used to designe such as have some hidde and secret cause to complaine and say but little Holliwshed writeth that in respect of his Noble parentage and valour he was tenderly cherished by King Henry and frankly and freely demitted without ransome and such indeed is the custome of generous minds to honour vertue even in the enemy It is generally agreed upon by all that he was highly honoured and esteemed so that the King or some of his Nobles caused draw his picture which is still to be seen in the privie Gallery at White Hall But touching his delivery some say that when he had stayed in England certain moneths he was with difficulty set at liberty after he had payed a great summe of money Others write that he was detained eight or nine yeares at least but that seems to be too much for this battell called Shrewesbury field was in the yeare 1403. in the fourth yeare of King Henry on Saint Magdalins day and Douglas was set free at the death or not long after of K. Robert the third of Scotland in the yeare 1406. When the Earle hard word of his death he made shift to agree for his ransome and so returned with all speed into Scotland It is said that George Earle of March did him very good Offices in England and was a chief mean and instrument of his delivery being reconciled to him during his imprisonment wherefore the Earle Douglas at his return procured liberty for the Earle of March to come home into Scotland and to be received a free Liege again but upon condition that he should suffer the Castles of Lochmaban and Dumbarre to remaine with the Earle Douglas and his heires notwithstanding of any agreement made between them to the contrary in England And so in the yeare 1411 he was restored by the Governour after hee had remained fifteen yeares in England or thereby having done great hurt to his Countrey and much good service to the Kings of England but for all the service hee did hee could neither move the King to restore him and repossesse him again in his owne neither obtain competent means and allowance for his estate and quality A notable example for Subjects to learne hereby not to forsake their naturall King and native Countrey in hope to be supported or ayded by forrain Princes farre lesse thus to hurt and endammage their owne Countrey for the pleasure and advantage of strangers The black book of Scone ascribeth the restitution of the Earle of March to Walter Halyburton sonne in law to the Governour Gener Gubernatoris by marrying his daughter Isabell a widdow and Countesse of Rosse for which he got from March a fourty pound land in Birgeam and that the Earle Douglas got back Lochmaban and the Lordship of Annandale however it bee a yeare or two after the Earle Douglas was returned the Earle March was restored whereunto Hollinshed also seemeth to agree for in another place after the death of King Robert which hee setteth in the yeare 1408. forgetting what hee had said before that the King dimitted Douglas frankly and freely hee writeth thus Archbald Earle of Douglas as yet remaining captive in England after hee had knowledge of King Roberts death to wit five yeare after this at least by his owne account made shift to agree for his ransome and so being set at liberty returned with all speed now at length into Stotland Wherein he contradicts himself and casteth downe all that liberality and magnanimity of his King in dismissing the Douglas freely and with so much the more blemish as in saying it was done he acknowledged it should have been done as it had indeed been most honourable and Princely and might perhaps have gained the heart of that worthy Nobleman But we find but few actions in that kind of full beneficence practised towards the Scots and it seems that his great worth hath extorted their admiration and some Offices of courtesie common humanity such as were the preservation of his life and curing of his wounds but the old grudge of Nationall quarrell remaining still in vigour did choake the fruit of true Princely dealing and kept it that it came not to that full maturitie of beneficence which the party deserved and was suteable fot such a King Wherefore let him content himself with this honour that his valour was acknowledged abundantly and himself by the confession of King Henries owne Heraulds accounted one of the chief Chivaliers and Champions in Albion and let him thanke his own prowesse more then their kindnesse for this testimony Wee will also adde a witnesse of these in our times one of their owne Poets Samuell Daniell who speaking of King Henries son who releeved his father in the battell of Shrewesbury from the Earle Douglas he writeth thus Lib. 3. Stanza 113. Hadst thou not here lent present speedie aid To thy endangered father neerely tired From sierce encountring Douglas overlaid That day had there his troubled life expired Heroicall couragious Blunt arrayed In habit like as was the King attired And deem'd for him excus'd the fault of his For he had what his Lord did hardly misse Taking Blunt for one of those that were apparelled like the King whereas others account him to have been the Kings Standard-bearer But in the warres between York and Lancaster it is more amply set downe in this sort Lib. 4. Stanza 49. Yet here had he not speedy succour lent To his endangered Father neare opprest That day had seen the full accomplishment Of all his travels and his finall rest For Mars-like Douglas all his forces bent T' encounter and to graple with the best As if disdaining any other thing To doe that day but to subdue a King Stanza 50. And there with siery courage he assailes Three all as Kings adorn'd in Royall wise And each successive after other quails Stil wondring whence so many Kings should rise And doubting least his hands or eye sight fails With these confounded on the fourth he flies And him unhorses too whom had he sped He then all Kings in him had vanquished Stanza 51. For Henry had divided as it were The person of himself into foure parts To be lesse knowne and yet known every where The more to animate his peoples hearts Who cheared by his presence would not spare To execute their best and worthiest parts By which two speciall things effected are His safetie and his Subjects better care And in the 54. Stanza speaking of Hotspurre But he as Douglas with his fury led Rushing into the thickest woods of speares And brooks of swords still laying at the head Then a little after in the 56. upon the killing of Hotspurre Which thus mispent thy Army presently As if it could not stand when thou wert down Disperst in rout betakes them all to slee And Douglas faint with wounds and overthrowne Was taken Who yet wanne the enemy Which tooke him by his noble vertue showne In that dayes mighty worke and was preserved
of the name of Douglas and their favourers to compeire upon a certaine day and the Earle himselfe within threescore dayes which being expired and none compeiring they were denounced Rebels Then the King himselfe went with an Army into Galloway where at his first entrie having forced their Captaines to retire to their strengths a small number of his hoast whilest they followed the Rebels uncircumspectly through strait places were beaten backe upon the King not without some disgrace The king moved with great indignation hereat went and assaulted their chiefe fortes And first he tooke the Castle of Lochmabane without great trouble or travell thereafter with great toile and wearying of his men the Castle of Douglas which he razed to the ground He commanded the Farmers Tenants and Labourers of the ground to pay their Meales to his Collectours untill such time as the complainers were satisfied with their Lords goods These things being reported thus as they were done to the Earle Douglas while hee was yet at Rome moved him greatly and greatly astonished them that were in his company so that many withdrew themselves fearing what it might turne to and he with the few that remained with him made what haste they could homeward As hee came through England hee was honourably entertained by the King and Queene there but when hee approached neere to the borbers of Scotland hee stayed a little time and sent his brother James before to trie the Kings minde toward him which when hee found to be placable hee returned home was kindely received and lovingly admonished to put away from him disorderly persons especially the men of Annandale who had in his absence committed many outrages and cruelties This when hee had faithfully promised to performe hee was not onely received into his former place of favour but was made also Lieutenant Generall of the whole Kingdome of Scotland And this was the bitter fruit of his perillous Pilgrimage that hereby hee loosed the reines to his enemies and gave them power so farre to prevaile as to embarke the King in open quarrell against him even to the casting downe of his Houses and intrometting with his Revenues This notwithstanding was either his wisedome or the account and respect of his place and person that the King who had done him such harme and disgrace could bee contented so to forget it receiving him so farre into favour and advancing him whatever blame or imputation may bee laid upon him for his journey which was so rashly taken on and which had so dangerous a sequell yet this retreate from that storme cannot but bee commended and his dexteritie whatever it were acknowledged to have beene great which guided him through such billowes and surges to so peaceable a Port and Haven And it were to be wished that Writers had set downe by what means this was brought to passe for the more perfect understanding of the History but we must beare with this amongst many more defects that are to be found in them Now what ever wisedome though undescribed in the particular may appeare to bee in this as much unadvisednesse is evident in that which hee did immediately after in his journey to England For without acquainting the King hee went to the Court of England and had privie conference with that King and Queene hee pretended that it was for restitution of some goods taken out of Scotland and not restored by the Wardens of England but this cause the lighter it was the greater suspition did it move in his owne King who could not thinke it probable that hee being of that place of that courage of that nature would upon such an occasion onely take such a journey The true cause is thought to be that he went to treat of certaine conditions for his assistance to be given to the King of England against his Nobilitie with whom he was then in hard termes the warres of the house of Yorke beginning to spring up which increased afterward so mightily and prevailed to the ejecting him out of the Kingdome This the Queene of England either foreseeing or fearing some other such like enterprise against her husband had dealt with the Earle Douglas when he came home through England from Rome the yeare before to strengthen them by his help and appointed him to return for performance and perfecting of all conditions of agreement But we finde no effect of this agreement and conditions whether because that conspiracie of the Duke of York was not yet come to maturitie and so Douglas was not employed being prevented by death which fell out shortly after this or because they were not fully agreed is uncertaine Neither is it specified what the conditions were onely it is conjectured that they were the same or such like as the same King Henry the sixth granted afterward to the Earle of Angus in the time of King James the third which if they were they were no wayes prejudiciall to the King of Scotland as shall appeare there yet being done without his knowledge it gave occasion either to the naturall jealousie of Princes to think hardly of it by his owne meere motion or to his enemies so to construct it to the King and stirre him up by their speeches to that suspicion which he enclined to Of both which he ought to have beene warie and not to have given such ground to the one or to the other by such a journey undertaken without the Kings allowance Whether at his returne he acquainted the King with what had past betwixt him and the Kings of England it is not certaine and our Writers seeme to say the contrary yet in that hee brought letters from the Queene of England to the Queene of Scotland and shee thereupon interceded for him it is not improbable that he hath acquainted her and so the King also with the truth of the whole businesse which whether the King did not beleeve or if his jealousie remained not the lesse and that hee was not willing there should bee such an accession and increase of the Earles greatnesse who he thought was greater already then was safe for a King hee pardoned him the fault at the intercession of the Queene and some Nobles but he tooke from him the Office of Lieutenant and all other publicke charge that so he might be made unusefull and unsteadable to the King of England or at least not so able to aid him and so he might be frustrate of the conditions so liberally promised unto him from thence Hee restored also his old enemie Creighton to the Office of Chancellour and the Earle of Orkney was made Lieutenant Thus not onely disappointed of his hopes but disgraced at his Princes hands both by being himselfe depressed and his enemies advanced he was incensed against all the Courtiers taking all to proceed from their instigation But more especially his anger was bent against Creighton both as the ancient enemie of his House and also as the chief Authour of all this present dis-favour by
to preserve the memory of things by their pens all being set on war unlesse it were some few cloystred Monks and Friers who were both carelesse and illiterate droans Notwithstanding all this as no destruction is so generall and so far spread but something doth escape the fury of it and though all monuments had been defaced yet some men being preserved what was written in their minds and memories remaining unblotted out they remembred what they had heard from their predecessours and delivered it to posterity from age to age By which means we have as it were some boords or planks preserved out of this shipwrack which may perhaps keep us from being lost in this deepth of Antiquity if it do not bring us safe to land According then to the constant and generall tradition of men thus was their originall During the reigne of Solvathius King of Scotland one Donald Bane that is Donald the white or fair having possest himself of all the western Ilands called Ebudes or Hebrides and intitling himself King thereof aspired to set the crown of Scotland also upon his head For effectuating whereof he gathered a great army wherein he confided so much that he set foot on the nearest continent of Scotland to wit the province of Kintyre and Lorne The Kings Lievetenants Duchal and Culen governours of Athole and Argyle make head against him with such forces as they could assemble on the sudden Donald trusting to the number of his men did bid them battell and so prevailed at first that he made the Kings army to give ground and had now almost gained the day and withall the Kingdome that lay at stake both in his own conceit and the estimation of his enemies In the mean time a certain Noble man disdaining to see so bad a cause have so good successe out of his love to his Prince and desire of honour accompanied with his sons and followers made an onset upon these prevailing rebels with such courage and resolution that he brought them to a stand and then heartning the discouraged fliers both by word and example he turnes the chace and in stead of victory they got a defeat for Donalds men being overthrown and fled he himself was slain This fact was so much the more noted as the danger had been great and the victory unexpected Therefore the King being desirous to know of his Lievetenants the particulars of the fight and inquiring for the Author of so valiant an act the Nobleman being there in person answer was made unto the King in the Irish tongue which was then onely in use Sholto Du glasse that is to say Behold yonder black gray man pointing at him with the finger and designing him by his colour and complexion without more ceremony or addition of titles of honour The King considering his service and merits in preserving his Crowne and delighted with that homely designation rewarded him royally with many great Lands and imposed upon himselfe the name of Douglas which hath continued with his posterity untill this day And from him the Shire and County vvhich he got is called stil Douglasdale the River that vvatereth it Douglas River the Castle which he built therein Douglasse castle This narration besides that it is generally received and continued as a truth delivered from han d to hand is also confirmed by a certain manuscript of great antiquity extant in our dayes in the hands of one Alexander Mackduffe of Tillysaul who dwelt at Moore alehouse near Straboguie There at his dwelling house William Earle of Angus who died at Paris 1616 being confined to the North in the year 1595 did see and peruse it Neither doth this relation crosse or disagree with any thing set down in our Histories for although they do not mention this man nor his fact yet they all speak of this usurper and of his attempt and overthrow in the dayes of Solvathius about the year 767. Hollinshed and Boetius affirm that this Donald was Captain or Governour of the Isle of Tyre Some do call him Bane mack Donalde but Buchanan calleth him expressely Donaldus Banus an easie errour in so great affinity of name There is another of the same name called likewise Donald Bane who did also usurp the title of the Kingdome and was in like manner defeated in the reigne of King Edgar in the year 1000 but that being 333. years after this and not much lesse after the Emperour Charles Le maigne in whose time they had now propagated and spread themselves in Italy as shall be shewed anone It cannot agree either with this History of our Sholto or with that Donald whom he defeated this last seeming to be rightlier named Mack Donald as descended and come of the former who was Donalde wherefore there is nothing here either fabulous or monstrous nothing incredible or contrary to it self or to reason but all things very harmoniously answering one unto another our tradition with the manuscript and both of these agreeing with our owne and forreign Histories And thus concerning Sholto Douglas the root and originall of the name and family Of Hugh Douglas sonne to Sholto And first of the name of Hugh TO Sholto succeeded his son Hugh of whom we have nothing to write but that he assisted his father at the overthrow of Donald Bane the usurper there being nothing else recorded of him Of his son Hugh the second UNto the former Hugh did succeed his eldest son named also Hugh for he had two sons Hugh and William Hugh the elder lived at home in his native countrey as a Noble man borne to a great inheritance whose actions by the iniquitie of time are buried in silence and therefore we will insist no longer thereon His younger brother William as is the custome of younger brothers went abroad into forraine Countreys to seek adventures of armes if so he might make himselfe a fortune that way Of him therefore we will speake next Of William Douglas father of the honourable familie of the SCOTI in Italy THis William was son to the first Hugh and grandchilde to Sholto younger brother to the second Hugh he it is that was father to the noble familie of the Scoti in Placenza in Italy which fell out thus as it is related by the Italian Historians agreeing with ours Achaius king of Scotland having succeeded to Solvathius did enter into league with Charlemaigne which league hath continued betwixt the Scots and French without breach on either side ever since untill these our dayes whereupon when the Emperour Charles went into Italy to represse the insolencies of Desiderius King of the Lombards committed against the Sea of Rome Achaius as his confederate did send him foure thousand choice men under the conduct of his brother William a pious and valarous young Prince Amongst other of his Captains that went with him this William Douglas was one of the chief and had the leading of the men of armes The Emperour having restored Pope Leo the third to the
good time shee was compassed about and so slain The Duke of Guelder their Captain having yeelded was courteously and honourably used his stuffe and baggage was restored to him and himself set free The reason of this was because Randulph Earle of Murray having been bred in France knew that the French King did affect him and therefore to gratifie him he shewed him this favour to let him go without any other hurt or dammage onely he made him sweare hee should never aid the English again against the Scots This same Author sayes that this was not the Duke of Guelders but the Earle of Namurs called Guy contrary to all our Writers who with one consent affirme that it was And if it were Guy of Namurs he had alwayes been an enemy and received greater courtesie then enemies deserve and more favour then was expedient for the Countrey Nay Randulph was not content to dismisse him free onely but would needs for his safety accompany him to England in which journey they were suddenly set upon by the Lord Percie and the Englized Scots who had dressed an ambuscado for them and there Randulph was taken and the Lord Liddesdale hurt in the leg The Governour was carried to the two Edwards that lay before Perth which towne was thereupon soone after rendred unto him Upon this successe of the usurpers faction Athole very glad of what had falne out accounting the prize now wonne and following forth his fraudulent pollicie revolted again to the usurping Kings thinking it safest to side with the stronger and did now clearly show how worthy he was of that favour bestowed on him by Robert Stuart who at the Convention at Perth had appeared on his side against the Lord Liddesdale And not onely did Cummin come in to them but undertakes also the government of Scotland once more as Lieutenant for the English promising to root out all these of the contrary part that should stand out and would not acknowledge their authoritie The King of England partly for lack of victuals which were put out of the way by the Governour partly because of his journey into France which he was then projecting returned into his owne Countrey and took along with him Balliol who had the name of a King but was indeed a very slave to another mans affection for a vain and empty title a just reward for his foolish trusting to a stranger in prejudice of his Countrey Athole being willing to doe what hee had said to the Edwards that he might approve his service and fidelity unto them whereby hee proved also false to his lawfull King and late benefactours his so friendly enemies who had not onely pardoned him so lately and saved his life but trusted him so far and committed so much to him left no kind of crueltie unpractised that he could against his Countrey so far as that almost the whole Nobilitie relented and became slack and remisse against him or did yeeld unto him having forgotten their duty But behold the reward of such wisedom and the due fruit of such seed as he had sown a fruit that is often reaped of such seed if men would beleeve observe it though the present appearance the first buds and blossomes of things do blinde their eyes make them choose that which should not be chosen which is unacceptable to man and not past over by God as is seen in this man before the yeare be fully expired For Robert Stuart being sick and Randulph a prisoner there were left but three Noble men who stuck fast and were faithfull to their King and Countrey These were William Lord Liddesdale Patrick Earle of March and Andrew Murray who had been Governour They were so constant that no promises could corrupt their fidelitie nor no threatning nor danger could quail their courage so as to bow their hearts to any English servitude Some adde unto these the Earle of Rosse and William Lord Keith These did greatly hate his unnaturall dealing against his Countrey and treachery against his promise and crueltie joyned withall three things ever odious and hatefull to honest minds Wherefore understanding that hee lay at the siege of the Castell of Kildrummie they levied such companies and number of men as they could get and marched towards him Cummin being advertised hereof raiseth the siege and meeteth them in the fields within the Forrest of Kilblane There they fought it very hardly and Cummin being more in number had overthrown them as it is thought but that John Craig Captain of Kildrummie issuing forth with three hundreth fresh men restored the battell which was almost lost and gave them an undoubted victory which when Cummin perceived being conscious of his owne ill deserving that he might not fall into his enemies hands alive he rushed into the midst of the battell and so was slain Sir Robert Minyeis fled to the Castle of Kenmure saith Boetius who saith also that Alexander Gordon was he that flew Athole but others attribute it to the Lord Liddesdale himself who for that cause and for the slaughter of Sir Thomas Minyeis it may be they mean Sir Robert at the Castle of Lochindors in the Sheriffe-Sheriffedome of Bamfe was rewarded with the Earledome of Athole and is so stiled in the resignation by which hee surrenders it again some foure yeares after to wit 1341 the 16 of February in favour of Robert Stuart Great Stuart of Scotland whereof the evident is yet extant in the Register There died in this battell besides Athole Walter Braid and Robert Cummin and a great number of others both Gentlemen and Commons Sir Thomas Cummin was taken prisoner and the next day being the 1. of January he was beheaded They were not above 1000. or as some write 500. choice men against 3000. yet the event was as wee have said favourable to the just and right cause This battell was fought the last of December 1337. By this blink of fair weather in such a storme of forrain assaults things were again somewhat changed and the Brucians encouraged wherefore that they might have some face of a settled estate and government they choose Andrew Murray Regent as hee had been before his captivitie He went into the North and in the mean time the Lord of Liddesdale with a company of chosen men passeth over into Fysse and besieged the Castle of Saint Andrews Falkland and Luchers all which he tooke in with small difficulty by his wisedome and manhood though they were strongly manned and well fortified and furnished with munition and victuall Major referreth this to the time after the Governour came backe out of the North. After this he returned into Lowthian to his old haunt in Pentland-hills to wait his time and watch the English that say in Edinburgh Castle that hee might slip no occasion of troubling and molesting them At last this occasion did happen the Towne being full stuft with a great number of Souldiers both English and Scots There was a scottish man
then if he had been onely accompanied by Creighton and Levingston and such new men who were but new and mean in regard of him as then but growing under the Kings favour And so it is indeed the Prince honoureth his worthy Nobles by his favours to them and they grace adorn and decore and give a lustre and splendour to him and his Court by their presence and attendance thereat And it is wisedome so to esteem and so to use them and happy are they on both sides and happy is the Countrey where they thus agree and concurre This was he in the yeare 1430. in October released out of prison and this solemnity being ended hee past into France and was installed in his Dutchie of Turrain whether he went thither for that onely or if hee used that fairest colour of his absence that he might not see the government which hee disliked and in which hee had no employment I leave it yet his going thither gave others occasion to grow great and to be employed especially the house of Angus which was at last the overthrow of his house So as the honour and profit they had in France may have been said to have beene their wrack in Scotland what by the envie of their greatnesse what by their absence from home as hath beene said So uncertain are the affaires of the world neither is there extant any mention of his actions in France though at that time from 1430. till 1437. the warres were very hot there King Henry the sixth of England being brought over in person and crowned in Paris It is attributed to the Earle Douglas that he moved the King of France to require King James his daughter Margaret in marriage to his sonne afterward Lewis the eleventh and that he met her when she landed at Rochel and was present at her marriage He remaineth there untill the yeare 1437. in which the 21. of February King James was slaine at the Black friers in Saint Johnstoun by Patrick Grahame and Robert Stuart at the instigation of Walter Stuart Earle of Athole the Kings fathers brother by the Earle of Rosses daughter who pretended to be the rightfull heire to the Crowne and that he was wronged and defrauded by the sonne of Elizabeth Moore who was onely a Concubine as he alledged This posterity of Elizabeth Moore he had craftâ—…ly caused to destroy one another the Governour Robert to destroy David Duke of Rothsay and now King James Davids brother to destroy the house of the Governour D. Murdock and his children And thus causing the King to spoâ—…e and weaken himselfe by cutting off his friends none being left alive but the King and his onely sonne a childe of six yeares he was emboldened to put hands in the King also so much the rather because he knew that many of the Nobility were discontented what with being imprisoned what with being endamaged in their goods lands and rents what with putting to death of their friends So that he hoped that they would be wel contented with the Kings death at least they would not take great care or paines to be revenged thereof which things if the Earl Douglas foresaw and being grieved therewith admonished the King thereof or caused any other to warne him that these courses were not for his good this event sheweth he did the part of a faithfull Subject Friends and Counsellour However it was not so well taken by the King at that time as being contrary to his humour and present disposition He did wisely also to withdraw himselfe seeing he could not help things as he would have gladly done Now that the King was dead he returns home and was present as some think at the Coronation of his sonne James the second who was crowned at Edinburgh the tenth of March 1437. not a moneth or no more then a moneth after the death of his father where it is to be observed that either the death of the King is not rightly said to be in the yeare 1437. in February in stead of 1436. or else they reckon the yeare from the first of January which was not the custome then And yet Buchanan meanes so for he sayes he was slaine in the beginning of the yeare 1437. in February which makes me think the Earle Douglas hath not come in time to the Coronation seeing he could hardly have used such diligence to have had notice of the Kings death made himselfe readie and come home out of France in so short a space though the winde had favoured him never so much However through his absence his adverse partie and faction had gotten such possession of guiding State affaires in the late Kings time and had so handled the matter that he was no whit regarded nor was there any account made of him He was not admitted to the managing of any businesse of the Common-wealth or any publick place or Office therein Creighton and Levingston the one made Protectour or Governour the other Chancellour did all according to their pleasure Our Writers say that the reason hereof was because the Nobility envied the greatnesse of Douglas which was suspected and too much even for Kings How pertinently either they write so or the Parliament thought so I referre it to be judged by the indifferent He was farre from the Crowne to which he never pretended title his predecessours had quit all pretension title claime or interest thereto in the time of K. Robert the second he that did claime it and gave over and all his posterity after him had ever behaved themselves modestly they had submitted themselves to all government even to be ruled by them who were but Governours onely and not Kings Robert and Murdock as obediently in every thing as any of the meanest of the Nobility and had never given occasion of any suspition to any man nor taken upon them any thing beyond or above the rest unlesse it were they tooke greater paines in defence of the libertie of the Countrey in which they spent their lives under their Kings And this same man in the late Kings time had behaved himselfe most humbly going to prison once or twice and obeying his Soveraign in all things without the least show of discontentednesse farre lesse of opposition So that whatever hard opinion either the King had taken of him or any man had put into the Kings head hath beene without his deserving who if he had beene that way disposed how easily might he have troubled the Governour and the whole Countrey But suppose they did suspect and were jealous of his greatnesse though without a cause what moved them to neglect and passe by the rest of the ancient Nobilitie was there none of them fit for those places where was the Earle of March a valiant man and of an ancient stocke Where was the Earle of Angus the Earle of Cassils and divers others They will say that Creighton and Levingston were wise men But were they the onely wise men were there no more
wise men in the Countrey Then if they were wise were they good also were they just were they sober modest and moderate For without these vertues their wisedome was not good but dangerous and even ill chiefly when it is joyned with power and is in authoritie And I pray you what hath their wisedome beene or wherein did they shew under to the late King They tell not and I beleeve it if it be tried it shall be found that which made him to have so short a life that gave occasion to his enemies to take courage against him even their seeking of their own particular advancement with offence and vexing of the Nobilitie without regarding the Kings good or the good of the Countrey And it must needs be so if it were the same wisedome they show now after the Kings death Therefore if we shall speake in right termes of that matter we shall say that Alexander Levingston and William Creighton both small Barons onely and not of the ancient bloud of the Nobilitie new men bent to seeke their owne profit onely without regard to any other duty had mis governed the State and gotten the guiding of the late King and drawn such a faction that Douglas being absent in France they had gotten all into their hands Levingston being made Governour and Creighton Chancellour who is the first Chancellour that wee reade of in our Chronicles The Earle Douglas tooke such indignation at this esteeming it disgracefull to the whole Nobility and more especially to himselfe that finding he could not bow his heart to acknowledge such men and yet not willing to oppose or impugne them who were cloathed with authority which would move warre and trouble in the Countrey he chose as the calmest and best course to withdraw himselfe and not to meddle with any publick businesse or to take any care or share in ruling the Countrey which he left to them to whom it was committed and to such as had taken it upon them with this resolution he returned home to his owne house without further troubling of them But that he might keepe them from infringing his liberties and priviledges granted to the house of Douglas of old by former Kings for their good services hee commanded such as were his to containe themselves within his regalitie to answer to his courts and to no other professing plainly that he would keepe his priviledges and that if any man should usurp or encroach upon them he should be made sensible of his errour This was a bit cast into the teeth of the new Governours and did curb them very short on the south side of Forth he having large lands and lordships in those parts And here their foolishnesse was quickly seene in that they would take upon them such authority and the unadvisednesse of those who had given it them who were not able to execute it but by the permission of another Hereupon also fell out great inconveniences for the men of Annandale accustomed to theft and robbery seeing the Earle Douglas discontented and retired who was the onely man they stood in awe of and was onely able to restraine them they began to slight and contemne the authority of these Governours and to molest and vexe their neighbouring Shires with driving away preyes and bootie by open force and violence as if it had beene from the enemie This the Governours not being able to represse the evill increased daily as a canker so that it overspred the whole region almost on that side of Forth In the mean while these jolly Governours were so carefull of the common good of the Countrey and the charge committed to them that in stead of thinking how to pacifie and restraine those Annandians they fall at variance each with other sending out contrary Edicts and Proclamations The Governour commanding that none should acknowledge the Chancellour and the Chancellour that none should obey the Governor so that when any came to the one to lament his estate and seeke redresse he was used by the other as an enemie and both pretended the Kings authority For the Chancellour had the King in his custodie in the Castle of Edinburgh and the Governour had the name of authority and was in Stirling with the Queene mother at last she under colour to visit her sonne found meanes to convey him out of the Castle in a Chest to Stirling And now the Governour having gotten the Kings person to countenance and strengthen his authority went with an Army to besiege the Castle of Edinburgh where the Chancellour was The Chancellour to make himselfe a party sendeth to the Earle Douglas offers to come in his will desireth his protection remonstrates to him the cruelty avarice and ambition of the Governour telling him that he was deceived if he thought they would goe no further then to seeke to extinguish him and that he would make him but a step to overthrow the Nobility and him with the first Douglas returned answer That the Governour and Chancellour were both alike false covetous and ambitious that their contentions were not of vertue or for the good of their Countrey but onely for their owne particular quarrells and private commodity in which contention there was no great matter which of them overcame and if both should perish the Countrey were the better neither could there be a more pleasant sight for all honest men then to see such a couple of Fencers yoked together This answer was so true that none can or doth contradict it Their falsehood he hath known and that is it which men call wisedome in them by a faire name It showeth it self in their dealing with this Earles sonne and appeares also in their carriage one towards another each striving who should deceive the other Their factiousnesse likewise ever when they durst for feare of a third and that their contentions were but for particulars grounded upon ambition and avarice without any care of the common wealth the world saw it then and it may be seen as yet And therefore it is most true that the Countrey had been better if it had been ridde of such ambitious and avaritious Governours seeking nothing but themselves and that it was not for any honest man to embroil himself in their so dishonest debates but a pleasant show and spectacle indeed and to be desired to see each of them though unjustly yet to doe justice upon the other It was a free speech also no man can deny But they say it was not wisely spoken for it made the two parties agree to his prejudice and procured to him the hatred of both at least increased their hatred for no doubt they hated him before and now hee might have divided them by joyning with the Chancellour To this we answer that seeing the Chancellour hated him he would have done nothing but served himselfe of him for his owne particular either to have overthrovvne the Governour that hee might have had all the prey and benefit alone or perhaps
on the displeasure of this fact or jealousie conceived of this and other actions of the Douglasses it is hard to discerne but so it was that his enemies making use for their owne ends of the Kings credulous suspition prevailed so farre that they perswaded the King to resolve to make him away and seeing it could not bee done by open force in any sort it could bee done whereof when they had advised of all the meanes they could this they found to bee the most expedient way that hee should bee sent for to Court by faire promises and being come the King should enter into termes of quarrelling And thereupon they that were appointed for the purpose should dispatch him So they caused a certain Courtier of their faction but such an one as was free from all suspition of bearing enmity to the Earle to addresse himselfe to a Gentleman who was Douglasses friend and to shew him how Creighton was retired to his owne house and that in his absence it were fit the Earle should take that good occasion to come and see the King with whom hee might bee assured to finde favour if hee would crave it humbly and this hee told as a great secret not to bee revealed but to his Lord and dealt earnestly with him to follow this advice The Gentleman beleeving went and dealt very earnestly with his Lord but hee suspecting Creightons craft and having the murther of his Cousins before his eyes flatly refused to goe thither where he had so many enemies so potent and of so great credit and some of which had not long agoe lien in wait for his life unlesse hee saw assurance of his life and liberty Hereupon he was directly sent for to come to Court with promise of all freedome and with assurance under the broad Seal and to remove all feare doubt that he could conceive the Noblemen that were present at Court were moved to send a warrant to him subscribed with all their hands and sealed with all their seals with the greatest oathes and protestations interposed therein that could be and not onely so but every man wrote his owne particular letter apart assuring him of the Kings good will and further promising him that if it should so fall out that the King would be so disposed as to breake his faith and promise and to interprise any thing against his person life lands or liberty they should send him home safe neverthelesse What could hee seeke more at their hands Or what could hee devise more And who would have doubted after such assurances Yet that hee might not onely repose upon his enemies credit all his safety hee accompanieth himselfe for his honour and suretie with as many as might secure him and keepe him free from being in danger of any private mans forces So relying for the Kings part upon his safe Conduct and the Nobilities credit interposed therewith hee cometh to Stirling where the King was well attended and followed by his friends and servants but in a peaceable manner being come into the Kings presence after some sort of admonition to lead a more peaceable and orderly life hee seemed to pardon him what ever was past and kindely invited him to supper in the Castle After they had supped cheerfully and merrily together the King taketh him aside and leadeth him into an inner roome where there was none present besides them two and Patrick Gray of whom wee spake before how of his friend and Cousin hee was become his enemy for the execution of the Tutour of Bombee There the King beginning his speech from the valour and loyall fidelity of his Predecessours came shortly to his owne indulgencie towards the whole Familie and towards himselfe in particular Then sharpely upbraiding him how oft hee had pardoned him and what insolencies hee had committed Douglas answered submissively and craved pardon for what hee had offended against himself in any sort saying his intention was not against him but against his enemies That as for others that would complaine hee was ready to satisfie them according to justice and at the Kings owne pleasure There rests yet one thing saith the King the League betwixt you and the Earle of Crawford and Rosse I will have you presently to quite it At that word the Earle was somewhat astonished at the first yet gathering his spirits again hee answered that for him hee knew nothing wherein that League could bee offensive to his Majesty seeing that all duetie to him was especially reserved The King replyed I will have you presently to breake the same Douglas answered that if hee would have him to doe so hee would bee pleased to give him leave to advertise the said Noblemen and then hee would doe it otherwise hee would bee accounted a faith breaker if having entered into friendship with them hee should forsake them not giving a reason why And therefore besought him to have patience The King replied in an angry manner speaking aloud If you will not breake it I will And with those words hee stabbed him in the breast with a dagger At the same instant Patrick Gray struck him on the head with a Pole-axe The rest that were attending at the doore hearing the noise entered and fell also upon him and to shew their affection to the King gave him every man his blow after hee was dead Thus died he by the hand of the King but by the practices of his enemies they being the choise movers and the king yeelding to their motions as if it had been his quarrell for so they made it seeme to him whereas indeed it was but their owne particular or if his it was but thus farre his that he tooke it on him as his espoused theirs as his owne and imbarked himselfe therein A common practice of Courtiers who have Princes eares what ever is contrary to their will is all against the King is all presumption is all high treason whereas indeed they are oft times themselves his greatest enemies what ever shew of service and affection they make and they whom they call his enemies farre more heartily affected to him They make the King alwayes wed their quarrells beare their errours and the whole hatred and envie of their enemies and oft times drawes him into great absurdities besides and contrary his owne naturall disposition to his great disgrace or diminishing his grace in the eyes of his Subjects not without great perill of his life and estate Happy the Prince that can rightly take up and rightly discerne the quarrells which are indeed his owne from those which others would have him thinke to bee his owne and so understandeth the disposition of his Subjects that hee account not all that is against his Courtiers is against him or all that is done by his Courtiers is done for him These Courtiers had gained this point of the King and by that mean had brought him to doe that hard fact against this man as his owne enemy as one aspiring to his Crowne
him as an oversight onely which the King had apparently tried and found to bee nothing else hee had beene vehement in the revenge of the murther of his Cousins and servant John Auchinleck but that though vehement was not injust and therefore wee finde him never charged with it as injustice hee had against equitie executed the Lord Harries yet hee had done it legally and by forme and order of Law whereof the particulars not being perfectly knowne the judgement is difficult yet is it not for any thing wee see any way to bee excused The execution of the Tutor of Bombee was very good justice and irreproveable though it bred him most hatred and ill will at Court Other particulars are not mentioned Onely they say that hee bore with theeves to have their assistance An ill and unwise course and ever pernicious to the users of it for harming of such as they hate A farre worse and unworthy fact unfit for a generous minde to companion it selfe with them whom hee should punish and to participate of the guiltinesse hee should correct But how farre he went in this point is not certain at least is not specially set downe and as for the speeches of his enemies reproching them unto him in the hatefullest sort all must not bee taken for truth they say All agree that he was a man of great power great policy great performance and execution and greater expectation in whom the name of Douglas rose to the greatest toppe of height and with whom it began to fall which was afterward accomplished in his successour as shall bee said he was slain the 13. of February 1452. esteemed to have beene Fastings-Eve or Shrove-Tuesday after the Romane supputation or in the yeare 1451. as Major reckoneth it according to the account of Scotland He was Earle the space of nine yeares or thereabout but left no children behinde him Where he was buried or what was done with his body there is no mention made in History Me laetho ante diem Chrightonus Rexque dedere Ille necis causam praebuit esse manum By Crighton and my King too soon I die He gave the blow Crighton the plot did lay Of James the ninth and last Earle of Douglas the eighteenth Lord sixth Duke of Turraine and fourth James who died in Lindores WIlliam being thus slain by the instigation of these Courtiers his enemies to the end that the King as they would have it thought might be established in his Crowne by the making away of him whom they made the King to thinke so great an enemy to him It was so farre from producing that effect that by the contrary there was nothing nearer then that it should have been the very occasion of spoyling him thereof for the Earle Douglasses friends who before tooke Creighton and his faction onely for their enemies Now they take the King for their enemy They who before thought not that what they had suffered proceeded from the King or that it was his doing now they impute them to him They who before were onely male-contents and within the bounds of obedience and had a good opinion of the King now they become enemies with an ill opinion of him as a wicked man They who before contained themselves in civill termes now become open rebellious and whereas they had good hope and looked for reconcilement now cast off all hope thereof and matters becoming irreconcileable all love and regard all reverence their hearts being laden with the injury with the dishonesty with the horrour of it they burst forth into all outragious words and deeds things coming to that point that they could not bee ended but by the destruction of one of the parties Either they behoved to ruine the King or behoved to be ruined by him And here the hardest lot at the first was the Kings by all appearance the power of the other party being so great their minds so inflamed their anger so incensed against him neither the party onely but the people in generall detested the fact and the horriblenesse of it in such sort that hee was put by all his shifts and driven to such a point of despaire as to thinke of leaving the countrey and going by sea to France For though the Earle himselfe was dead yet had he left behinde him in the towne of Stirlin foure brethren that were come thither to accompany him The eldest of these James was provided to the estate three yeares before by the Kings consent upon the occasion of Earle Williams going to Rome in the yeare of Jubile to succeed to his brother after his decease He therefore with the rest of the Nobility who favoured them and their cause having heard the report of Earle Williams being stabbed in that manner being astonished with these sudden and unexpected newes first ranne and tooke armes with great haste and tumult but having contained themselves and commanding their companies to be quiet every man keeping within his owne lodging for that night upon the morrow they assembled together in counsell and according to the defuncts ordinance and the Kings consent obtained thereto before they acknowledged James lawfull heire and successour to his brother William Then he with many vehement and bitter words inveighing against the treasonable perjurie of the King and Courtiers exhorts them who were present to lay siege to the Castle Send sayes he for your friends and followers from all quarters and let us withdraw out of their lurking holes those men who are onely valiant in perfidiousnesse while as yet they waver being uncertaine in their resolutions and tremble with the guiltinesse of so horrible a fact They who were present praised his pietie towards his dead brother and also his courage but because they were come in a peaceable manner and unprovided of things necessary for so great a worke they abstained from the siege which if they had as the Earle gave advice resolved upon and fallen to presently while the odiousnesse ef the fact was yet greene and fresh before the eyes of men the King and his partners being unprovided and unforeseene in any certaine course of their affaires as neither able to consult nor to meet for consultation the Castle being inclosed which being also as it is to be supposed not well victualled for a siege the King could hardly have escaped their hands Neither was the matter so difficult for them to have remained and sent for the rest of their friends and any provision which they needed who might have come to them within five weekes as they did themselves returne in that time having given the King so much leasure to advise and prepare for them Neither could the King for all that he had that space and time finde any meanes sufficient to match them For having upon this their deliberation resolved upon the worst part and departed to their houses and taken full advice concerning all things they returned the five and twentieth day of March where all the way as they
do climbe up to the highest places by degrees but they make the carcasses of the Kings sonnes steps for them to mount upon and water their growing honours with the Bloud Royall it self One of his brothers they have most cruelly murdered the other they have constrained for fear to forsake his Countrey and become a Captain in the enemies Camp And now being rid of them they lye in wait for the rest For being conscious of their own basenesse they cannot endure any that is excellent or eminent Whoso hath riches to satisfie their avarice or power to assist their bold attempts him they reckon for their enemy And do we prepare our selves to withstand the common enemy And encampe against England As if any were more deadly and more to be feared then he whose greedinesse our goods cannot suffice and whose thirst of slaughter our bloud is not able to quench Now that you may know how much this inward plague is worse than that outward foe put the case that England which God forbid should overcome what could we look for at their hands what would they make the end of their hatred or reward of their victory The death of the King do you think or of your selves verily I beleeve neither Our contentions have not been for lives but for honour and empire And a noble heart as it is vehement and violent against those that oppose so is it easily mitigated by prayer and entreaty and even with the consideration of the instabilitie of humane affairs it is moved to pity and compassion But let us suppose the worst that they being mindefull of our old debates and puffed up with present victory would take the Kings life which of these two doth deal more easily with us He that by depriving us of life doth also take away all sense of evil or he that reserveth that to daily tortures and torments which next after our God should be most dear to us who besotting the minde with Witch-craft do animate the King to the destruction of his nearest kindred who detaine him like a captive and will not suffer him at any time to show his face to his loyall Subjects that they may enjoy the comfort of his countenance and he behold their service for his honour and safety They are not so much to be reputed enemies who with displayed banner professe hostility as they who within the wals lye in Ambush for your overthrowe who drawing away his Majesties affection from his friends betray him to his enemies and making you destitute of a leader would expose you to the mercie of your enemies Into whose hands if you do fall though perhaps you escape death yet shall you not eschew shame and ignominie and which is worse than a thousand deaths servitude and bondage If you get the day and be victorious you shall not for all that acquire that which is the end and fruit of victory honour and renown to your King rest and quietnesse to your selves and to your posteritie a flourishing and prosperous estate of your Countrey but on the contrary a greater liberty to your adversaries for the present and greater security for the time to come ruine and destruction to your selves and to your King a worse slavery So that by vanquishing you shall not be so much freed from troubles abroad as you shall increase your miseries at home Wherefore my opinion is to speak it in a word that first we shake off this yoke of servitude at home before we enter into fight with the forraine enemie Otherwise all of us shall be slaves to the will and pleasure of a few we shall strengthen our enemies and become Traitours to the common-wealth What you shall resolve to do I pray God to prosper When the Earle had ended his speech there arose a confused murmure throughout the whole Assembly for they had not the patience to give their votes in order but all cryed out together testifying their approbation and assent to his speech and opinion Amongst others there present the Lord Gray was one whom some would have to be he that slew the Earle of Douglas at Stirlin commonly called Cowe-Gray But if it were he he behoved to be of great age now and of greater at the battell of Bannock-burne where he is also said to have been wherefore I take it rather that this hath been his son However the Lord Gray heard all and seeing their forwardnesse craved audience and told them the Apologue of the Mice who consulting in a publick meeting how to be sure from the Cats surprising of them found out a very good way which was to hang a bell about her neck that would ring as she stepped and so give them warning of her approach that they might save themselves by flight But when it came to be questioned who would undertake to tie the bell about the Cats neck there was never a mouse durst cheep or undertake it The Earle of Angus understood his meaning and what application was to be made of it wherefore he answered shortly I will Bell the Cat and what your Lordships conclude to be done shall not lack execution For this answer he was alwayes after this named Archbald Bell the Cat. And so they concluded that these wicked Counsellours and their Complices the Courtiers of the same qualitie and stamp should be brought to judgement and punished according to their deserts In the execution whereof their main care was that no inconvenient should come to the King which because it might fall out in a tumult they ordained that the Army should lye quiet and onely the Noblemen with their houshold servants should go to Court and apprehend them as peaceably and calmly as possible they could After the meeting was broken up as they were going along they encountred by the way with Robert Cochran whom the King informed of their meeting had sent to know what the matter was For it seemed to be some businesse of moment and great importance that had moved such men to conveen at such an houre so early in the morning He had about his neck a gold chain of great weight which the Earle of Angus took hold of and straining it a little This chain said he doth not become a man of your rank but I shall ere long give you one that will become you to weare farre better and so pulling the chain from his neck he delivered him to one of his men to be kept sure After that he went on to the Kings lodging where the Guard and others that were present astonished with the suddennesse of his coming or reverencing the dignitie and majestie of his person gave place and shrank away so that the rest were easily apprehended without resistance or tumult Onely John Ramsay fled to the King and clasped his arms about his middle and at the Kings request was pardoned in respect of his youth which excused his errours and seemed to promise for him that he would do no more so
father the Earle of Ormond and that having obtained them he shall resigne them in favour of the Earle of Angus Other things remarkeable we have none untill about the time of the Field of Flowden which makes it seem to be probable which some allege that all this time he was confined in Arane The pretended cause as they say was secret intelligence with King Henry of England but the true cause they say was his taking Jean Kennedie daughter to the Earle of Cassils out of Galloway to whom the King bare affection and to whom the Earle gave infeftement and seizing of the Lands of Bothwel although he never married her As touching the pretended cause it hath no appearance at all seeing there was alwayes peace and friendship betwixt us and both the Henries the 7. and 8. untill the warre was denounced or a very short time before And concerning that of Jeane Kennedie we have a note of an Indenture betwixt Angus Chancellour and the Lord Kennedie but they have neglected to set down about what it hath been in the year 1496. So that we are uncertain what to think of it And contrary to this we finde that the Lands of Bothwel were not in the Earles hands but in his sonne Georges who got them from the Lord Bothwel in exchange for the Lordship of Liddisdale which for that cause he resigned into the Kings hands in favor of the Earle Bothwel in the year 1492. so that the Earle could not give her the Lands that belonged to his sonne Further our Histories tels us that when James Earle of Aran who was sent with the Navy which the King had prepared for a present to Queene Anne of France had turned in upon Ireland and having burnt Knockfergus was come to Air a Sea-port in Coile the King offended with his folly gave the charge of the Ships to Angus for prosecuting of the voyage But Aran having heard of it hoysed saile and was gone before Angus could come to the place where the Ships lay Now although it should seem by this that the King continued his favour toward him yet there are some apparant reasons to move us to think that it hath been somewhat diminished For Alexander Lord Hume was made Warden of all the three marches and that before Flowdon of which the east and middle march at least had continued under the government of the Earles of Angus for the space of three or foure generations descending from father to sonne by succession from Earle William in the persons of James and George to this present Archbald Other mention or monument of him we have none till the Warres betwixt King James the 4. and King Henry the 8. of England It is reported by some that the Queene and he did what they could to disswade the King from that Warre but when he could not prevaile with him he followed him into England There the King having wasted Northumberland and taken Norham with some few other Castles got a view of the wife of one Heron of the Foord and did so fancie her that he neglected the prosecuting of the warre and care of his Army and did nothing but dallie with her Whilest the Army lay there idle the English sent a Herauld to the King desiring that he would appoint a day for battell But the greatest part of the Nobility did dislike it And the Earle of Angus though he saw all this and many moe errours yet he held his peace all this while whereas the rest of the Nobilitie reasoned with the King but in vain For the King told them flatly he would fight them though they were a hundreth thousand more and that he would retire Then and not till then the Earle of Angus hearing his answer and knowing the danger of such resolution being the Chief man amongst them both for years and authoritie he went about to set before the King the reasons of the counsell given him hoping by that meane to break him of his determination in these words Sir said he your Majestie hath done abundantly to satisfie your friendship with the King of France in that ye have made the King of England withdraw the greater part of his Army out of France and have turned the danger of the War from him without endangering your self For they cannot keep the fields long in a Countrey that is so cold and wasted especially now when the Winter is so near Neither need your Majestie to wonder that the French Ambassadour is so instant with us to fight he being a stranger it is no strange thing to see him prodigall of other mens bloud who doth not regard the good of the parties but the benefite that will thereby redound to France Besides his request is altogether impudent and shamelesse For he requires us to do that which his master a man of great understanding thinks not fit to do for his own Kingdom Neither should the losse of this Army seem small because our number is few for all that are of worth excell either in wisedome or valour in Scotland are here and these being slain the vulgar will become a prey to the enemy Therefore as it is safest for the present to prolong the Warre so is it most profitable in generall For if Lewis would have either the English exhausted with charges or wearied with delay what is more convenient then to compell him to divide his Forces by keeping one half thereof continually in readinesse against us who lye in wait to invade his Countrey upon every occasion so to ease the French of so much of their burden As for your honour and reputation which men pretend what can be more honourable than having razed so many Forts and Castles wasted and spoyled their Countrey with fire and sword to returne laden with such store of spoyle that they shall not be able to recover their losses nor their soile redeem the former beautie in many years though there should happen to be peace What greater commoditie can we expect to reap of the Warre than in such a tumultuous noise of Armes to have leisure to refresh our souldiers with ease and quietnesse to our credit and to our enemies shame Of all the victories that are acquired that which is obtained more by counsell than force of Armes is most properly the victory of man and the praise of it doth onely redound to the Commander and Generall for in it the Armie can claim no part or interest When the Earle had ended his speech all that were present shewed by their countenance that they did approve and assent unto his counsell But the King who had solemnely sworn to give battell heard him unwillingly and answered angerly bidding him if he were afraid go home Then Angus seeing the King obstinate and fore-seeing in his minde what would be the event of such headinesse burst forth in teares and after a while having gathered his spirits again when he was able to speak If my former life said he doth
Marre having crossed the water of Aven a good way above Linlithgow they joyned their Troupes and came both safe to Edinburgh the 29. of April about twelve a Clock at night Thus were the two parties the one at Linlithgow the other at Edinburgh each accusing other and blaming other as authours of dissention yet they at Edinburgh offered to yeeld unto any thing and to come to any terms of agreement which might not be prejudiciall to the K. authority and upon condition that they would assure them of their concurrence to avenge the late Kings and Murrayes slaughter But they were so farre from accepting of these conditions that on the contrary they chose three Lieutenants for the Queen Arran Argyle and Huntley they appointed also a Parliament to be held in her name the 3. or 4. of August at Linlithgow In this mean time Sir William Drury with 300. horse and 1000. foot came into Scotland to pursue the Queens Rebels and such as received them as was given out but the Lords at Linlithgow fearing they might be brought against them assoon as they heard of their coming went toward Glasgow and besieged the Castle thereof which Minto had in keeping But he being absent and not above 24. of the Garrison Souldiers within the Castle notwithstanding was so well defended that having slain moe of the besiegers than they were themselves in number after six dayes stay hearing of the approaching of the contary partie they raised their siege and went every man unto his own home The Kings side with Drury and the English went into Cliddisdale and cast down Hamilton and other Houses belonging to the Queens faction After this the English returned to Berwick and Morton did go along with them the 3. of June having stayed some 20. or 22. dayes from the 2. of May. The 13. of July 1570. they chose Lennox to be Regent in a Convention holden at Stirlin and gave him the oath to observe the Laws and to maintain the professed Religion His first care was to stay the Parliament which the contrary partie had appointed to be kept at Linlithgow in August Wherefore he sends to Grange for some pieces of Ordnance out of the Castle of Edinburgh but he refused to send any pretending that he would be a procurer of peace and not an instrument of War and shedding of Scottish bloud Notwithstanding hereof the Regent goes to Linlithgow with 5000. men the 3. of August where he could see no appearance of a Parliament nor of any meeting nor hear no news of them at all save that Huntley had been at Brechin and placed a Garrison there of some hired Souldiers and that he had also commanded them to provide victuals and lodging for some thousands of men against the 10. of August Hereupon the Earle of Morton made haste to go to Brechin to surprize them before they were aware and sent word to the Lord Ruthven and Lindsay to go with him or before him because they lay nearer But the Souldiers having gotten some inkling of their coming fled and retired some to the Steeple some to the Castle where they thought themselves to be in safety Morton therefore lay about these places and not long after the Regent came thither himself in person and the Gentlemen of the Countrey about came all to him so that his Army did now amount to the number of 7000. men Those that were in the Steeple yeelded presently but they that were in the Castle stood upon their defensive at first and wounded some that approached to have assaulted the castle but hearing that the Batterie was to be planted and that Huntley who they looked should have come to their relief according to his promise had abandoned them offered to yeeld their lives only safe but when they could not obtain that they came in the Regents will simply without condition Thirty of them were hanged who had bin taken divers times before and bin pardoned upon their promise never to bear arms against the King the rest with their Captains were let go free This being done they returned to Stirlin the 15. of Aug. The Winter following was quiet and free from trouble In the beginning of February Morton was sent into England to Queen Elizabeth at her desire with whom went Pitcarne Abbot of Dumfermling and Master James Mackgill Clerk Register Being come to the Court the 18. of February he was remitted to seven of the Councel who were appointed to treat with him These propounded two heads to be spoken of one was that the Queen might be better informed of their proceedings and the equity of their cause then as yet she was and that their reasons and proofs might be so clear and such that both she her self might be fully perswaded thereof and that she might be able to satisfie others who should require her help against them The other point was to make some overture of Peace and to finde out some way of reconcilement that so the Kingdome of Scotland might be quieted and settled For the first point they gave in their Reasons in writing the last of February which when the Queen had read she answered by her seven Counsellours that she was not satisfied there with fully and therefore desired them to come to the second point what course was to be taken for pacification She propounded the first Head onely for a shew she knew well enough before what they could say and was sufficiently satisfied but would not be so at least she would not seem to be so As for the second Head they answered that their Commission was limited and that they could not consult of any such thing as tended to the diminution of their Kings authoritie neither would they take it upon them though they might nor use any such power although it had been given them The Queen was at Greenwich whither she sent for them and in a manner chid them for their obstinacie that they would not listen to a Treatie of Peace but did rather avoide that which did concerne their good so much and made large Protestation of her good-will toward them and their King willing them at least if they would do no more to hear what her Counsellours would say unto them On the morrow her Counsellours propounded many things for deciding the Title of the Crown betwixt the Mother and the Son Morton craved the Propositions in writing in regard there were many Articles and of great importance Which being given him after he and the others that were with him had considered of them they found them to be such as did diminish the Kings authoritie and were without the bounds of their Commission wherefore they returned answer that these were things of so high a nature that they belonged only to the three Estates and could not be medled withall by so few as they were This answer the Counsellours craved also to have in writing which was done accordingly the day following The 10. of March
they had presence of the Queen and were again importuned to come to some proffers of agreement but they absolutely refused Again the 20. of March they were brought before the Queen who confessed that these matters belonged to a Parliament which sayes she seeing it is to be shortly go home to it with Gods blessing and take such order as that there may be men chosen of both sides to consult how to put an end to these controversies And for the furthering thereof I will send my Ambassadors thither and will now presently deale with the Ambassadours of the Scottish Queen and move them to go thither also if it be possible And so she did but they could give her no present answer untill such time as they had acquainted their Queen therewith and received some direction from her thereabout So they were forced to stay till Letters were sent and brought again from her which being come the 4. of April they got presence again and the Queen told them how Queen Mary had rated her Ambassadours for their boldnesse in daring to go so farre as to enter into any terms of agreement Wherefore sayes she seeing she is so averse from this way I will stay you no longer but if afterwards she shall repent her and be contented to hear of it she said she hoped they would be ready to follow the way of peace And so they were dismissed very lovingly the 8. of April and came to Stirlin the first of May where having given an account of their Ambassage in the Convention assembled there their proceedings were allowed and approved by all During Mortons absence in England Lennox the Regent had taken Pasley and the Castle of Dumbartan but on the contrary the other Faction by Granges means and their own Forces had made themselves Masters of the town of Edinburgh with intention to keep out the Lords to hinder them from meeting in Parliament Wherefore Morton being come to Dalkeith kept 100. Musquetiers about him together with a Company of horsemen both to be a Guard to himself if they should happen to attempt any thing against him as also to hinder their excursions to keep them from pillaging the countrey about This company of foot with some 70. horse he sent to Leith to assist the Herauld in making a Proclamation in the Kings name to discharge all men to relieve or support the city of Edinburgh with victuals or munition or any other necessary provision As they returned out of Leith out of a braverie or because it was the nearest way the footmen would needs go hard by the City gates the horsmen though they liked it not would not forsake them They in the town not knowing what might be their meaning armed themselves and seeing so smal a number issued out at the two gates called the Nether-Bow and the Cow-gate-Port and skirmished with them Mortons men though they were fewer in number had the better of them and beat them back again within the gates This fight was called the Lowsie-Law or hill because it was fought near to a little hill or Law where Beggers used to sun and louse themselves It was the first yoking or bickering they had and the beginning of the Warre between Leith and Edinburgh so called because the Lords that were on the Kings side lay at Leith and the contrary party at Edinburgh And howsoever it was of small moment yet it is not unworthie the observing that this little essay was in a manner a presage and prognostick of the issue of the ensuing Conflicts that they should be of answerable successe And so indeed it fell out that the Kings side though fewer in number as at this time had ever the better during the whole time of these warres The day appointed for holding of the Parliament being come which was the 14. of May the Regent comes to Leith and Morton with him but not being strong enough to force the Town of Edinburgh they went hard to the Gate and having caused cast up a trench to keep the enemie from sallying out they held the Parliament though without the Gates yet within the liberties of the Citie which Lawyers said was as good as if it had been within the walls In this Parliament Secretary Metellane with his two brethren John and Thomas and the Abbot of Kilwinning were declared Rebels their Lands were forfeited and their Goods consiscated They sate five dayes during which the Ordnance from the Castle did play upon them continually and the Bullets did often fall amongst them yet not any man was slain or hurt as if by speciall providence they had been protected Afterward they adjourned it and transferred it to Stirlin against the 4. of August They in Edinburgh also kept their Parliament where they had the Crowne Sword and Scepter which they had gotten from Grange out of the Castle and declared some of the Kings side Rebels and in end adjourned it likewise till a new day The Regent returned to Stirlin and Morton went with him to bring him on his way as farre as Corstorphin As he returned to Dalkeith they of the Citie issued out as if they would have fought him and the Castle at the same time did shoot at him but he being without their reach and the Enemy not daring to go farther from the Town than the Cannons could shoot he went home without fighting His house being near to Edinburgh he kept all those that lay about him or offered to come that way from bringing any victuall thither Wherefore they issued out of the Citie to the number of 220. Foot and 100. Horse with intention to surprize him and either to burn his town of Dalkeith or at least to brave him at his own gate supposing that hee durst not come out to fight them now that his Friends were all gone home to their own houses and not above 200. or few more of waged souldiers left with him So they march and carry with them two Field-Pieces and were come to Lugton within half a mile of him before they were espied But assoon as the Alarme was given in Dalkeith Mortons men about 200 foot and 60. horse came forth and having put themselves in order in the open fields offered them battell After some little skirmishing they of Edinburgh seeing themselves disappointed of their expectation who thought to have found very small or no resistance began to retire toward the City in good order and keeping their Ranks unbroken The Dalkethians did follow them in the same manner til they came to the castle of Craig-Miller then some of Mortons Foot getting before them by running about on the other side of the castle rising as it were out of an ambushment fell upon them in a narrow Lane which leadeth from the Castle having broken their Ranks made them flee When they perceived from the Castle of Edinburgh that the flight was towards the City and that their men had the worse they
one at once and that very slowly whereby the Enemie had time to flee safely And now many that before kept within doores for fear began to creep out of their corners and come forth to the Street and joyne themselves with the Earle of Marres men so that the case was quite altered For the Victours and Conquerours leaving their prisoners and their spoyle fled for life to save themselves and divers became prisoners unto their prisoners namely those who had taken Morton and Glencairne The Regent was taken by David Spense of Wormiston who was himself killed while he laboured to save the Regents life and the Regent also received his deaths wound They might have utterly destroyed the Enemie but that at their first entry the Tividale men had taken away all their horses so that they could not pursue them And so they escaped we may say on both sides for both were victorious both were vanquished in a few houres space A rare and remarkable example how available and of what moment it is to use diligence and expedition and how dangerous in time of Warre to be negligent and secure But especially this accident doth make good that often repeated observation of that great Warriour Julius Caesar Multum in utramque partem fortuna potest that in all the exploits of Warre fortune hath great power either to frustrate or make successefull But what he cals fortune we know to be providence and ought so to call and acknowledge it which turnes the wheele of humane affairs beyond and contrary to their expectation If we may judge of the justice of the cause by the perpetuall successe of the maintainers and by their meeknesse and moderation therein the Kings side have had the better and the juster The Regent died that same night and was buried in the Chappell of Stirlin Castle with such solemnitie as the Town and time could afford The Grand-father being dead the next Regent was Marre being chosen the 8. or 9. of September the same year 1571. There were three put on the list Argyle Marre and Morton It is strange they should have made Argyle one who had been all this while on the contrary faction and was now but a reconciled Enemy at most unlesse they were sure how to carry it Many thought Morton should have been the man but he nothing ambitious of the title which was but matter of envie helped to cause Marre be chosen who was a very sufficient and trusty Nobleman able to discharge the place and who had the Kings person in keeping within the Castle of Stirlin The main thing that he did in his Regencie was that he conveened the Countrey and lay about the Town but wanting Artillerie to batter it he returned again to Leith where having divided the Kingdome into quarters he appointed the severall divisions to come to him by turnes with whom having broken the Mils about Edinburgh he placed Souldiers in the villages and Gentlemens houses about it to hinder all kinde of provision from it In the South parts of the Kingdome Balcleugh and Farnihaste did molest the Kings side especially the town of Jedburgh Wherefore Morton both for this cause as also for a particular against Farnihaste who claimed to be Bailiffe of Jedward Forrest which belonged to the Earle of Angus by inheritance sent for the chief Gentlemen of the Merse and desired them to subscribe a Band by which all those that were by name insert therein did binde themselves to assist other and all of them to aid and assist the Warden Sir James of Coldinknows In this Band were contained the townsmen of Jedward the Laird of Badrule together with the Trumbles and Rutherfords and divers others The first that wascalled they being all assembled together in Mortons lodging at Leith was Sir David Hume of Wedderburne who flatly refused to subscribe it but said Hee was ready to serve the King as became a faithfull Subject so farre as hee was able but that hee would not binde himself in any Band to any man further than hee was already bound in duty especially such men with whom he would not enter into any societie fellowship or combination He understood chiefly the Trumbles and Rutherfords which names were infamous and most of them reputed theeves and Badrule a notorious one Morton seeing him thus resolute lest the rest might by his example refuse likewise caused him go aside into a back-room and called in the rest The first of which was Patrick Hume of Polwart who hearing of the Trumbles and Rutherfords refused also to be joyned with them or to subscribe When Morton asked him his reason he answered roundly Because sayes he it may be some of these men have helped to steal Wedderburnes cattell And hath Wedderburne any cattell stollen from him sayes Morton Yes my Lord answered the other that he hath He did not tell me so much sayes Morton But it is true my Lord saith Polwart Well sayes Morton will ye subscribe this Bond I cannot my Lord saith he as the case stands If you do not saith he you shall do worse Worse my Lord saith the other nay rather than do worse I will do it No but saith Morton I do not mean to compell you No but my Lord saith hee you have said enough and so he signed it accounting it threatning and compulsion and so himself no whit bound by his subscribing The rest of the Gentlemen being called seeing Polwarts hand at it made no more scruple but set to theirs likewise After this Morton went to dinner and being set hee remembred himself and sent one to call Wedderburne out of the back-roome and when hee came he asked him Why he did not come to dinner I was saith he lawfully committed my Lord and I would not break prison but stayed till I was lawfully released These dealings made some that were rigid censurers think hardly of Morton that hee would use such infamous men and tolerate them for his own ends especially being a publicke person and in the place of justice Yet others did excuse him as being necessitated thereunto by the times there being no other way to counter-poyse the power of Farnihaste and Balcleugh but by these Trumbles and Rotherfords alledging withall that it is not fit or possible to observe those Schoolrules precisely in Politick affairs which it seemes hath been his opinion also In February Morton being absent in S. Andrews about the installing of his Archbishop Master John Douglas those in Edinburgh watching and laying hold on this opportunitie went forth and setting fire in the town of Dalkeith burnt some twenty houses thereof and having spoyled and pillaged it returned safe to Edinburgh There was little otherthing of moment done by either side during Marres time And now by the Garrisons which lay about Edinburgh hindering Victuall to be brought to them their scarcitie increased so much that they sent to procure an Ambassadour from France and another from Queen Elizabeth to mediate a
for it All this notwithstanding he desires to joyne with the Lords and offers to tie himself to their partie with the stictest bonds that could be devised Their case was the same with his all to be utterly undone unlesse some remedie were found their enemies were the same with his the guiders of Court neither should they onely bee overthrown but with them and through them the estate of Religion and of the whole Countrey This as it was spetious so was it most true and certain and which could not be denied But what society could be sure with the Earle of Gowrie so often changing If his changing proceeded from fraud and deceit who could joyne with him Or if it were from feare what sure hold could they have of one so fearfull Even Angus himself whose nature was farre from distrusting could not but distrust and suspect him Onely his present case seemed to plead for his sincerity at this time which was such that he knew not where to shelter or secure himself but by joyning with them For he was charged to depart out of the Kingdome which was a token of no good will nay of true enmity with Court or certainly a deeper dissimulation than any man could conceive And as necessitie did force him to take part with them so were they also no lesse urged by necessitie to admit and receive him in respect of his great power friendship in those quarters The Earl of Athol and the Lord Oglebee two Noblemen of great power and command were his sonnes-in-law Inshe-chaiffrey and Drummond his dear friends and he himself was Sheriffe of Perth and Provest of the Town Wherefore Angus his confinement being enlarged to the North-water and he residing in the Castle of Brechin his brother the Earle of Marres house he sent one Master David Hume whom he trusted to conferre with him that hee might trie and sound his minde as narrowly as he could and report to him what hee found The Gentleman found him in words in countenance and in gesture greatly perplexed solicitous for his estate besides the affairs of the Countrey and greatly afraid of the violence of the Courtiers So that looking very pitifully upon his Gallerie where we were walking at that time which hee had but newly built and decored with Pictures he brake out into these words having first fetched a deep sigh Cousin sayes he Is there no remedie Et impius haec tam culta novalia milcs habebit Barbarus has segetes Whereupon he was perswaded of his upright meaning and at his returne perswaded the Earle of Angus thereof also So partly upon this assurance partly enforced by necessity there being no possibility to be strong in those parts without his concurrence hee resolved to assume him into their fellowship and societie Then did those scruples and doubts arise in Angus his minde which are incident to honest natures and loyall dispositions Hee considered that banding against Courtiers would be called and seem to be combining against Authority and the King for hee would take their part for the present so was he to force his will whom his heart carried him to honour But what should hee doe There was no other way that he could devise to secure their estates their houses themselves their Countrey and all honest men from oppression and ruine to preserve Religion which ought to be dear to all men and was dear to him nay even to save the King himself whose safetâ—…e did consist in the preservation of the Church and Kingdome and to deliver him and pluck him out of the claws of these Harpies whose oppression and wickednesse did reflect upon him and redound to his dishonour For whatsoever they did was done in his name and said to be the Kings will and pleasure Their banishing of Noble-men and oppressing of all sorts and ranks of men without difference or respect so that there was no honest man but stood in continuall fear of losing his life and estate all this was laid upon the King Their avarice was insatiable their malice cruell and their suspition unsatisfiable They stood not upon reason law or right any pretence which they never wanted served them for a warrant to seize mens persons or estates Their ordinary course was to summond a man super inquirendis and if he did compeir to commit him to a free or close prison if hee were afraid and did not compeir hee was found guiltie of rebellion denounced and his goods seized They would be sure not to want witnesses to prove any thing against any man by torturing his servants or himself to wring something out of him which might bee matter against him through impatiencie and the violence of the Rack At least hee should bee sure to bee vexed by re-examinations and with-drawn from his necessary affairs that so hee might bee constrained to buy his libertie and leave to stay at home with some portion of his land or a piece of money These doings of theirs though many knew that the King did not allow of them yet being coloured with his authoritie were apt to alienate and might in time produce that effect the mindes of the Subjects from their Prince as also the heart of the Prince from his Subjects by their filling his ears with jealousies and by making vertue a cause of suspition and him that was vertuous in any eminent measure suspected and hated and on the contrary vice and the vicious to have vogue and credit and to over-rule all How could this bee obviated unlesse these men were removed And how could they be removed without controlling of the King And to contrary him though it were for his good and sasetie how ill would it be taken by him Invitum qui servat idem facit occidenti To save a man against his will is commonly rewarded with slender thanks Patriam parentes cogere etiamsi possis utile sit tamen importunum est To save a Prince against his will and to force him for his good how dangerous a point is it For they account it as their life to reigne and no reigning without absolutenesse unlesse they reigne at libertie without any controllment were it never so little But there was no remedie whoso undertakes any great enterprise must resolve to passe through some danger And it is good for Kings sometimes that their hands bee held had Alexanders hands been held when he killed Clitus hee had not offered to kill himselfe nor should Calistines have needed to take such pains with him to make him digest his griefe for it If speeches could have prevailed with the Courtiers the Ministers had tried that way but with bad successe for they were accounted seditious and traiterous for their liberty and freedome therein Wherefore there was nothing remaining but to remove them at what ever rate and if his Majestie should take it ill for the present future obsequiousnesse would make it appeare that what they did was in love and humilitie and no wayes
things grow worse had now at last being driven thereto by necessity called to minde what duty conscience God and the station wherein God had placed them did crave of them which was to endeavour that wicked Counsellours namely James Stuart called Earle of Arran chiefe Authour of all the mischiefe might be removed from about his Majestie after such a manner as they could best doe it And since no accesse was free and no man durst or would undertake to present their supplications to the King which contained a true information of his owne estate of the State of the Church and Countrey together with theirs therefore they had conveened in Arms not intending any hurt to their Prince whom they ever had honoured and still did honour and whose welfare was their chiefe end and aime or to wrong any good subject but for defence of their owne persons untill they should inform his Majestie of that which concerned him and belonged to them to remonstrate unto him either in his owne presence or by a publick Proclamation that so it might come to his eares which otherwise these wicked Counsellours did and would hinder him from hearing and that so it might come to the knowledge of all men and move the hearts of such as had true honest and courageous hearts to concurre with them in that so honourable and necessary a worke Wherefore they exhorted all men that they would not through fearfulnesse or a vaine opinion of obedience to the pretended command of a Prince who then was best obeyed when God was obeyed and wickednesse punished who did then truly reigne when wicked Councell was removed withdraw themselvs by lurking abandon the common good in hope to provide for their own particular safety which was not possible for them to doe at any time or in any case much lesse under such a man could there be any security for any good and honest man he being so violent proud tyrannicall unjust and such a profane mocker of Religion who would not be tied to or guided by any law or reason but was carried away by his owne appetite and ambition and who was more fit to be the executioner of a bloudy Nero then a Counsellour to such a just and Christian Prince farre lesse to be sole Ruler and Commander of the Kingdome under the shadow of his Majesties authority having so abused and polluted his name who was so honoured in his cradle and admired through the world for his hopefulnesse and great expectation of all princely vertues Whoso truly loued him ought to concurre and lend their aid to plucke him out of the jawes of these worse then wilde beasts that so his estate kingdome honour and person both in soule and body might be preserved This was the summe and straine of their Declarations and Letters sent abroad to move men to joyne with them in this businesse but all was in vaine for despaire of doing any good at this time had so possessed the hearts of all men that even the best affected did choose to sit still and lie quiet The Earle of Gowries apprehending had so astonished them and the incertaintie how to construe it did so amaze them that all his friends who should have made up a great part of their forces as Athole and others absenting themselves others fainted and held off Even Sir George Hume of Wedderburne a man both zealously affected to the cause and entirely loving the Actors Marre and Angus as being tied to them by bloud alliance and particular intimatenesse of friendship though he were acquainted with their proceedings from time to time and being prisoner in the Castle of Downe in Monteeth might easily have escaped from thence and come to them to Stirlin yet did he avoid all medling therein and would neither receive nor send message concerning that matter yea they themselves were contented that he should doe so in that generall desertion having gained nothing by their Declaration and Remonstrance save the publishing of their Apologie which was not necessary to friends whose approbation they had already and wrought nothing upon others For though the King had a copie thereof delivered into his own hand which they greatly desired that thereby he might know the naked truth of things and be truly informed of the Courtiers carriage and behaviour yet did it produce no effect to purpose neither did they make any use thereof that was known either to informe and perswade the King of the things contained therein or to reforme themselves Wherefore now their whole thoughts ranne onely upon this how to come off their lives safe and reserve themselves to a better and more convenient time so incertaine is the event of all humane enterprises The Courtiers failed not to make contrary Proclamations in the Kings name the bare shew whereof though there were but very few that favoured them or their proceedings in their heart was of such force that men conveened thereupon out of all quarters It was made in the strictest forme commanding all that were able to beare Armes from sixteene yeares of age to sixtie to assemble themselves and to bring with them provision of victuall for thirty dayes to march whither the King should be pleased to direct them Hereupon Franâ—…is Stuart Earle of Bothwell came with his forces to Edinburgh where the King was but he being brother-in-law to the Earle of Angus having married his sister the Courtiers did not like of his company and so he was commanded to returne home againe to his house He was indeed of the Lords faction and so were many others who obeyed the Kings proclamation who if they had had hearts and heads were enow of themselves to have taken order with the Courtiers But being dasht with feare of they knew not what if they had considered aright they looked upon one another and so were forced to guard those men whom they could have wished to be hanged The Town of Edinburgh were commanded to reach out 500. Musketiers which they did and this was the Courtiers greatest strength yet consisting of the vulgar and such as had no obligation to binde their fidelitie to them and if they had seen the Nobilitie Gentry go about to take them in hand would not have made great opposition nor have hazarded themselves for the Courtiers safety in all likelihood However Colonell William Stuart is sent with 500. men to Fawlkirke whereupon the Lords at Stirling went to a consultation to see what were best for them to doe They had not with them above 300. men which were their owne proper followers yet being resolute willing forward and active Gentlemen it was thought fittest by some to assaile him and to punish his boldnesse and audacitie for taking such charge upon him being but a meane Gentleman to invade and come against the Nobility Disdaine anger and courage seemed to approve of this resolution that so his malapertnesse might be chastised and dashed Neither were it without good use for if he were once
from thence doth it without warrant from the text the drift of which is clean contrary not to extoll or lift them up but to abate their pride and to humble them not to secure them but to terrifie them not to exempt them from death the lot of other men but to let them know that they are subject to it as well as others and to threaten them therewith Wherefore let men build up Power and impunitie to Tyrants upon what other place of Scripture they please I dare affirme that this place is most unfit for it For here there is never a word of Obedience never a word of Impunitie but by the contrary of punishment Oh but it saith I have said ye are Gods True but it saith also Neverthelesse you shall die which two being put together the one shewes them their duety Do justice as God doth the other threatneth punishment Ye shall die if ye do it not But they will say that this threatning is from God and therefore God indeed may and will punish but man may not I answer the Text makes no mention whether God will punish them immediately or by the hand of man but however that be the scope of the Psalmist is to humble them and hee who from thence doth gather any Prerogative or impunitie to them gathers that which is contrary to the Text. Now to come to the particulars of the Sermon To what use was it at that time to preach Obedience to Tyrants was it not sufficient to have preached Obedience to good Kings And to have showne his Majesty to be a good King if he thought that any man doubted of that point which was more honourable for his Majestie more beseeming a Preacher more easie to perswade then to roote out the inveterate opinion of the lawfulnes to resist Tyrants Concerning his Arguments 1. Was the first solid God sitteth in the assembly of Gods therfore Tyrants sit in the seat of God though it were true yet it followeth not and it is even like to this The King sits in the Assembly of the Lords therefore the Lords sit in the Kings seat As on the contrary The King being present doth sit in his owne seat and the Lords do rather sit in his seat when he is absent then when he sits in the Assembly amongst them Also as I have said the presence of God is there mentioned not to authorize but to controll them Neither doth the Text inferre Therefore obey them there is no word of that there but Therefore they shall die Because God sits and sees them eyes them and perceives the wrong they doe and how they abuse their power which is a contrary illation to his and farre more consonant to the Text. 2. His second Argument was The people of God are commanded to obey Nabuchodonozor who was a Tyrant therefore all Tyrants should be obeyed How hard an inference Of a particular extraordinary to gather a generall ordinary rule If wee allow of this kinde of arguing it will bee replied God commanded Jehu a private man to slay Achab a Tyrant therefore private men ought or may slay Tyrants 3. His third David did not slay Saul therefore no man should lay hands on a Tyrant how loose is it from example or authoritie negative 4. But the fourth God placed the Tyrant in that place therefore no man may put him out of it though his Tyranny bee never so great what doe you thinke of it A mans goods are taken from him by a briggand who doubts but God hath given them into the briggands hands But doth it therefore follow that no man not the Magistrate may take them from him againe because God hath put them into his hands yea who knowes but God hath cast them into his hands for that end that they may bee taken out of his hands and hee punished for it Besides this inconvenient will also follow hereon if an usurper shall once get himselfe place in a Kingdome no man by this reasoning may ever dispossesse him again to repossesse the lawfull King because without all doubt God hath placed him there This were a maxime very prejudiciall to lawfull and rightfull Kings 5 The fifth was a Simile which all men know are ever lame and doe halt some way yea those which he used are brought by others to prove the contrary 1. For even Children are sometimes made free from their Parents by the civill law Romane 2. And Servants from their Masters by Gods Law given to the Jewes as If his eye bee beaten out let him goe for his eye 3. Wives are divorced and freed from their husbands if the essentiall knot and tie of matrimonie bee violated and broken why then may not the tie we have to Tyrants be taken away If the Essentiall cause of obedience the image of God justice be violated and cast off by the Tyrant why may not the obligation of obedience cease And this for his Arguments which you see how frivolous and weak they are As for his conclusion Men may not put hand in Tyrants it can never be deduced from his text There is only one word which seemes to make for him I said ye are gods but the next words say plainly Neverthelesse ye shall die whereby it is clear that this appellation of gods is not given them to free them from punishment but to put them in minde of their duty which when they neglect they lose the name and are lyable to the punishment So that according to his owne forme of reasoning if it follow from hence that because God hath placed them in that place to doe justice therefore men should not take them out of it though they prove Tyrants it will follow farre better God appoints them to die because they doe not justice therefore they must die therefore men may make them die when they become Tyrants in stead of being gods Which kind of reasoning if he think not to be good then must he quit his own reason and leave this passage as neither making for him nor against him neither exempting them from punishment in calling them gods which showes but what they ought to be of dutie nor yet giving expresse command for men to slay them in this other word ye shall die which showes onely what God will doe in his justice He alledged as others also doe in this cause that the thing which moved him to broach this conclusion was because that if a liberty to kill or disobey Tyrants be granted unto men then good Kings shall not be obeyed nor sure of their owne lives because seditious or ambitious men of which there are enow will call a good King a Tyrant But your Lordship may consider the futilitie of that pretext for by the same reason all lawes are taken away and all punishment of vice and wickednesse For where the law ordaines theeves to be punished an unjust Judge may call an honest man a theefe and if we allow blasphemie to be punished a Jezabel
Spey THou who but lately didst endure the smart Of roughest stormes and with a Pilots art Hast scap'd the many dangers of the seas O Angus now in place of wished ease New troubles come I know not by what fate Keep your great spirit firme in every state Shake off sad thoughts and let your looks appear Chearfull without the darkning clouds of fear Deep cares expell let not impatience haste Those ills which of themselves approach too fast Poor worthlesse soules are prest below the weight Of light afflictions to a noble height In crosse affaires doe thou thy courage raise By this thou maist obtaine deserved praise He merits honour and may justly be Esteem'd a man whom no adversitie Dejects nor prosperous successe fwels with pride But by a constant temper doth abide Still like himselfe and with an equall minde Both fortunes beares Let every boistrous winde And threatning wave oppose his labouring oare He steeres his course and seekes the wished shoare Slighting the angry waters chiding noise Let these like hard examples prompt your choice Learne to meet ills till you with all compare For fortitude admir'd Ulysses bare Worse harmes then yours a stranger poore alone Uncloath'd an Exile wandring and unknowne Aenâ—…s and Antenor suffered long Ere Rome was built or Venice but I wrong Our owne to dwell on strangers since there be More store at home marke the whole Progenie Of Douglasses your fathers how they are Fam'd for their gallant acts in peace and warre Each worthy was the glory of his time None without vertue can to honour climbe Looke on all ages you shall hardly see One rais'd by fortune but through miserie Who live at ease and least disturbance feele Soone beare the mock'ry of her rowling wheele How many traines hath peace What discords warre What troubles exile Yet no pleasures are Obtain'd but after toile nor have we rest Till dangers and difficulties are past So thou when this is past hereafter may Injoy at home a calme and pleasing day And to your dear friends chearfully relate The sad effects of Fortunes sullen hate Sad now but pleasant to remember when Your prentisage hath brought a noble gaine This is the way would you a great name win Then tread the steps your Grandsires travell'd in Where Vertue Fortune where your God doth call Follow my thoughts deceive me or you shall Excell those Worthies who alreadie are Or will be famous so the starres prepare Your youth Faire vertue never dwells alone Hard labour is her neare companion Un-easie taskes she loves and joyes to beat The roughest wayes and triumph over fate Be bold and onward take your mounting flight Till you have reacht a true Olympian height Be bold I say and let no furious winde minde Though earth and hell should mix shake your brave Onely with God whom you must still adore You may be instant and his aid implore Let him direct your course and he will be Your Pilot through the waves of misery Steering your barke by every Rocke and Shelfe Each strait and wheeling Poole His sacred Selfe Will guide the Oare first to a place of rest On earth then after death thou shalt be blest Faults escaped in some copies IN the Preface page 6. line 18. for Long Willie reade Longe-ville p. 11. l. 2. for unum r. unam l. 15. for Duglasius r Duglasiis In the Booke p. 14. l. 21. for wanted r. was p. 25. l. 11. supply sonne p. 34. l. 36. supply lessened p. 43. l. 1. sup long p. 52. l. 43. for in furious r. injurious p. 64. l. 1. for people r. pope p. 70. 72. 74. 76. 78. in the titles for Galloway r. Liddesdale p. 76. l. 17. for rather brother r. father-brother p. 80. l. 13. for Douglas r. Angus p. 85. l. 8. sup Prince p. 102. l. 37. for words r. wounds p 107. l 42. for making r. marrying p. 131. l. 38 sup not p. 145. l. 7. for thing r. though p. 148. l. 30. r. therefore sow on p. 154. l. 34. for extracted r. execrated p. 168. l. 31. for life r. Fife p. 171. l. 44. r. the prisoners goods were exchanged p. 177. l. 18. for moved r. composed p. 179. l. 34. for new r. shew p. 233. l. 30. sup not p. 244. l. 2â—… sup not p. 277. l. 3. sup honos p. 278. l. 10. for mother r. brother p. 335. l. 32. sup out of FINIS Their Antiquitie and Originall 2 Of their Nobility 1. Of Vertue 2. Of Degrees 3. Of Offices and imployment 4. Of bloud 5. Of Fame 3. Greatnesse 4. Their valour Liv. lib. 7. de lacu Curtio Livius Boet lib. 10. pag. 195. Holl. p. 164. Scot. Chro. Anno 787 1316. King Robert Bruce in Ireland The white battell The battell of Billand Herkley The Douglas Emrauld Charter Douglas sent into France to Balliol 1327 Douglas at Stanhop park Peace with England King Bruce dieth 1329 His marriage He is made Lord of Galloway His sonnes 1332. Battell at Duplin Balliol Crowned at Scone Douglas chaseth Balliol at Annand the 25. of December 1332. Warre proclaimed Berwick besieged by K. Edward the third Occasion of the battell at Halidoun hill Sonne naturall to Sir James Her marriage One childe Marie 1335 Convention at Perth 2. April 1335. Cummin overthrown at Kilblane and slain 1337. A battell at Blackburne John Stirline defeated by Liddesdale He takes the Castle of Hermitage Hee fighteth five times with Lawrence in one day and vanquisheth him He is sent Ambassadour into France Perth besieged by Robert Stuart Recovereth Cowper Perth taken Stirline taken The originall of Innerleith Occasion of taking the Castle of Edinburgh The Castle taken hee makes Archbald Douglas his brother Keeper Alexander Ramsay taken by Liddisdale and starved in the Hermitage 1346. He is banished and restored again The battell of Durham King David taâ—…en Liddesdale taken also 1353 He is slaine by the Earle of Douglas His marriage wives and children Hee is taken prisoner at Duâ—…ham Ransomed He killes Liddesdale And obtains his whole estate Conflict at Nisbet-moor He takes Berwick 1355. Regained by the English Douglas at the battell of Poictiers 1363 A Parliament The union of the Kingdomes sought Sir Thomas Musgrave taken by ' Douglas The originall of the house of Glammes 1384. Earle ' ouglas death His wife and children The Originall of the houses of Drumlanrig and Cavers He goeth into France He taketh Berwick 15000. horsemen Occasion of the battell of Otterburn A combat betwixt Percie and Douglas The battell of Otterburn Douglas flain Buried at Melrosse He taketh and razeth the Castle of Lochmabane His death He founded the Hospitall of Holywood He is called the blacke Douglas He marries the Kings daughter Egidia His daughter married to the Earle of Orkney He goes into Ireland He takes and burnes Calinfoord He returnes out of Ireland He is made Admirall He is murthered by the Lord Clifford His marriage His children He refused to be Duke His daughter Marjory contracted to Prince David