sleeping The people of these countries be much giuen to such prating and dissembling hypocrites From Patanaw I went to Tanda which is in the land of Gouren It hath in times past bene a kingdom but now is subdued by Zelabdim Echebar Great trade and traffique is here of cotton and of cloth of cotton The people goe naked with a litle cloth bound about their waste It standeth in the countrey of Bengala Here be many Tigers wild Bufs and great store of wilde foule they are very great idolaters Tanda standeth from the riuer Ganges a league because in times past the riuer flowing ouer the bankes in time of raine did drowne the countrey and many villages and so they do remaine And the old way which the riuer Ganges wan woont to run remaineth drie which is the occasion that the citie doeth stand so farre from the water From Agra downe the riuer Iemena and downe the riuer Ganges I was fiue moneths comming to Bengala but it may be sailed in much shorter time I went from Bengala into the country of Couche which lieth 25. dayes iourny Northwards from Tanda The king is a Gentile his name is Suckel Counse his countrey is great and lieth not far from Cauchin China for they say they haue pepper from thence The port is called Cacchegate All the countrie is set with Bambos or Canes made sharpe at both the endes driuen into the earth and they can let in the water drowne the ground aboue knee deepe so that mē nor horses can passe They poison all the waters if any wars be Here they haue much silke muske and cloth made of cotton The people haue eares which be marueilous great of a span long which they draw out in length by deuises when they be yong Here they be all Gentiles and they will kil nothing They haue hospitals for sheepe goates dogs cats birds for all other liuing creatures When they be old lame they keepe them vntil they die If a man catch or buy any quicke thing in other places bring it thither they wil giue him mony for it or other victuals keepe it in their hospitals or let it go They wil giue meat to the Ants. Their smal mony is almonds which oftentimes they vse to eat From thence I returned to Hugeli which is the place where the Portugals keep in the country of Bengala which standeth in 23. degrees of Northerly latitude and standeth a league from Satagan they cal it Porto Piqueno We went through the wildernes because the
and they doe it for a certaine ceremonie which I could not learne and because of the Sunne which shineth hote vpon their bodies The agilitie of the women is so great that they can swimme ouer the great Riuers bearing their children vpon one of their armes They climbe vp also very nimbly vpon the highest trees in the Countrey Beholde in briefe the description of the Countrey with the nature and customes of the Inhabitants which I was very willing to write before I entred any further into the discourse of my historie to the end that the Readers might be the better prepared to vnderstand that which I meane hereafter to entreate of MY Lord Admirall of Chastillon a noble man more desirous of the publique then of his priuate benefite vnderstanding the pleasure of the King his prince which was to discouer new and strange Countreys caused vessels fit for this purpose to be made ready with all diligence and men to beeleuied meete for such an enterprise Among whom hee chose Captaine Iohn Ribault a man in trueth expert in sea causes which hauing receiued his charge set himselfe to Sea the yeere 1562. the eighteenth of Februarie accompanied onely with two of the kings shippes but so well furnished with Gentlemen of whose number I my selfe was one and with olde Souldiers that he had meanes to atchieue some notable thing and worthy of eternall memorie Hauing therefore sayled two moneths neuer holding the vsuall course of the Spaniards hee arriued in Florida landing neere a Cape or Promontorie which is no high lande because the coast is all flatte but onely rising by reason of the high woods which at his arriuall he called Cape François in honour of our France This Cape is distant from the Equator about thirtie degrees Coasting from this place towards the North he discouered a very faire and great Riuer which gaue him occasion to cast anker that hee might search the same the next day very early in the morning which being done by the breake of day accompanied with Captaine Fiquinuille and diuers other souldiers of his shippe he was no sooner arriued on the brinke of the shoare but straight hee perceiued many Indians men and women which came of purpose to that place to receiue the Frenchmen with all gentlenesse and amitie as they well declared by the Oration which their king made and the presents of Chamois skinnes wherewith he honoured our Captaine which the day following caused a pillar of hard stone to be planted within the sayde Riuer and not farre from the mouth of the same vpon a little sandie knappe in which pillar the Armes of France were carued and engraued This being done hee embarked himselfe againe to the ende alwayes to discouer the coast toward the North which was his chiefe desire After he had sayled a certaine time he crossed ouer to the other side of the riuer and then in the presence of certaine Indians which of purpose did attend him hee commaunded his men to make their prayers to giue thankes to GOD for that of his grace hee had conducted the French nation vnto these strange places without any danger at all The prayers being ended the Indians which were very attentiue to hearken vnto them thinking in my iudgement that wee worshipped the Sunne because wee alwayes had our eyes lifted vp toward heauen rose all vp and came to salute the Captaine Iohn Ribault promising to shew him their King which rose not vp as they did but remained still sitting vpon greene leaues of Bayes and Palmetrees toward whom the Captaine went and sate downe by him and heard him make a long discourse but with no great pleasure because hee could not vnderstand his language and much lesse his meaning The King gaue our Captaine at his departure a plume or fanne of Herushawes feathers died in red and a basket made of Palme-boughes after the Indian fashion and wrought very artificially and a great skinne painted and drawen throughout with the pictures of diuers wilde beasts so liuely drawen and portrayed that nothing lacked but life The Captaine to shew himselfe not vnthankfull gaue him pretie tinne bracelets a cutting hooke a looking glasse and certaine kniues whereupon the King shewed himselfe to be very glad and fully contented Hauing spent the most part of the day with these Indians the Captaine imbarked himselfe to passe ouer to the other side of the Riuer whereat the king seemed to bee very sorie Neuerthelesse being not able to stay vs hee commaunded that with all diligence they should take fish for vs which they did with all speede For being entred into their Weares or inclosures made of reedes and framed in the fashion of a Labirynth or Mase they loaded vs with Trouâ—es great Mullets Plaise Turbuts and marueilous store of other sortes of fishes altogether different from ours This done we entred into our Boates and went toward the other shore But before we came to the shore we were saluted with a number of other Indians which entring iâ—to the water to their armepits brought vs many litle baskets full of Maiz and goodly Mulberries both red and white Others offered themselues to beare vs on shoare where being landed we perceiued their King sitting vpon a place dressed with boughes and vnder a little Arbour of Cedars and Bay trees somewhat distant from the waters side He was accompanied with two of his sonnes which were exceeding faire and strong and with a troope of Indians who had all their bowes and arrowes in marueilous good order His two sonnes receiued our Captaine very graciously but the king their father representing I wot not what kinde of grauitie did nothing but shake his head a little then the Captaine went forward to salute him and without any other mouing of himselfe he reteined so constant a kind of grauitie that hee made it seeme vnto vs that by good and lawfull right hee bare the title of a King Our Captaine knowing not what to iudge of this mans behauiour thought he was ielous because wee went first vnto the other king or else that he was not well pleased with the Pillar or Columne which he had planted While thus he knew not what hereof to thinke our Captaine shewed him by signes that he was come from a farre Countrey to seeke him to let him vnderstand the amitie which he was desirous to haue with him for the better confirmation whereof hee drewe out of a budget certaine trifles as certaine bracelets couered as it were with siluer and guilt which hee presented him withall and gaue his sonnes certaine other trifles Whereupon the King beganne very louingly to intreate both our Captaine and vs. And after there gentle intertainments wee went our selues into the woods hoping there to discouer some singularities where were great store of Mulberrie trees white and red on the toppes whereof there was an infinite number of silkewormes Following our way wee discouered a faire
Notwithstanding one of our men made such shift that by subtile meanes he gatte out of the house of Audusta and secretly went and hid himselfe behinde a very thicke bush where aâ— his pleasure he might easily diâ—ery the ceremonies of the feast They three that began the feast are named Iawas and they are as it were three Priestes of the Indian law to whom they giue credite and beliefe partly because that by kinred they are ordained to be ouer their Sacrifices and partly also because they be so subtile magicians that any thing that is lost is straightway recouered by their meanes Againe they are not onely reuerenced for these things but also because they heale diseases by I wotte not what kinde of knowledge and skill they haue Those that ran so through the woodes returned two dayes after after their returne they began to dance with a cherefull courage in the middest of the faire place and to cheere vp their good olde Indian fathers which either by reason of their too great age or by reason of their naturall indisposition and feeblenesse were not called to the feast When all these dances were ended they fell on eating with such a greedinesse that they seemed rather to deuoure their meate then to eate it for they had neither eaten nor drinke the day of the feast nor the two dayes following Our men were not forgotten at this good cheere for the Indians sent for them all thither shewing themselues very glad of their presence While they remained certaine time with the Indians a man of ours got a yong boy for certaine trifles and inquired of him what the Indians did in the wood during their absence which boy made him vnderstand by signes that the Iawas had made inuocations to Toya and that by Magicall Characters they had made him come that they might speake with him and demand diuers strange things of him which for feare of the Iawas he durst not vtter They haue also many other ceremonies which I will not here rehearse for feare of molesting the reader with a matter of so small importance When the feast therefore was finished our men returned vnto Charles-fort where hauing remained but a while their victuaâ—les beganne to waxe short which forced them to haue recourse vnto their neighbours and to pray them to succour them in their necessitie which gaue them part of all the victualles which they had and kept no more vnto themselues then would serue to sow their fieldes They tolde them farther that for this cause it was needefull for them to retire themselues into the woods to liue of Mast and rootes vntill the time of haruest being as sory as might be that they were not able any farther to ayde them They gaue them also counsell to goe toward the countreys of King Couexis a man of might and renowme in this prouinceâ— which maketh his aboad toward the South abounding at all seasons and replenished with such quantitie of mill corne and beanes that by his onely succour they might be able to liue a very long time But before they should come into his territories they were to repayre vnto a king called Oâ—ade the brother of Couexis which in mill beanes and corne was no lesse wealthy and withall is very liberall and which would be very ioyfull if he might but once see them Our men perceiuing the good relation which the Indians made them of those two kings resolued to go thither â—or they felt already the necessity which oppressed them Therfore they made request vnto king Maccoa that it would please him to giue them one of his subiects to guide theÌ„ the right way thither wherupon he condescended very willingly knowing that without his fauour they should haue much ado to bring their interpriâ—e to passe Wherefore after they had giuen order for all things necessary for the voyage they put themselues to Sea and sailed so farre that in the end they came into the countrey of Ouade which they found to be in the riuer Belle. Being there arriued they perceiued a company of Indians which assoone as they knew of their being there came before them Assoone as they were come neere them their guides shewed them by signes that Ouade was in this company wherefore our men set forward to salute him And then two of his sonnes which were with him being goodly and strong men saluted them againe in very good sort and vsed very friendly entertainment on their part The king immediatly began to make an Oration in his Indian language of the great pleasure and contentment which he had to see them in that place protesting that he would become so loyall a friend of theirs hereafter that he would be their faithfull defendour against all them that would offer to be their enemies After these speeches he led them toward his house where he sought to entreate them very courteously His house was hanged about with Tapistrie of feathers of diuers colours the height of a pike Moreouer the place where the king tooke his rest was couered with white Couerlettes embroydered with deuises of very wittie and fine workemanship and fringed round about with a Fringe dyed in the colour of Skarlet They aduertised the king by one of the guides which they brought with them how that hauing heaâ—d of his great liberalitie they had put to the Sea to come to beseech him to succour them with victuals in their great want and necessitie and that in so doing he should binde them all hereafter to remaine his faithfull friends and loyall defenders against all his enemies This good Indian assoone ready to doe them pleasure as they were to demand it commanded his subiects that they should fill our Pinnesse with mil and beanes Afterward he caused them to bring him sixe pieces of his Capistry made like litle couerlets gaue them to our men with so liberal a minde as they easily perceiued the desire which he had to become their friend In recompence of all these giftes our men gaue him who cutting hookes and certaine other trifles wherewith he held himselfe greatly satisfied This being done our men tooke their leaue of the king which for their farewell layd nothing els but that they should returne if they wanted victuals that they might assure themselues of him that they should neuer want anything that was in his power Wherefore they imbarked themselues and sayled towards Charles-fort which from this place might be some fiue and twenty leagues distant But as soone as our men thought themselues at their ease free from the dangers whereinto they had exposed themselues night and day in gathering together of victuals here and there Lo euen as they were asleepe the fire caught in their lodgings with such furie being increased by the winde that the roome that was built for them before our mens departure was consumed in an instant without being able to saue any
inhabited in a riuer by thâ—m called the riuer of May and standing in thirty degrees and better In ranging this coast along the captaine found it to be all an Island and therefore it is all lowe land and very scant of fresh water but the countrey was maruellously sweet with both marish and medow ground and goodly woods among There they found sorell to grow as abundantly as grasse and where their houses were great store of maiz and mill and grapes of great bignesse but of taste much like our English grapes Also Deere great plentie which came vpon the sands before them Their houses are not many together â—or in one house an hundred of them do lodge they being made much like a great barne and in strength not inferiour to ours for they haue stanchions and rafters of whole trees and are couered with palmito-leaues hauing no place diuided but one small roome for their king and queene In the middest of this house is a hearth where they make great fires all night and they sleepe vpon certeine pieces of wood hewâ—n in for the bowing of their backs and another place made high for their heads which they put one by another all along the walles on both sides In their houses they remaine onely in the nights and in the day they desire the fields where they dresse their meat and make prouision for victuals which they prouide onely for a meale from hand to mouth There is one thing to be maruellâ—d at for the making of their fire and not onely they but also the Negros doe the same which is made onely by two stickes rubbing them one against another and this they may doe in any place they come where they finde sticks sufficient for the purpose In their apparell the men onely vse deere skinnes wherewith some onely couer their priuy members othersome vse the same as garments to couer them before and behind which skinnes are painted some yellow and red some blacke russet and euery man according to his owne fancy They do not omit to paint their bodies also with curious knots or antike worke as euery man in his owne fancy deuiseth which painting to make it continue the better they vse with a thorne to pricke their flesh and dent in the same whereby the painting may haue better hold In their warres they vse a sleighter colour of painting their faces thereby to make themselues shew the more fierce which after their warres ended they wash away againe In their warres they vse bowes and arrowes whereof their bowes are made of a kind of Yew but blacker then ours and for the most part passing the strength of the Negros or Indians for it is not greatly inferior to ours their arrowes are also of a great length but yet of reeds like other Indians but varying in two points both in length and and also for nocks and feathers which the other lacke whereby they shoot very stedy the heads of the same are vipers teeth bones of fishes flint stones piked points of kniues which they hauing gotten of the French men broke the same put the points of them in their arrowes heads some of them haue their heads of siluer othersome that haue want of these put in a kinde of hard wood notched which pierceth as farre as any of the rest In their fight being in the woods they vse a maruellous pollicie for their owne safegard which is by clasping a tree in their armes and yet shooting notwithstanding this policy they vsed with the French men in their fight whereby it appeareth that they are people of some policy and although they are called by the Spanyards Gente triste that is to say Bad people meaning thereby that they are not men of capacity yet haue the French men found them so witty in their answeres that by the captaines owne report a counseller with vs could not giue a more profound reason The women also for their apparell vse printed skinnes but most of them gownes of mosse somewhat longer then our mosse which they sowe together artificially and make the same surplesse wise wearing their haire downe to their shoulders like the Indians In this riuer of May aforesayd the captaine entring with his pinnesse found a French ship of fourescore tun and two pinnesses of fifteene tun a piece by her and speaking with the keepers thereof they tolde him of a fort two leagues vp which they had built in which their captaine Monsieur Laudonniere was with certeine souldiers therein To whom our captaine sending to vnderstand of a watering-place where he might conueniently take it in and to haue licence for the same he straight because there was no conuenient place but vp the riuer fiue leagues where the water was fresh did send him a pilot for the more expedition thereof to bring in one of hiâ— barks which going in with other boats prouided for the same purpose ankered before the fort into the which our captaine went where hee was by the Generall with other captaines and souldiers very gently enterteined who declared vnto him the time of their being there which was fourteene moneths with the extremity they were driuen to for want of victuals hauing brought very little with them in which place they being two hundred men at their first comming had in short space eaten all the maiz they could buy of the inhabitants about them and therefore were driuen certaine of them to serue a king of the Floridians against other his enemies for mill and other victuals which hauing gotten could not serue them being so many so long a time but want came vpon them in such sort that they were faine to gather acorns which being stamped small and often washed to take away the bitternesse of them they did vse for bread eating withall sundry times roots whereof they found many good and holesome and such as serue rather for medecines then for meates alone But this hardnesse no contenting some of them who would not take the paines so much as to fish in the riuer before their doores but would haue all things put in their mouthes they did rebell against the captaine taking away first his armour and afterward imprisoning him and so to the number of fourescore of them departed with a barke and a pinnesse spoiling their store victuall and taking away a great part thereof with them and so went to the Islands of Hispaniola and Iamaica a rouing where they spoiled and pilled the Spanyards and hauing taken two carauels laden with wine and casaui which is a bread made of roots and much other victuals and treasure had not the grace to depart therewith but were of such haughty stomacks that they thought their force to be such that no man durst meddle with them and so kept harborow in Iamaica going dayly ashore at their pleasure But God which would not suffer such euill doers vnpunished did indurate their hearts in such sort that
all diligence the riuers from Rio grande vnto Sierra Leona till the twelfth of Ianuarie in which time we had not gotten together a hundreth and fiftie Negros yet notwithstanding the sicknesse of our men and the late time of the yeere commanded vs away and thus hauing nothing wherewith to seeke the coast of the West Indias I was with the rest of our company in consultation to goe to the coast of the Mine hoping there to haue obtained some golde for our wares and thereby to haue defraied our charge But euen in that present instant there came to vs a Negro sent from a king oppressed by other Kings his neighbours desiring our aide with promise that as many Negros as by these warres might be obtained aswell of his part as of ours should be at our pleasure whereupon we concluded to giue aide and sent 120 of our men which the 15 of Ianuarie assaulted a towne of the Negros of our Allies aduersaries which had in it â—000 Inhabitants being very strongly impaled and fenced afâ—er their manner but it was so well defended that our men preuailed not but lost sixe men and fortie hurt so that our men sent forthwith to me for more helpe whereupon considering that the good successe of this enterprise might highly further the commoditie of our voyage I went my selfe and with the helpe of the king of our side assaulted the towne both by land and sea and very hardly with fire their houses being couered with dry Palme leaues obtained the towne and put the Inhabitants to flight where we tooke 250 persons men women children and by our friend the king of our side there were taken 600 prisoners whereof we hoped to haue had our choise but the Negro in which nation is seldome or neuer found truth meant nothing lesse for that night he remooued his campe and prisoners so that we were faine to content vs with those few which we had gotten our selues Now had we obtained between foure and fiue hundred Negros wherwith we thought it somewhat reasonable to seeke the coast of the West Indies and there for our Negros and other our merchandize we hoped to obtaine whereof to counteruaile our charges with some gaines wherunto we proceeded with all diligence furnished our watering tooke fuell and departed the coast of Guinea the third of Februarie continuing at the sea with a passage more hard then before hath bene accustomed till the 27 day of March which day we had sight of an Iland called Dominica vpon the coast of the West Indies in fourteene degrees from thence we coasted from place to place making our traffike with the Spaniards as we might somewhat hardly because the king had straightly commanded all his Gouernors in those parts by no meanes to suffer any trade to be made with vs notwithstanding we had reasonable trade and courteous entertainement from the I le of Margarita vnto Cartagena without any thing greatly worth the noting sauing at Capo de la Vela in a towne called Rio de la Hacha from whence come all the pearles the treasurer who had the charge there would by no meanes agree to any trade or suffer vs to take water he had fortified his towne with diuers bulwarkes in all places where it might be entered and furnished himselfe with an hundred Hargabuziers â—o that he thought by famine to haue inforced vs to haue put a land our Negros of which purpose he had not greatly failed vnlesse we had by force entred the towne which after we could by no meanes obtaine his fauour we were enforced to doe and so with two hundred men brake in vpon their bulwarkes and entred the towne with the losse onely of two men of our partes and no hurt done to the Spaniards because after their voley of shot discharged they all fled Thus hauing the town with some circumstance as partly by the Spaniards desire of Negros and partly by friendship of the Treasurer we obtained a secret trade whereupon the Spaniards resorted to vs by night and bought of vs to the number of 200 Negros in all other places where we traded the Spaniards inhabitants were glad of vs and traded willingly At Cartagena the last towne we thought to haue seene on the coast we could by no meanes obtaine to deale with any Spaniard the gouernour was so straight and because our trade was so neere finished we thought not good either to aduenture any landing or to detract further time but in peace departed from thence the 24 of Iuly hoping to haue escaped the time of their stormes which then soone after began to reigne the which they call Furicanos but passing by the West end of Cuba towards the coast of Florida there happened to vs the 12 day of August an extreme storme which continued by the space of foure dayes which so beat the Iesus that we cut downe all her higher buildings her rudder also was sore shaken and withall was in so extreme a leake that we were rather vpon the point to leaue her then to keepe her any longer yet hoping to bring all to good passe we sought the coast of Florida where we found no place nor Hauen for our ships because of the shalownesse of the coast thus being in greater dispaire and taken with a newe storme which continued other 3 dayes we were inforced to take for our succour the Port which serueth the citie of Mexico called Saint Iohn de Vllua which standeth in 19 degrees in seeking of which Port we tooke in our way 3 ships which carried passengers to the number of an hundred which passengers we hoped should be a meane to vs the better to obtaine victuals for our money a quiet place for the repairing of our fleete Shortly after this the 16 of September we entered the Port of Saint Iohn de Vllua and in our entrie the Spaniardes thinking vs to be the fleete of Spaine the chiefe officers of the Countrey came aboord vs which being deceiued of their expectation were greatly dismayed but immediatly when they sawe our demand was nothing but victuals were recomforted I found also in the same Port twelue ships which had in them by the report two hundred thousand pound in gold siluer all which being in my possession with the kings Iland as also the passengers before in my way thitherward stayed I set at libertie without the taking from them the waight of a groat onely because I would not be delayed of my dispatch I stayed two men of estimation and sent post immediatly to Mexico which was two hundred miles from vs to the Presidentes and Councell there shewing them of our arriuall there by the force of weather and the necessitie of the repaire of our shippes and victuals which wantes we requiâ—ed as friends to king Philip to be furnished of for our money and that the Presidents and Councell there should with all conuenient speede take order that at
Laudonnieres consultation with his companâ— where it might be besâ— for them to plant Gold and siluer found at the riuer of May. Iune the 29. The Vale of Laudonniere An Hermaphrodite They began their planting with prayer to God In Florida they couer their houses with Palme leaues The forme of the Fort Caroline The West side The South side High building is not good for this Countrey Note Caroline The first voyage twentie leagues Ten leagues further Mayrra a king rich in golde and siluer The second voyage King Molloua Olata Ouae Vtina a great king Fiue of sixe pound weight of siluer Fortie kings vassals to Vtina King Potanou An exceeding rich place Large plates of gold and siluer Some paint their faces with blacke and some with red King Malica Tapistry made of small reede They lappe mosse about their woundes and vse it instead of napkins A ceremonie to call to mind the death of their ancesters slaine by their enemies The returne of their ships toward France the 28. of Iuly The ceremonie which they vse before they got to warrâ— Sâ—reutiouâ— followed with fiue hundreth Indians Consultation before they assault their enemies Now they vse their enemies which they take in warrâ— King Omoloa Their maner of triumph Athore Excellent Pumpions A wonderfull lightning the 29. of August King Serranay King Allimacany The Sauages thinke the lightning to be discharging of the Christians Ordinance Laudonniere vsed the present occasion to his profite A wonderfull heate Fiftie cart load of fish dead in the Riuer with this heat The thirde voyage the tenth of September Mayarqua a place 80. leagues vp the Riuer of May. King Potanou The Indians maner of war Two hundreth Indians A village inclosed with trees Vtina getteth the victory of Potanou by the helpe of the French Siluer and gold and painted skinnes La Roquettes conspiracie Monsieuâ— de Genre Gieures message to Laudoniere in the Souldiers name His answere A dangerous practise against the Captaine and his Lieutenant Laudonniers sicknesse Laudonniers Apothecarieâ— The Master of the fire-works Captaine Boâ—rdeâ— arrâ—ued in Florida the 4. of September The 4. voyage the 7. of Nouember Hostaqua a village One of his Barks stolne away by his Mariners The â—illage of Sarauahi Another of his Barks stolne away by two Carpenters One of these Mariners named Francis Iean betrayed his own countrey men to the Spaniards and brought them into Florida A Saw-mill necessary here The third sâ—â—â—tion By Peru the French meaneâ—the coast of Carthagenâ— and Nombre de Dios. The captaines charge at his setting forth Laudonniere kept 15. dayes prisoner by his owne souldiers Trenchant a skilful piloâ— Cassaui bread made of roots Baracou a village in the Isle of Iamaica The cape of Tiburon The gouernor of Iamaica takeÌ„ Malgualire â— kinde of vessell that will saile forward and backward The Cape of S. Anthony in Cuba Hauana The channell of Bahama King Patica The returne of part of Laudonnieres seditions souldiers Laudonnieres oration to his mutinous souldiers The sentence of death Execution The continuation of the history New coÌ„quests subiect to rebellions and mutinies Laudonniere setteth things in order after his returne one of prison to the fort Reparation of the West side of the fort King Marracou King Onathaqua King Mathiaca Two Spanyards brought vnto Laudonniere by the Sauages Calos a place vpon y e Flats called The Martyres neere the Cape of Florida The King of Calos Great quaÌ„titie of golde and siluer Plates of gold as broad as a sawcer One of these Spanyards names was Martin Gomes King Oathcaqua or Houathca Sarrope an Island Abuâ—dance of Dates A root of great price to make bread of The greatest victory among the Floridians The situation of Calos Cannaueral in 28 degrees The Floridians great traitours and dissemblers Nicolas Masson otherwise called Nicolas Barre King Audustas great humanity Pearles burned Peter Martyr writeth cap. 1. decad 7. that the like flocks of pigeons are in the Isles of the Lucayos The widow of King Hioacaia or Hiâ—oâ—â—acara This queeneâ— name was Nâ— Cubacaniâ— The fift voyage vp the riuer of May. Mathiaqua The discouery of a mighty lake on the one side whereof no land can be seene The Isle of Edelano An excellent worke of nature Eneguape Chilily Patica Coya The king of Hostaqua or Oustaca able to bring three or foure thousaÌ„d Sauages to the field The mouÌ„taine of Apalatci There is a mine of golde or rich coper in the mountaine of Apalatci Peter Gamby slaine The village of Edelano Gold siluer Vtina sendeth to Laudonniere for his helpe A good note Three hundred Indians A lake three leagues distaÌ„t from the village of Potanou Iawa signifieth their Priest or Magician Potanou accoÌ„panied with two thousand Indians The prediction of the Magician found true Vtina hath 18 or 20 kings to his â—assals A custome of the Indians to leaue their houses for 3 or 4 moneths and to liue in the woods They looke for succour oâ—â— of France by the end of April at the vttermost Extreme famine for sixe weekes space Promise broken Two hogs-heads of rosen The vile nature of the Indians A cruell answere of the Sauages Pinocke a certaine kinde of fruit as bigge as cheries Astina â— king Vtina taken prisoner in his village by â—audonn â—re and 50 of his soldiers Fiue or sixe hundred Indians The deepe dissembling of the Indians The Indians kill all the men prisoners that they take in warre The election of a new king The hatred among the Sauage kings of Florida Note Note Rootes Esquine New corne by the end of May in Florida The village of Enecaque A little greene fruite that groweth in the riuers as big as cheries The I le of Edelano Two Carpenters killed for gathering the Indians maiz The village Athore Nia Cubacani a Queene Patica a village Desire of reuenge rooted in the sauages A necessarie admonition The Floridians subtilâ—â—â—â— A certaine signe of warre An alley of 3 or 4 hundred paces long A skirmish betwene the Sauages and the French A second fresh charge of Sauages The Floridians maner of fight The Floridians chiefe fearâ— Two flaine Two twenty wounded Prayer and thanke vnto God for their deliuerance The village Serauabi The village Emoloa The riuer of Iâ—acana called by Ribault y e riuer of Somme Courtesie and liberalitie the best meanes to deale with the sauages Most artificiall mattes The beating downe of the houses without the fort the Palisade The cause why the French lost Florida Eight kings Laâ—doâ—â—â—ers friends and alâ—ice The principall scope of planters in strange countreys Florida a rich countrey Aug. 1565. M. Iohn Hawkins y e English Generall Sheepe and poultrie carried into Florida An aduantage wisely taken The French mistrussed that the Englishmen would plant in Florida Siluer found in Florida Note The great importance of this enterprise The great humanity and bounty of Master Iohn Hawkins to the French The departure of the English Generall August â— The
beastes skinnes In those partes they haue but small store of cattell The Mosco it selfe is great I take the whole towne to bee greater then London with the suburbes but it is very rude and standeth without all order Their houses are all of timber very dangerous for fire There is a faire Castle the walles whereof are of bricke and very high they say they are eighteene foote thicke but I doe not beleeue it it doth not so seeme notwithstanding I doe not certainely know it for no stranger may come to viewe it The one side is ditched and on the other side runneth a riuer called Moscua which runneth into Tartarie and so into the sea called Mare Caspium and on the North side there is a base towne the which hath also a bricke wall about it and so it ioyneth with the Castle wall The Emperour lieth in the castle wherein are nine fayre Churches and therin are religious men Also there is a Metropolitane with diuers Bishops I will not stande in description of their buildinges nor of the strength thereof because we haue better in all points in England They be well furnished with ordinance of all sortes The Emperours or Dukes house neither in building nor in the outward shew nor yet within the house is so sumptuous as I haue seene It is very lowe built in eight square much like the olde building of England with small windowes and so in other poynts Now to declare my comming before his Maiestie After I had remained twelue daies the Secretary which hath the hearing of strangers did send for me aduertising me that the Dukes pleasure was to haue me to come before his Ma. with the kings my masters letters whereof I was right glad and so I gaue mine attendance And when the Duke was in his place appointed the interpretour came for me into the vtter chamber where sate one hundred or moe gentlemen all in cloth of golde very sumptuous and from thence I came into the Counsaile chamber where sate the Duke himselfe with his nobles which were a faire company they sateround about the chamber on high yet so that he himselfe sate much higher then any of his nobles in a chaire gilt and in a long garment of beaten golde with an emperial crowne vpon his head and a staffe of Cristall and golde in his right hand and his other hand halfe leaning on his chaire The Chancelour stoode vp with the Secretary before the Duke After my dutie done and my letter deliuered he bade me welcome enquired of me the health of the King my master and I answered that he was in good health at my departure from his court and that my trust was that he was now in the same Upon the which he bade me to dinner The Chancelour presented my present vnto his Grace bareheaded for before they were all couered and when his Grace had receiued my letter I was required to depart for I had charge not to speake to the Duke but when he spake to me So I departed vnto the Secretaries chamber where I remayned two houres and then I was sent for againe vnto another palace which is called the golden palace but I saw no cause why it should be so called for I haue seene many fayrer then it in all poynts and so I came into the hall which was small and not great as is the Kings Maiesties of England and the table was couered with a tablecloth and the Marshall sate at the ende of the table with a little white rod in his hand which boorde was full of vessell of golde and on the other side of the hall did stand a faire cupborde of place From thence I came into the dining chamber where the Duke himselfe sate at his table without cloth of estate in a gowne of siluer with a crowne emperiall vpon his head he sate in a chaire somewhat hie There sate none neare him by a great way There were long tables set round about the chamber which were full set with such as the Duke had at dinner they were all in white Also the places where the tables stoode were higher by two steppes then the rest of the house In the middest of the chamber stoode a table or cupbord to set place on which stoode full of cuppes of golde and amongst all the rest there stoode foure maruellous great pottes or crudences as they call them of golde and siluer I thinke they were a good yarde and a halfe hie By the cupborde stoode two gentlemen with napkins on their shoulders and in their handes each of them had a cuppe of gold set with pearles and precious stones which were the Dukes owne drinking cups when he was disposed he drunke them off at a draught And for his seruice at meate it came in without order yet it was very rich seruice for all were serued in gold not onely he himselfe but also all the rest of vs and it was very massie the cups also were of golde and very massie The number that dined there that day was two hundred persons and all were serued in golden vessell The gentlemen that waited were all in cloth of gold and they serued him with their caps on their heads Before the seruice came in the Duke sent to euery man a great shiuer of bread and the bearer called the party so sent to by his name aloude and sayd Iohn Basiliuich Emperour of Russia and great Duke of Moscouia doth reward thee with bread then must all men stand vp and doe at all times when those wordes are spoken And then last of all he giueth the Marshall bread whereof he eateth before the Dukes Grace and so doth reuerence and departeth Then commeth the Dukes seruice of the Swannes all in pieces and euery one in a seuerall dish the which the Duke sendeth as he did the bread and the bearer sayth the same wordes as he sayd before And as I sayd before the seruice of his meate is in no order but commeth in dish by dish and then after that the Duke sendeth drinke with the like saying as before is tolde Also before dinner hee changed his crowne and in dinner time two crownes so that I saw three seuerall crownes vpon his head in one day And thus when his seruice was all come in hee gaue to euery one of his gentlemen waiters meate with his owne hand so likewise drinke His intent thereby is as I haue heard that euery man shall know perfectly his seruants Thus when dinner is done hee calleth his nobles before him name by name that it is wonder to heare howe he could name them hauing so many as he hath Thus when dinner was done I departed to my lodging which was an hower within night I will leaue this and speake no more of him nor his houshold but I will some what declare of his land and people with their nature and power in the wars This Duke is Lord and Emperour of many countreis his power is marueilous
great For he is able to bring into the field two or three hundred thousand men he neuer goeth into the field himselfe with vnder two hundred thousand men And when he goeth himselfe he furnisheth his borders all with men of warre which are no small number He leaueth on the borders of Liefland fortie thousand men and vpon the borders of Letto 60 thousand men and towarde the Nagayan Tartars sixtie thousand which is wonder to heare of yet doeth hee neuer take to his warres neither husbandman nor marchant All his men are horsemen he vseth no footmen but such as goe with the ordinance and labourers which are thirtie thousand The horsemen are all archers with such bowes as the Turkes haue and they ride shore as doe the Turkes Their armour is a coate of plate with a skull on their heads Some of their coates are couered with veluet or cloth of gold their desire is to be sumptuous in the field and especially the nobles and gentlemen as I haue heard their trimming is very costly and partly I haue seene it or else I would scarcely haue beleeued it but the Duke himselfe is richly attired aboue all measure his pauilion is couered either with cloth of gold or siluer and so set with stones that it is wonderfull to see it I haue seene the Kings Maieslies of England and the French Kings pauilions which are fayre yet not like vnto his And when they bee sent into farre or strange countreys or that strangers come to them they be very gorgious Els the Duke himselfe goeth but meanly in apparell and when he goeth betwixt one place and another hee is but reasonably apparelled ouer other times In the while that I was in Mosco the Duke sent two ambassadours to the King of Poleland which had at the lest fiue hundred horses their sumptuousnes was aboue measure not onely in themselues but also in their horses as veluet cloth of golde and cloth of siluer set with pearles and not scant What shall I farther say I neuer heard of nor saâ— men so sumptuous but it is no dayly guise for when they haue not occasion as I sayd before all their doing is but meane And now to the effect of their warres They are men without al order in the field For they runne hurling on heapes and for the most part they neuer giue battell to their enemies but that which they doe they doe it all by stelth But I beleeue they be such men for hard liuing as are not vnder the sun for no cold wil hurt them Yea and though they lie in the field two moneths at such time as it shall freese more then a yard thicke the common souldier hath neither tent nor any thing else ouer his head the most defence they haue against the wether is a felte which is set against the winde and weather and when Snowe commeth hee doth cast it off and maketh him a fire and laieth him down thereby Thus doe the most of all his men except they bee gentlemen which haue other prouision of their owne Their lying in the fielde is not so strange as is their hardnes from euery man must carie make prouision for himselfe his horse for a moneth or two which is very wonderful For he himselfe shal liue vpon water otemeale mingled together cold and drinke water thereto his horse shal eat green wood such like baggage shal stand open in the cold field without couert yet wil he labour serue him right wel I pray you amongst all our boasting warriors how many should we find to endure the field with theÌ„ but one moneth I know no such region about vs that beareth that name for man beast Now what might be made of these men if they were trained broken to order and knowledge of ciuill wars If this Prince had within his countreys such men as could make theÌ„ to vnderstand y e things aforesaid I do beleeue that 2 of the best or greatest princes in Christendome were not wel able to match with him coÌ„sidering the greatnes of his power the hardnes of his people straite liuing both of people and horse and the small charges which his warres stand him in for he giueth no wages except to strangers They haue a yerely sâ—ipend not much As for his own countrey men euery one serueth of his owne proper costes and charges sauing that he giueth to his Harcubusiers certaine allowance for powder shot or else no man in all his countrey hath one pennie wages But it any man hath done very good seruice he giueth him a ferme or a piece of lande for the which hee is bound at all times to bee readie with so many men as the Duke shall appoynt who considereth in his mind what that lande or ferme is well able to finde and so many shall he bee bound to furnish at all and euery such time as warres are holden in any of the Dukes dominions For there is no man of liuing but hee is bound likewise whether the Duke call for either souldier or labourer to furnish them with all such necessaries as to them belong Also if any gentleman or man of liuing do die without issue male immediately after his death the Duke entreth his land notwithstanding he haue neuer so many daughters and peraduenture giueth it foorthwith to another man except a small portion that he spareth to marrie the daughters with all Also if there be a richman a fermour or man of liuing which is striken in age or by chance is maimed and be not able to doe the Duke seruice some other gentleman that is not able to liue and more able to doe seruice will come to the Duke and complayne saying your Grace hath such an one which is vnmeete to doe seruice to your Higâ—nes who hath great abundance of welth and likewise your Grace hath many gentlemen which are poore and lacke liuing and we that lacke are well able to doe good seruice your Grace might doe well to looke vpon him and make him to helpe those that want Immediately the Duke sendeth forth to inquire of his wealth and if it be so proued he shall be called before the Duke and it shall bee sayd vnto him friend you haue too much liuing and are vnseruiceable to your prince lesse will serue you and the rest will serue other men that are more able to serue whereupon immediately his liuing shal be taken away from him sauing a little to find himselfe and his wife on and he may not once repine thereat but for answere he will say that he hath nothing but it is Gods and the Dukes Graces and cannot say as we the common people in England say if wee haue any thing that it is Gods and our owne Men may say that these men are in wonderfull great awe and obedience that thus one must giue and grant his goods which he hath bene scraping and scratching for all his life to
of the gouernour of that place who together with others came aboord him and required hostages of them likewise for the more assurance of safetie to himselfe and his company To whom the Gouernours answered that they knewe not in that case the will of their king but yet were willing in such things as they might lawfully doe to pleasure him which was as then to affoord him the benefit of victuals Nowe while these things were a doing they secretly sent a messenger vnto the Emperour to certifie him of the arriuall of a strange nation and withall to knowe his pleasure concerning them Which message was very welcome vnto him insomuch that voluntarily hee inuited them to come to his Court But if by reason of the tediousnesse of so long a iourney they thought it not best so to doe then hee graunted libertie to his subiects to bargaine and to traffique with them and further promised that if it would please them to come to him hee himselfe would beare the whole charges of poste horses In the meane time the gouernours of the place differred the matter from day to day pretending diuers excuses and saying one while that the consent of all the gouernours and another while that the great and waightie affaires of the kingdome compelled them to differ their answere and this they did of purpose so long to protract the time vntill the messenger sent before to the king did returne with relation of his will and pleasure But Master Chanceler seeing himselfe held in this suspense with long and baine expectation and thinking that of intention to delude him they posted the matter off so often was very instant with them to performe their promise Which if they would not doe hee tolde them that hee would depart and proceede in his voyage So that the Moscouites although as yet they knew not the minde of their king yet fearing the departure in deede of our men who had such wares and commodities as they greatly desired they at last resolued to furnish our people with all things necessarie and to conduct them by land to the presence of their king And so Master Chanceler beganne his iourney which was very long and most troublesome wherein hee had the vse of certaine sleds which in that Countrey are very common for they are caried themselues vpon sleds and all their carriages are in the same sort the people almost not knowing any other maner of carriage the cause wherof is the exceeding hardnesse of the ground congealed in the winter time by the force of the colde which in those places is very extreme and horrible whereof hereafter we will say something But nowe they hauing passed the greater part of their iourney mette at last with the Sleddeman of whom I spake before sent to the king secretly from the Iustices or gouernours who by some ill happe had lost his way and had gone to the Sea side whâ—ch is neere to the Countrey of the Tartars thinking there to haue found our ship But hauing long erred and wandered out of his way at the last in his direct returne hee met as hee was comming our Captaine on the way To whom hee by and by deliuered the Emperours letters which were written to him with all courtesie and in the most louing maner that could be wherein expresse commandement was giuen that post horses should bee gotten for him and the rest of his company without any money Which thing was of all the Russes in the rest of their iourney so willingly done that they began to quarrell yea and to fight also in striuing and contending which of them should put their post horses to the sledde so that after much aâ—oe and great paines taken in this long and wearie iourney for they had trauailed very neere fifteene hundred miles Master Chanceler came at last to Mosco the chiefe citie of the kingdome and the seate of the king of which citie and of the Emperour himselfe and of the principall cities of Moscouie wee will speake immediatly more at large in this discourse Of Moscouie which is also called Russia MOscouie which hath the name also of Russia the white is a very large and spacious Countrey euery way bounded with diuers nations Towards the South and the East it is compassed with Tartaria the Northren side of it stretcheth to the Scytian Ocean vpon the West part border the Lappians a rude and sauage nation liuing in woods whose language is not knowen to any other people next vnto these more towards the South is Swecia then Finlandia then Liuonia and last of all Lituania This Countrey of Moscouie hath also very many and great riuers in it and is marish ground in many places and as for the riuers the greatest and most famous amongst all the rest is that which the Russes in their owne tongue call Volga but others know it by the name of Rha. Next vnto it in fame is Tanais which they call Don and the third Boristhenes which at this day they call Neper Two of these to wit Rha and Boristhenes yssuing both out of one fountaine runne very farre through the land Rha receiuing many other pleasant riuers into it running from the very head or spring of it towards the East after many crooked turnings and windings dischargeth it selfe and all the other waters and riuers that fall into it by diuers passages into the Caspian Sea Tanais springing from a fountaine of great name in those partes and growing great neere to his head spreds it selfe at length very largely and makes a great lake and then growing narrowe againe doth so runne for certaine miles vntill it fall into another lake which they call Iuan and therehence fetching a very crooked course comes very neere to the riuer Volga but disdaining as it were the company of any other riuer doth there turne it selfe againe from Volga and runnes toward the South and fals at last into the Lake of Moeotis Boristhenes which comes from the same head that Rha doth as wee sayde before carieth both it selfe and other waters that are neere vnto it towards the South not refusing the mixture of other small riuers and running by many great and large Countreys fals at last into Pontus Euxinus Besides these riuers are also in Moscouie certaine lakes and pooles the lakes breede fish by the celestiall influence and amongst them all the chiefest and most principall is called Bealozera which is very famous by reason of a very strong towre built in it wherein the kings of Moscouie reserue and repose their treasure in all time of warre and danger Touching the Riphean mountaines whereupon the snow lieth continually and where hence in times past it was thought that Tanais the riuer did spring and that the rest of the wonders of nature which the Grecians fained and inuented of olde were there to be seene our men which lately came from thence neither sawe them nor yet haue brought home any perfect relation of them although
safegard forty armed men to watch ward me vntil he might haue newes from the king of Shiruan The 12 day of the same moneth newes did come from the king with order that I should repaire vnto him with all speâ—d and for expedition aswell camels to the number of fiue and forty to cary my goods as also horses for me and my company were in readinesse so that the goods laden and taking my iourney from thence the said twelft day on the 18 of the same moneth I came to a city called Shamaky in the said countrey of Hircan otherwise called Shiruan and there the king hath a faire place where my lodging being appointed the goods were discharged the next day being the 19 day I was sent for to come to the king named Obdolowcan who kept his court at that time in the high mountainesâ—â—â— tents distant â—rom the sayd Shamaki twentie miles to auoyd the iniury of the heat and the 20 day I came before his presence who gently interteined me and hauing kissed his hands he bad me to dinner and commanded me to sit downe not farre from him This king did sit in a very rich pauillion wrought with silke golde placed very pleasantly vpon a hill side of sixteene fathom long and sixe fathom broad hauing before him a goodly fountaine of faire water whereof he his nobility did drinke he being a prince of a meane stature and of a fierce countenance richly apparelled with long garments of silke and cloth of gold imbrodred with pearles and stone vpon his head was a tolipane with a sharpe end standing vpwards halfe a yard long of rich cloth of golde wrapped about with a piece of India silke of twentie yards long wrought with golde and on the left side of his tolipane stood a plume of fethers set in a trunke of golde richly inameled and set with precious stones his earerings had pendants of golde a handfull long with two great rubies of great value set in the ends thereof all the ground within his pauilion was couered with rich carpets vnder himselfe was spred a square carpet wrought with siluer golde and therupon was layd two sutable cushions Thus the king with his nobility sitting in his pauillion with his legs acrosse and perceiuing that it was painfull for me so to sit his highnesse caused a stoole to be brought in did will me to sit thereupon after my fashion Dinner time then approching diuers clothes were spred vpon the ground and sundry dishes serued and set in a ranke with diuers kindes of meats to the number of 140 dishes as I numbred them which being taken away with the table clothes and others spred a banket of fruits of sundry kindes with other banketting meates to the number of 150 dishes were brought in so that two seruices occupied 290 dishes and at the end of the sayd dinner banket the king said vnto me Quoshe quelde that is to say Welcome and called for a cup of water to be drawen at a fountaine and tasting thereof did deliuer me the rest demanding how I did like the same and whether there were so good in our countrey or not vnto whom I answered in such sort that he was therewith contented then he proponed vnto me sundry questions both touching religion and also the state of our countreys and further questioned whether the Emperor of Almaine the Emperor of Russia or the great Turke were of most power with many other things too long here to rehearse to whom I answered as I thought most meet Then he demanded whether I intended to goe any further and the cause of my comming vnto that I answered that I was sent with letters from the Queenes most eâ—cellent Maiesty of England vnto the great Sophy to intreat friendship and free passage and for his safeconduct to be granted vnto English merchants to trade into his Segniories with the like also to be granted to his subiects when they should come into our countreys to the honour and wealth of both realmes and commodity of both their subiects with diuers other words which I omit to rehearse This sayd king much allowing this declaration sayd that he would not onely giue me passage but also men to safeconduct me vnto the sayd Sophy lying from the foresayd citie of Shamaki thirtie dayes iourney vp into the land of Persia at a castle called Casbin so departing from the king at that time within three dayes after being the foure and twentieth day of August the yere aforesaid he sent for me againe vnto whom I repaired in the morning and the king not being risen out of his bed for his maner is that watching in the night and then banketting with his women being an hundred and forty in number he sleepeth most in the day did giue one commandement that I should ride on hawking with many Gentlemen of his Court and that they should shew me so much game and pastime as might be which was done and many cranes killed We returned from hawking about three of the clocke at the afternoone the king then risen and ready to dinner I was inuited thereunto and approching nigh to the entring in of his tent and being in his sight two gentlemen incountered me with two garments of that countrey fashion side downe to the ground the one of silke and the other of silke and golde sent vnto me from the king and after that they caused me to put off my vpper garment being a gowne of blacke veluet furred with Sables they put the sayd two garments vpon my backe and so conducted me vnto the king before whom doing reuerence and kissing his hand he commanded me to sit not farre from him and so I dined in his presence he at that time being very mery and demanding of me many questions and amongst other how I like the maner of their hawking Dinner so ended I required his highnesse safeconduct for to depart towards the Sophy who dismissing me with great fauour and appointing his Ambassadour which returned out of Russia and others to safeconduct me he gaue me at my departure a faire horse with all furniture and custome free from thence with all my goods So I returned to Shamaki againe where I remained vntill the sixt of October to prouide camels horses and other necessaries for may sayd intended iourney But now before I proceed further I purpose to write something of this countrey of Hircan now called Shiruan with the townes and commodities of the same This countrey of Hircan in times past was of great renowme hauing many cities townes and castles in it and the kings thereof in time of antiquity were of great power able to make wars with the Sophies of Persia but now it is not onely otherwise for that the cities townes and castles be decayed but also the king is subiect to the sayd Sophie although they haue their proper king and be at the commandement of the sayd Sophy
your seruants Thomas Alcocke George Wrenne and Richard Cheinie the 28. of Iune last I departed in poste from the said Mosco and comming to Colmogro and so downe to the Sea side I found your ships laden and ready to depaâ—t where I embarked my selfe in your good ship called the Swallow the 9. of Iuly one thousand fiue hundred sixtie foure and hauing passed the Seas with great and extreme dangers of losse of shippe goods and life the 28. day of September last God be praised we arriued here at London in safetie Thus knowing that the couragious and valiant souldier which aduentureth both fame member and life to serue faithfully his soueraigne esteemeth not the perils and dangers passed the victorie once obtained neither for his guerdon desireth any thing more then that his seruice bee well taken of him for whom he enterprised it So I perceiuing your fauourable beneuolence to me extended in accepting my trauels in good part to your contentations do thinke my selfe therewith in great part recompensed beseeching Almightie God so to prosper your aduentures from time to time hereafter to be made for reaping the fruits of my trauels at your great charges and to my no small dangers that ye may plentifully gather in and enioy the same to the illustrating of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie the honour and commoditie of this her highnesse Realme and to the ample benefit and abundant enriching of you and your succession posteritie for euer A copie of the priuiledges giuen by Obdolowcan King of Hircania to the company of English merchants Aduenturers for Russia Persia and Mare Caspium with all the lands and countreys adioyning to the same obtained by M. Anthonie Ienkinson at his being there about the affaires of the said company April 14. Anno 1563. VVE Obdolowcan by the mightie power of God maker of heauen and of earth appointed and now raigning king of Shiruan and Hircan of our meere wotion and great goodnes at the earnest sute and request of our fauoured and welbeloued Anâ—honie Ienkinson Ambassadour haue giuen and graunted vnto the right worshipfull Sir William Garrer sir William Chester sir Thomas Lodge M. Richard Mallarie and M. Richard Chamberlaine with all their company of merchants Aduenturers of the Citie of London in England free libertie safe conduct and licence to come or sende their factors in trade of merchandize into our countreys and to buy and sell with our merchants and others either foâ— ready money or barter and to tary and abide in our countrey so long as they will and to goe away when they list without impediment let or hinderance either of body or goods And further our commaundement and pleasure is that the said English merchants with their company shall pay no maner of custome for wares which they or their factors shal buy or sel within our dominions And if at any time our customers or other officers or any of them doe disturbe misuse force or constraine the said English merchants or any of them or their factors to pay any maner of custome or duetie for any wares they bring in or cary out of our dominions contrary to this our commandement and the same be knowen vnto vs then we will that the saide customers and officers shall loose be put out of their said offices with our further displeasure and the saide English merchants to haue restored all such money wares as our customers haue taken of them for our said custome And whensoeuer the saide English merchants or their factors shall bring any maner of wares meete for our treasurie then our treasurer shall take the said wares into our treasurie and shall giue vnto the said English merchants either ready money or raw silkes to the value of their saide wares And wheresoeuer this our letter of priuiledges shall bee seene and read within our dominion we straightly wil and command that it take effect and be obeyed in al points Dated at our place of Iauat the day and yere aboue written and sealed with our princely seale and firmed by our Secretarie in the 12. yeere of our raigne The second voiage into Persia made by Tho. Alcock who was slaine there and by George Wrenne Ric. Cheinie seruants to the worshipfull compaine of Moscouie merchants in Anno 1563. written by the said Richard Cheinie IT may please your worships to vnderstand that in the yere 1563. I was appointed by M. Antho. Ienkinson and M. Thomas Glouer your Agent in Russia to goe for Persia in your worships affaires one Thomas Alcock hauing the charge of the voyage committed to him and I one of your worships seruants being ioyned with him in your businesâ— hauing with vs as they said 1500. rubbles And if it shall please you I cannot tell certainly what summe of money we had then of the Emperors for I receiued none nor disbursed any of it in wares for the voyage Also God I take to record I could not tell what stocke your worships had there for the bookes were kept so priuily that a man could neuer see them The 10. of May anno 1563. we departed from a towne called Yeraslaue vpon our voyage toward Persia. The 24. of Iuly we arriued at Astracan and the second of August wee departed from Astracan and the 4. of the same moneth we came to the Caspian sea and the 11. day of the said moneth we arriued at our port in Media and the 21. of the said August wee arriued at Shammaki whereas the king Obdolocan lay in the fiâ—lde We were wel entertained of heathen people for the thirde day after our arriuall at Shammaki wee were called before the king we gaue him a present and he entertained vs very well At our comming to the Court wee were commaunded to come before the king who sate in his tent vpon the ground with his legs a crosse and all his dukes round about his tent the ground being couered with carpets wee were commaunded to sit downe the King appointing euery man his place to sit And the king commaunded the Emperour of Russelands Merchants to rise vp and to giue vs the vpper hande The 20. of October Thomas Alcock departed from Shammaki towards Casbin leauing mee at Shammaki to recouer such debts as the dukes of Shammaki ought for wares which they tooke of him at his going to Casbin In the time I lay there I could recouer but little And at Thomas Alcocks comming from Casbin who arriued at a towne called Leuuacta whereas the king Obdolocan lay a day and a halfes iourney from the towne whereas I lay I hearing of his arriuing there departed from Shammaki finding him there in safetie with all such goods as he had with him During his abode there for seuen dayes he made suite to the king for such money as the dukes ought him But the king was displeased for that the Emperour of Russelands merchant had slaine a Boserman at his going to Casbin Thomas Alcocke seeing
princes There came also Ambassadors from the Emperor of Almaine the Pole the Swethen the Dane c. And since his coronation no enemie of his hath preuailed in his attempts It fell out not long after that the Emperor was desirous to send a message to the most excellent Queene of England for which seruice he thought no man fitter than M. Ierome Horsey supposing that one of the Queenes owne men and subiects would be the more acceptable to her The summe of which message was that the Emperor desired a continuance of that league friendship amitie and intercourse of traffique which was betweene his father and the Queens maiestie and her subiects with other priuate affaires besides which are not to be made common Master Horsey hauing receiued the letters and requests of the Emperour prouided for his iourney ouer land and departed from Mosco the fift day of September thence vnto Otuer to Torshook to great Nouogrod to Vobsky and thence to Nyhouse in Liuonia to Wenden and so to Riga where he was beset and brought foorthwith before a Cardinall called Rageuil but yet suffred to passe in the end From thence to Mito to Golden and Libou in Curland to Memel to Koningsburgh in Prussia to Elbing to Dantzike to Stetine in Pomerland to Rostock to Lubeck to Hamborough to Breme to Emden and by sea to London Being arriued at her maiesties roiall court and hauing deliuered the Emperors letters with good fauour and gracious acceptance he was foorthwith againe commaunded to repasse into Ruffia with other letters from her maiestie to the Emperor and prince Boris Pheodorowich answering the Emperors letters and withall requesting the fauour and friendship which his father had yeelded to the English merchants and hereunto was he earnestly also solicited by the merchants of London themselues of that company to deale in their behalfe Being thus dispatched from London by sea he arriued in Mosco the 20. of April 1586. and was very honorably welcommed And for y t merchants behoofe obtained all his requests being therein specially fauoured by y e noble prince Boris Pheodorowich who alwayes affected M. Horsey with speciall liking And hauing obtained priuiledges for the merchants he was recommended from the Emperor againe to the Queene of England his mistresse by whom the prince Boris in token of his honorable and good opinion of the Queens maiestie sent her highnesse a roiall present of Sables Luzarns cloth of gold and other rich things So that the Companie of English merchants next to their thankfulnes to her maiestie are to account M. Horseis paines their speciall benefit who obtained for them those priuileges which in twentie yeeres before would not be granted The maner of M. Horseis last dispatch from the Emperor because it was very honorable I thought good to record He was freely allowed post horses for him and his seruants victuals and all other necessaries for his long iourney at euery towne that he came vnto from Mosco to Vologda which is by land fiue hundred miles he receiued the like free and bountifull allowances at the Emperors charge New victuall and prouision were giuen him vpon the riuer Dwina at euery towne by the kings officers being one thousand miles in length When he came to the new castle called Archangel he was receiued of the Duke Knez Vasili Andrewich Isuenogorodsky by the Emperors commission into the Castle gunners being set in rankes after their vse where he was sumptuously feasted from thence hee was dispatched with bonntifull prouision and allowance in the Dukes boat with one hundred men to rowe him and one hundred Gunners in other boats to conduct him with a gentleman captaine of the Gunners Comming to the road where the English Dutch and French ships rode the gunners discharged and the ships shot in like maner 46. pieces of their ordinance so he was brought to his lodging at the English house vpon Rose Island And that which was the full and complete conclusion of the fauour of the Emperor and Boris Pheodorowich toward M. Horsey there were the next day sent him for his further prouision vpon the fea by a gentleman and a captaine the things folowing 16. liue oxen 70. sheepe 600. hens 25. fâ—itches of Bacon 80. bushels of meale 600. loaues of bread 2000. egs 10. geese 2. cranes 2. swans 65. gallons of mead 40. gallons of Aquauitae 60. gallons of beere 3. yong beares 4. hawkes Store of onions and garlike 10. fresh salmons A wild bore All these things were brought him downe by a Gentleman of the Emperors and another of prince Boris Pheodorowich were receiued in order by Iohn Frefe seruant to M. Horsey together with an honorable present and reward from the prince Boris sent him by M. Francis Cherry an Englishman which present was a whole very rich piece of cloth of gold a faire paire of Sables This Gentleman hath obserued many other rare things concerning those partes which hereafter God willing at more conuenient time and laisure shall come to light Pheodor Iuanowich the new Emperors gracious letter of priuilege to the English Merchants word for word obtained by M Ierome Horsey 1586. THrough the wil of the almightie and without beginning God which was before this world whom we glorifie in y e Trinitie one only God the father the sonne and the holy ghost maker of all things worker of all in all euery where fulfiller of all things by which will and workingâ— he both loueth and giueth life to man That our onely God which inspireth euery one of vs his onely children with his word to discerne God through our Lord Iesus Christ and the holy quickning spirit of life now in these perilous times Establish vs to keep the right Scepter and suffer vs of our selues to raigne to the good profite of the land and to the subduing of the people together with the enemies and to the maintenance of vertue We Pheodor the ofspring of Iohn the great Lord Emperor king and great prince of all Russia of Volodemeria Moscouia and Nouogrod king of Cazan king of Astracan Lord of Plesko and great prince of Smolensko of Tuer Yougoria Permia Viatsko of Bolghar and others lord and great prince of the land of the lower Nouogrod Chernigo Rezan Polotsko Rostow Yeraslaue the White lake Liefland Oudor Condensa and Ruler of all Siberia and all the North-side and lord of many other countries I haue gratified the merchants of England to wit sir Rowland Haiward and Richard Maâ—tin Aldermen sir George Barnes Thomas Smith esquire Ierome Horsey Richard Saltonstall with their fellowes I haue licensed them to saile with their shippes into our dominion the land of Dwina with all kind of commodities to trade freely and vnto our kingdom and the citie of Mosco and to all the cities of our empire of Moscouia And the english merchants sir Rowland Haiward his societie desired vs that we would gratifie them to trade into our kingdom of Moscouia and into our
that an vniuersall peace with our Christian neighbours will cut off the emploiment of the couragious increasing youth of this realme he is much deceiued For there are other most conuenient emploiments for all the superfluitie of euery profession in this realme For not to meddle with the state of Ireland nor that of Guiana there is vnder our noses the great ample countrey of Virginia the In-land whereof is found of late to bee so sweete and holesome a climate so rich and abundant in siluer mines so apt and capable of all commodities which Italy Spaine and France can affoord that the Spaniards themselues in their owne writings printed in Madrid 1586 and within few moneths afterward reprinted by me in Paris and in a secret mappe of those partes made in Mexico the yeere before for the king of Spaine which originall with many others is in the custodie of the excellent Mathematician M. Thomas Hariot as also in their intercepted letters come vnto my hand bearing date 1595. they acknowledge the In-land to be a better and richer countrey then Mexico and Nueua Spania it selfe And on the other side their chiefest writers as Peter Martyr ab Angleria and Francis Lopez de Gomara the most learned Venetian Iohn Baptista Ramusius and the French Geographers as namely Popiliniere and the rest acknowledge with one consent that all that mightie tract of land from 67. degrees Northward to the latitude almost of Florida was first discouered out of England by the commaundement of king Henry the seuenth and the South part thereof before any other Christian people of late hath bene planted with diuers English Colonies by the royal consent of her sacred Maiestie vnder the broad seale of England whereof one as yet remaineth for ought we know aliue in the countrey Which action if vpon a good godly peace obtained it shal please the Almighty to stirre vp her Maiesties heart to continue with her fauourable countenance as vpon the ceasing of the warres of Granada hee stirred vp the spirite of Isabella Queene of Castile to aduaunce the enterprise of Columbus with transporting of one or two thousand of her people and such others as vpon mine owne knowledge will most willingly at their owne charges become Aduenturers in good numbers with their bodies and goods she shall by Gods assistance in short space worke many great and vnlooked for effects increase her dominions enrich her cofers and reduce many Pagans to the faith of Christ. The neglecting hitherto of which last point our aduersaries daily in many of their bookes full bitterly lay vnto the charge of the professors of the Gospell No sooner should we set footing in that pleasant and good land and erect one or two conuenient Fortes in the Continent or in some Iland neere the maine but euery step we tread would yeeld vs new occasion of action which I wish the Gentrie of our nation rather to regard then to follow those soft vnprofitable pleasures wherein they now too much consume their time and patrimonie and hereafter will doe much more when as our neighbour warres being appeased they are like to haue lesse emploiment then nowe they haue vnlesse they bee occupied in this or some other the like expedition And to this ende and purpose giue me leaue I beseech you to impart this occurrent to your honourable and prouident cōsideration that in the yere one thousand fiue hundred eighty and seuen when I had caused the foure voyages of Ribault Laudonniere and Gourges to Florida at mine owne charges to bee printed in Paris which by the malice of some too much affectioned to the Spanish faction had bene aboue twentie yeeres suppressed assoone as that booke came to the view of that reuerend and prudent Counseller Monsieur Harlac the lord chiefe Iustice of France and certaine other of the wisest Iudges in great choler they asked who had done such intollerable wrong to their whole kingdome as to haue concealed that woorthie worke so long Protesting further that if their Kings and the Estate had throughly followed that action France had bene freed of their long ciuill warres and the variable humours of all sortes of people might haue had very ample and manifold occasions of good and honest emploiment abroad in that large and fruitfull Continent of the West Indies The application of which sentence vnto our selues I here omit hastening vnto the summarie recapitulation of other matters contained in this worke It may please your Honour therefore to vnderstand that the second part of this first Treatise containeth our auncient trade and traffique with English shipping to the Ilands of Sicilie Candie and Sio which by good warrant herein alleaged I find to haue bene begun in the yeere 1511. and to haue continued vntill the yeere 1552. and somewhat longer But shortly after as it seemeth it was intermitted or rather giuen ouer as is noted in master Gaspar Campions discreet letters to master Michael Lock and master William Winter inserted in this booke first by occasiō of the Turkes expelling of the foure and twentie Mauneses or gouernours of the Genouois out of the I le of Sio and by taking of the sayd Iland wholie into his owne hand in Aprill 1566. sending thither Piali Basha with fourescore gallies for that purpose and afterward by his growing ouer mightie and troublesome in those Seas by the cruell inuasion of Nicosia and Famagusta and the whole I le of Cyprus by his lieutenant Generall Mustapha Basha Which lamentable Tragedie I haue here againe reuiued that the posteritie may neuer forget what trust may bee giuen to the oath of a Mahumetan when hee hath aduauntage and is in his choler Lastly I haue here put downe at large the happie renuing and much increasing of our interrupted trade in all the Leuant accomplished by the great charges and speciall industrie of the worshipfull and worthy Citizens Sir Edward Osborne Knight M. Richard Staper and M. William Hareborne together with the league for traffike onely betweene her Maiestie and the Grand Signior with the great priuileges immunities and fauours obteyned of his imperiall Highnesse in that behalfe the admissions and residencies of our Ambassadours in his stately Porch and the great good and Christian offices which her Sacred Maiestie by her extraordinary fauour in that Court hath done for the king and kingdome of Poland and other Christian Princes the traffike of our Nation in all the chiefe Hauens of Africa and Egypt the searching and haunting the very bottome of the Mediterran Sea to the ports of Tripoli and Alexandretta of the Archipelagus by the Turkes now called The white sea euen to the walles of Constantinople the voyages ouer land and by riuer through Aleppo Birrha Babylon and Balsara and downe the Persian gulfe to Ormuz and thence by the Ocean sea to Goa and againe ouer-land to Bisnagar Cambaia Orixa Bengala Aracan Pegu Malacca Siam the Iangomes Quicheu and euen to the Frontiers of the Empire of China the former performed
making great mone for the ships of his sister and Berengaria his wife that should be not knowing where they were become after the tempest was ouerblowen sent forth his gallies diligently to seeke the rest of his Nauie dispersed but especially the shippe wherein his sister was and the maiden whom he should marry who at length were found safe and merry at the port of Lymszem in the I le of Cyprus notwithstanding the two other ships which were in their company before in the same hauen were drowned with diuers of the kings seruants and men of worship among whom was M. Roger called Malus Caâ—ulus the kings Uicechancellour who was found with the kings seale hanging about his necke The king of Cyprus was then Isakius called also the Emperour of the Gryffons who tooke and imprisoned all Engliâ—h men which by shipwracke were cast vpon his land also inuegled into his hands the goods and prises of them which were found drowned about his coastes neither would suffer the ships wherein the two ladies were to enter within the port The tidings of this being brought to king Richard he in great wrath gathering his gallies and ships together boordeth the land of Cyprus where he first in gentle wise signifieth to king Isakius how he with his English men comming as strangers to the supportatiâ—n of the holy land were by distresse of weather driuen vpon his bounds and therefore with all humble petition besought him in Gods behalfe and for reuerence of the holy crosse to let go such prisoners of his as he had in captiuitie and to restore againe the goods of them that were drowned which he deteined in his hands to be employed for the behoofe of their soules And this the king once twise and thrise desired of the Emperour but he proudly answering againe sent the king word that he neither would let the captiues go nor tender the goods of them which were drowned When king Richard heard this how light the Emperour Isakius made of his so humble and hoâ—est petition how that nothing could be gotten without violent force eftsoones giueth commandement thorowout all his hoste to put themselues in armour and follow him to reuenge the iniuries receiued of that proud and cruell king of Cyprus willing them to put their trust in God and not to misdoubt but that the Lord would stand with them and giue them the victory The Emperour in the meane time with his people stood warding the Sea coasts where the English men should arriue with swords billes and lances and such other weapons as they had setting boordes stooles and chestes before them as a wall few of them were harnessed and for the most part all vnexpert and vnskilfull in the feates of warre Then king Richard with his souldiers issuing out of their ships first set his bowemen before who with their shot made a way for others to followe The Englishmen thus winning the land vpon them so fiercely pressed vpon the Gryffons that after long fighting and many blowes at last the Emperour was put to flight whom king Richard valiantly pursued and slue many and diuers he tooke aliue and had gone neere also to take the Emperour had not the night come on and parted the battell And thus king Richard with much spoyle and great victory returning to the port Towne of Lymszem which the Townesmen had left for feare found there great abundance of corne wine oyle and victuals The day after the victory gotten Ioanna the Kings sister and Berengaria the mayden entred the Porte and Towne of Lymszem with 50. great ships and 14. galliots so that all the whole Nauie there meeting together were 254. tall shippes and aboue threescore galliots Then Isakius the Emperour seeing no way for him to escape by Sea the same night pitched his tentes fiue miles off from the English army swearing that the third day after he would surely giue battell to king Richard but he preuenting him before suddenly the same morning before the day of battell should be setteth vpon the tentes of the Gryffons early in the morning they being vnawares and a sleepe and made of them a great slaughter insomuch that the Emperour was fame to runne away naked leauing his tents and pauilions to the Englishmen full of horses and rich treasure also with the Imperial standerd the lower part whereof with a costly streamer was couered and wrought all with golde King Richard returning with victorie and triumph to his sister and Berengaria shortly after in the moneth of May next following and the 12. day of the said moneth married the said Berengaria daughter of Zanctius king of Nauarre in the yle of Cyprus at Lymszem The king of Cyprus seeing himselfe ouermatched was driuen at length to yeelde himselfe with conditions to giue king Richard 20000. markes in golde for amends of such spoyles as he had gotten of them that were drowned also to restore all the captiues againe to the king and furthermore he in his owne person to attend vpon the king to the lande of Ierusalem in Gods seruice and his with 400. horsemen and 500. footemen in pledge whereof he would giue to his hands his castles and his onely daughter and would hold his kingdome of him This done and the Emperour swearing fidelitie to king Richard before Guido king of Ierusalem and the prince of Antioche who were come thither to king Richard a little before peace was taken and Isakius committed to the warde of certaine keepers Notwithstanding shortly after he breaking from his keepers was againe at defiance with the King whereupon king Richard besetting the Iland of Cyprus round about with shippes and gallies did in such sort preuaile that the subiects of the land were constrained to yeelde themselues to the King and at last the daughter of the Emperour and the Emperour himselfe whom king Richard caused to be kept in fetters of gold and siluer and to be sent to the citie of Tripolis These things thus done and all set in order touching the possession of the I le of Cyprus the keeping whereof he committed to Radulphe sonne of Godfrey Lord Chamberlaine being then the first day of Iune vpon the fift of the saide moneth king Richard departed from the I le of Cyprus with his shippes and gallies toward the siege of Achon and on the next morrowe came to Tyrus where by procurement of the French king he was restrained by the Citizens to enter The next day after which was the first day of Iune crossing the seas he met with a great carak fraught with souldiers and men of warre to the number of a thousand and fiue hundred which pretending to be Frenchmen and setting foorth their flagge with the French armes were indeede Saracens secretly sent with wilde fire and certaine barrels of vnknowen serpents to the defence of the towne of Achon which king Richard at length perceiuing eftsoones set vpon them and so vanquished them of whom the most were drowned and some taken
sayles for their ships and litle houses and many other necessaries From thence after many dayes trauell I arriued at another kingdome called Campa a most beautiful and rich countrey abounding with all kind of victuals the king wherof at my being there had so many wiues concubines that he had 300 sonnes daughters by theÌ„ This king hath 10004 tame Elephants which are kept euen as we keepe droues of oxâ—n or flocks of sheepe in pasture Of the abundance of fishes which cast theÌ„selues vpon the shore IN this countrey there is one strange thing to be obserued y t euery seueral kind of fishes in those seas come swimming towards the said countrey in such abundance that for a great distance into the sea nothing can be seene by y e backs of fishes which casting theÌ„selues vpon the shore when they come neere vnto it do suffer men for the space of 3. daies to come to take as many of theÌ„ as they please then they returne againe vnto the sea After that kind of fishes comes another kind offering it selfe after the same maner and so in like sort all other kinds whatsoeuer notwithstanding they do this but once in a yere And I demaunded of the inhabitants there how or by what meanes this strange accident could come to passe They answered that fishes were taught euen by nature to come to do homage vnto their Emperour There be Tortoises also as bigge as an ouen Many other things I saw which are incredible vnlesse a man should see them with his own eies In this country also dead men are burned their wiues are burned aliue with them as in the city of Polumbrum aboue mentioned for the men of that country say that she goeth to accompany him in another world that he should take none other wife in mariage Moreouer I traueled on further by the ocean-sea towards the south passed through many countries and islands wherof one is called Moumoran it coÌ„taineth in compasse ii M. miles wherin men women haue dogs faces and worship an oxe for their god and therefore euery one of them cary the image of an oxe of gold or siluer vpon their foreheads The men and the women of this country go all naked sauing that they hang a linen cloth before their priuities The men of the said country are very tall and mighty and by reason that they goe naked when they are to make battell they cary yron or steele-targets before them which do couer and defend their bodies from top to toe and whomsoeuer of their foes they take in battel not being able to ransom himselfe for money they presently deuoure him but if he be able to redeeme himselfe for money they let him go free Their king weareth about his necke 300. great and most beautifull vnions and saith euery day 300. prayers vnto his god He weareth vpon his finger also a stone of a span long which seemeth to be a flame of fire and therefore when he weareth it no man dare once approch vnto him and they say that there is not any stone in the whole world of more value then it Neither could at any time the great Tartarian Emperour of Katay either by force money or poliâ—ie obtaine it at his hands notwithstanding that he hath done the vemost of his indeuour for this purpose Of the island of Sylan and of the mountaine where Adam mourned for his sonne Abel I Passed also by another island called Sylan which contâ—ineth in coÌ„passe aboue ii M. miles wherin are an infinit number of sâ—rpents great store of lions beares al kinds of rauening wild beasts and especially of elephants In the said country there is an huge mountaine whereupon the inhabitants of that regioÌ„ do report that Adam mourned for his son Abel y e space of 500. yeres In the midst of this mouÌ„tain there is a most beautiful plain wherin is a litle lake coÌ„teining great pleÌ„ty of water which water y t inhabitants report to haue procâ—edâ—d froÌ„ the teares of Adam Eue howbeit I proued that to be false because I saw the water flow in the lake This water is ful of hors-leeches blood-suckers of precious stones also which precious stones the king taketh not vnto his owne vse buâ— once or twise euery yere he permitteth certaine poore people to diue vnder the water for y e said stones al that they can get he bestoweth vpon them to the end they may pray for his soule But y t they may with lesse danger diue vnder the water they take limons which they pil anointing themselues throughly with the iuice therof so they may diue naked vnder y e water the hors-leâ—ches not being able to hurt them From this lake the water runneth â—uâ—n vnto the sea and at a low ebbe the inhabitants dig rubies diamonds pearls other precious stones out of the shore wherupon it is thought that y e king of this island hath greater abuÌ„dance of pretious stones then any other monarch in the whole earth besids In the said country there be al kinds of beasts and foules the people told me that those beasts would not inuade nor hurt any stranger but only the natural inhabitants I saw in this island fouls as big as our country geese hauing two heads and other miraculous things which I will not here write off Traueling on further toward the south I arriued at a certain island called Bodin which signifieth in our language vnclean In this island there do inhabit most wicked persons who deuour eat raw flesh coÌ„mitting al kinds of vncleannes abominations in such sort as it is incredible For the father eateth his son the son his father the husband his owne wife the wife her husband and that after this maner If any mans father be sick the son straight goes vnto the sooth-saying or prognosticating priest râ—questing him to demand of his god whether his father shall recouer of that infirmity or no Then both of them go vnto an idol of gold or of siluer making their praiers vnto it in maner folowing Lord thou art our god thee we do adore beseeching thee to resolue vs whether such a man must die or recouer of such an infirmity or no Then the diuel answereth out of y e foresaid idol if he saith he shal liue then returneth his son and ministreth things necessary vnto him til he hath attained vnto his former health but if he saith he shal die then goes y e priest vnto him putting a cloth into his mouth doth strangle him therewith which being done he cuts his dead body into morsels al his friends and kinsfolks are inuited vnto the eating thereof with musique and all kinde of mirth howbeit his bones are solemnely buried And when I found fault with that custome demanding a reason thereof one of them gaue me this answere this we doe least the wormes should eat his flesh
honorable presents And a litle afterward Upon the hearing of these newes the emperor departed with great ioy out of England whom the king honoured with many precious gifts The Voiage of the bishop of VVinchester to Ierusalem in the sixe yeere of the reigne of Henry the fift which was the yeere of our Lord 1417. Thomas Walsing VLtimo die mensis Octobris episcopus Wintoniensis accessit ad concilium Constanciense peregrinaturus Hierosolymam post electioneÌ„ summi pontificis celebratam vbi tantum valuit elus facunda persuasio vâ— excitaret dominos Cardinales ad concordiam ad electionem summi pontificis se ocyâ—s praepararent The same in English THe last day of October the bishop of Winchester came to the Councell of Constance which after the chusing of the Pope determined to take his iourney to Ierusalem where his eloquent perswasion so much preuailed that he both perswaded my lords the Cardinals to vnity and concord and also moued them to proceed more speedily to the election of the Pope A preparation of a voyage of King Henrie the fourth to the Holy land against the infidels in the yere 1413 being the last yere of his reigne wherein he was preuented by death written by Walsingham Fabian Polydore Virgile and Holenshed IN this foureteenth and last yere of king Henries reigne a councell was holden in the White friets in London at the which among other things order was taken for ships and gallies to be builded and made ready and all other things necessary to be prouided for a voyage which he meant to make into the Holy land there to recouer the city of Ierusalem from the infidels for it grieued him to consider the great malice of Christian princes that were bent vpon a mischieuous purpose to destroy one another to the perill of their owne soules rather then to make warre against the enemies of the Christian faith as in conscience it seemed to him they were bound We finde sayeth Fabian in his Chronicle that he was taken with his last sickenesse while he was making his prayers at Saint Edwards shrine there as it were to take his leaue and so to proceede foorth on his iourney He was so suddenly and grieuously taken that such as were about him feared least he would haue died presently wherefore to relieâ—e him if it were possible they bare him into a chamber that was next at hand belonging to the Abbot of Westminster where they layd him on a pallet before the fire and vsed all remedies to reuiue him At length he recouered his speech and perceiuing himselfe in a strange place which he knew not he willed to knowe if the chamber had any particular name whereunto answere was made that it was called Ierusalem Then sayde the king Laâ—des be giuen to the father of heauen for now I knowe that I shall die here in this chamber according to the prophesie of mee declared that I should depart this life in Ierusalem Of this intended voyage Polydore Virgile writeth in manner following POst haec Henricus Rex memor nihil homini debere esse entiquius quà m ad officium iustiâ—iae quae ad hominum vellitatem perâ—inet omne suum studium conferre protinùs omisso ciuili bello quo pudebat videre Christianos omni tempore turpitèr occupari de republica Anglica benè gubernanda de bello in hostes communes sumendo de Hierosolymis tandem aliquando recipiendis plura destinabat classemque iam parabat cum ei talia agenti atque meditanti casus mortem attulit subito enim morbo tentatus nulla medicina subleuari potuit Mortuus est apud Westmonasterium annum agens quadragesimum sextum qui fuit annus salutis humanae 1413. The same in English AFterward King Henry calling to minde that nothing ought to be more highly esteemed by any man then to doe the vtmost of his indâ—uour for the performance of iustice which â—endeth to the good and benefite of mankinde altogether abandoning ciuill warre wherewith he was ashamed to see how Christians at all times were dishonourably busied cutered into a more derye consideration of well gouerning his Realme of England of waging warre against the common enemie and of recouering in processe of time the citie of Ierusalem yea and was prouiding a nauie for the same purpose whenas in the very midst of this his heroâ—call action and enterprise he was surprised with death for falling into a sudden disease he could not be cured by any kinde of phisicke He deceased at Westminster in the 46 yeare of his age which was in the yeere of our Lord 1413. A briefe relation of the siege and taking of the Citie of Rhodes by Sultan Soliman the great Turke translated out of French into English at the motion of the Reuerend Lord Thomas Dockwray great Prior of the order of Ierusalem in England in the yeere 1524. WIlling faithfully to write and reduce in veritie Historiall the great siege cruel oppugnation and piteous taking of the noble and renowmed citie of Rhodes the key of Christendome the hope of many poore Christian men withholden in Turkie to saue and keepe them in their faith the rest and yeerely solace of noble pilgrimes of the holy supulchre of Iesu Christ and other holy places the refuge and refreshing of all Christian people hauing course of marchandise in the parties of Leuant I promise to all estates that shall see this present booke that I haue left nothing for feare of any person nor preferred it for fauour And first I shall shewe the occasions that mooued this cruell bloodshedder enemie of our holy Christian faith Sultan Soliman now being great Turke to come with a great hoste by sea and by lande to besiege and assayle the space of sixe moneths night and day the noble and mightie citie of Rhodes The yere of the incarnation of our Lord Iesu Christ 1522. The occasions why the great Turke came to besiege the Citie of Rhodes THe first and principall cause was that he did consider and sawe by experience that there was none other Towne nor place in Leuant that warred against him nor kept him in doubt but this poore rocke of Rhodes And hearing the continuall complaintes of his subiectes aswell of Syria as of Turkie for the domages and prises dayly done of their bodies and goods by Christian men of warre receiued into Rhodes And also of the shippes and gallies of the religion he tooke conclusion in himselfe that if he might put the sayde Towne in his power and subiection that then he should be peaceable lord of all the parties of Leuant and that his subiects should complaine no more to him The second that he might followe the doings of his noble predecessouâ—s and shewe himselfe very heire of the mightie and victorious lord Sultan Selim his father willing to put in execution the enterprise by him left the yeere one thousand fiue hundred twentie and one The which Selim the great Turke put in all
of thee and tooke it from me saying If thou tell the kings treasurer of it any more by Mahomet I will be reuenged of thee Notwithstanding I went the third time vnto the kings Treasurer and tolde him of it and he came with me saying thus vnto the gunner by the head of the great Turke if thou take it from him againe thou halt haue an hundred bastonadoes And foorthwith he deliuered me the booke saying he had not the value of a pin of the spoyle of the ship which was the better for him as hereafter you shall heare for there was none neither Christian nor Turke that tooke the value of a peniworth of our goods from vs but perished both bodie and goods within seuenteene moneths following as hereafter shall plainely appeare Then came the Guardian Basha which is the keeper of the kings captiues to fetch vs all a shoare and then I remembring the miserable estate of poore distressed captiues in the time of their bondage to those infidels went to mine owne chest and tooke out thereof a iarre of oyle and filled a basket full of white Ruske to carie a shoare with me but before I came to the Banio the Turkish boyes had taken away almost all my bread and the keeper saide deliuer me the iarre of oyle and when thou commest to the Banio thou shalt haue it againe but I neuer had it of him any more But when I came to the Banio and sawe our Marchants and all the rest of our company in chaines and we all ready to receiue the same reward what heart in the world is there so hard but would haue pitied our cause hearing or seeing the lamentable greeting there was betwixt vs all this happened the first of May 1584. And the second day of the same moneth the King with all his counsell sate in iudgement vpon vs. The first that were had forth to be arraigned were the Factors and the Masters and the King asked them wherefore they came not a shoare when he sent for them And Romaine Sonnings answered that though he were king on shoare and might commaunde there so was hee as touching those that were vnder him and therefore said if any offence be the fault is wholy in my selfe and in no other Then foorthwith the king gaue iudgement that the saide Romaine Sonnings should be hanged ouer the Norâ—heast bulwarke from whence he conueyed the forenamed Patrone Norado and then he called for our Master Andrew Dier and vsed fewe worâ—es to him and so condemned him to be hanged ouer the walles of the Westermost bulwarke Then fell our other Factor named Richard Skegs vpon his knees before the king and said I beseech your highnesse either to pardon our Master or else suffer me to die for him for he is ignorant of this cause And then the people of that countrey fauouring the said Richard Skegs besought the king to pardon them both So then the king spake these wordes Beholde for thy sake I pardon the Master Then presently the Turkes shouted and cried saying Away with the Master from the presence of the king And then he came into the Banio whereas we were and tolde vs what had happened and we all reioyced at the good hap of master Skegs that hee was saued and our Master for his sake But afterward our ioy was turned to double sorrow for in the meane time the kings minde was altered for that one of his counsell had aduised him that vnlesse the Master died also by the lawe they could not confiscate the ship nor goods neither captiue any of the men whereupon the king sent for our Master againe and gaue him another iudgement after his pardon for one cause which was that hee should be hanged Here all true Christians may see what trust a Christian man may put in an infidels promise who being a King pardoned a man nowe as you haue heard and within an houre after hanged him for the same cause before a whole multitude and also promised our Factors their oyles custome free and at their going away made them pay the vttermost penie for the custome thereof And when that Romaiâ—e Sonnings saw no remedy but that he should die he protested to turne Turke hoping thereby to haue saued his life Then saide the Turke If thou wilt turne Turke speake the words that thereunto belong and he did so Then saide they vnto him Now thou shalt die in the faith of a Turke and so hee did as the Turkes reported that were at his execution And the forenamed Patrone Norado whereas before he had libertie and did nothing he then was condemned slaue perpetuall except there were paiment made of the foresaid summe of money Then the king condemned all vs who were in number sixe and twentie of the which two were hanged as you haue heard and one died the first day wee came on shoare by the visitation of Almightie God and the other three and twentie he condemned slaues perpetually vnto the great Turke and the ship and goods were confiscated to the vse of the great Turke and then we all fell downe vpon our knees giuing God thankes for this sorrowfull visitation and giuing our selues wholy to the Almightie power of God vnto whom all secrets are knowen that he of his goodnesse would vouchsafe to looke vpon vs. Here may all true Christian hearts see the wonderfull workes of God shewed vpon such infidels blasphemers whoremasters and renegate Christians and so you shall reade in the ende of this booke of the like vpon the vnfaithfull king and all his children and of as many as tooke any portion of the said goods But first to shewe our miserable bondage and slauerie and vnto what small pittance and allowance wee were tied for euery fiue men had allowance but fiue aspers of bread in a day which is but two pence English and our lodging was to lye on the bare boords with a very simple cape to couer vs wee were also forceably and most violently shauen head and beard and within three dayes after I and sixe more of my fellowes together with fourescore Italians and Spaniards were sent foorth in a Galeot to take a Greekish Carmosell which came into Africa to steale Negroes and went out of Tripolis vnto that place which was two hundred and fourtie leagues thence but wee were chained three and three to an oare and wee rowed naked aboue the girdle and the Boteswaine of the Galley walked abaft the maste and his Mate afore the maste and eche of them a bulls pissell dried in their handes and when their diuelish choller rose they would strike the Christians for no cause And they allowed vs but halfe a pound of bread a man in a day without any other kinde of sustenance water excepted And when we came to the place whereas wee saw the Carmosell we were not suffered to haue neither needle bodkin knife or any other weapon about vs nor at any other time in the night
bow to offer meat vnto the diuell if they escape and when thâ—y be recouered they make a banket with many pipes drummes and other instruments and dansing all the night and their friends come and bring gifts cocos figges arrecaes and other fruits and with great dauncing and reioycing they offer to the diuell and say they giue the diuel to eat and driue him out When they be dancing and playing they will cry hallow very loud and in this sort they say they driue him away And when they be sicke a Tallipoy or two euery night doth sit by them sing to please the diuell that he should not hurt them And if any die he is caried vpon a great frame made like a tower with a couering all gilded with golde made of canes caried with foureteene or sixteene men with drummes and pipes and other instruments playing before him to a place out of the towne and there is burned He is accompanied with all his friends and neighbours all men and they giue to the tallipoies or priests many mats and cloth and then they râ—turne to the house and there make a feast for two dayes and then the wife with all the neighbours wiues her friends go to the place where he was burned and there they sit a certaine time add cry and gather the pieces of bones which be left vnburned and bury them and then returne to their housâ—s and make an end of all mourning And the men and womâ—n which be neere of kin do shaue their heads which they do not vse except it be for the death of a friend for they much esteeme of their haire Caplan is the place where they finde the rubies saphires and spinelles it standâ—th sixe dayes iourney from Aua in the kingdome of Pegu. There are many great high hilles out of which they digge them None may go to the pits but onely those which digge them In Pegu and in all the countreys of Aua Langeiannes Siam and the Bramas the men weare bunches or little round valles in their priuy members some of them weare two and sâ—me three They cut the skin and so put them in one into one side and another into the other side which they do when they be 25 or 30 yeeres olde and at their pleasure they take one or more of them out as they thinke good When they be maried the husband is for euery child which his wife hath to put in one vntill he come to three and then no more for they say the women doe desire them They were inuented because they should not abuse the male sexe For in times past all those countries were so giuen to that villany that they were very scarse of people It was also ordained that the women should not haue past three cubits of cloth in their nether clothes which they binde about thâ—m which are so strait that when they go in the streets they shew one side of the leg bare aboue the knee The bunches aforesayd be of diuers sorts the least be as big as a litle walnut and very round the greatest are as big as a litle hennes egge some are of brasse and some of siluer but those of siluer be for the kâ—ng and his noble men These are gilded and made with great cunning and ring liâ—e a litle bell There are some made of leade which they call Selwy because they ring but litle and these be of lesser price for the poorer sort The king sometimes â—aketh his out and giueth them to his noblemen as a great gift and because he hath vsed them they esteeme them greatly They will put one in and heale vp the place in seuen or eight dayes The Bramas which be of the kings countrey for the king is a Brama haue their legs or bellies or some part of their body as they thinke good themselues made black with certaine things which they haue they vse to pricke the skinne and to put on it a kinde of anile or blacking which doth continue alwayes And this is counted an honour among them but none may haue it but the Bramas which are of the kings kinred These people weare no beards they pull out the haire on their faces with little pinsons made for that purpose Some of them will let 16 or 20 haires grow together some in one place of his face and some in another and pulleth out all the rest for he carieth his pinsons alwayes with him to pull the haires out assoone as they appeare If they see a man with a beaâ—d they wonder at him They haue their teeth blacked both men and women for they say a dâ—gge hath his teeth white therefore they will blacke theirs The Pegues if they haue a sute in the law which is so doubtfull that they cannot well determine it put two long canes into the water where it is very deepe and both the parties go into the water by the poles and there sit men to iudge and they both do diue vnder the water and he which remaineth longest vnder the water doth winne the sute The 10 of Ianuary I went from Pegu to Malacca passing by many of the ports of Pegu as Martauan the Iland of Taui from whence commeth great store of tinne which serueth all India the Ilands of Tanaseri Iunsalaon and many others and so came to Malacca the 8 of February where the Portugals haue a castle which standeth nere the sea And the countrey fast without the towne belongeth to the Malayos which is a kinde of proud people They go naked with a cloth about their middle and a litle roll of cloth about their heads Hither come many ships from China from the Malucos Banda Timor and from many other Ilands of the Iauas which bring great store of spices and drugs and diamants and other iewels The voyages into many of these Ilands belong vnto the captaine of Malacca so that none may goe thither without his licence which yeeld him great summes of money euery yeere The Portugals heere haue often times warres with the king of Achem which standeth in the Iland of Sumatra from whence commeth great store of pepper and other spices euery yeere to Pegu and Mecca within the Red sea and other places When the Portugals go from Macao in China to Iapan they carry much white silke golde muske and porcelanes and they bring from thence nothing but siluer They haue a great caracke which goeth thither euery yere and she bringeth from thence euery yere aboue sixe hundred thousand crusadoes and all this siluer of Iapan and two hundred thousand crusadoes more in siluer which they bring yeerely out of India they imploy to their great aduantage in China and they bring from thence golde muske silke copper porcelanes and many other things very costly and gilded When the Portugals come to Canton in China to traffike they must remaine there but certaine dayes and when they come in at the gate
there being in case that they might haue dispatched all their ware for gold if the vntame braine of Windam had or could haue giuen eare to the counsell and experience of Pinteado For when that Windam not satisfied with the gold which he had and more might haue had if he had taried about the Mina commanding the said Pinteado for so he tooke vpon him to lead the ships to Benin being vnder the Equinoctial line and an hundred and fifty leagues beyond the Mina where he looked to haue their ships laden with pepper and being counselled of the said Pinteado considering the late time of the yeere for that time to go no further but to make sale of their wares such as they had for gold wherby they might haue bene great gainers Windam not assenting hereunto fell into a sudden rage reuiling the sayd Pinteado calling him Iew with other opprobrious words saying This whoreson Iew hath promised to bring vs to such places as are not or as he cannot bring vs vnto but if he do not I will cut off his eares and naile them to the maste Pinteado gaue the foresaid counsell to go no fuâ—ther for the safegard of the men and their liues which they should put in danger if they came too late for the Rossia which is their Winter not for cold but for smothering heate with close and cloudie aire and storming weather of such putrifying qualitie that it roâ—ted the coates of their backs or els for comming to soone for the scorching heat of the sunne which caused them to linger in the way But of force and not of will brought he the ships before the riuer of Benin where riding at an Anker they sent their pinnas vp into the riuer 50 or 60 leagues from whence certaine of the marchants with captaine Pinteado Francisco a Portugale Nicholas Lambart gentleman and other marchants were conducted to the court where the king remained ten leagues from the riuer side whither when they came they were brought with a great company to the presence of the king who being a blacke Moore although not so blacke as the rest sate in a great huge hall long and wide the wals made of earth without windowes the roofe of thin boords open in sundry places like vnto louers to let in the aire And here to speake of the great reuerence they giue to their king it is such that if we would giue as much to our Sauior Christ we should remooue from our heads many plagues which we daily deserue for our contempt and impietie So it is therfore that when his noble men are in his presence they neuer looke him in the face but sit cowring as we vpon our knees so they vpon their buttocks with their elbowes vpon their knees and their hands before their faces not looking vp vntil the king command them And when they are comming toward the king as far as they do see him they do shew such reuerence sitting on the ground with their faces couered as before Likewise when they depart from him they turn not their backs toward him but goe creeping backward with like reuerence And now to speake somewhat of the communication that was between the king and our men you shall first vnderstand that he himselfe could speake the Portugall tongue which he had learned of a child Therefore after he had commanded our men to stand vp and demanded of them the cause of their comming into that countrey they answered by Pinteado that they were marchants traueiling into those parties for the commodities of his countrey for exchange of wares which they had brought from their countries being such as should be no lesse commodious for him and his people The king theÌ„ hauing of old lying in a certaine store-house 30 or 40 kintals of Pepper euery kintall being an hundred weight willed them to looke vpon the same and againe to bring him a sight of such merchandizes as they had brought with them And thereupon sent with the captaine and the marchants certaine of his men to conduct them to the waters side with other to bring the ware from the pinnas to the court Who when they were returned and the wares seen the king grew to this ende with the merchants to prouide in 30 dayes the lading of al their ships with pepper And in case their merchandizes would not extend to the value of so much pepper he promised to credite them to their next returne and thereupon sent the country round about to gather pepper causing the same to be brought to the court So that within the space of 30 dayes they had gathered fourescore tunne of pepper In the meane season our men partly hauing no rule of themselues but eating without measure of the fruits of the countrey and drinking the wine of the Palme trees that droppeth in the night from the cut of the branches of the same and in such extreme heate running continually into the water not vsed before to such sudden and vehement alterations then the which nothing is more dangerous were thereby brought into swellings and agues insomuch that the later time of the yeere comming on caused them to die sometimes three sometimes 4 or 5 in a day Then Windam perceiuing the time of the 30 daies to be expired and his men dying so fast sent to the court in post to Captaine Pinteado the rest to come away and to tary no longer But Pinteado with the rest wrote backe to him againe certifying him of the great quantity of pâ—pper they had alreadie gathered looked daily for much more desiring him furthermore to remeÌ„ber the great praise and name they should win if they came home prosperously and what shame of the contrary With which answere Windam not satisfied and many of their men dying dayly willed and commaunded them againe either to come away forthwith or els threatened to leaue them behinde When Pinteado heard this answere thinking to perswade him with reason hee tooke his way from the court toward the ships being conducted thither with men by the kings commandement In the meane season Windam all raging brake vp Pinteados Cabin brake open his chestes spoiled such prouision of cold stilled waters and suckets as he had prouided for his health and left him nothing neither of his instruments to saile by nor yet of his apparell and in the meane time falling sicke himselfe died also Whose death Pinteado comming aboord lamented as much as if he had bene the deerest friend he had in the world But certaine of the mariners and other officers did spit in his face some calling him Iewe saying that he had brought them thither to kill them and some drawing their swords at him making a shew to slay him Then he perceiuing that they wouâ—d needs away desired them to tary that he might fetch the rest of the marchants that were left at the court but they would not grant this request
were brought abroad into the City somewhat wil I say of such things as I did see therein being a gallant City and chiefe in one of the 13. shires aforesaid The City Fuquieo is very great mightily walled with square stone both within and without and as it may seeme by the breadth therof filled vp in the middle with earth layd ouer with brick couered with tyle after the maner of porches or galleries that one might dwel therein The staires they vse are so easily made that one may go them vp and downe a hors-backe as eftsoones they do the streets are paued as already it hath bin said there be a great number of Marchants euery one hath written in a great table at his doore such things as he hath to sel. In like maner euery artisane painteth out his craft the market places be large great abundance of al things there be to be sold. The city standeth vpoÌ„ water many streames run through it the banks pitched so broad that they serue for streets to the cities vse Ouer the streams are sundry bridges both of timber stone which being made leuel with the streets hinder not the passage of the barges too and fro the chanels are so deepe Where the streames come in and go out of the city be certaine arches in the wal there go in and out their Parai that is a kind of barges they haue that in the day time only at night these arches are closed vp with gates so do they shut vp al the gates of the City These streames and barges do ennoblish very much the City and make it as it were to seeme another Venice The buildings are euen wel made high not lofted except it be some wherein marchandize is laid It is a world to see how great these cities are and the cause is for that the houses are built euen as I haue said do take a great deale of roome One thing we saw in this city that made vs al to wonder and is worthy to be noted namely ouer a porch at the comming in to one of the aforesaid 4. houses which the king hath in euery shire for his gouernors as I haue erst saidâ— standeth a tower built vpon 40. pillers ech one whereof is but one stone ech one 40. handfuls or spans long in bredth or compasse 12 as many of vs did measure them Besides thisâ— their greatnesse is such in one piece that it might seeme impossible to worke them they be moreouer cornered and in colour length and breadth so like that the one nothing differeth from the other This thing made vs all to wonder very much We are wont to cal this country China and the people Chineans but as long as we were prisoners not hearing amongst them at any time that name I determined to learne how they were called and asked sometimes by them thereof for that they vnderstood vs not when we called them Chineans I answered them that al the inhabitants of India named them Chineans wherefore I praied them that they would tel me for what occasioÌ„ they are so called whether peraduenture any city of theirs bare that name Hereunto they alwayes answered me y t they haue no such name nor euer had Then did I aske them what name the whole Country beareth what they would answere being asked of other nations what countrymen they were It was told me that of ancient time in this country had bin many kings though presently it were al vnder one ech kingdom neuertheles enioyed that name it first had these kingdomes are the prouinces I spake of before In conclusion they said that the whole country is called Tamen the inhabitants Tamegines so that this name China or Chineans is not heard of in y t country I thinke that the neernesse of another prouince therabout called Cochinchina the inhabitants therof Cochinesses first discouered before China was lying not far from Malacca did giue occasion to ech of the nations of that name Chineans as also the whole country to be named China But their proper name is that aforesaid I haue heard moreouer that in the City of Nanquim reâ—aineth a table of gold and in it written a kings name as a memory of that residence the kings were wont to keepe there This table standeth in a great pallace couered alwayes except it be on some of their festiuall dayes at what time they are wont to let it be seene couered neuerthelesse as it is all the nobilitie of the City going of duetie to doe it euery day reuerence The like is done in the head Cities of all the other shires in the pallaces of the Ponchiassini wherein these aforesaid tables doe stand with the kings name written in them although no reuerence be done thereunto but in solemne feastes I haue likewise vnderstood that the City Pachin where the king maketh his abode is so great that to go from one side to the other besides the Suburbs the which are greater then the City it selfe it requireth one whole day a horseback going hackney pase In the suburbs be many wealthy marchants of all sorts They told me furthermore that it was moted about and in the motes great store of fish whereof the king maketh great gaines It was also told me that the king of China had no king to wage battel withall besides the Tartars with whom he had concluded a peace more then 80. yeres ago Neuerthelesse their friendship was not so great that the one nation might marry with the other And demanding with whom they married they said that in olde time the Chinish kings when they would marry their daughters accustomed to make a solemne feast whereunto came all sorts of men The daughter that was to be married stood in a place where she might see them all and looke whom she liked best him did she chuse to husband and if happely he were of a base condition hee became by and by a gentleman but this custome hath bene left long since Now a dayes the king marrieth his daughters at his owne pleasure with great men of the kingdome the like order he obserueth in the marriage of his sonnes They haue moreouer one thing very good and that which made vs all to marueile at them being Gentiles namely that there be hospitals in all their Cities alwayes full of people we neuer saw any poore body begge We therefore asked the cause of this answered it was that in euery City there is a great circuit wherein be many houses for poore people for blinde lame old folke not able to trauaile for age nor hauing any other meanes to liue These folke haue in the aforesaid houses euer plentie of rice during their liues but nothing else Such as be receiued into these houses come in after this maner When one is sicke blinde or lame he maketh a supplication to the Ponchiassi and prouing that to be true he writeth he remaineth in the
respecting whoÌ„ we tooke so that we might haue enriched our selues which was the cause of this our trauaile and for that we would not bee knowen of what nation we were wee displayed a white silke ensigne in our maine toppe which they seeing made accompt that we had bene some of the king of Spaines Armadas lying in wait for English men of war but when we came within shot of her we tooke downe our white flagge and spread abroad the Crosse of S. George which when they saw it made them to flie as fast as they might but all their haste was in vaine for our shippes were swifter of saile then they which they fearing did presently cast their ordinance and small shot with many letters and the draft of the Straights of Magelan into the Sea and thereupon immediatly we tooke her wherein wee also tooke a gentleman of Spaine named Pedro Sarmiento gouernour of the Straights of Magelan which saide Pedro we brought into England with vs and presented him to our soueraigne Lady the Queene After this lying off and about the Islands wee descried another saile and bearing after her we spent the maine maste of our Admirall but yet in the night our Uiceadmirall tooke her being laden with fish from Cape Blanke the which shippe wee let goe againe for want of men to bring her home The next day we discried two other sailes the one a shippe and the other a Carauel to whom we gaue chase which they seeing with all speede made in vnder the Isle of Graciosa to a certaine Fort there for their succour where they came to an anker and hauing the winde of vs we could not hurt them with our ships but we hauing a small boate which we called a light horseman wherein my selfe was being a Musqueter and foure more with Caliuers and foure that rowed came neere vnto the shore against the winde which when they saw vs come towards them they caried a great part of their marchandise on land whither also the men of both vessels went and landed and as soone as we came within Musquee shot they began to shoote at vs with great ordinance and small shot and we likewise at them and in the ende we boorded one shippe wherein was no man left so we â—â—t her cables hoysed her sailes and sent her away with two of our men and the other 7. of vs passed more neere vnto the shoare and boorded the Carauel which did ride within a stones cast from the shoare and so neere the land that the people did cast stones at vs but yet iâ—despight of them all we tooke her and one onely Negro thereinâ— and cutting her cables in the hawse we hoysed her sailes and being becalmed vnder â—he land we were constrained to rowe her out with our boate the Fort still shooting at vs and the people on land with Musquets and caliuers to the number of â— 50. or thereabout and we answered them with the small force wee had In the time of which our shooting the shot of my Musquet being a crosse harre-shot happened to strike the gunner of the fort to death euen as he was giuing leuell to one of his great pieces and thus we parted from them without any losse or hurt on our side And now hauing taken these fiue saâ—les of shippes we did as before turne away the shippe with the fish without hurting them and from one of the other shippes wee tooke her maine Maste to serue our Admirals turne and so sent her away putting into her all the Spaniards and Portugals sauing that gentleman Pedro Sarmiento with three other of the principal men and two Negroes leauing them all within sight of land with bread and water sufficient for 10. dayes if neede were Thus setting our course for England being off the Islands in the height of 41. degrees or there about one of our men being in the toppe discried a saile then 10. saile then 15. whereupon it was concluded to sende home those prizes we had and so left in both our Pinasses not aboue 60. men Thus wee returned againe to the Fleete wee had discried where wee found 24. saile of shippes whereof two of them were Caracks the one of 1200. and the other of a 1000. tunnes and 10. Galions the rest were small shippes and Carauels all laden with Treasure spices and sugars with which 24. shippes we with two small Pinasses did fight and kept company the space of 32. houres continually fighting with them and they with vs but the two Caracks kept still betwixt the Fleete and vs that wee could not take any one of them so wanting powder wee were forced to giue them ouer against our willes for that wee were all wholly bent to the gaining of some of them but necessâ—ie compelling vs and that onely for want of powder without losse of any of our men which was a thing to be wondered at considering the inequalitie of number at length we gaue them ouer Thus we againe set our course for England and so came to Plimouth within 6. houres after our prizes which we sent away 40. houres before vs where wee were receiued with triumphant ioy not onely with great Ordinance then shot off but with the willing hearts of all the people of the Towne and of the Countrey thereabout and we not sparing our Ordinance with the powder wee had left to requite and answere them againe And from thence wee brought our prizes to Southampton where sir Walter Ralegh being our owner rewarded vs with our shares Our prizes were laden with sugars Elephants teeth waxe hides rice brasill and Cuser as by the testimonie of Iohn Euesham himselfe Captaine Whiddon Thomas Rainford Beniamin Wood William Cooper Master William Cornish Master Thomas Drake Corporall Iohn Ladd gunner William Warefield gunner Richard Moone Iohn Drew Richard Cooper of Harwich William Beares of Ratcliffe Iohn Row of Saltash and many others may appeare A briefe relation of the notable seruice performed by Sir Francis Drake vpon the Spanish Fleete prepared in the Road of Cadiz and of his destroying of 100. saile of barks Passing from thence all along the coast to Cape Sacre where also hee tooke certaine Forts and so to the mouth of the Riuer of Lisbon and thence crossing ouer to the Isle of Sant Michael supprized a mighty Carack called the Sant Philip comming out of the East India which was the first of that kinde that euer was seene in England Performed in the yeere 1587. HEr Maiestie being informed of a mightie preparation by Sea begunne in Spaine for the inuasion of England by good aduise of her graue and prudent Counsell thought it expedient to preuent the same Whereupon she caused a Fleete of some 30. sailes to be rigged and furnished with all things necessary Ouer that Fleete she appointed Generall sir Francis Drake of whose manifold former good seruices she had sufficient proofe to whom the caused 4. ships of her Nauie royall to be
himselfe taken and beheaded by a souldier of his owne nation and his land giuen by a Parliament to her Maiestie and possessed by the English His other cosen Sir Iohn of Desmond taken by Master Iohn Zouch and his body hanged ouer the gates of his natiue Citie to be deuoured by rauens the thirde brother Sir Iames hanged drawne and quartered in the same place If hee had withall vaunted of his successe of his owne house no doubt the argument would haue mooued much and wrought great effect which because hee for that present forgot I thought it good to remember in his behalfe For matter of Religion it would require a particuler volume if I should set downe how irreligiously they couer their greedy and ambicious pretenses with that veile of pietie But sure I am that there is no kingdome or common-wealth in all Europe but if they be reformed they then inuade it for religion sake if it bee as they terme Catholique they pretend title as if the Kings of Castile were the naturall heires of all the world and so betweene both no kingdome is vnsought Where they dare not with their owne forces to inuade they basely entertaine the traitours and vacabonds of all Nations seeking by those and by their runnagate Iesuits to winne parts and haue by that meane ruined many Noble houses and others in this lande and haue extinguished both their liues and families What good honour or fortune euer man yet by them atchieued is yet vnheard of or vnwritten And if our English Papists doe but looke into Portugall against which they haue no pretence of Religion how the Nobilitie are put to death imprisoned their rich men made a praye and all sorts of people captiued they shall finde that the obedience euen of the Turke is easie and a libertie in respect of the slauerie and tyrannie of Spaine What haue they done in Sicill in Naples Millaine and in the Low countreis who hath there bene spared for Religion at all And it commeth to my remembrance of a certaine Burger of Antwerpe whose house being entred by a company of Spanish souldiers when they first sacked the Citie hee besought them to spare him and his goods being a good Catholique and one of their owne partie and faction The Spaniards answered that they knew him to be of a good conscience for himselfe but his money plate iewels and goods were all hereticall and therefore good prize So they abused and tormented the foolish Fleming who hoped that an Agnus Dei had bene a sufficient target against all force of that holy and charitable nation Neither haue they at any time as they protest inuaded the kingdomes of the Indies and Peru and elsewhere but onely led thereunto rather to reduce the people to Christianitie then for either gold or Emperie When as in one onely Island called Hispaniola they haue wasted thirtie hundred thousand of the naturall people besides many millions else in other places of the Indies a poore and harmelesse people created of God and might haue bene wonne to his knowledge as many of them were and almost as many as euer were perswaded thereunto The storie whereof is at large written by a Bishop of their owne nation called Bartholomew de las Casas and translated into English and many other languages intituled The Spanish cruelties Who would therefore repose trust in such a nation of rauenous strangers and especially in those Spaniards which more greedily thirst after English blood then after the liues of any other people of Europe for the many ouerthrowes and dishonours they haue receiued at our hands whose weakenesse wee haue discouered to the world and whose forces at home abroad in Europe in India by sea and land wee haue euen with handfulles of men and shippes ouerthrowen and dishonoured Let not therefore any English man of what religion soeuer haue other opnion of the Spaniards but that those whom hee seeketh to winne of our Nation he esteemeth base and trayterous vnworthy persons or vnconstant fooles and that he vseth his pretence of religion for no other purpose but to bewitch vs from the obedience of our naturall Prince thereby hoping in time to bring vs to slauery and subiection and then none shall be vnto them so odious and disdayned as the traitours themselues who haue solde their Countrey to a stranger and forsaken their faith and obediâ—nce contrarie to nature religion and contrarie to that humane and generall honour not onely of Christians but of heathen and irreligious nations who haue alwayes sustayned what labour soeuer and embraced euen death it selfe for their countrey Prince or common-wealth To conclude it hath euer to this day pleased God to prosper and defend her Maiestie to breake the purposes of malicious enemies of forsworne traytors and of iniust practises and inuasions She hath euer beene honoured of the worthiest kings serued by faithfull subiects and shall by the fauour of God resist repell and confound all whatsoeuer attempts against her sacred person or kingdome In the meane time let the Spaniard and traytour vaunt of their successe and wee her true and obedient vassals guided by the shining light of her vertues shall alwayes loue her serue her and obey her to the end of our liues A particular note of the Indian fleet expected to haue come into Spaine this present yeere of 1591. with the number of shippes that are perished of the same according to the examination of certaine Spaniards lately taken and brought into England by the ships of London THe fleete of Noua Hispania at their first gathering together and setting foorth were two and fiftie sailes The Admirall was of sixe hundred tunnes and the Uice Admirall of the same burthen Foure or fiue of the shippes were of nine hundred and 1000 tunnes a peece some fiue hundred and some foure hundred and the least of two hundred tuns Of this fleet 19 were cast away and in them 2600 men by estimation which was done along the coast of Noua Hispania so that of the same fleet there came to the Hauana but 33 sailes The fleete of Terra Firma were at their first departure from Spaine fiftie sailes which were bound for Nombre de Dios where they did discharge their lading and thence returned to Cartagena for their healths sake vntill the time the treasure was readie they should take in at the said Nombre de Dios. But before this fleete departed some were gone by one or two at a time so that onely 23 sayles of this fleete arriued in the Hauana At the Hauana there met 33 sailes of Noua Hispania 23 sailes of Terra Firma 12 sailes of San Domingo 9 sailes of the Hunduras The whole 77 shippes ioyned and set sailes all together at the Hauana the 17 of Iuly according to our account and kept together vntill they came into the height of thirtie fiue degrees which was about the tenth of August where they found the winde at Southwest chaunged suddenly to the North so that
he might be Uiceroy But when he once had receiued his patent with full power authoritie from the king to be Uiceroy he changed so much from his former behauior that by reason of his pride they all began to feare and curse him and that before hee departed out of Lisbon as it is often seene in many men that are aduanced vnto state and dignitie The 20 of Ianuarie 1591. there was newes brought out of Portugall into Tercera that the Englishmen had takeÌ„ a ship that the king had sent into the Portugal-Indies w t aduise to the Uiceroy for the returning againe of the 4 ships that should haue gone to India because the ships were come backe againe that ship was stuffed and laded as full of goods as possible it might be hauing likewise in ready money 500 thousand duckets in roials of 8 besides other wares It departed from Lisbon in the moneth of Nouember 1590. met with the Englishmen with whoÌ„ for a time it fought but in the end it was taken and caried into England with men all yet when they came there the men were set at libertie and returned into Lisbon where the captaine was committed prisoner but he excused himselfe and was released with whom I spake my selfe he made this report vnto me At the same time also they tooke a ship that came from the Mine ladeÌ„ with gold 2 ships laden with pepper spices that were to saile into Italy the pepper onely that was in them being worth 170 thousand duckets all these ships were caried into England made good prise In the moneth of Iuly 1591. there hapned an earthquake in the Iland of S. Michael which continued froÌ„ the 26 of Iuly to the 12 of August in which time no man durst stay within his house but fled into the fields fasting praying with great sorow for that many of their houses fel down and a towne called Villa Franca was almost cleane razed to the ground all the cloisters houses shaken to the earth and therein some people slaine The land in some places rose vp and the cliffs remooued from one place to another and some hils were defaced and made euen with the ground The earthquake was so strong that the ships which lay in the road and on the sea shaked as if the world would haue turned round there sprang also a fountaine out of the earth from whence for the space of 4 daies there flowed a most cleare water after that it ceased At the same time they heard such thunder noise vnder the earth as if all the deuils in hell had bin assembled together in that place wherewith many died for feare The Iland of Tercera sâ—ooke 4 times together so that it seemed to turne about but there hapned no misfortune vnto it Earthquakes are common in those Ilands for about 20 yeres past there hapned another earthquake wherein a high hill that lieth by the same towne of Villa Franca fell halfe downe couered all the towne with earth and killed many men The 25 of August the kings Armada comming out of Ferol arriued in Tercera being in all 30 ships Biskaines Portugals and Spaniards and 10 dutch flieboats that were arrested in Lisbon to serue the king besides other small ships pataxos that came to serue as messengers from place to place and to discouer the seas This nauie came to stay for and conuoy the ships that should come from the Spanish Indies and the flieboats were appointed in their returne home to take in the goods that were saued in the lost ship that came from Malacca and to conuoy them to Lisbon The 13 of September the said Armada arriued at the Iland of Coruo where the Englishmen with about 16 ships as then lay staying for the Spanish fleet whereof some or the most part were come and there the English were in good hope to haue taken them But wheÌ„ they perceiued the kings army to be strong the Admiral being the lord Thomas Howard commanded his Fleet not to fal vpon them nor any of them once to separate their ships from him vnlesse he gaue commission so to do notwithstanding the viceadmirall sir Richard Greenuil being in the ship called the Reuenge went into the Spanish fleet and shot among them doing them great hurt thinking the rest of the company would haue folowed which they did not but left him there sailed away the cause why could not be knoweÌ„ Which the Spaniards perceiuing with 7 or 8 ships they boorded her but she withstood them all fighting with them at the least 12 houres together and sunke two of them one being a new double Flieboat of 600 tunnes and Admiral of the Flieboats the other a Biscain but in the end by reason of the number that came vpon her she was taken but to their great losse for they had lost in fighting and by drowning aboue 400 men and of the English were slaine about 100 Sir Richard Greenuil himselfe being wounded in his braine whereof afterwards he died He was caried into the ship called S. Paul wherein was the Admirall of the fleet Don Alonso de Baçan there his wounds were drest by the Spanish surgeons but Don Alonso himselfe would neither see him nor speake with him all the rest of the captaines and gentlemen went to visite him and to comfort him in his hard fortune wondering at his courage and stout heart for y t he shewed not any signe of faintnes nor changing of colour but feeling the houre of death to approch he spake these words in Spanish and said Here die I Richard Greenuil with a ioyful quiet mind for that I haue ended my life as a true souldier ought to do that hath fought for his countrey Queene religion and honor whereby my soule most ioyfull departeth out of this body shal alwayes leaue behind it an euerlasting fame of a valiant true souldier that hath done his dutie as he was bound to doe When he had finished these or such other like words he gaue vp the Ghost with great stout courage no man could perceiue any true signe of heauines in him This sir Rich. Greenuil was a great and a rich gentleman in England had great yeerely reuenues of his owne inheritance but he was a man very vnquiet in his mind and greatly affected to war insomuch as of his owne priuate motion he offred his seruice to the Queene he had performed many valiant acts and was greatly feared in these Ilands and knowen of euery man but of nature very seuere so that his owne people hated him for his fiercenesse spake very hardly of him for when they first entred into the fleet or Armada they had their great saile in a readinesse and might possibly enough haue â—ailed away for it was one of the best ships for saile in England and the master perceiuing that the other ships had left them folowed not after commanded the great
saile to be cut that they might make away but sir Rich. Greenuil threatned both him al the rest that were in the ship y t if any maÌ„ laid hand vpon it he would cause him to be hanged and so by that occasion they were compelled to fight in the end were taken He was of so hard a coÌ„plexion that as he continued among the Spanish captains while they were at dinner or supper with him he would carouse 3 or 4 glasses of wine and in a brauerie take the glasses betweene his teeth and crash them in pieces swalow them downe so that oftentimes the blood ran out of his mouth without any harme at all vnto him this was told me by diuers credible persons that many times stood and beheld him The Englishmen that were left in the ship as the captaine of the souldiers the master and others were dispersed into diuers of the Spanish ships that had taken them where there had almost a new fight arisen between the Biscains and the Portugals while each of them would haue the honour to haue first boorded her so that there grew a great noise and quarel among them one taking the chiefe ensigne and the other the flag and the captaine and euery one held his owne The ships that had boorded her were altogether out of order and broken and many of their men hurt whereby they were compelled to come into the Island of Tercera there to repaire theÌ„selues where being arriued I and my chamber-felow to heare some newes went aboord one of the ships being a great Biscain and one of the 12 Apostles whose captaine was called Bartandono that had bin General of the Biscains in the fleet that went for England He seeing vs called vs vp into the gallery where with great curtesie he receiued vs being as then set at dinner with the English captaine that sate by him and had on a sute of blacke veluet but he could not tell vs any thing for that he could speake no other language but English and Latine which Bartandono also could a litle speake The English captaine got licence of the gouernour that he might come on land with his weapon by his side and was in our lodging with the Englishman that was kept prisoner in the Iland being of that ship whereof the sailers got away as I said before The gouernour of Tercera bade him to dinner and shewed him great curtesie The master likewise with licence of Bartâ—ndono came on land and was in our lodging and had at the leastâ— 10 or 12 wounds as well in his head as on his body whereof after that being at sea between Lisbon the Ilands he died The captaine wrote a letter wherein he declared all the maner of the fight and left it with the English marchant that lay in our lodging to send it to the lord Admiral of England This English captaine comming vnto Lisbon was there wel receiued and not any hurt done vnto him but with good conuoy sent to Setuual and from thence sailed into England with all the rest of the Englishmen that were taken prisoners The Spanish armie staied at the Iland of Coruo til the last of September to assemble the rest of the fleet together which in the ende were to the number of 140 sailes of ships partly comming from India and partly of the army and being altogether ready to saile to Tercera in good company there suddenly rose so hard cruell a storme that those of the Ilands did affirme that in mans memorie there was neuer any such seen or heard off before for it seemed the sea would haue swalowed vp the Ilands the water mounting higher then the cliffs which are so high that it amaseth a man to behold them but the sea reached aboue them and liuing fishes were throwen vpon the land This storme continued not only a day or two with one wind but 7 or 8 dayes continually the wind turning round about in al places of the compasse at the lest twise or thrise during that time and all alike with a continuall storme and tempest most terrible to behold euen to vs that were on shore much more then to such as were at sea so that onely on the coasts and cliffes of the Iland of Tercera there were aboue 12 ships cast away and not onely vpon the one side but round about it in euery corner wherby nothing els was heard but complaining crying lamenting telling here is a ship broken in pieces against the cliffes and there another and all the men drowned so that for the space of 20 dayes after the storme they did nothing els but fish for dead men that continually came driuing on the shore Among the rest was the English ship called the Reuenge that was cast away vpon a cliffe neere to the Iland of Tercera where it brake in an hundred pieces sunke to the ground hauing in her 70 men Galegos Biscains and others with some of the captiue Englishmen whereof but one was saued that got vp vpon the cliffes aliue and had his body and head all wounded and he being on shore brought vs the newes desiring to be shrinen thereupon presently died The Reuenge had in her diuers faire brasse pieces that were all sunke in y e sea which they of the Iland were in good hope to waigh vp againe the next Sommer after Among these ships that were cast away about Tercera was likewise a Flie-boat one of those that had bin arrested in Portugall to serue the king called the white Doue the master of her was one Cornelius Martenson of Schiedam in Holland add there were in her 100 souldiers as in euery one of the rest there were He being ouer-ruled by the captaine that he could not be master of his owne sayling here and there at the mercy of God as the storme droue him in the end came within the sight of the Iland of Tercera which the Spaniards perceiuing thought all their safetie onely to consist in putting into the road compelling the Master and the Pilot to make towards the Iland although the master refused to doe it saying that they were most sure there to be cast away and vtterly spoyled but the captaine called him drunkard and Heretique and striking him with a staffe commaunded him to doe as hee would haue him The Master seeing this and being compelled to doe it sayd well then my Masters seeing it is the desire of you all to bee cast away I can but lose one life and therewith desperately he sailed towards the shore and was on that side of the Iland where there was nothing els but hard stones and rocks as high as mountaines most terriâ—le to beholdeâ— where some of the inhabitants stood with long ropes and corke bound at the end thereof to throâ— them downe vnto the men that they might lay holde vpon them and saue their liues but few of them got so neere most of them being cast away and smitten in
with whom dayly I exchanged my yron other wares for hides and some elephants teeth finding the people very friendly and tractable And the next day after our arriuall I went vp into the land about three miles to the towne of Refisca where I was friendly vsed and well entertained of the alcaide and especially of a yoong nobleman called Conde Amar Pattay who presented me with an oxe for my company goats and some yoong kids assuring me that the king would be glad to heare of the arriuall of a Christians ship whom they called Blancos that is white men especially of an English ship And so dayly the yong Conde came with a small company of horsemen to the sea side feasting me very kindly and courteously And the fift of December he with his traine came aboord to see the ship which to them seemed woonderfull as people that seldome had seene the like who tolde me that his messenger from the king was returned and the king reioyced much to heare that English men were come with a ship to trade in his ports and being the first Englishman that euer came with a ship I was the better welcome promising that I or any Englishman hereafter should be wel intreated find good dealing at their hands And further the Conde on the kings behalfe and his owne earnestly requested that before my departure off the coast I would returne againe to his road to conferre with him for the better continuance and confirming of amity betweene them and Englishmen which I agreed vnto And so shewing him and his company the best friendship and courtesie I could he went on shore and should haue had the honor of our ordinance but that he desired the contrary being amazed at the sight of the ship and noise of the gunnes which they did greatly admire The 13 of December at night we weighed anker and arriued the 14 day at the road of Porto d' Ally which is another kingdome the king thereof is called Amar Meleck sonne to Meleck Zamba the other king and dwelleth a dayes iourney and an halfe from Porto d' Ally When we had ankered the kings kinsmen being gouernors with all the officers of that towne came aboord to receiue all duties for the ship licence to traffike due to the king who there generally seemed to be very glad that no Portugall was come in our ship out of England saying it was the kings pleasure we should bring none hereafter for that the king did esteeme them as people of no truth and complained of one Francisco de Costa seruant to Don Antonio how he had often and the last yere also abused and deluded their king Amar Meleck in promising to bring him certaine things out of England which he neuer performed and deemed that to be the cause of his staying behinde this voyage and that neither Spaniard nor Portugall could abide vs but reported very badly and gaue out hard speeches tending to the defamation great dishonor of England and also affirmed that at the arriuall of an English ship called The Command of Richard Kelley of Dartmouth one Pedro Gonsalues a Portugall that came in the sayd ship from Don Antonio reported vnto them that we were fled out of England and come away vpon intent to rob and do great spoile vpon this coast to the Negros and Portugals and that Thomas Dasâ—el had murdered Francisco de Acosta since our comming from England who was comming to their king in our ship with great presents from Don Antonio and desired that at our arriuall stay might be made of our goods and our selues in secret maner which they denied not giuing credit to his report hauing bene often abused by such friuolous and slanderous speeches by that nation telling me their king was sory for the former murder and captiuity of our nation and would neuer yeeld to the like hauing the Portugals and Spaniards in generall hatred euer since and conceiueth much better of our countrey and vs then these our enemies report of For which I yeelded them hearty thanks assuring them they should finde great difference betweene the loyalty of the one and disloyalty of the other and so payed their dueties and for that it was the chiefe place of trade I shewed them how I was resolued to goe to their king with certaine presents which we had brought out of England which we determined for the more honor and credit of our countrey and augmenting of their better affection toward vs. All this while Thomas Dassel was with our great pinnesse at the towne of Ioala being in the kingdome of king Iocoel Lamiockeric traffiking with the Spaniards Portugals there And the forenamed Pedro Gonsalues which came out of England was there also with other English marchants about the busines of Rich. Kelley and as it should seeme for that he could not obtaine his mischieuous pretended purpose against Thomas Dassel and others at the towne of Porto d' Ally where I Richard Rainolds remained he attempted with consent of other Portugals which were made priuy to his intent to betray the sayd Thomas Dassel at this towne had with bribes seduced the chiefe commanders and Negros to effect his wicked most villanous practise which as God would was reuealed to the sayd Thomas Dassel by Rich. Cape an Englishman and seruant to the forenamed Rich. Kelley to whom this sayd Pedro Gonsalues had disclosed his secret treachery willing him with all expedition to stand vpon his guard Whereupon Thomas Dassel went aboord a small English barke called The Cherubin of Lime and there one Iohn Payua a Portugall and seruant of Don Antonio declared that if he one Garcia a Portugall of the sayd towne would haue consented with Pedro Gonsalues the sayd Thomas Dassel had bene betrayed long before And vpon this warning Thomas Dassel the next day hauing gotten three Portugals aboord aduised for our better securities to send two on land detained one with him called Villa noua telling them that if the next day by eight of the clocke they would bring Pedro Gonsalues aboord â—o him he would release the sayd Villa noua which they did not And Thomas Dassel hauing intelligence that certaine Negros and Portugals were ridden post ouer-land Porto d' Ally with intent to haue Richard Rainolds and his company stayd on land being doubtfull what friendship soeuer the vnconstant Negros professed by reason they be often wauering being ouercome with drinking wine how they would deale to preuent the dangerous wiles that might be effected in the road by Portugals and for better strength the 24 of December he came with his pinnesse Portugall to ride in the road of Porto d' Ally where our great shippe the Nightingall was who was no sooner arriued but he had newes also from the shore from Iohn Baily Anthony Dassels seruant who was there with our goods detained by the Portugals means that aboue 20 Portugals and Spaniards
gotten and that stormes and tempests began to reigne in New-found land and that we were so farre from home not knowing the perils and dangers that were behind for either we must agree to returne home againe or els to stay there all the yeere Moreouer we did consider that if the Northerne winds did take vs it were not possible for vs to depart thence All which opinions being heard and considered we altogether determined to addresse our seluâ—s homeward Nowe because vpon Saint Peters day wee entred into the sayd Streite wee named it Saint Peters Streite Wee sounded it in many places in some wee found 150 fadome water in some 100 and neere the shoare sirtie and cleere ground From that day till Wednesday following we had a good and prosperous gale of winde so that we trended the said North shore East Southeast West Northwest for such is the situation of it except one Cape of low lands that bendeth more toward the Southeast about twenty fiue leagues from the Streight In this place we saw certaine smokes that the people of the countrey made vpon the sayd cape but because the wind blewe vs toward the coast we went not to them which when they saw they came with two boates and twelue men vnto vs and as freely came vnto our ships as if they had bene French men and gaue vs to vnderstand that they came from the great gulfe and that Tiennot was their Captaine who then was vpon that Cape making signes vnto vs that they were going home to their Countreys whence we were come with our ships and that they were laden with Fish We named the sayd Cape Cape Tiennot From the said Cape all the land trendeth Eastsoutheast and Westnorthwest All these lands lie low very pleasant enuironed with sand where the sea is entermingled with marishes and shallowes the space of twentie leagues then doth the land begin to trend from West to Eastnortheast altogether enuironed with Islands two or three leagues from land in which as farre as we could see are many dangerous shelues more then foure or fiue leagues from land How that vpon the ninth of August wee entred within White Sands and vpon the fift of September we came to the port of S. Malo FRom the sayd Wednesday vntill Saturday following we had a great wind from the Southwest which caused vs to run Eastnortheast on which day we came to the Easterly partes of Newfouâ—dland between the Granges and the Double Cape There began great stormie winds comming froÌ„ the East with great rage wherfore we coasted the Cape Northnorthwest to search the Northerne part which is as we haue sayd all enuironed with Islands and being neere the said Islands and land the wind â—urned into the South which brought vs within the sayd gulfe so that the next day being the 9 of August we by the grace of God entred within the White Sands And this is so much as we haue discouered After that vpon the 15 of August being the feast of the Assumption of our Lady after that we had heard seruice we altogether departed from the porte of White Sands and with a happy and prosperous weather we came into the middle of the sea that is between Newfound land and Britanie in which place we were tost and â—urmoyled three dayes long with great stormes and windy tempests comming from the East which with the ayde and assistance of God we suffred then had we faire weather and vpon the fift of September in the sayd yere we came to the port of S. Malo whence we departed The language that is spoken in the Land newly discouered called New France God the Sunne Isnez the Heauen camet the Day the Night aiagla Water amâ— Sand estogaz a Saylâ— aganie the Heaâ— agonaze the Throate conguedo the Nose hehonguesto the Teeth hesangue the Nayles agetascu the Feete ochedasco the Legs anondasco a dead man amocdaza a Skinne aionasca that Man yca a Harchet asogne a Cod fish gadagoursere good to be eateâ— guesande Flesh Almonds anougaza Figâ— asconda Gold benyosco the priuie members assegnega an Arrow cacta a greene Tree haueda an earthen dish vndaâ—o a Bow Brasse aignetaze the Brow ansce a Feather yco the Moone casmogan the Earth conda the Wind canut the Raine onnoscon Bread cacacomy the Sea amet a Ship casaomy a Man vndo the Haires hoc hosco the Eyes â—gata the Mouth hechâ— the Eares hontasco the Armes ageseu a Woman enraseseo a sicke Man alonedeche Shooes atta a skinne to couer a mans priuy meÌ„bers ouscozon vondico red cloth cahoneta a Knife agoheda a Mackrell agedoneta Nuttes caheya Apples honesta Beanes sahe a Sword achesco A shorte and briefe narration of the Nauigation made by the commandement of the King of France to the Islands of Canada Hochelaga Saguenay and diuers others which now are called New France with the particular customes and maners of the inhabitants therein Chap. 1. IN the yeere of our Lord 1535 vpon Whitsunday being the 16 of May by the commandement of our Captaine Iames Cartier and with a common accord in the Cathedrall Church of S. Malo we deuoutly each one confessed our selues and receiued the Sacrament and all entring into the Quier of the sayd Church wee presented our selues before the Reuerend Father in Christ the Lord Bishop of S. Malo who blessed vs all being in his Bishops roabes The Wednesday following being the 19 of May there arose a good gale of wind and therefore we hoysed sayle with three ships that is to say tâ—e great Hermina being in burden about a hundreth or a hundreth and twâ—nty tunne wherin the foresaid Captaine Iames Cartier was Generall and master Thomas Frosmont chiefe Master accompanied with master Claudius de Pont Briand sonne to the Lorde of Montâ—euell and Cup-bearer to the Dolphin of France Charles of Pomeraies Iohn Powler and other Gentlemen In the second ship called the little Hermina being of three score tunne burden were Captaines vnder the sayd Cartier Mace Salobert and master William Marie In the third ship called the Hermerillon being of forty tunne iu burden were Captains M. William Britton anâ— M. Iames Maingare So we sayled with a good and prosperous wind vntill the 20 of the said moneth at which time the weather turned into stormes and tempests the which with contrary winds and darkenesse endured so long that our ships being without any rest suffered as much as any ships that euer went on seas so that the 25 of Iune by reason of that foule and foggie weather all our ships lost sight one of another againe till wee came to Newfound land where we had appointed to meete After we had lost one another wee in the Generals ship were with contrary windes tost to and fro on the sea vntill the seuenth of Iuly vpon which day we arriued in Newefound land and came to the Island called The Island of Birds which lyeth from the maine land 14 leagues
the prouerb sayth he that takes beede and shields himselfe from all men may hap to scape from some for we had need to looke about vs considering how in number we were diminished and in strength greatly weakned both by reason of our sicknesse and also of the number that were dead so that we were consâ—rained to leaue one of our ships in the Port of the Holy Crosse. Our Captaine was warned of their comming and how they had brought a great number of men with them for Domagaia came to tell it vs and dursâ— not passe the riuer that was betwixt Stadacona and vs as he was wont to doe whereupon we mistrusted some treason Our Captaine seeing this sent one of his seruants to them accompanied with Iohn Poulet being best beloued of those people to see who were there and what they did The sayd Poulet the other fained themselues onely to be come to visit Donnacona bring him certaine presents because they had beene together a good while in the sayd Donnaconas Towne So soone as he heard of their comming he got himselfe to bed faining to bee very sicke That done they went to Taignoagny his house to see him and wheresoeuer they went they saw so many people that in a maner one could not stirre for another and such men as they were neuer wont to see Taignoagny would not permit our men to enter into any other houses but still kept them company and brought them halfe way to their ships and tolde them that if it would please our captaine to shew him so much fauour as to take a Lord of the Countrey whose name was Agonna of whom hee had receiued some displeasure and carie him with him into France he should therefore for euer be bound vnto him and would doe for him whatsoeuer hee would command him and bade the seruant come againe the next day and bring an answere Our Captain being aduertised of so many people that were there not knowing to what end purposed to play a prettie prancke that is to say to take their Lord Donnacona Taignoagny Domagaia and some more of the chiefest of them prisoners in so much as before hee had purposed to bring them into France to shew vnto our King what he had seene in those Westerne parts and maruels of the world for that Donnacona had told vs that he had bene in the Countrey of Saguenay in which are infinite Rubies Gold and other riches and that there are white men who clothe themselues with woollen cloth euen as we doe in France Moreouer he reported that â—ee had bene in another countrey of a people called Picquemians and other strange people The sayd Lord was an olde man and euen from his childehood had neuer left off nor ceased from trauailing into strange Countreys as well by water and riuers as by lande The sayd Poulet and the other hauing tolde our Captaine their Embassage and shewed him what Taignoagny his will was the next day he sent his seruant againe to bid Taignoagny come and see him and shewe what hee should for he should be very well entertained and also part of his will should be accomplished Taignoagny sent him word that the next day hee would come and bring the Lord Donnacona with him and him that had so offended him which hee did not but stayed two dayes in which time none came from Stadacona to our shippes as they were wont to doe but rather fled from vs as if we would haue slaine them so that then wee plainely perceiued their knauery But because they vnderstood that those of Sidatin did frequent our company and that we had forsaken the bottome of a ship which we would leaue to haue the olde nailes out of it the third day following they came from Stadacona and most of them without difficulty did passe from one side of the riuer to the other with small Skiffes but Donnacona would not come ouer Taignoagny and Domagaia stood talking together aboue an houre before they would come ouer at last they came to speake with our Captaine There Taignoagny prayed him that hee would caused the foresayd man to be taken and caried into France Our Captaine refused to doe it saying that his King had forbidden him to bring any man or woman into France onely that he might bring two or three yong boyes to learne the language but that he would willingly cary him to Newfoundland and there leaue him in an Island Our Captaine spake this onely to assure them that they should bring Donnacona with them whom they had left on the other side which wordes when Taignoagny heard hee was very glad thinking hee should neuer returne into France againe and therefore promised to come the next day which was the day of the Holy Crosse and to bring Donnacona and all the people with him How that vpon Holyrood day our Captaine caused a Crosse to be set vp in our Forte and how the Lord Donnacona Taignoagny Domagaia and others of their company came and of the taking of the sayd Lord. Chap. 18. THe third of May being Holyroode day our Captaine for the solemnitie of the day caused a goodly fayre crosse of 35 foote in height to bee set vp vnder the crosset of which hee caused a shield to be hanged wherein were the Armes of France and ouer them was written in antique letters Franciscus primus Dei gratia Francorum Rex regnat And vpon that day about noone there came a great number of the people of Stadacona men women and children who told vs that their Lord Donnacona Taignoagny and Domagaia were comming whereof we were very glad hoping to retaine them About two of the clocke in the afternoone they came being come neere our ships our Captaine went to salute Donnacona who also shewed him a mery countenance albeit very fearefully his eyes were still bent toward the wood Shortly after came Taignoagny who bade Donnacona that he should not enter into our Forte and therefore fire was brought forth by one of our men kindled where their Lord was Our Captaine prayed him to come into our ships to eate drinke as hee was wont to do and also Taignoagny who promised that after a whilche would come and so they did entred into our ships but first it was told our Captain by Domagaia that Taignoagny had spoken ill of him that he had did Donnacona hee should not come aboord our ships Our Captaine perceiuing that came out of the Forte and saw that onely by Taignoagny his warning the women ran away and none but men stayed in great number wherefore he straight commanded his men to lay hold on Donnacona Taignoagny and Domagaia two more of the chiefest whom he pointed vnto then he commanded them to make the other to retire Presently after the said lord entred into the Fort with the Captaine but by by Taignoagny came to make him come out againe Our Captaine seeing that there was no
water but it is sodden with Ginger in it and blacke Sinamon and sometimes Sassaphras and diuers other wholesome and medicinable hearbes and trees We were entertained with all loue and kindnesse and with as much bountie after their maner as they could possibly deuise We found the people most gentle louing and faithfull voide of all guile and treason and such as liue after the maner of the golden age The people onely care howe to defend themselues from the cold in their short winter and to feed themselues with such meat as the soile affoordeth there meate is very well sodden and they make broâ—h very sweet and sauorie their vessels are earthen pots very large white and sweete their dishes are wooden platters of sweet timber within the place where they feede was their lodging and within that their Idoll which they worship of whome they speake incredible things While we were at meate there came in at the gates two or three men with their bowes and arrowes from hunting whom when wee espied we beganne to looke one towardes another and offered to reach our weapons but assoone as shee espied our mistrust shee was very much mooued and caused some of her men to runne out and take away their bowes and arrowes and breake thâ—m and withall beate the poore fellowes out of the gate againe When we departed in the euening and would not tary all night she was very sory and gaue vs into our boate our supper halfe dressed pottes and all and brought vs to our boate side in which wee lay all night remoouing the same a prettie distance from the shoare shee peceiuing our ielousie was much greiued and sent diuers men and thirtie women to sit all night on the banke side by vs and sent vs into our boates fine mattes to couer vs from the raine vsing very many wordes to intreate vs to rest in their houses but because wee were fewe men and if wee had miscaried the voyage had bene in very great danger wee durst not aduenture any thing although there was no cause of doubt for a more kinde and louing people there can not be found in the worlde as farre as we haue hitherto had triall Beyond this Island there is the maine lande and ouer against this Island falleth into this spacious water the great riuer called Occam by the inhabitants on which standeth a towne called Pomeiock sixe dayes iourney from the same is situate their greatest citie called Skicoak which this people affirme to be very great but the Sauages were neuer at it only they speake of it by the report of their fathers and other men whom they haue heard affirme it to bee aboue one houres iourney about In to this riuer falleth another great riuer called Cipo in which there is found great store of Muskles in which there are pearles likewise there descendeth into this Occam another riuer called Nomopana on the one side whereof standeth a great towne called Chawanook and the Lord of that towne and countrey is called Pooneno this Pooneno is not subiect to the king of Wingandacoa but is a free Lord beyond this country is there another king whom they cal Menatonon and these three kings are in league with each other Towards the Southwest foure dayes iourney is situate a towne called Sequotan which is the Southermost towne of Wingandacoa neere vnto which sixe and twentie yeres past there was a ship cast away whereof some of the people were saued and those were white people whom the countrey people preserued And after ten dayes remaining in an out Island vnhabited called Wocokon they with the help of some of the dwellers of Sequotan fastened two boates of the countrey together made mastes vnto them and sailes of their shirtes and hauing taken into them such victuals as the countrey yeelded they departed after they had remained in this out Island 3 weekes but shortly after it seemed they were cast away for the boates were found vpon the coast cast a land in another Island adioyning other then these there was neuer any people apparelled or white of colour either seene or heare of amongst these people and these aforesaid wâ—re seene onely of the inhabitances of Secotan which appeared to 〈◊〉 very true for they wondred maruelously when we were amongst them at the whitenes of our skiâ—s â—uer coueting to touch our breasts and to view the same Besides they had our ships in maruelous admiration all things els were so strange vnto them as it appeared that none of them had euer seene the like When we discharged any piece were it but an hargubuz they would trâ—mble thâ—reat for very feareâ— and for the straâ—genesse of the same for the weapons which themselules vse are bowes and arrowes the arrowes are but of small canes headed with a sharpe shell or tooth of a fish sufficient ynough to kill a naked man Their swordes be of wood hardened likewise they vse wooden breastplates for their defence They haue beside a kinde of club in the end whereof they fasten the sharpe hornes of a stagge or other beast When they goe to warres they cary about with them their idol of whom they aske counsel as the Romans were woont of the Oracle of Apollo They sing songs as they march towardes the battell in stead of drummes and trumpets their warres are very cruell and bloody by reason whereof and of their ciuill dissentions which haue happened of late yeeres amongst them the people are maruelously wasted and in some places the countrey left desolate Adioyning to this countrey aforesaid called Secotan beginâ—eth a countrey called Pomouik belonging to another king whom they call Piamacum and this king is in league with the next king adioyning towards the setting of the Sunne and the countrey Newsiok situate vpon a goodly riuer called Neus thâ—se kings haue mortall warre with Wingina king of Wingandacoa but about two yeeres past there was a peace made betweene the king Piemacum and the Lord of Secotan as these men which we haue brought with vs to England haue giuen vs to vnderstand but there remaineth a mortall malice in the Secotanes for many iniuries slaughters done vpon them by this Piemacum They inuited diuers men and thirtie women of the best of his countrey to their towne to a feast and when they were altogether merry praying before their Idol which is nothing els but a meer illusion of the deuil the captaine or Lord of the town came suddenly vpon theÌ„ and slewe them euery one reseruing the women and children and these two haue oftentimes since perswaded vs to surprize Piemacum his towne hauing promised and assured vs that there will be found in it great store of commodities But whether their perswasion be to the ende they may be reuenged of their enemies or for the loue they beare to vs we leaue that to the tryall hereafter Beyond this Island called Roanoak are maine Islands very plentifull of fruits and
foule weather In the beginning whereof shall bee declared the conspiracie of Peâ—isapan with the Sauages of the maine to haue cut vs off c. The first part declaring the particularities of the Countrey of Virginia FIrst therefore touching the particularities of the Countrey you shall vnderstand that our discouerie of the same hath beene extended from the Iland of Roanoak the same hauing bene the place of our settlement or inhabitatioÌ„ into the South into the North into the Northwest and into the West The vttermost place to the Southward of any discouery was Secotan being by estimation fourescore miles distant from Roanoak The passage from thence was through a broad sound within the mayne the same being without kenning of lande and yet full of flats and shoalds we had but one boate with foure oares to passe through the same which boate could not carry aboue fifteene men with their furniture baggage and victuall for seuen dayes at the most and as for our pinnesse besides that she drew too deep water for that shallow sound she would not stirre for an oare for these and other reasons winter also being at hand we thought good wholly to leaue the discouery of those parts vntill our stronger supply To the Northward our furthest discouery was to the Chesepians distant from Roanoak about 130. miles the passage to it was very shallow and most dangerous by reason of the bredth of the sound and the little succour that vpon any flawe was there to be had But the Territorie and soyle of the Chesepians being distant fifteene miles from the shoare was for pleasantnes of seate for temperature of Climate for fertilitie of soyle and for the commoditie of the Sea besides multitude of Beares being an excellent good victuall with great woods of Sassafras and Wallnut trees is not to be excelled by any other whatsoeuer There be sundry Kings whom they call Weroances and Countreys of great fertility adioyning to the same as the Mandoages Tripanicks and Opossians which all came to visite the Colonie of the English which I had for a time appointed to be resident there To the Northwest the farthest place of our discouery was to Chawanook distant from Roanoak about 130. miles Our passage thither lyeth through a broad sound but all fresh water and the chanell of a great depth nauigable for good shipping but out of the chanell full of shoalds The Townes about the waters side situated by the way are these following Paslaquenoke The womans Towne Chepanoc Weapomeiok Muscamunge Metackâ—em all these being vnder the iurisdiction of the king of Weapomeiok called Okisco â—rom Muscamunge we enter into the Riuer and iurisdiction of Chawanook There the Riuer beginneth to straighten vntill it come to Chawanook and then groweth to be as narrow as the Thames betewene Westminster and Lambeth Betweene Muscamunge and Chawanook vpon the left hand as wee passe thither is a goodly high land and there is a Towne which we called The blinde Towne but the Sauages called it Ohanoak and hath a very goodly corne field belonging vnto it it is subiect to Chawanook Chawanook it selfe is the greatest Prouince Seigniorie lying vpon that Riuer and the very Towne it selfe is able to put 700. fighting men into the fielde besides the forces of the Prouince it selfe The King of the sayd Prouince is called Menatonon a man impotent in his lims but otherwise for a Sauage a very graue and wise man and of a very singular good discourse in matters concerning the state not onely of his owne Countrey and the disposition of his owne men but also of his neighbours round about him as well farre as neere and of the commodities that eache Countrey yeeldeth When I had him prisoner with me for two dayes that we were together he gaue mee more vnderstanding and light of the Countrey then I had râ—ceiued by all the searches and Sauages that before I or any of my companie had had conference with it was in March last past 1586. Amongst other things he tolde me that going three dayes iourney in a Canon vp his Riuer of Chawanook and then descending to the land you are within foure dayes iourney to passe ouer land Northeast to a certaine Kings countrey whose Prouince lyeth vpon the Sea but his place of greatest strength is an Island situate as hee described vnto mee in a Bay the water round about the Island very deepe Out of this Bay hee signified vnto mee that this King had so great quantitie of Pearle and doeth so ordinarily take the same as that not onely his owne skinnes that hee weareth and the better sort of his gentlemen and followers are full set with the sayd Pearle but also his beds and houses are garnished with them and that hee hath such quantitie of them that it is a wonder to see He shewed me that the sayd King was with him at Chawanook two yeeres before brought him certaine Pearle but the same of the worst sort yet was he faine to buy them of him for copper at a deere rate as he thought Hee gaue mee a rope of the same pearle but they were blacke and naught yet many of them were very great and a few amongst a number very orient and round all which I lost with other things of mine comming aboord Sir Francis Drake his Fleete yet he tolde me that the sayd King had great store of Pearle that were white great and round and that his blacke Pearle his men did take out of shallow water but the white Pearle his men fished for in very deepe water It seemed to me by his speach that the sayd King had traffique with white men that had clothes as we haue for these white Pearle and that was the reason that hee would not depart with other then with blacke Pearles to those of the same countrey The king of Chawanook promised to giue me guids to go ouer land into that kings countrey whensoeuer I would but he aduised me to take good store of men with me and good store of victuall for he said that king would be loth to suffer any strangers to enter into his Countrey and especially to meddle with the fishing for any Pearle there and that hee was able to make a great many of men into the field which he sayd would fight very well Hereupon I resolued with my selfe that if your supplie had come before the ende of Aprill and that you had sent any store of boates or men to haue had them made in any reasonable time with a sufficient number of men and victuals to haue found vs vntill the new come were come in I would haue sent a small barke with two pinnesses about by Sea to the Northward to haue found out the Bay he spake of and to haue sounded the barre if there were any which should haue ridden there in the sayd Bay about that Iland while I with all the small boates I could make and with two hundred men
the moneth of Iune Hauing cast anker I embarked all my stuffe and the souldiers of my companie to sayle right toward the opening of the Riuer wherein we entred a good way vp and found a Creeke of a reasonable bignesse which inuited vs to refresh our selues a little while wee reposed our selues there Afterward wee went on shoare to seeke out a place plaine without trees which wee perceiued from the Creeke But because wee found it not very commodious for vs to inhabite there wee determined to returne vnto the place which wee had discouered before when wee had sayled vp the Riuer This place is ioyning to a mountaine and it seemed vnto vs more fit and commodious to build a fortresse then that where we were last Therefore we tooke our way towards the forrests being guided therein by the young Paracoussy which had ledde vs before to his fathers lodging Afterward we found a large plaine couered with high Pinetrees distant a little from the other vnder which wee perceiued an infinite number of Stagges which brayed amidst the plaine athwart the which we passed then wee discouered a little hill adioyning vnto a great vale very greene and in forme flat wherein were the fairest medowes of the world and grasse to feede rattel Moreouer it is inuironed with a great number of brookes of fresh water high woods which make the vale more delectable to the eye After I had taken the viewe thereof at mine ease I named it at the request of our souldiers The Vale of Laudonniere Thus we went forward Anon hauing gone a little forward we met an Indian woman of tall stature which also was an Hermaphrodite who came before vs with a great vâ—ssell full of cleere fountaine water wherwith she greatly refreshed vs. For we were exceeding faint by reason of the ardent heate which molested vs as we passed through those high woods And I beleeue that without the succour of that Indian Hermaphrodite or rather if it had not bene for the great desire which we had to make vs resolute of our selues we had taken vp our lodging all night in the wood Being therefore refreshed by this meane wee gathered our spirits together and marching with a cheerefull courage wee came to the place which wee had chosen to make our habitation in whereupon at that instant neere the riuers brinke we strowed a number of boughes and leaues to take our rest on them the night following which wee found exceeding sweete because of the paine which before we had taken in our trauell On the morrow about the breake of day I commaunded a trumpet to be sounded that being assembled we might giue God thankes for our fauourable and happie arriuall There wee sang a Psalme of thankesgiuing vnto God beseeching him that it would please him of his grace to continue his accustomed goodnesse toward vs his poore seruaunts and ayde vs in all our enterprises that all might turne to his glory and the aduancement of our King The prayer ended euery man began to take courage Afterward hauing measured out a piece of ground in forme of a triangle wee indeuoured our selues of all sides some to bring earth some to cut fagots and others to raise and make the rampire for there was not a man that had not either a shouell or cutting hooke or hatchet as well to make the ground plaine by cutting downe the trees as for the building of the Fort which we did hasten w t such cheerfulnesse that within few dayes the effect of our diligence was apparant in which meane space the Paracoussy Satourioua our neerest neighbour on whose ground wee built our Fort came vsually accompanyed with his two sonnes and a great number of Indians to offer to doe vs all courtesie And I likewise for my part bestowed diuers of our trifles frankely on him to the end he might know the good will we bare him and thereby make him more desirous of our friendship in such sort that as the dayes increased so our amitie and friendship increased also After that our Fort was brought into forme I began to build a Grange to retire my munition and things necessarie for the defence of our Fort praying the Paracoussy to command his subiects to make vs a couering of Palme leaues and this to the â—nde that when that was done I might vnfraight my shippes and put vnder couerture those things that were in them Suddenly the Paracoussy commaunded in my presence all the Indians of his companie to dresse the next day morning so good a number of Palme leaues that the Grange was couered in lesse then two dayes so that businesse was finished For in the space of those two dayes the Indians neuer ceassed from working some in fetching Palme leaues others in interlacing of them in such sort that their Kings commandement was executed as he desired Our Fort was built in forme of a triangle The side towarde the West which was toward the lande was inclosed with a little trench and raised with turues made in forme of a Battlement of nine foote high the other side which was toward the Riuer was inclosed with a Pallisado of plankes of timber after the maner that Gabions are made On the South side there was a kinde of bastion within which I caused an house for the munition to be built it was all builded with fagots and sand sauing about two of three foot high with turfes whereof the battlements were made In the middest I caused a great Court to be made of eighteene paces long and broad in the middest whereof on the one side drawing toward the South I builded a Corps de gard and an house on the other side toward the North which I caused to bee raised somewhat too high for within a short while after the wind beat it down and experience taught me that we may not build with high stages in this Countrey by reason of the windes whereunto it is subiect One of the sides that inclosed my Court which I made very faire and large reached vnto the Grange of my munitions and on the other side towardes the Riuer was mine owne lodging round about which were galleries all couered The principall doore of my lodging was in the middest of the great place and the other was towarde the Riuer A good distance from the Fort I built an Ouen to auoyde the danger against fire because the houses are of Palme leaues which will soone be burnt after the fire catcheth holde of them so that with much adoe a man shall haue leasure to quench them Loe here in briefe the description of our Fortresse which I named Caroline in the honour of our Prince King Charles After wee were furnished with that which was most necessarie I would not lose a minute of an houre without imploying of the same in some vertuous exercise therefore I charged Monsieur de Ottigni my Lieutenant a man in trueth
of them which was in the company Being come thither they deuided their prisoners equally to each of the Paracoussies and left thirteene of them to Satourioua which straight way dispatched an Indian his subiect to carry newes before of the victory to them which stayed at home to guard their houses which immediatly beganne to weepe But assoone as night was come they neuer left dancing and playing a thousand gambols in honour of the feast The next day the Paracoussy Satourioua came home who before hee entred into his lodging caused all the hairie skuls of his enemies to bee set vp before his doore and crowned them with branches of Lawrell shewing by this glorious spectacle the triumph of the victory which hee had obtained Straightway beganne lamentation and mournings which assoone as the night beganne were turned into pleasures and dances After that I was aduertised of these things I sent a Souldier vnto Satourioua praying him to sende mee two of his prisoners which hee denied mee saying that hee was nothing beholding vnto mee and that I had broken my promise against the oath which I had sworne vnto him at my arriuall Which when I vnderstoode by my Souldier which was come backe with speede I deuised howe I might be reuenged of this Sauage and to make him know how dearely this bolde brauado of his should cost him therefore I commanded my Sergeant to prouide mee twentie Souldiers to goe with mee to the house of Satourioua Where after I was come and entered into the hall without any maner of salutation I went and sate mee downe by him and stayed a long while without speaking any woorde vnto him or shewing him any signe of friendship which thing put him deepely in his dumpes besides that certaine Souldiers remained at the gate to whom I had giuen expresse commaundement to suffer no Indian to goe foorth hauing stoode still about halfe an houre with this countenance at length I demaunded where the prisoners were which hee had taken at Thimogoa and commaunded them presently to bee brought vnto me Whereunto the Paracoussy angry at the heart and astonied wonderfully stoode a long while without making any answere notwithstanding at last hee answered me very stoutly that being afraide to see vs comming thither in such warrelike maner they fled into the woods and that not knowing which way they were gone they were not able by any meanes to bring them againeâ— Then I seemed to make as though I vnderstood not what he saide and asked for his prisoners againe and for some of his principall allies Then Satourioua commaunded his sonne Athore to seeke out the prisoners and to cause them to be brought into that place which thing he did within an houre after After they were come to the lodging of the Paracoussy they humbly saluted mee and lifting vp their hands before me they would haue fallen downe prostrate as it were at my feet but I would not suffer them and soone after ledde them away with me vnto my owne Fort. The Paracoussy being wonderfully offended with this brauado be thought himselfe by all meanes how hee might be reuenged of vs. But to giue vs no suspition thereof and the better to couer his intention hee sent his messengers oftentimes vnto vs bringing alwayes with them some kinde of presents Among others one day hee sent three Indians which brought vs two baskets full of great Pumpions much more excellent then those which we haue in France and promised me in their Kings behalfe that during mine abode in that Countrey I should neuer want victuals I thanked them for their Kings good will and signified vnto them the great desire which I had aswell for the benefit of Satourioua as for the quiet of his Subiects to make a peace betweene him and those of Thimogoa which thing coulde not choose but turne to their great benefite seeing that being allied with the Kings of those parts hee had an open passage against Onatheaqua his ancient enemie which otherwise he could not set vpon Moreouer that Olata Ouae Vtina was so mightie a Paracoussy that Satourioua was not able to withstand his forces but being agreed together they might easily ouerthrow all their enemies and might passe the confines of the farthest Riuers that were towards the South The messengers prayed mee to haue patience vntill the morowe at what time they would come againe vnto me to certifie me of their Lords inclination which they failed not to doe aduertising me that Paracoussy Satourioua was the gladdest man in the world to treate of this accord although indeed hee was quite contrary and that he besought mee to be diligent therein promising to obserue and performe whatsoeuer I should agree vpon with those of Thimogoa which things the messengers also rehearsed vnto the prisoners which I had ledde away After they were departed I resolued within two dayes to sende backe againe the prisoners to Olata Ouae Vtina whose subiects they were but before I embarked them I gaue them certaine small trifles which were little kniues or tablets of glasse wherein the image of King Charles the ninth was drawen very liuely for which they gaue me very great thankes as also for the honest entertainment which was giuen them at the Fort Caroline After this they embarked themselues with Captaine Vasseur and with Monsieur de Arlac mine Ensigne which I had sent of purpose to remaine a certaine time with Ouae Vtina hoping that the fauour of this great Paracoussy would serue my turne greatly to make my discoueries in time to come I sent with him also one of my Sergeants and sixe gallant Souldiers Thus things passed on this maner and the hatred of Paracoussy Sarourioua against mee did still continue vntil that on the nine and twentieth of August a lightning from heauen fell within halfe a league of our Fort more worthy I beleeue to be wondered at and to bee put in writing then all the strange signes which haue bene seene in times past and whereof the histories haue neuer written For although the medowes were at that season all greene and halfe couered ouer with water neuerthelesse the lightning in one instant consumed aboue fiue hundred acres therewith and burned with the ardent heate thereof all the foules which tooke their pastime in the medowes which thing continued for three dayes space which caused vs not a little to muse not being able to iudge whereof this fire proceeded for one while wee thought that the Indians had burnt their houses and abandoned their places for feare of vs another while wee thought that they had discouered some shippes in the Sea and that according to their custome they had kindled many fires here and there to signifie that their Countrey was inhabited neuerthelesse being not assured I determined to sende to Paracoussy Serranay to knowe the trueth thereof But euen as I was vpon the point to sende one by boate to discouer the matter sixe Indians came vnto mee
that by this time we had almost driuen out the moneth of May two subiects of king Vtina came vnto me with an Hermaphrodite which shewed mee that by this time the maiz was ripe in the greatest part of their quarters Whereupon Vtina signified vnto me that in case I would carrie him home to his house he would take such good order that I should haue plentie of maiz beanes and withall that the field which he had caused to be sowen for me should be reserued to my vse I consulted with my men concerning this matter and found by the aduice of all my company that it was best to grant him his request saying that he had meanes to succour vs with food sufficient to serue our turnes for our embarkement and that therefore I might do well to carry him home Wherefore I caused the two barks forthwith to be made readie wherin I sailed to Patica a place distant from his village 8 or 9 leagues where I found no bodie for they were gotten into the woods and would not shew themselues albeit Vtina shewed himselfe vnto them for as much as they imagined that I should be constrained to let him go But seeing no body to shew themselues I was constrained to hazard one of my men which had bene acquainted with the state of the countrie to whom I deliuered the young sonne of Vtina and commanded him to goe with diligence to the village of Vtina vnto his father in law and his wife to aduertise them that if they would haue their king againe they should bring me victuals vnto the side of the little riuer whither I was gone At my mans comming euery one made much of the little thilde neither was there a man that thought not himselfe well appaide to touch him His father in law and his wife hearing of these newes came presently towards our barkes and brought bread which they gaue vnto my souldiers they held me there three dayes and in the meane while did all that they could to take me which presently I discouered and therefore stood diligently vpon my gard Wherefore perceiuing they could not haue their purpose and that they were already discouered they sent to aduertise me that as yet they could not helpe me to victuals and that the corne was not yet ripe Thus I was constrained to returne and to carry backe Vtina home where I had much adoe to saue him from the rage of my souldiers which perceiuing the maliciousnes of the Indians went about to haue murdered him Moreouer it seemed they were content that they had gotten the sonne that they cared not greatly for the father Now my hope fayling me on this side I deuised to send my men to the villages where I thought the maiz was by this time ripe I went to diuers places and cōtinued so doing 15 daies after when as Vtina besought me again to send him vnto his village assuring himselfe that his subiects would not sticke to giue me victuals and that in case they refused so to do he was content that I should do what I thought good with him I vndertooke this voyage the second time with the two barkes furnished as before At my comming vnto the little riuer we found his subiects there which failed not to come thither with some quantitie of bread beanes and fish to giue my souldiers Neuerthelesse againe to their former practise they sought all meanes to entrap me hoping to try quittance for the imprisonment of their king if they might haue gotten the victorie of me But after that they sawe the small meanes which they had to annoy me they returned to intreaties and offered that if I would giue them their king with certaine of my souldiers they would conduct them vnto the village and that the subiects seeing him would be more willing to giue vs victuals Which thing notwithstanding I would not grant vnto them mistrusting their subtiltie which was not so couert but that one might espie day at a little hole vntill they had first giuen me two men in pledge with charge that by the next day they should bring me victuals Which thing they granted and gaue mee two men which I put in chaines for feare they should escape away as I knew well they were instructed to doe Foure dayes were spent in these conferences at the end whereof they declared vnto me that they could not fully and wholly performe their promise and that the vttermost that they could doe for the present was to cause ech subiect to bring his burthen of mill To conclude they were content to doe so on condition that I would send them their two pledges within ten dayes As my Lieutenant was ready to depart I warned him aboue all things to take heede he fell not into the Indians hands because I knew them to be very subtill and craftie to enterprize and execute any thing to our disaduantage He departed therefore with his troope and came to the small riuer whereinto we were accustomed to enter to approch as neere as we could vnto the village of Vtina being sixe French leagues distant from thence There he went on shore put his men in good array and drew streight towards the great house that was the kings where the chiefe men of the countrey were assembled which caused very great store of victuals to be brought now one and then another in doing whereof they spent notwithstanding three or foure dayes in which meane white they gathered men together to set vpon vs in our retreit They vsed therefore many meanes to holde vs still in breath For one while they demanded their pledges another while seeing my Lieutenant would not yeeld to them vntill such time as they had brought the victuals vnto the boats according to the agreement passed betwene vs they signified vnto him that the women and young children were affraide out of all measure to see fire in their matches so neere their harquebuses and that therefore they most earnestly be sought them to put them out that they might more easily get people ynough to carry the victuals and that they for their partes would leaue their bowes and arrowes and would be contented that their seruants should carrie them This second request was as flatly denied them as the former For it was an easie matter to smel out their intention But while these things were thus in handling Vtina by no meanes was to be seene but hid and kept himselfe secret in a little house apart where certaine chosen men of mine went to see him shewing themselues agreeued with him for the long delayes of his subiects whereunto he answered that his subiects were so much incensed against vs that by no meanes possible he was able to keepe them in such obedience as he willingly would haue done and that he could not hold them from waging of warre against Monsieur de Ottigny That he also called to minde that euen while he was prisoner at what time
wrought aâ—tificially with feathers of diuers colours the chaines were made of a bony substance and few be the persons among them that are admitted to weare them and of that number also the persons are stinted as some ten some twelue c. Next vnto him which bare the scepter was the king himselfe with his Guarde about his person clad with Come skinnesâ— and other skinnes after them followed the naked common sort of people euery one hauing his face painted some with white some with blacke and other colours and hauing in their hands one thing or other for a present not so much as their children but they also brought their presents In the meane time our Generall gathered his men together and marched within his fenced place making against their approching a very warlike shewe They being trooped together in their order and a general salutation being made there was presently a generall silence Then he that bare the scepter before the king being informed by another whome they assigned to that office with a manly and loftie voice proclaimed that which the other spake to him in secret continuing halfe an houre which ended and a generall Amen as it were giuen the king with the whole number of men and women the childreâ— excepted came downe without any weapon who descending to the foote of the hill set themselues in order In comming towards our bulwarks and tents the scepter bearer began a song obseruing his measures in a dance and that with a stately countenance whom the king with his Garde and euery degree of persons following did in like maner sing and dance sauing onely the women which daunced and kept silence The General permitted them to enter within our bulwark where they continued their song and daunce a reasonable time When they had satisfied themselues they mad signes to our Generall to sit downe to whom the king and diuers others made seueral orations or rather supplicationâ— that he would take their prouince and kingdom into his hand and become their king making signes that they would resigne vnto him their right and title of the whole land and become his subiects In which to perswade vs the better the king and the rest with one consent and with great reuerence ioyfully singing a song did set the crowne vpon his head inriched his necke with all their chaines and offered vnto him many other things honouring him by the name of Hioh adding thereunto as it seemed a signe of triumph which thing our Generall thought not meete to reiect because hee knewe not what honour and profite it might bee to our countrey Wherefore in the name and to the vse of her Maiestieâ— he tooke the scepter crowne and dignitie of the said Countrey in his hands wishing that the riches treasure there of might so conueniently be transported to the inriching of her kingdome at home as it aboundeth in the â—ame The common sort of the people leauing the king and his Guarde with our Generall scattered themselues together with their sacrifices among our people taking a diligent viewe of euery person and such as pleased their fancie which were the yongest they inclosing them about offred their sacrifices vnto them with lamentable weeping scratching and tearing the flesh from their faces with their nayles whereof issued abundance of blood But wee vsed signes to them oâ— disliking this and stayed their hands from force and directed them vpwardes to the liuing God whome onely they ought to worshippe They shewed vnto vs their wounds and craued helpe of them at our handes whereupon wee gaue them lotions plaisters and emiments agreeing to the state of their griefes beseeching God to cure their deseases Euery thirde day they brought their sacrifices vnto vs vntill they vnderstoode our meaning that we had no pleasure in them yet they could not be long absent from vs but daily frequented our company to the home of our departure which departure seemed so grieuous vnto them that their ioy was turned into sorrow They intreated vs that bâ—ing absent wee would remember them and by stelth prouided a sacrifice which we misliked Our necessarie businesse being ended our Generall with his companie traueiled vp into the Countrey to their villages where we found heardes of Deere by a thousand in a companie being most large and fat of body We found the whole countrey to bee a warren of a strange kinde of Conies their bodyes in bignes as be the Barbary Conies their heads as the heades of ours the feet of a Want and the taile of a Rat being of great length vnder her chinne on either side a bagge into the which shee gathereth her meate when she hath filled her belly abroad The people eate their bodies and make great account of their skinnes for their Kings coate was made of them Our Generall called this countrey Noua Albion and that for two causes the one in respect of the white bankes and cliffes whichly towardes the sea and the other because it might haue some affinitie with our Countrey in name which sometime was so called There is no part of earth here to bee taken vp wherein there is not some speciall likelihood of gold or siluer At our departure hence our Generall set vp a monument of our being there as also of her Maiesties right and title to the same namely a plate nailed vpon a â—aire great posteâ— whereupon was ingrauen her Maiesties name the day and yeere of our arriuall there with the sree giuing vp of the Prouince and people into her Maiesties hands together with her higâ—nes picture and armes in a peice of sixe pence of current English money vnder the plate where vnder was also written the name of our Generall It seemeth that the Spaniards hitherto had neuer bene in this part of the countrey neither did euer discouer the land by many degrees to the Southwards of this place The true and perfect description of a voyage performed and done by Francisco de Gualle a Spanish Captaine and Pilot for the Vice-roy of New Spaine from the Hauen of Acapulco in New Spaine to the Islands of the Luçones or Philippinas vnto the Hauen of Manilla from thenâ— to the Hauen of Macao in Chiâ—na and from Macao backe againe to Acapulco accomplished in the yeere of our Lord 1584. Chap. I. THe tenth of March in the yeere of our Lorde 1582 wee set sayle out of the Hauen of Acapulco lying in the countrey of New Spaine directing our course towards the Islands of the Luçones or Philippinas West Southwest running in that maner for the space of twentie fiue leagues till wee came vâ—der sixteene degrees that so wee might shunne the calmes by sayling close by the shoare From thence forward we held our course West for the space of 30 leagues beiâ—g there we ran West and West by South for the space of 1800 leagues to the Island called â—â—la del Enganno which is the furthest Island lying in
wee espied one gallie vnder our â—ee hard by vs boging vp with vs. Then because it was euening one of the great ships discharged sixe great shot at vs to the ende the gallies should knowe that wee were the shippe they looked for Then the gallie came vp and hayling vs of whence our shippe was a Portugall which wee had with vs made them answere that we were of the fleete of â—ierra firma and of Siuil with that they bid vs amaine English dogs and came vpon our quarter star-boord and giuing vs fiue cast pieces out of her prowe they sought to lay vs aboord but wee so galled them with our muskets that we put them from our quarter Then they winding their gallie came vp into our sterne and with the way that the gallie had did so violently thrust in the boordes of our captaines cabbin that her nose came into it minding to giue vs all their prowe and so to sinke vs. But wee being resoluteâ— so plyed them with our small shot that they could haue no time to discharge their great ordinance and when they began to approch wee heaued into them a ball of fire and by that meanâ—s put them off whereupon they once againe fell asterne of vs and gaue vs a prowe Then hauing the second time put them off wee went to prayer and sang the first part of the 25. Psalme praysing God sor our safe deliuerance This being done we might see 2. gallies and a frigat all three of them bending themselues together to encounter vs hereupon we eftsoones commending our estate into the hands of God armed our selues and resolued for the honour of God her Maiestie and our countrey to fight it out till the last man Then shaking a pike of fire in dâ—fâ—ance of the enemie and weauing them amaine we bad them come aboord and an Englishman in the gallie made answer that they would come aboord presently So managing our selues to our furniture and euery moment expecting the assault wee heard them parle to this effect that they determined to keepe vs companie till the morning and then to make an end with vs then giuing vs another shot from one of the gallies they fell asterne Thus our fight continued with the shippes and with the gallies from seuen of the clock in the morning till eleuen at night Howbeit God which neuer faileth them that put their trust in him sent vs a gale of winde about two of the clocke in the morning at Eastnortheast which was for the preuenting of their crueltie and the sauing of our liues Also the Lord be praised for it in all this dangerous fight wee had not one man slame and but 2. hurt but our sayles and ropes were so rent with their shot that it was wonderfull to behold our maine mast also was shot cleane through whereby wee were in exceeding great danger Thus our consortes forsooke vs and left vs in these extremities The next day being the 14. of Iune in the morning wee sawe all our aduersaries to lee-ward of vs and they espying vs chased vs till 10. of the clocke and then seeing they could not preuaile gaue vs ouer So that day about 5. of the clocke in â—he afternoone we bare vp to the Southwest in hope to finde our consortes but we had no sight of them at that time nor afterward Then stoode we in all that night for the Cape of S. Anthonie hoping there to see our Admirall according to his direction The 15. day of Iune early in the morning we desâ—ryed the Spanish fleete againe being within 5. leagues of Cape S. Anthonie Then hauing no sight of our consortes wee stoode for the place according to the direction of our owner sir George Carcy where we did plie for the space of 23. dayes and neuer could see any sayle but two frigats which wee gaue chase vnto the 24. of Iune and could not fet them vp Thus we giue God most humble thankes for our fafe deliuerance from the cruell enemie which hath beene more mightie by the prouidence of God then any tongue can expresse to whom bee all prayse honour and glory both now and euer Amen Appendix THe barke called The Content had but one Minion one Falcon one Saker 2. port-bases She continued fight from seuen in the morning til sunset with 3. armadas of 600. and 700. tunnes apiece and one small shippe of 100. tunnes not being aboue musket shot from any of them And before the sunne was set there came vp to her two of the kings gallies Besides the Armadas shot their great ordinance continually at her not so few as 500. times And the sides hull and mastes of the Content were sowed thicke with musket bullets Moreouer all their sheats tops and shrowdes were almost cut insunder with their great small shot There passed from the galies each whereof came thrise vp to her discharged fiue great pieces at a time out of euery their prowes forthright within three yards of her poope through her maine saile 19. great shot through her main top-saile foure through her fore-saile seuen through her fore-top-saile fiue and through her maine maste one The vpper part of the Content was hurt in fiue places Onely 13. men continued this fight the rest being in holde A frigat of the Spaniards being afterward taken confessed that there were in the gallies aboue 40. Spaniards slaine and many were hurt in that combate The names of those 13. persons that continued the fight Nicolas Lisle Captaine M. Major Lieutenant William King Master Iohn Barwick Mrs. mateâ— William Clement gunner Thomas Houldships Bote-swaine Charles Creame Thomas Godfrey Giles Thornton Iohn Pells Iohn Bourel Ralph Grey William Heore The names of the rest be these following Iohn Pie Iohn Smith Iohn White Iohn Butcher Iohn Brooke Iohn Twopenie Edmund Giggs William Bateman William White Laurence Shellie A true report of a voyage vndertaken for the West Indies by M. Christopher Newport Generall of a fleete of three shippes and a pinnesse viz. The golden Dragon Admirall whereof was Captaine M. Newport himselfe The Prudence Vice-admirall vnder the conduct of Captaine Hugh Merrick The Margaret vnder Captaine Robert Fred and The Virgin our pinnesse vnder Captaine Henry Kidgil Begun from London the 25. of Ianuarie 1591. Written by M. Iohn Twitt of Harewich Corporall in the Dragon In which voyage they tooke and burnt vpon the coast of Hispaniola within the bay of Honduras and other places 3. townes and 19. saile of shippes and frigatsâ— THe 12. day of Februarie An. 1591. we set saile from Douer roade and hauing a prosperous winde the 27. day of the same moneth wee fell with Cape Cantin on the coast of Barbarie and on the 28. wee arriued at Santa Cruz roade where hauing refreshed our selues some 3. or 4. dayes we put off to sea againe and about the 5. of March wee passed by the Ilands of the Canaries and hauing a fauourable wind the 4. of April An. 1592. we fell
person clad with Conie skins other skins after them followed the naked coÌ„mon sort of people euery one hauing his face paâ—nted some with white some with blacke and other colours hauing in their hands one thing or another for a present not so much as their children but they also brought their presents In the meane time our Generall gathered his men together and marched within his fenced place making against their approching a uery warre-like shew They being trooped together in their order and a generall salutation being made there was presently a generall silence Then he that bare the scepter before the King bâ—ing informed by another whom they assigned to that office with a manly and loftie voyce proclaymed that which the other spake to him in secrete continuing halfe an houre which ended and a ganeraâ—l Amen as it were giuen the King with the whole number of men and women the children excepted came downe without any weapon who descending to the foote of the hill set themselues in order In comming towards our bulwarks and tents the scepter-bearer began a song obseruing his measures in a daunce and that with a stately countenance whom the King with his Guarde and euery degree of persons following did in like maner sing and daunce sauing onely the women which daunced kept silence The General permitted them to enter within our bulwarke where they continued their song and daunce a reasonable time When they had satisfied themselues they made signes to our General to sit downe to whom the King and diuers others made seuerall orations or rather supplications that hee would take their prouince and kingdome into his hand and become their King making signes that they would resigne vnto him their right and title of the whole land and become his subiects In which to perswade vs the better the King and the rest with one consent and with great reuerence ioyfully singing a song did set the crowne vpon his head inriched his necke with all their chaines and offred vnto him many other things honouring him by the name of Hioh adding thereunto as it seemed a signe of triumphâ— which thing our Generall thought not meete to reiect because he knew not what honour and profit it might be to our Countrey Wherefore in the name and to the vse of her Maiestieâ— he tooke the scepter crowne and dignitie of the said Countrey into his hands wishing that the riches treasure thereof might so conueniently be transported to the inriching of her kingdom at home as it aboundeth in y e same The common sorte of people leauing the King and his Guarde with our Generall scattered themselues together with their sacrifices among our people taking a diligent viewe of euery person and such as pleased their fancie which were the yongest they inclosing them about offred their sacrifices vnto them with lamentable weeping scratching and tearing the flesh from their faces with their nailes whereof issued abundance of blood But wee vsed signes to them of disâ—iking this and stayed their hands from force and directed them vpwards to the liuing God whom onely they ought to worship They shewed vnto vs their wounds and craued helpe of them at our hands whereupon we gaue them lotions plaisters and oyntments agreeing to the state of their griefes beserching God to cure their diseases Euery third day they brought their sacrifices vnto vs vntill they vnderstood our meaning that we had no pleasure in them yet they could not be long absent from vs but dayly frequented our company to the houre of our departure which departure seemed so greeuous vnto them that their ioy was turned into sorow They intreated vs that being absent we would remember them and by stealth prouided a sacrifice which we misliked Our necessarie businesse being ended our Generall with his company trauailed vp into the Covntrey to their villages where we found herdes of Deere by 1000. in a company being most large and fat of body We found the whole Countrey to bee a warren of a strange kinde of Connies their bodies in bignesse as be the Barbary Connies their heads as the heads of ours the feete of a Want and the taile of a Rat being of great length vnder her chinne is on either side a bag into the which she gathereth her meate when she hath filled her bellie abroad The people eate their bodies and make great accompt of their skinnes for their Kings coate was made of them Our Generall called this Countrey Noua Albion and that for two causes the one in respect of the white bankes and cliffes which lie towards the sea and the other because it might haue some affinitie with our Countrey in name which sometime was so called There is no part of earth heere to bee taken vp wherein there is not some probable shew of gold or siluer At our departure hence our Generall set vp a monument of our being there as also of her Maiesties right and title to the same namely a plate nailed vpon a faire great poste whereupon was ingrauen her Maiesties name the day and yeere of our arriuall there with the free giuing vp of the prouince and people into her Maiesties hands together with her highnesse picture and armes in a peece of sixe pence of current English money vnder the plate whereunder was also written the name of our Generall It seemeth that the Spaniards hitherto had neuer bene in this part of the Countrey neither did euer discouer the land by many degrees to the Southwards of this place After we had set saile from hence wee continued without sight of land till the 13. day of October following which day in the morning wee fell with certaine Islands 8. degrees to the Northward of the line from which Islands came a great number of Canoas hauing in some of them 4. in some 6. and in some also 14. men bringing with them cocos and other fruites Their Canoas were hollow within and cut with great arte and cunning being very smooth within and without and bearing a glasse as if it were a horne daintily burnished hauing a prowe and a sterne of one sort yeelding inward circle-wise being of a great height and full of certaine white shels for a brauerie and on each side of them lie out two peeces of timber about a yard and a halfe long more or lesse according to the smalnesse or bignesse of the boate This people haue the nether part of their eares cut into a round circle hanging downe very lowe vpon their cheekes whereon they hang things of a reasonable weight The nailes of their hands are an ynche long their teeth are as blacke as pitch and they renew them often by eating of an herbe with a kinde of powder which they alwayes carrie about them in a cane for the same purpose Leauing this Island the night after we fell with it the 18. of October we lighted vpon diuers others some whereof
made a great shew of Inhabitants Wee continued our course by the Islands of Tagulada Zelon and Zewarra being friends to the Portugals the first whereof hath growing in it great store of Cinnamom The 14. of Nouember we fell with the Islands of Maluco which day at night hauing directed our course to runne with Tydore in coasting along the Island of Mutyr belonging to the King of Ternate his Deputie or Uice-king seeing vs at sea came with his Canoa to vs without all feare and came aboord and after some conference with our Generall willed him in any wise to runne in with Ternate and not with Tydore assuring him that the King would bee glad of his comming and would be ready to doe what he would require for which purpose he himselfe would that night be with the King and tell him the newes with whom if he once dealt hee should finde that as he was a King so his word should stand adding further that if he went to Tydore before he came to Ternate the King would haue nothing to doe with vs because hee held the Portugell as his enemie whereupon our General resolued to runne with Ternate where the next morning early we came to anchor at which time our Generall sent a messenger to the king with a veluet cloke for a present and token of his comming to be in peace and that he required nothing but traffique and exchange of marchandize whereof he had good store in such things as he wanted In the meane time the Uice-king had bene with the king according to his promise signifying vnto him what good things he might receiue from vs by traffique whereby the King was mooued with great liking towards vs and sent to our Generall with speciall messageâ— that hee should haue what things he needed and would require with peace and friendship and moreouer that hee would yeeld himselfe and the right of his Island to bee at the pleasure and commandement of so famous a Prince as we serued In token whereof he sent to our Generall a signet and within short time after came in his owne person with boates and Canoas to our ship to bring her into a better and safer roade then she was in at that present In the meane time our Generals messenger beeing come to the Court was met by certaine noble personages with great solemnitie and brought to the King at whose hands hee was most friendly and gratiously intertained The King purposing to come to our ship sent before 4. great and large Canoas in euery one whereof were certaine of his greatest states that were about him attired in white lawne of cloth of Calicutâ— hauing ouer their heads from the one ende of the Canoa to the other a couering of thinne perâ—umed mats borne vp with a frame made of reedes for the same vse vnder which euery one did sit in his order according to his dignitie to keepe him from the heate of the Sunne diuers of whom beeing of good age and grauitie did make an ancient and fatherly shew There were also diuers yong and comely men attired in white as were the others the rest were souldiers which stood in comely order round about on both sides without whom sate the rowers in certaine galleries which being three on a side all along the Canoas did lie off from the side thereof three or foure yardes one being orderly builded lower then another in euery of which galleries were the number of 4. score rowers These Canoas were furnished with warlike munition euery man â—or the most part hauing his sword and target with his dagger beside other weapons as launces caliuers darts bowes and arrowes also euery Canoa had a small cast base mounted at the least one full yarde vpon a stocke set vpright Thus comming neere our shippe in order they rowed about vs one after another and passing by did their homage with great solemnitie the great personages beginning w t great grauitie and fatherly countenanâ—es signifying that y e king had sent them to conduct our ship into a better roade Soone after the King himselfe repaired accompanied with 6. graue and ancient persons who did their obeisance with marueilous humilitie The king was a man of tall stature and seemed to be much delighted with the sound of our musicke to whom as also to his nobilitie our Generall gaue presents wherewith they were passing well contented At length the King craued leaue of our Generall to depart promising the next day to come aboord and in the meane time to send vs such victuals as were necessarie for our prouision so that the same night we receiued of them meale which they call Sagu made of the tops of certaine trees tasting in the mouth like sowre curds but melteth like sugar whereof they make certaine cakes which may be kept the space of ten yeeres and yet then good to be eaten We had of them store of rice hennes vnperfect and liquid sugar sugar canes and a fruite which they call Figo with store of cloues The King hauing promised to come aboord brake his promise but sent his brother to make his excuse and to intreate our Generall to come on shoare offring himselfe pawne aboord for his safe returne Whereunto our Generall consented not vpon mislike conceiued of the breach of his promise the whole company also vtterly refusing it But to satisfie him our General sent certaine of his Gentlemen to the Court to accompany the Kings brother reseruing the Uice-king for their safe returne They were receiued of another brother of the kings and other states and were conducted with great honour to the Castle The place that they were brought vnto was a large and faire house where were at the least 1000. persons assembled The King being yet absent there sate in their places 60. graue personages all which were said to be of the kings Counsel There were besides 4. graue persons apparelled all in red downe to the ground and attired on their heads like the Turkes and these were said to be Romanes and Ligiers there to keepe continual traffike with the people of Ternate There were also 2. Turks Ligiers in this place and one Italian The king at last came in guarded with 12. launces couered ouer with a rich canopy with embossed gold Our men accompanied with one of their Captaines called Moro rising to meete him he graciously did welcome and intertaine them He was attired after the maner of the Countrey but more sumptuously then the rest From his waste downe to the ground was all cloth of golde and the same very rich his legges were bare but on his feete were a paire of shooes made of Cordouan skinne In the attire of his head were finely wreathed hooped rings of gold and about his necke he had a chaine of perfect golde the linkes whereof were great and one folde double On his fingers hee had sixe very faire iewels and sitting in his chaire of estate at
Within Cochin is the kingdom of Peppâ—r The Pepper thâ—t the Portugals bring is not so good as thâ—t which goâ—th for Mecca wâ—ich is bâ—ought 〈◊〉 by y e streights Great priuileges that the citizens of Cochin haue A very strange thing hardly to be beleeued Note the departing of the ships from Cochin The order how they fish for pearles These pearles are prised according to the caracts which they weigh euery caract is 4. grames and these men that prise theÌ„ haue an instrument of copper with holes in it which be made by degrees for to sort perles withall Cairo is a stuffe that they make ropes with the which is the barke of a tree The cutting gathering of Sinamom A car things A foolish feare of Portugals S. Thomas his sepulchre A painted kind of cloth died of diuers colours which those people delight much in and esteeme them of great price In the Iland of Banda they lade Nutmegs for there they grow In the Ilands of Andemaon they eate one another The commodities that grow in the kingdom of Assi The great trade that is at Malacca At the Moluccos they lade the Cloues The kingdome of Assa. The ship of drugs so termed of the Portugals Ilands not discouered China is vnder the gouernment of the great Tartar A yeerely Carouan from Persia to China A market kept aboord of the ships A prince of a marueilous strength and power * Oâ— Achem. The mountaines of Zerzerline The commodities that go out of Orisa This cloth we call Nettle cloth The riuer of Ganges The commodities that are laden in Satagan Moores are of the sect of Mahomet A ceremony of the gentiles when they are dead Marchandise comming from Sion Niper wine good to cure the French disease Great extremitie at sea Tauay vnder the king of Pegu. Martauan a citie vnder the king of Pegu. A custom that these people haue when the king is in the warres A law in Pegu for killing of men Great pride of the Portugales A reuenge on the Portugales A thing most marueilous that at the comming of â— tide the earth should quake This tide is like to the sides in our riuer of Seueine These tides make their iust course as ours doe This Macareo to a tide or a currant Houses made of canes couered with leaues of trees Godon is a place or house for marchants to lay their goods in The forme of the building of the new citie of Pegu. A rich and stately palace Foure white Eliphants This maneâ— called Tansa is halfe a duckat which may be shire shillings foure pence A warlike poliâ—iâ— An â—xcâ—llâ—â—t dâ—â—ise to hâ—â—t â—â—d take wilde Eliphanâ—s An â—xcellâ—â—â— pastime of the Eliphaâ—ts These canes 〈…〉 to them in Spainâ— whiâ—h they call loco de tore A strange thiâ—g â—hat a beaâ—â— so wâ—lde should in so shorâ— time he made tameâ— The gâ—â—â—test strength that the king of Peâ—â— â—ath A goodly order in a barbarous people The oâ—â—er of their weapons and â—umber of his men 26. Crowned kings at his command Fifteene hundreth thousand men in one Campe. Eating of serpents The riches of the king of Pegu. The great pompe of the â—ing The order of Iustice. No difference of persons before the king in controuersies or in iustice The comâ—â—â—dâ—râ— that are ventured in Pegu. Note the departure of the ships from S. Tome to Pegu. Commodities brought into Pegu. The Chikinos are pieces of gold worth sterling 7. shillings Great rigour for the stealing of Customes Description of the fruitfulnesse of that soyle Deling is a small litter caried with men as is aforesaid A lawe for Banckrupts Euery man may stampe what money he wil. How a man may dispose himselfe for the trade in Pegu. Good instructions The Marchandizes that goe out of Pegu. Idol houses couered wiâ—h gold Rubies exceeding cheape in Pegu. An honâ—st care of heathen people Bargainâ—s made with the nipping of fingers vnder a cloth This Toufâ—on is an â—xtraordinary sâ—orme at Sea The Toufon coÌ„meth but euery 10. or 12. yeeres A manifest token of the ebding and flowing in those Countreis This Island is called Sondiua Sondiua is the â—ruit fullest Countrey in al the world Chatigan is a port in Bengala whither the Portugales go with their ships The King of Rachim or Aracam neighbour to Bengala Or Aracam The commodities that goe from Chatigan to the Indies The Portugal ships depart toward Portugall out of the harbor of Cochin Goa was beâ—ieged Opium a good commoditie in Pegu. Peper tree Ginger Cloues Nutmegs and Maces White Sandol Canfora Lignum Aloes Beniamin Long peper This Muske the Iewes doe conâ—â—erâ—eit and take out halfe the good muske and beat the flesh of an asse and put in the roome of it Rubies Saphyres and Spinels The Balassi arowe in Zeilan Spodiom On the coast of Melynde in Ethiopia in the land of Caâ—raâ—ia the great trade that the Portugals haue Buying and selling without wordâ— one to another Golden trades that the Portugals haue An order hold to prouide to goe ouer the Desert from Babylon to Alepo 36. Dayes iourney ouer the wildernes An order how to prouide for the going to Ierusalem The author returneth to Venice 1581. A very good order that they haue in those Countreyâ— for the recouering of the goods of the dead Order of apparel in Peguâ— The order of the womens apparel in Pegu. Abilfada Ismael his Cosmographie March 11. The last of April Currall Amber greese Sope. Broken glasse The best sort of spices at Babylon Balsara Ormus The prices of spices at Babylon Michael Stropene an Italian accused our men to be spies Two causes of our mens imprisonment at Ormus The author of the book of the East Indie◠‖ This is he whose letters to his father from Goa are before put downe and he was sometimes of New colledge iâ— Oxford Iames Storie their painter They arriued at Goa the 20 of Nouember 1583. Diu. Chaul The Italians our great enemies for the trade in the East Birra Felugia Babylon The tower of Babel Boyling pitch continually issuing out of the earth Ormus Diu. Daman Basaim Tana Chaul Goa This was the 20. of Nouember Bellergan â— towne Bisapor Gulconda Masulipatan Seruidore Bellapore Strange mariages Mandoway a very strong town Vgini Agra a great citie The great Mogor The like is reported of the riues of China Wil. Leades serued the king of Cambaia The superstitious ceremonies of the Bramanes Ganges Bannaras A pilgrimage of the Gentiles This tying of new maried folks together by the clothes was vsed by the Mexicans in old time Patenaw Gold found Tanda in Gouren Couche this seemeth to be Quicheu accouÌ„ted by some among the prouinces of China Pure Gentilisme In Mexico they vse likewise for small money the fruit Cacao which are like almonds Hugely Porto Angeli The like cloth may be made of the long grasse in Virginia Satagam Tippara or porto Grande Bottanter a great Northren country Marchants of China Moscouie and Tartarie
These seeme to be the mountains of Imaus called by the people Cumao The apparel of the Tartarie marchants Cowe tailes in great request Bacolâ— Serrepore Sinâ—ergan Sundâ—ua Island Nâ—graiâ— Cosmin Ladders vsed to auoyd the danger of wild beasts Dwelling in boats Medon Dela Cirionâ— Maâ—â—o Coches caried on mens shoulders Pegu. Foure white elephants The king of the white elephants Odia a city â—â— Siam This maner of cariage on mens shoulders is vsed in Peru and in Florida Paper of the leaues of a tree An excellent colour with a root called Saia Woollen clotâ— and scarletâ— sâ—lde in Pegu. The money of Pegu. The seuerall merchandiseâ— of Pegu. The forme of their Temples or â—arellaes The Tallipoies or Priests of Pegu. The apparell of their priests Obseruation of new moones Iamahey fiâ—es twenty dayes iourny Northeastward from Pegu. They burne their dead Caplan in the place where the rubies and other precious stones are found Anthony Colâ—ano writeth of these baâ—s The people of Pegu we are no beards Malacca The voyage to Iapan Eight hundred thousand cruâ—adors in siluer imployed â—erely by the Portugals in Câ—ina The writinâ— of the people of China c. Laban Diamants Iambâ— Golde Bima He returneth from Malacca Bengala Ceylon Blacke people Caâ—e de Comori Coulam Cochin People with swâ—llâ—n legges menâ—ioned also by Ioh. â—idâ—gen â—ow pâ—pper groweth Blacke people ‖ Or Calicut or Cananor Goâ— Chaul Ormâ—s The pepper tree Ginger Cloues Nutmegs maces Camphora Lignum Aloeâ— Long peppeâ— Muske Amber Rubies saphires and spinels Diamants Spodium Basora Babylon Mosul Merdin Orfa Bir. Aleppo Tripolis Iohn Newbery had beene in Ormus before Anno. 1581. The Arabian tongue generall in the East The description of Tripolis in Syria Store of white silke The city of Hammah Cotton wooll Gall trees Aleppo Birrah Euphrates shallow Eight twenty dayes iourney by riuer Arabians vpon the riuer of Euphrates The Arabian women weare golde rings in their nostrels Euphrates described Felugia The ruines of olde Babylon New Babylon The riuer Tigris â—afts borne vpon bladders of goats skins Seldome rain Eight twenty dayes iourney more by riuer from Babylon to Balsara Cuma castle Balsara Ships made without yron in the Persian gulfe Zelabdim Echebar king of Cambaia He returneth from Balsara to Aleppo Their prouision of victuals A Carauan of foure thousand Camels William Barret Consul in Aleppo M. Wil. Barret Two voiages more made to Babylon What a rotilâ— is Note that 4 roâ—es make a quintall Muske of Tartaria by y â— way of China * Or by the Camels burden Note Marchandize good for Pegu. Note Note Note Tunis The description of Alexandria Cayro Carthage Argier Goleta Malta Zante Patras Striualia Candie May. The Islands of Milo in olde time called Sporades Sio Singonina â—ichiâ—ri The English house in Alexanâ—â—iâ— The monuments of Alexandria Rosâ—etto The Turkeâ— Lent Câ—yro The English Consul aâ— Aâ—gier A fight of fiue houres The second Spaniâ—h fleete lying in waite for the English The letters of the Prince of Moldauia to the Quâ—ene Letters of the Chanceler of Poland to the Queene The marchaÌ„ts aboue named be made a felâ—â—wship and coâ—panie â—or 12 â—â—â—res by 〈◊〉 naâ—e of tâ—e Gouâ—â—nor aâ—d â—ompanie of â—â—e marchants of the â—â—uant Sir Edward Osborne appointed the first Gouernour A priuiledge for the East Indies Candie The Ascension arriued at the 7 towers The ship saluteth the grand Signior The cause of staying the Present An Arz to the grand Signior The great hall of â—ustice Reconciliation with the Uizir â—ade The ambassador goeth to the court witâ— the present The Ambassâ— came to the Seraglio * All these are captaines of hundreds and of fifties The ambassador receiued by the Vizir with all kindnesse Diuer brought in Diner taken away Gownes of cloth of gold for the ambassador and his gentlemen The Present The Present viewed The ambassador kisseth the grand Signioâ— hanâ— The ambassadors demands granted The Sultanas present The Sultanas present to the Queene Letters sent for England The other Vizirs presented The Ascension departeth Great preparation for the Hungarian warres Santa Sophia Pompeys pillar Gallipoly Troy Zio Patmos Cos. Rhodes Sidon Ezek. 26.5 Antioch Aleppo Nicosia A great iudgement of God vpon the noble men of Cyprus Indians skilfull in Astronomy The seuen precepts of Baniâ—nes This Sultana is mother to Mehemet which now reigneth as Emperor Ann. Dom. 1594. Madera first discouered by one Macham an Englishman Macham made there a chapel naming it Iesus chapell | These writings are in the Tower The first cause of this ambassage The second cause The third cause The English had an ordinary trade to the Canaries 1526. English men at the first conquest of the Canaries Ciuitas Palmarum The planting and growth of sugar canes The making of sugar Wine Plantano Lime Orchel good for dying Santa Cruz. The only vineyard in Hierro planted by Ioh. Hill of Tauoton Asafi Santa Cruz. The English were at Santa Cruz the yeere before being 1551. Tunis Bugia Tripoli Numidia Ilands of Tunis Malta The desers of Lybia Barbarie Mauritania The kingdom of Fes Marocco Tremisen Oram Mersalquiber Sala Azamor The Ilands of Canaria Guinea Aethiopians Marocco Fes Tremisen Guinea Africa y e great Africa the lesse Carthage Prester Iohn Cape de Bona Speranza Alcair Amacaiz From whence the Queene of Saba came The earthly Paradise The trees of the Sunne and the Moone Pinteado Brasile Guinea The Ilands of Madera The castle of Mina The Ilands of Canarie The Iland of S. Nicholas The riuer of Sesto Graines The thirst of gold The castle of Mina The quantitie of gold Furie admitteth no counsel The Rossia Rotting heat Benin Francisco Nich. Lambart The king of Benin his court Reuerence toward the king The communication between the king of Benin and our men Pepper The kings gentlenes towards our men The death of Windam Pinteado euill vsed of the mariners This Lambert was a Londiner boâ—ne whose father had but Lord Maior of London The death of Pinteado Pinteado first perswaded our men to the voiage of Guinea Seuen hundred reis are ten shillings Alcayre is halfe a bushell Robert Gâ—inâ—h was master of the Iohâ— Euangelist The I le of Madera The I le of Palmes Teneriffaâ— The Canariesâ— From Madera to the Isle of Palmes Gran Canariâ— Foâ—teuentura The â—land of Gomera Teneriffa Snow The coast of Barbarie Cape Blanke The riuer del Oro. The croâ—sâ—ers or crosse stars Rio Grandeâ— Cape MeÌ„surado The riuer of Sesto The riuer of Sesto Rio Dulce Cape de Monte. Cape de las Palmas The land of Cakeado Shauo Croke S. Vincents harborow The riuer Dulce Cape de las Palmas The coast of Guinea The castle of Arra The towne of Samma The pledge was sir Iohn Yorke his Nephew Cape Corea The castle of Mina perteining to the king of Portugall Perecow Perecow grand Monte Rodondo The currants From Mina homeward Rio de los Potos Iuory Cabo de las Palmas
are in 44. deg and easie to passe But 5. leagues iourney to passe the 3. Saults Ten dayes iourney from the Saults to this great Lake The Saults are in the latitude of 44. deg Belle Isle Carpont in 52. degrees The Grand â—â—â— in 52. and an halfe A flatte rocke Butes The Isle of Blanc Sablon oâ— white sand The seuerall breadâ—hs of the Grand Bay Blanc Sablon in 51. deg 2. third parts The Islâ—s de la Damoâ—selle in 50 deg 3. fourth parts Many Isles good harboâ—â— Cape Tienot in 50 deg one fourth part The Isle Ascension Asâ—â—â—pâ—ion or Nâ—tiscotto The commendation of the Isle of Ascenâ—ioÌ„ From Cape Briton to the Southeast end of the Isle of Ascension is but 50 leagues The Cape of Monâ—z nostre Dame The Bay of Molues oâ— Gaspay The Bay de Chaleuâ— or of Heate The Bay of Ognedoc Greater store and betteâ— fish then in Newfoundland Fouleâ— Trees The month of the riuer of Canada twenty fiue leagues broad The 7 Iâ—les in 50 degrees and a halfe The riuer is here but 10 leagues broad The point of Ongear in 49 degrees and a quarter The Isle of Raquelle in 48 degrees and two third parts The riuer 8 leagues broad The entrance oâ— Saguenay The sea of Cathay The riuâ—r not past 4 lâ—agues ouer The Isle of Hares in 48 and one siâ—â—â—nth part Note The isle of Filbeards in 47 degreeâ— and 3. quarters The beginning of the fresh water The riuer but a quarter of a league bâ—oad The Isle of Orleans in 47. degrees and one third part Canada â— leaguâ— to the West of the Isle of Orleans The Fort of France-Roy stood in 47 degrees and one sixâ— part Why the couÌ„trey is colder in the Winter then France A second reason The variation of y â— compasse From the foâ—t of France Roy vnto y e mouth of the Grand Bay 230 leâ—gs Gold and sâ—luâ—r like to be â—ound in Canada A Bay in 42. degrees giuing some hope of a passage Trees â—edde plums Fowle Corne. Wheate to be â—owen in March The cause of the ofteÌ„ snowing in Canada Diamonts Golde foâ—â—d Iâ—qâ—es Carâ—â—er sâ—oâ—e away Iuly France prime August 1542. September 14 The proportion of their victuals The length of the winter They had women with them Their apparell So haue they of Ceuola and Quiuira and Meâ—a Incognita Their victuals They remoue from place to place Fish Beastes Fowle Their breaâ— of great Myl or Maâ—â— Drinke of Seâ—â—e oyle at their great â—eastâ— Their goâ—ernment The 5. of Iune The 6. of Iune Monsieur de Royeâ—e The 14. of Iune The 19. of Iune Maiz. The 22. of Iuly 1543. Note Free denization granted Anno 1581. A Southerly course not greatly needful for Virginia A sweet smell from the land The first riuer Iuly 13 possession taken Abundance of grapes The Isle of Wokokon Goodly Cedars Pines Cypres Sassaphras Conference with a Saâ—agâ—â— Abundance of fish The arriuall of tâ—e kings brother Trafficke with the Sauages Tinne much â—steemed White corall Perlâ—s Pitch trees The manner of making their boates 〈◊〉 Island The great kindnes of the kings brothers wife A solemne banker Their Idolâ— Skicoak a great towne A ship cast away Their weapons Oâ— Pâ—â—â—â—uaioc Roanoak sixteen miles long They land vpon the Iland of S. Iohn de Porto Rico. They land on the Iles of Caico Guanima Cyguateo They land in Florida Iuly September October The rich and manifold commodities oâ— Virginia Commoditieâ— fit to came to Virginia 2. parts of this discourse The excellencie of the seate of Chesepiâ—ok The towne of Chawanook able to make 700. men of warre An Iland in a Bay Pearles in exceeding quanâ—â—tie An enterpâ—se of speciall importance Whither M. Ralfe Lane meant to remoue Wingina changeth his name Conspiracie of the Sauages against the English * Their women A maruellous Mineral in the câ—untrey of Chaunis Temoatan A conflict begun by the Sauages The great current of the Riuer of Moraticoâ— This sails of making weares would be learned The beginning of theâ—â— haruest in Iuly The conspiracie of Pemisapan The forme of the treason The sufficiencie of our men to deale against the Sauages 10. to an hundreth The Sauages line by fishing and hunting till haruest The slaughter and surprise of the Sauages Pemisapan slaine A letter from Sir Francis Drake This ship arriued in Virginia Sir Richard Grinuils third uoyage Fifteene men more leâ—t in Virginia Fiue thousand pearles â—athred Tabacco Monardes parâ—e â— lib 1. cap. 4. The iuice of Coscushaw is poison There are iâ— kinds of Tuâ—â—â— whereof that which beareth no fruith bringeth foorth the Cochinillo In the â—nâ—fe of California they vse the like fishing Iaques Cartier voyage 2. chap. 8. This want is hereafter to be supplied “ One of the Isles of the Indies inhabited with Sauages Circumspectis to be vsed in strange places “ Musketos Bay is a harbour vpon the south side of S. Iohns Islâ—nd where we â—ake in â—resh water “ A pleasant and fruitfull countrey lying on the west end of S. Iohns Island where groweth plenty of Orenges Limons PlaÌ„tans Pines An intent to plant in the Bay of Chesepiok Edward Spicer Their mâ—aning to â—emoue 50 miles into the countrey Smerwick in the West of Ireland M. William Lane Spanish fugitiues Edward Spicer This fight was in fight of the Iland of Nauara The state oâ— the currency from the capâ— of Florida to Viâ—ginia Sandie Ilaâ—â— West of Wokokon They land â— 35 degrees A breach 2 oâ— 3 leagues into Sea Great diâ—ersity of souÌ„dings Hatorask in 36 degr a â—ercâ— They land Fresh water found in sandy hilles Captaine Spicer drowned They leaue the coast of Virginia 13. Pipes of siluer The Isle of Madêra They diâ—couer land 34. Degrees The coast trendeth to the East in 34 degrees of latitude Câ—â—rteous aâ—d 〈◊〉 They run 50. leagues farther Wilde hempe They ran along the coast 200. leagues They make hollow their Canons with fire Uines like those of Lombardie 100. â—eagues sayling A mighty riuer People clad with leathers of diuers colours The pleasantnes and riches of the land The coast trendeth to the East The description of Claudia Iland tenne leagues from the mayneâ— Claudia was mother of king Franâ—â— A passing good hauen Copper more esteemed then golde Most pleasant and fruitful lands The fashion of their houses The coast full of good hauens Their curing with Tabacco and perfumes 41 degrees 2. terces The description of a notable hauen in 41. deg and 2. â—â—â—ces 150 leagues A shew of minerall The coast running Eastward 10. leagues Here the people begin to be more sauage Beades of copper 32 pleasant Islands They ran almost to 50. degrees Other 〈◊〉 ought to be our warning The chiefe things woâ—â—â—â—e obseruâ—tion in Florida are drawen in colours by Iames Moâ—gues painter sometime liuing in the Black frâ—eâ—s in London A â—â—liâ—â—â—â—â— or 〈◊〉 meâ—◠〈◊〉 â—gâ—uâ—a Meanes to raise benefit in new discoueries vsed by the
Spâ—niards Portugals Uine suger-canes and ginger â—â—â—â—ported into Hispaniola and Madera c. Woad and vines planted in the Azores The great zeale of Elizabeth Queene of Castile and Aragon in aduancing of new discoueries lending to Gods glory The aptnesse of the people in the maine of Virginia to embrace Christianitie Seneca 2. Cor. 12.14 Iosue 1. 6. The good suâ—cesse in Iâ—â—land of Richard Strangbow earle of Chepstow The happy late disâ—ouâ—rie to the Northwest of Captaine Dauis The kings of Portugal had nâ—uer aboue ten thousand of their naturall subiects in all their new conquered dominions Planting of Colonies When force of armes is to be vsed Two conditions required in conquests of Countreys newly discouered Nota. America vnknowen to all antiquity Christopher Colon or Columbe Americus Vespucius of whoÌ„ America tooke the name The first generall part of America Caboca in the yeerâ— 1597 had discouered all this tract for the crowne of England The second generall part of America The third generall part of America Villegaignon Florida with an ample description thereof The trees of Florida These are perhaps those which the Sauages call Tunas The beasts of Florida The â—oule of Florida Crocodiles Gold and siluer The mountaines of Appalaâ—cy Store of dyes and colours The disposition and manerâ— of the Floriâ—ians The wearing of their haâ—re Their exâ—rcise and pastime Running for games Shooting Playing at the Ball. Hunting Fishing Their forme of warre Their triumphes after the victorâ—e They worship the Sâ—nne and Moone Their Priests are both Magicians and Physitions Their marriages The painefulnesse of the women Many Hermaphrodites which haue the nature of both seâ—es Their foode and prouision for warre Their dressing their flesh and fish ouer the smoke Their order in marching to the warre Their consultations Their saluting of their kings The drinking of Cassine before they goe to battell The honor exhibited vntoâ— men of valure aboue other The excellencie of Cassine Their maner of the buriall of Kings Their cutting of more then halfe their haire The buriall of their Priests Sowing twise in 6. moneths Faire pumpions Goodly beanes Instruments wherewith they â—ill their their ground The bringing of all the crop into a commoÌ„ house Their prouision of corne for 6 moneths onely Their maner of liuing in the Winter The dressing of their meate in the smoake Their maner of curing diseases Their womens dispositions and maners Oile in Florida Women great swimmers The first voâ—age of Iohn Ribault to Florida 1562. The course of the Spaniards not altogether necessary Cape Francois in 30. degrees A pillar set vp Prayer and thankes to God Presents giuen to Ribault Their fish-weares like those of Virginia They passe ouer the riuer Goodly Mulberries white and red Great store of silkewormes The riuer of May. The riuer of Seine The Riuer of Somme The Riuer of Loyre The Riuers of Cherente Gaâ—onne Gironde Belle Grande The riuer Belle a â—eoir The Riuer of Port Royall in 32. degrees of latitude Turkeycocks Partridges gray and red Fish in abundance The Riuer 3. leagues at the mouth A passage by a riuer into the Sea Store of rare simples Ribault saileth 12. leagues by the Riuer Cape Lucâ—rne Chamois Pearles Store of pearles and siluer A Pillar of â—ree stone wherein the Armes of France were grauen set by in an Iland in the riuer of Port Royal. The Riuer of Liborne The I le of Câ—dâ—rs Two Indians taken away The dolefull songs of the Indians The Indians eat not before the sun be set Laudonnierâ— putting down in writing the words and phrases of the Indians speech The feast of Toya This seemeth to be La grand Copâ—l The 2 Indiâ—â—s escâ—pe away The benefite of planting The Oration of Iohn Ribault to his companie AElius Pertâ—nax descending from base parentage became Emperour of Rome Agathocles a porters sonne became king of Sicilie Rusten Bâ—ssha of an heard-mans sonne through his valure became the great Turkes sonne in law The souldiers answere to Ribaults Oration The length and bredth of the Fort taken by Laudonnier and Captaine Salles A Fort built in Port Roial by Ribault Ribaults speech to Captaine Albert. His speech to the souldiers The aforesaide Fort was called Chaâ—les-fort Poâ—t Royall The riuer Base 15 leagues Northwarde of Port Royall Shallow water Their arriuall in France 1562. the 20 of Iuly King Audusta Note Maâ—on Hoyâ—â— Touppa Stalame The countrey of king Stalame 15 leagues Northward of Charles-fort Chamoys skinnes The feast of Toya largely descâ—ibed The Indians 〈◊〉 of thâ—mâ—elâ—â—s with rich feathers Iawas are their â—uestes Magicians Physitionâ— Inâ—ocations of the Iawas or Priests vnto Toya Their victuals â—ayle them The Indians maner of liuâ—ng in tâ—e Wiâ—ter time of Mast and rooâ—â—s King Coueâ—iâ— mighâ—ie and renowmed King Oâ—ade King Maccoâ— Ouades countrey in the riuer Belle. Tapistrie of feathers White couerlets edged with red fringe The liberalitie oâ— king Oâ—ade Ouades countrey twenty fiue leagues Southward from Charles fort The fort set on fire by casualtie The fort reedified by the Sauages in the space of 12 houres Crocodiles Cypresâ—es Their second iourney to the countrey of Ouade Exceeding faire pearles fine Christall siluer ore The place where christall groweth in very good quantitie ten dayes iourney from the riuer Belle. Note Mutiny against the captaine and the causes thereof Captaine Albert slaine by his owne souldiers Nicoâ—as Baâ—â—eâ— chosen captain A new Brigandine built in Florida Rosen to bray ships Mosse to calke ships Cordage for tackle They put to the sea without sufficient victuals Their victuals vtterly consumed They drinke their vrine for want of fresh water Extreme famine The French succoured by an English Barke It seemeth â—â—e mâ—aneth the voyage intended by Sâ—ukcâ—y The ciuill waâ—â—es the cause why the Frenchâ—â—n were not â—uppliedâ— which were lâ—â—t behinde in their first voyage Laudonniers second voyage to Floâ—iâ—a with three ships the 22 of April 1564. The Isle of Tenerifâ—a or the Pike The Isle of Martinino Dâ—minica an Island Ananas a fruite of great excellenâ—ie His arriual in Florida the 22 of Iune 1564. Cape Francois being between the riuer of Dolphins and the riuer of May maketh the distance 30 leagues about which is but 10 leagues ouer land The great loue and courtesie of the Floridians The riuer of Dolphins called Seloy by the Sauages Their arriuall at the riuâ—r of May. The pillar set vp before 〈◊〉 Ribault crowned with garlands of â—aurell and inuironed with small pamers full of corne worshipped by the Sauages Paracously Satouriâ—ua A wedge of siluer Grosâ—eâ— â—onsieur de Ottigni The curtesie of the Floridians to the French Men of exceeding olde age Sauages in Florida of 250. yeres olde Egles in Florida Cedars Palmes Bayes exceeding sweete Abundance of grapes Eâ—qâ—ine a dingge excellent against the pockâ—s Siluer certain dayes iourney vp within the riuer of May. Thimogoa mortall enemies to Saâ—ourioua The riuer of Seine The riuer of Somme The courtesie of the Paracoussy of the riuer of Somme
Turke as hee is And they saide that they would not yeeld thereunto during life But it fell out that within a moneth after the kings sonne went home to Gerbi againe being sixe score miles from Tripolis and caried our two foresaid yong men with him which were Richard Burges and Iames Smith and after their departure from vs they sent vs a letter signifying that there was no violence shewed vnto them as yet but within three dayes after they were violenâ—ly vsed for that the kings sonne demaunded of them againe if that they would turne Turke Then answered Richard Burges a Christian I am and so I will remaine Then the kings sonne very angerly said vnto him By Mahomet thou shalt presently be made Turke Then called he for his men and commanded them to make him Turke and they did so and circumcised him and would haue had him speake the wordes that thereunto belonged but he answered them stoutly that he would not and although they had put on him the habite of a Turke yet sayd he A Christian I was borne and so I will remaine though you force me to doe otherwise And then he called for the other and commaunded him to be made Turke perforce also but he was very strong for it was so much as eight of the kings sonnes men could doe to holde him so in the ende they circumcised him and made him Turke Now to passe ouer a litle and so to shewe â—he maner of our deliuerance out of that miserable captiuitie In May aforesaid shortly after our apprehension I wrote a letter into England vnto my father dwelling in Eauistoke in Deuonshire signifying vnto him the whole estate of our calamities and I wrote also to Constantinople to the English Embassadour both which letters were faithfully deliuered But when my father had receiued my letter and vnderstood the trueth of our mishap and the occasion thereof and what had happened to the offenders he certified the right honourable the earle of Bedford thereof who in short space acquainted her highnesse with the whole cause thereof and her Maiestie like a most mercifull princesse tendering her Subiects presently tooke order for our deliuerance Whereupon the right worshipful sir Edward Osborne knight directed his letters with all speed to the English Embassadour in Constantinople to procure our deliuery and he obteined the great Turkes Commission and sent it foorthwith to Tripolis by one Master Edward Barton together with a Iustice of the great Turkes and one souldiour and another Turke and a Greeke which was his interpretour which could speake besides Greeke Turkish Italian Spanish and English And when they came to Tripolis they were well interteined And the first night they did lie in a Captaines house in the towne all our company that were in Tripolis came that night for ioy to Master Barton and the other Commissioners to see them Then master Barton said vnto vs welcome my good countreymen and louingly interteined vs and at our departure from him he gaue vs two shillings and said Serue God for to morrow I hope you shall be as free as euer you were We all gaue him thankes and so departed The next day in the morning very early the King hauing intelligence of their comming sent word to the keeper that none of the Englishmen meaning our company should goe to worke Then he sent for Master Barton and the other Commissioners and demaunded of the saide Master Barton his message the Iustice answered that the great Turke his Souereigne had sent them vnto him signifying that he was informed that a certaine English shippe called the Iesus was by him the saide king confiscated about twelue moneths since and nowe my saide Souereigne hath here sent his especiall commission by vs vnto you for the deliuerance of the saide shippe and goods and also the free libertie and deliuerance of the Englishmen of the same shippe whom you haue taken and kept in captiuitie And further the same Iustice saide I am authorized by my said soueraigne the great Turke to see it done And therefore I commaund you by vertue of this commission presently to make restitution of the premisses or the value thereof and so did the Iustices deliuer vnto the King the great Turkes commission to the effect aforesaide which commission the king with all obedience receiued and after the perusing of the same he foorthwith commanded all the English captiues to be brought before him and then willed the keeper to strike off all our yrons which done the king said You Englishmen for that you did offend the lawes of this place by the same lawes therefore some of your company were condemned to die as you knowe and you to bee perpetuall captiues during your liues notwithstanding seeing it hath pleased my soueraigne lord the great Turke to pardon your said offences and to giue you your freedome and libertie beholde here I make deliuery of you to this English Gentleman so hee deliuered vs all that were there being thirteene in number to Master Barton who required also those two yong men which the Kings sonne had taken with him Then the king answered that it was against their lawe to deliuer them for that they were turned Turkes and touching the ship and goods the king said that he had solde her but would make restitution of the value and as much of the goods as came vnto his hands and so the king arose and went to dinner and commaunded a Iew to goe with Master Barton and the other commissioners to shew them their lodging which was a house prouided and appointed them by the said king And because I had the Italian Spanish tongues by which their most trafique in that countrey is Master Barton made me his Cater to buy his victuals for him and his company and deliuered me money needfull for the same Thus were wee set at libertie the 28. day of April 1585. Nowe to returne to the kings plagues and punishments which Almighty God at his will and pleasure sendeth vpon men in the sight of the worlde and likewise of the plagues that befell his children and others aforesaide First when wee were made bondmen being the second day of May 1584. the king had 300. captiues and before the moneth was expired there died of them of the plague 150. And whereas there were 26. men of our company of whom two were hanged and one died the same day that wee were made bondslaues that present moneth there died nine more of our company of the plague and other two were forced to turne Turkes as before is rehearsed and on the fourth day of Iune next following the king lost 150. camels which were taken from him by the wilde Moores and on the 28. day of the saide moneth of Iune one Geffrey Maltese a renegado of Malta ranne away to his countrey and stole a Brigandine which the king had builded for to take the Christians withall and caried with him twelue Christians more which were
from Rochel It were good that your Maiestie would send into France to knowe the certainetie thereof The Frenchman likewise told me that all the Canibals of Petiguar haue ioyned themselues in companie with certaine Frenchmen which were cast away in two ships vpon this coast The one of these ships which were cast away was one Rifoles and the other ship was this mans And those Frenchmen which came vpon this coast did ioyne themselues with those Canibals which did â—eâ—â—l and did diuide themselues into two squadrons So I sent presently to Manuel Mascarenhas that he should send me aide and munition But he sent me word againe that he had none to spare and that he did purpose with all speede to goe himselfe to Rio Grande and that he was not able to furnish himselfe so well as he could wish nor to bring his souldiers into the field for lacke of shot powder and other munition which he did want Hereupon once more the 29 of Iuly I with my souldiers marched to the enemies campe and there ioyning battell with the Indian rebels which were ioyned with the Frenchmen that â—â—ce their leaders I did set vpon them and slew great store of them and tooke fourteene of them prisoners They doe report the very same newes which the other Frenchmen did tell me as touching the ships which were in the harbour of Rio Grande and how their pretence was to haue come and haue taken vs and spoyled the countrey But now being put to flight and hauing receiued the ouerthrow they can get no victuals to victuall their shippes which hath bene the cause that they are mightily hindered in their intent and dare not come any more to attempt vs. And the Indians are so dismayed that in haste they will haue no more helpe nor aide of the Frenchmen So by these meanes of necessitie the Indians must submit themselues vnto vs considering they are quite spoyled and ouerthrowen for a long time Likewise they haue enformed me touching the siluer mines which are found that it is most true For those french shippes which were in Rio Grande haue laden great store of the oare Wherefore I certified Manuel de Mascarenhas of the Frenchmens newes and howe euery thing did stand wishing him to make readie foure ships and three hundred souldiers and so to take the harbour of Rio Grande being now cleered and voyde of the enemie and to search out the situation of the place and where were best to fortifie and to build some fortes for the defence of this riuer where neede shall require Hereunto Mascarenhas sent me word that when he went himselfe and found it true which hath beene reported touching the siluer mines that then he would send both men and ships Therefore your Maiestie must giue order that the rest of the Gouernours shall ayde and assist me in these warres otherwise of my selfe I am not able to doe more then I haue alreadie done in defending of this countrey against our enemies which are many It may please your Maiestie to be aduertised that from time to time I haue written vnto Don Francisco de Sousa Gouernor general of this realme who is in Baia as concerning these Frenchmen of warre but he will not answere me to any purpose because I do write vnto him for such things as I doe want which are shot powder men and munition requisite for your Maiesties seruice safegard of this captaineship For here are neither shot powder nor any thing els to defend vs from our enemies nor any that wil put to their helping hands for the defence of this countrey the seruice of your Maiestie And therfore it were needfull that your Maiesty should commit the charge and gouernment into the hands of Diego Sierua with expresse charge that all the captaines commanders vpon paine of death obey him and be readie at all times to aide and assist him in your seruice Otherwise this countrey cannot be kept and maintained hauing so great warres continually as we haue and are troubled withall For this Diego Sierua is a very good souldier and hath good experience and is fit to gouerne this countrey Your Highnesse is also to send him Commission with expresse coÌ„mandement to follow these wars otherwise this countrey cannot be kept but daily they will rebell For here are none that will serue your Maiestie so iustly as he will do who wil haue a great care in any thing which shal coÌ„cerne your Maiestes seruice touching the estate of this countrey For the Gouernour Sousa doth spend your Maiesties treasure in building his owne Ingenios or sugar-milles And those Captaines which your Maiestie intendeth to send hither must bring with them shot powder and all kind of weapons furniture and munition for the defence and safegarde of this countrey and for the conquest of Rio Grande For there is no kind of munition in al this câ—untrey to be had if occasion should serue It were also good that your Maiestie should send order for the building of a couple of Forts or Castles at Cabodelo for they be very needefull for the defence of the enemie which dayly doth warre against this Captaineship For that man which shall gouerne this countrey if he be no more fortunate then I haue bene hitherto shall not misse one time or another but he shall loose all the countrey If Don Francisco de Sousa had sent mee those two hundred and fiftie souldiers which I did send for which were in garison in the castle of Arâ—ecife which doe nothing but spend your Maiesties victuals and treasure and had not sent them to Baiha where there was no neede these warres of Petiguar had bene ended long agone and had saued your Maiesty a great deale of charges which you had spent in folowing of this conquest of Rio Grande I haue chosen one Captaine Iohn de Matas Cardoso to be Gouernour of Cabodelo who is a very sufficient man Furthermore it may please your Maiestie to vnderstand that the chiefest Friers of this Monasterie of S. Antonie haue complained on me to the lord Gouernour generall and haue caused great strife and debate betweene him and me touching the gouernment and rule of these Indian townes For the Friers would command and gouerne both the Indians and their townes as well in Ecclesiasticall as Temperall causes as touching the punishment of the bodies of such as are offenders But I haue resisted them in your Maiesties name and haue alleaged that none but your Maiestie must rule and gouerne them and their countrey and that the townes appertaine to your Maiestie and not vnto the Friers But the Gouernour hath written a letter vnto me signifying that he hath pronounced a sentence against me in the Friers behalfe which is this The King our master hath sent a decree and certaine statutes touching the good gouernment and orders to be executed and kept in those Indian townes and that vpon sight hereof I shall presently
banish all the Mamalukes and white men which dwell in any of those Indian townes with all speede and that none of them from hence forward shall enter into the said villages without commandement and consent of the said Friers So this sentence was presented vnto me by the Reuerend father Custodio Prior of Sant Anton of Brasil with a further postscript of the Gouernour importing these wordsâ— I doe likewise charge and commaund you the Gâ—uernour of Paraiua that presently vpon sight hereof you shall restore those villages and houses which you haue burned and destroyed in the last warres and likewise the towne of S. Augustine and that â—ou shall build them againe at your owne proper cost and charges for the Friers alâ—eage that these townes were giuen them by a decree sent them from Pope Pius Quintus that the said Friers should gouerne and rule them On the other side I haue pronounced another sentence against the said Friers in your Maiesties name and for your Maiestie alleaging that those townes villages and subiects appertaine and belong vnto your Maiestie and that in temporall causes I am to punish those offenders which shall rebell against your Maiestie and as touching ecclesiastical causes that the Uicar of this Cathedrall church shall rule gouerne and instruct them in the Christian religion So we both haue appealed vnto your Maiestie herein and your Maiestie may peruse all our writings and then determine that which shall be best and most profitable for your Maiesties seruice and enlargement of your crowne For through these broyles the inhabitants of this Pariaua â—orsake their houses dwelling places and so doe some of the Friers because they cannot be suffered to rule gouerne Also the Indians haue complayned against me because I haue burned their villages in this last rebellion Wherefore if your Maiestie doe not send some order for this countrey and see into these cases it will breed great dissention and rebellion among vs and we shall be readie to cut one anothers throat before it be long Thus I thought good according to my humble bounden dutie and for the seruice of your Maiestie and quietnesse of this realme to certifie your Maiestie the truth of the whole matter hoping in short time that your Maiestie will send some good order to qualitie these broyles for there is great hatred and malice among vs. Iesus Christ preserue and keepe the royall person of your Maiestie with long health as it pleaseth him From the Captaineship of Paraiua this present 20 of August 1597. Feliciano Cieça de Carualsho A special note concerning the currents of the sea betweene the Cape of Buena Esperança and the coast of Brasilia giuen by a French Pilot to Sir Iohn Yorke knight before Sebastian Cabote which pilot had frequented the coasts of Brasilia eighteene voyages MEmorandum that from Cabo de buena Esperança vnto Brasilia the Sunne hath the like dominion ouer the tides there as the Moone hath ouer our tides here And that whensoeuer the Sunne is in any of these signes he gouerneth the tides as followeth The Sunne being in Taurus Gemini Cancer the tide hath his course Northwest The Sunne being in Leo Virgo Libra no current The Sunne being in Scorpio Sagittarius Capricorne the tide hath his course Southeast 〈◊〉 Sunne being in Aquarius Pisces Aries no currentâ— A ruttier or course to be kept for him that will sayle from Cabo Verde to the coast of Brasil and all along the coast of Brasil vnto the riuer of Plate and namely first from Cabo Verde to Fernambuck THe ship that goeth from Cabo Verde to Brasil must goe Southsoutheast and when she is with in 5 or 6 degrees of the Equinoctial she must go Southeast anâ— by South And if she haue the ternados that is thundrings and lightningâ— then thou must go altogether South or that way and by that boord that hath profit thee most And take this for aâ—uise that hauing the general winds 〈◊〉 the wind be at South or Southeast then go Southwest or westsouthwest And if the winde be South then goe Southwest and by this way but little for it is not a way for thy profit because the more thou goest this way the more will be thy trouble because thou mayest not come neerer the coaste of Guinea then 60 or 70 leagues vnto the sholde called Osbaixos de Santa Anna. And being this distance from the same thou shalt cast about the other way towards Brasil and the wind will be large Thou shalt vnderstand that the ship that keepeth this course to Fernambuck and goeth in October or after and chanceth to goe to windward of the Isle of Fernando de Loronha when thou commest to 8 degrees or 8 and ½ then thou shalt go West and beare with the land Thou must take this for a wâ—ruâ—g that if going West in 8 degrees thou see land then looke to the Northward and thou shalt see certaine white cliffes Then I aduise thee that thou goe well to the Southward And this is to bee vnderstoode from October forward for then the time is most subiect to Northeast and Eastnortheast winds And if thou find thy selfe in the sayd height aboue mentioned and seest cliffes and seest a Cape to the Southward and seest no more land to the South then make attempt that thou art at Capiguoari and from thence to Fernambuck thou hast sixe leagues and hast a good port Thou shalt take this for a warningâ— that if in 8 degrees and a halfe thou see land lying all flat thou mayest goe neerer it and be bold till thou come in tenne or twelue â—adomes And then thou shalt see a 〈◊〉 grosse land along the sea-coast which is called â—â—apito gua And being East and West with this landâ— and as I haue sayd in tenne or twelue fadomes water and the time being from October to Februarie then thou needest not to feare any thing but looke to the South and thou shalt see the cape of S. Augustine and looke to the North and thou shalt see a point and to the Southeast a point called Punta de Olinda where Aponiquay standeth And the land â—rom the cape to the poynt called Punta de Olinda lieth North and South I aduise thee that if thou be East and West with the cape of Saint Augustine thou shalt see within the land an high hill hauing as it were a saddle vpon it like to a camel And thou shalt see to the Southwards three hilles along the sea and then presently thou shalt see the coaste to lie Northeast and Southwest Thou shalt vnderstand that from this cape of Saint Augustine to the towne of Olinda thou hast nine leagues to the North. And this cape standeth in eight degrees and two third parts and Olinda standeth in eight degrees and a quarter and Fernambuck standeth in eight degrees And this course is to be vnderstood to be obserued and kept if thou depart from Lisbon in October or
brought them a shipboord and caused the chiefe Iudge to write his letter to the Towne to command all the Townesmen to auoid that we might safely water there Which being done and they departed we ransaked the Towne and in one house we found a pot of the quantitie of a bushell full of reals of plate which we brought to our ship And here one Thomas Moone one of our company tooke a Spanish Gentleman as hee was flying out of the towne and searching him he found a chaine of golde about him and other iewels which he tooke and so let him goe At this place our General among other Spaniards set ashore his Portugall Pilote which hee tooke at the Islands of Cape Verde out of a ship of S. Mary port of Portugall and hauing set them ashore we departed hence and sailed to the Island of Canno where our Generall landed and brought to shore his owne ship and discharged her mended and graued her and furnished our ship with water and wood sufficiently And while wee were here we espied a shippe and set saile after her and tooke her and found in her two Pilots and Spanish Gouernour going for the Islands of the Philippinas wee searched the shippe and tooke some of her marchandizes and so let her goe Our Generall at this place and time thinking himselfe both in respect of his priuate iniuries receiued from the Spaniards as also of their contempts and indignities offered to our countrey and Prince in generall sufficiently satisfied and reuenged and supposing that her Maiestie at his returne would rest contented with this seruice purposed to continue no longer vpon the Spanish coats but began to consider and to consult of the best way for his Countrey He thought it not good to returne by the Streights for two speciall causes the one lest the Spaniards shoulâ— there waite and attend for him in great number and strength whose hands hee being left but one ship could not possibly escape The other cause was the dangerous situation of the mouth of the streights in the South sea where continuall stormes reigning and blustering as he found by experience besides the shoalds and sands vpon the coast he thought it not a good course to aduenture that way he resolued therefore to auoyde these hazards to goe forward to the Islandes of the Malucos and therehence to saile the course of the Portugals by the Cape of Buena Esperança Upon this resolution hee beganne to thinke of his best way to the Malucos and finding himselfe where he now was becalmed he saw that of necessitie hee must be forced to take a Spanish course namely to sayle some what Northerly to get a winde Wee therefore set saile and sayled 600. leagues at the least for a good winde and thus much we sailed from the 16â— of April till the 3. of Iune The 5. day of Iune being in 43. degrees towards the pole Arctike we found the ayre so colde that our men being grieuously pinched with the same complained of the extremitie thereof and the further we went the more the colde increased vpon vs. Whereupon we thought it best for that time to seeke the land and did so finding it not mountainous but low plaine land till wee came within 38. degrees towards the line In which height it pleased God to send vs into a faire and good Baye with a good winde to enter the same In this Baye wee anchored and the people of the Countrey hauing their houses close by the waters side shewed themselues vnto vs and sent a present to our Generall When they came vnto vs they greatly wondred at the things that wee brought but our Generall according to his naturall and accustomed humanitie courteously intreated them and liberally bestowed on them necessary things to couer their nakednesse whereupon they supposed vs to be gods and would not be perswaded to the contrary the presents which they sent to our Generall were feathers and calles of net-worke Their houses are digged round about with earth and haue from the vttermost brimmes of the circle clifts of wood set vpon them ioyning close together at the toppe like a spire steeple which by reason of that closenâ—sse are very warme Their beds is the ground with rushes strowed on it and lying about the house haue the fire in the midst The men go naked the women take bulrushes and kembe them after the manner of hempe and thereof make their loose garments which being knit about their middles hang down about their hâ—ppes hauing also about their shoulders a skinne of Deere with the haire vpon it These women are very obedient and seruiceable to their husbands After they were departâ—d from vs they came and visited vs the second time and brought with them feathers and bags of Tabacco for presents And when they came to the top of the hill at the bottome whereof we had pitched our tents they staied themselues where one appointed for speaker wearied himselfe with making a long oration which done they left their bowes vpon the hill and came downe with their presents In the meanetime the women remaining on the hill tormented themselues lamentably tearing their flesh from their cheekes whereby we perceiued that they were about a sacrifice In the meane time our Generall with his company went to prayer and to reading of the Scriptures at which exercise they were attentiue seemed greatly to be affected with it but when they were come vnto vs they restored againe vnto vs those things which before we bestowed vpon them The newes of our being there being spread through the Countrey the people that inhabited round about came downe and amongst them the King himselfe a man of a goodly stature comely personage with many other tall and warlike men before whose comming were sent two Ambassadors to our Generall to signifie that their King was comming in doing of which message their speach was continued about halfe an houre This ended they by signes requested our Generall to send some thing by their hand to their king as a token that his comming might be in peace wherein our Generall hauing satisfied them they returned with glad tidings to their King who marched to vs with a princely maiestie the people crying continually after their manner and as they drew neere vnto vs so did they striue to behaue themselues in their actions with comelinesse In the fore-front was a man of a goodly personage who bare the scepter or mace before the King whereupon hanged two crownes a lesse and a bigger with three chaines of a marueilous length the crownes were made of knit worke wrought artificially with fethers of diuers colours the chaines were made of a bonie substance and few be the persons among them that are admitted to weare them and of that number also the persons are stinted as some ten some 12. c. Next vnto him which bare the scepter was the King himselfe with his Guard about his