her King and elder Brother Henry and conjures them also to loyalty to throw away all private Interests and Factions and conclude in a firm peace and union The Confederates perceiving that they wanted an Head and so a main pretence to countenance their Arms to the people and that whatever they had hitherto gained was more by their dissembling then strength that also the Pope Paul II had censured them if they continued in open wars For King Henry was held an obedient son to the Bishops of Rome for which Calixtus III had sent him formerly an Hat and a consecrated Sword which they use to bless upon Christmas-Eve at night laying them upon the Altar where they say Mass And farther they recollected that upon Henries death Isabella was like to be Queen whereby they could procure no favour or benefit to themselves by opposing her peaceable desires Upon these considerations they consented to an Agreement so Articles are drawn up a Peace concluded on Donna Isabella is declared Princess of the c Las Asturias formerly of a larger extent is now â— little Province between Galicia Leon and Biscay lying upon the Cantabrian sea 'T is twofold Asturia de Oâ—iedo and Astur de Santillana As the Heirs of England are called Princes of Wales and those of France les Dauphins so are those to the Crown of Castile call'd Princes of the Asturias Upon what occasion this â—hort Scheme may shew Alphonso XI had amongst other Children Henry a Bastard Earl of Transâ—amara took the Kingdom from the Tyrant Pedro and stab'd him with his dagger he had John I. who had Henry III. Don Pedro el Cruel had amongst others a bastard call'd Constancia she was marryed to John of Gant Duke of Lancaster son to Edward III King of England Upon the death of Don Pedro sirnamed the Cruel though his bastard-Brother Henry II. seised upon the Crown and was acknowledged for King yet John of Gant Duke of Lancaster pretended the right to lye in him by reason of his Wife Constance and made some bustle about it Henry dying there succeeded his son John I. with whom and Lancaster a peace was concluded Lancaster to renounce all his Title to Castile and King John to marry his son Henry to Lancaster's Daughter Catherine which accordingly was accompish'd so both their pretensions united And for more honour Don Henry the young son was to be call'd Prince of the Asturias since which time the eldest sons of Castile were call'd Princes and the younger are titled Infantas This hapned about the year 1388. And so much by the way concerning the Title of Prince of Asturias yet do I finde Jehan Froissart who lived at this time to tell us that Henry was call'd Prince of Gallicia in his French Edition 1530. vol. 3. fol. 96. and fol. 143. In the old English Edition vol. 2. cap. 154. fol. 170. and cap. 176. fol. 214. Asturias and lawful Heir to the Kingdoms of Castile and Leon with their dependants What troubles hapned in Castile after this treaty being not considerable I shall pass over Donna Isabella now declared Heir several matches were consulted of but she secretly joyned her self with Don Fernando Prince of Girona and the eldest son living to John II King of Arragon At this marriage King Henry was greatly vext as being contrary to his desire and without his knowledge But at the long run the King becomes more pacified and at last a 1474. dying she succeeds as Queen of Castile and Leon although some busled for Joane the supposed Daughter of King Henry but she is generally thrown by as a bastard being begot of his Queen Joane by one Don Bertrand de la Cueva afterwards prefer'd for his kindness being created Earl of Ledesma Master of Santiago and Duke of Albuquerque As for Henry himself he is by all esteem'd as frigid and uncapable of such loves Not long after John II King of Arragon b 1479. dying that Kingdom was united to Castile by the fortunate former marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella Here might I descend into the troubles of Navar and tell how Don Carlos Prince of Viana took up Arms against his Father John King of Navar and Arragon Upon which quarrel began the great Factions of those of Beaumont and Grammont the first adhering to the Prince and the latter to the King and the feuds of these two potent Families was one of the main causes of the loss of Navar to the Spaniard those of Beaumont assisting Don Ferdinand in the conquest against their own King and Country Of which more hereafter In short the Prince being not able to keep the field withdrew himself to Naples for sometime thence returns endeavours new troubles upon which he is taken and secuâ—ed Upon this the Catalonians rebel and though Prince Carlos was set at liberty and c Some say he was poyson'd by his Step mother D. Joane to make way for heâ—â—â—son Ferdinando to the Crown of Arragon dyed presently after yet they continue their Treasons The people of Barcelona publickly declare King John an Enemy to his Country and so they would withdraw themselves from his obedience And the Catalonians sent to Henry IV. of Castile to desire him to take them under his protection they being resolved no more to obey the Crown of Arragon Don Henry accepts them so they set up the Banners of Castile At last after a tedious War they are vanquish'd forced to submit and King John giveth them all freely a pardon But of Spain more in the next Century A CONTINUATION OF THE REBELLIONS AND Treasonablepractices OF THE ROMANISTS Particularly in Spain Scotland and Ireland From the year MD. to MDC BOOK VI. CHAP. I. 1. John and Catherine King and Queen of Navar deprived 2. Pope Julius II. Sect. 1. John and Catherine King and Queen of Navar deprived THe Conquest of Navar being acted suddenly we year 1500 shall make the story of it but very short At the beginning of this Century we finde John d'Albret or Don Juan de la Brit and Donna Catherina King and Queen of Navar which had boasted it self a Kingdom almost DCCC years Ferdinand II King of Arragon having by his marrying with Isabella Queen of Castile enlarged his Authority and Dominions as also by his banishing the Jews and subduing the Moores to him in Granado made his Government more secure cast many a greedy a Jo. de Bussieres lib. 15. § 16. Spondan an 1512. § 21. thought upon the seising the Kingdom of Navar and then all of Spain Portugal excepted would be his own At last opportunity good enough as he thought offer'd it self which was thus Pope Julius II. a zealous Hotspur falling out with Lewis XII King of France Fernando sides with the Pope and having rais'd an Army not onely demands passage for it through Albrets Territories but the command of his strongest Castles and Fortifications and which was most the possession and custody of Prince Henry eldest son to Navar
fuisse posteri dicere jure possint Quod nos impetraturos ut speramus sicuti sperare certe debemus ita post sanctissimcrum pedum oscula Beatitudinem vestram uti nobis Deus Opt. Max. sic diu incolumem servet summis precibus ab co petimus atque obsecramus Beatitudinis vestrae Humillimi Devotiss Obsequentiss Filii Cives Parisienses pro reliquo Catholicorum Fidelium in Gallia coetu Parisiis 14 Jan. 1589. And now the Covenanters run into all manner of extravagancies against their Soveraign whom they no more call or acknowledge for King terming him only Henry de Valois Heretick Tyrant and what not throw down his Arms and Statues which they break to pieces and drag along the streets nay so mad were they that to have but his * Scâ—lus putabaâ—ur morie plectâ—ndum sâ—uts Henricum Râ—gem apâ—â—â—aâ—et an t taâ—ulâ—m â—us piâ—um dâ—mi 〈◊〉 Jo. de Buss to 4. â— 287. Journal Picture or to call him King was thought crime enough to deserve death yet the Painters set themselves on work to draw him but in the most ridiculous and shameful habits and postures their zealous phansies could invent And their Priests were as wicked as the worst of them thundering from their Pulpits all manner of falsities and accusatious against him accusing him of Magick and Witchcraft persuading their Auditors to fight against that Belial to give no quarter to him nor his friends for the Kingdom was sick and nothing could cure it but a good draught of French bloud Some made little Images of him in Wax which they set on the Altars whilest Mass was saying then mumbling some old Wives Charms prick'd the Images to the heart thinking by that way of Witchery to kill the King Others carried lighted Tapers up and down repeating several superstitious words and putting out their Lights thinking so to hasten his death Others imployed their Wits to render him odious making many De insta Hen. III. abâ—ic â— 4. 38 wicked and malicious Anagrams of him as HENRI DE VALOIS Anagram Vilain Herodes or Julian Herodes or De hors le Vilain or Ha ruine de Loys HENRYC DE VALOIS Anagram O Crudelis Hyena HENRICUS TERTIUS DE VALLESIO Anagram O Deus vere ille * This it may be was in opposition to that Anagram made formerly of this HENRICVS TERTIVS Anagr. In te vere Christus Antichristus and such like And for Libells and Satyrs they were innumerable the Press and Pen labouring continually with infamous Defamations against their Soveraign And now they consult how to carry on their designs and first they run to the Parlement at Paris seizing on all whom they thought to favour the King clapping them up in the Bastillc the Rump or those who comply'd with the people being about CLX in number chose Barnabé Brisson for their President one of great Learning as his Works testifie but whether his Zele or Fickleness might engage him in this action I know not or whether his fear of the peoples fury should he refuse it and I meet with a Protestation said to be his and by him subscrib'd Journal 1589 22 Jan. declaring his Innocency how he was forc'd to do what he did Be it as 't will the Leaguers were pleas'd to have a man of his Repute Honesty and Learning to seem to espouse their Cause To maintain this war and their designs which they call'd THE HOLY UNION the people contributed with abundance of freedom insomuch that Moneys which had been whoorded up for many years now flew plentifully abroad and the Women or Holy Sisters are never behind in wicked Zele most of the Cities and Provinces revolt from the King and so the war is carried on against one another under divers Titles The Kings Party is sometimes call'd The Covenanting Party is sometimes call'd Royalists Leaguers Minions or Favourites Covenanters Huguenots Catholicks Hereticks Confederates Navarrists Rebels Politicks Holy Union Bearnoises K. of Navarre born in that Territory Lorrainers Les Maâ—eutres or Mad Hacksters now corruptly Hectors Guisards or Gusians Zealots Bandees blanches or Escarpes blanches i. e. White Forces or White Scarfs The Godly Party White was the Colours of the Kings Party especially the King of Navarre always wore it he and those for him wearing white Ribands or white Scarfs the Colour worn by the Leaguers was commonly Green though some in imitation of the Spaniards wore Red. Besides the former long Letter to the Pope they sent others also to several Cardinals in which they renounced all Acknowledgments to the King still calling him in their Letters only The late King of France and the same Complements they afforded the King of Navarre and the better to gain their designs they sent to Rome to agitate their Affairs with the Pope these four active Blades Le Sieur de Dieu Knight and Commander of the Order of Saint John of Jerusalem Mr. Lazare Coquelei Counsellour in the Parlement of Paris Jean de Piles Abbot of Orbais who had formerly been at Rome in behalf of the League 1586 1587. Pierre Frison Dean of Rheims To these they gave several private Instructions 30 in number the summe of them being to this purpose To wait upon the Pope and tell him of their Affairs in France To inform him of the Massacre at Bloys and aggravate them by the circumstances as the Time Place Manner and Breach of promise To justifie all the actions of Guise with the necessity of his former taking up Arms with the willingness of the Leaguers to come in to the King though they were very powerful when he promis'd to fight the Hereticks How the designs of the contrary Party was to ruine the Clergy To satisfie him of the Barricades in Paris as that the King designed to murder the good Catholick people How the Catholiques are very hardly us'd whilest the Favourers of Hereticks are preferr'd which plainly discovereth the heart of the late King i. e. Henry whose abominable wickedness and hypocrisie they must also discover How he hath now joyn'd himself with the Hereticks is no good Romanist hath no reverence for Religion being at Church sometimes with bis Hat on To tell him the Reasons why they chose Mayenne for their Head or Chief That for their parts they will neither spare their lives nor estates in this quarrel and so to desire his assistance to afford them his spiritual and temporal Treasures to pronounce some Decree against this cruel Tyrant not to entertain or hear his Embassadours and Messages To send forth a Jubilee through all Christendom to implore Gods assistance To grant a Croisado that all good Catholicks might help them To excommunicate all that oppose them To send a Legat into their Army that all may know that the Pope undertakes their quarrel To desire that all Catholick Princes would enter into a League in defence of their Religion c. SENAULT 25 May 1589. Nay the Sorbonists were so zealous that some one
THE HISTORY OF POPISH TREASONS AND USURPATIONS THE HISTORY OF ROMISH Treasons Usurpations Together with A PARTICULAR ACCOUNT Of many gross CORRUPTIONS and IMPOSTURES In the CHURCH of ROME Highly dishonourable and injurious to Christian Religion To which is Prefixt A Large PREFACE to the ROMANISTS Carefully Collected out of a great number of their own approved Authors By HENRY FOVLIS B. D. Late Fellow of Lincoln-Colledge in Oxford S. Joh. 18. 36. Jesus answered My Kingdom is not of this world S. Luke 12. 14. Who made me a Ruler over you LONDON Printed by J. C. for Richard Chiswell at the two Angels and Crown in Little-Britain 1671. THE PREFACE Gentlemen I Am apt to fancy that at the first sight of these Papers I shall be loaded with your severest Censures condemn'd as the worst of Hereticks nay and branded as the greatest of Lyers and Slanderers And all this because I onely tell you what the Pope and his boldest Champions would have you to believe because I tell you what grand Authority his Holiness hath what great power and jurisdiction lyeth in your selves what bloudy actions have been done to maintain these priviledges and as a Preparative to all have afforded you the Glories Commendations and Prerogatives of your Religion from Brutes and Blocks Fools and Devils themselves with suchlike odd Arguments as some of your Graver Wits have troubled themselves confirm'd their Religion and pleasured us with But My Masters I may assure my self of a mitigation of your Fury when you have seriously considered that here I say nothing but what is asserted and vindicated by your own Authors approved of by your own Authority and agreeable to the Sentiments and Doctrine of the Pope himself From whence will follow that with what ill will or names you prosecute me for these Collections you must do the same to his Holiness and the greatest Assertors of his Religion I being but the Compiler or Transcriber of their words and actions which used to be your Patterns and Examples to live by and now to turn tail to oppose and contradict the Pope and his Learned Doctors not to believe in his infallible Documents might renew a Dispute about your disagreements or that there might be two contradictory Truths this may be true at Rome and yet the quite contrary also true in England as Father Coton and other Jesuits affirm'd at Paris In short thus to withstand the Pope would shew your selves no good sons of his Church though it might good subjects to your King which is a great part of a good Christian But by way of Apology for my self I must add that your own Writers occasioned and provoked these Collections that their slanders ingaged me to a Vindication and this Retort and I think Duty and Truth obligeth me to justifie my Mother the Church of England as well as they theirs of Rome And to deny us this favour would be a Restraint beyond all Story for if yours take upon them the liberty to oppose and defame our Church it would be strange if you would not allow us in England to vindicate her And by the by it had been well if they had not so much troubled themselves in opposing our Oath of Allegiance and clamouring against the Magistrates for requiring it which yet is more talk'd of then done seeing these Papers will shew both from Principles and actions that some mens Doctrines are so dangerous and pernicious that the strictest Oaths are scarce strong enough for them and that this especially is favourable enough considering the occasion of its making and the seditious Principles of some people 'T is said that those of ill names are half hang'd and the poor woman that durst not kill her Landlords ill-lucky Dog got her designe by crying out he was Mad whereby the Neighbours presently knockt him on the head And thus it fares with our Religion Of all names nothing more odious then a Traytor and the Romanists will scarce have any to be such but those of the Reformed Church which Charge they lay so heavy upon us and with such often Repetitions that most of their Gentry who in this and other things are apt to be Priest rid now use it as the onely Argument to bespatter the Church of England and I fancie have got some Proselytes by the strength of these Reproaches But I would have them to remember once for all that every one in England is not of the Church of England and for other Churches at this time I shall not concern my self and for ought that I know our Presbyterian and Independant are as great enemies to our Church as the Romanist Certain I am the Papists ought to be cautious in their Accusations against these mischievous Non-Conformists also lest at the same time they do but condemn themselves and I a Utinam eorum nonnulli qui rectissime damnant non pessimè imitarentur Bp. Sanderson de jurament Prael 7. § 3. wish there were no reason for such a supposition yet it is too true that at the same time that the former were Rebels against the King in England the Romanist was as active in Ireland despising and vilifying his Majesty through his Viceroy then Marquess of Ormond as much as those did the King in England And though here the Presbyterians imprison'd the King renounced him by their Non-Address and by their other villanies set up the Scaffold and the Independants and other Phanaticks struck off the Head yet will the Irish-Romanists gain small honour by this Objection seeing they did as much as lay in their power to act the same to their Viceroy by fighting against him excommunicating him combining to take away his life or to deliver him up to the Independant Army by trayterously offering themselves and Kingdom to the command of Forreigners as Lorraine the French the Spaniard nay the Pope himself Not to insist here how grateful the Kings Murther was to several Romanists and how formerly they have gloryed in the Murther of other Princes Yet will their Writers take the confidence to declare their innocencie and loyalty to the face of the whole world and thereby not onely seem to quit and clear themselves but at the same time bespatter and asperse what in them lyeth us wicked Hereticks as they are apt to call us Pedro de Ribadeneyra a Jesuit of no small Sanctity and credit amongst them being a Disciple and acquaintance of their Founder Ignatius though as arrant a Railer as the best of them would gladly perswade the world that a Hoc i. e. Evangelium mentiri docet hoc pejurare hoc fingere hoc dissimulare hoc adulare hoc Hypocritas esse hoc Principes ovinam pellem induere nihilominus laniare occidere sanguinem prosundere more luporum gregem dominicum devotare Quantas Deus bone seditiones quantas turbas tumultus novum hoc vestrum Evangelium ab eo tempore quo primum eme◠sit in mundo excitavit Quot
Et sera ce premier Article leu par chacun an tant â—s Cours Souveraines qu' es Bailliages Seneschaucees du dit Royaume a l'ouverture des audiences pour estre garde observe avec toute severite rigueur To hinder the spreading of the pernicious Doctrine lately taught and maintain'd by some seditious spirits enemies to good Government against Kings and Soveraign Powers His Majesty shall be humbly desired that there shall be establish'd by the three Estates for a Fundamental Law of the Land to be kept and known by all men That the King being acknowledged head in his Dominions holding his Crown and Authority onely from God there is no power on Earth whatever spiritual or Temporal that hath any right over his Kingdom either to depose our Kings or dispence with or absolve their Subjects from the fidelity and obedience which they owe to their Soveraign for any cause or pretence whatever That all his Subjects of what quality or Condition soever shall keep this Law as holy true and agreeable to Gods Word without any distinction equivocation or limitation whatsoever which shall be sworn and signed by all the Deputies of the Estates and henceforward by all who have any Benefice or Office in the Kingdom before they enter upon such Benefice or Office and that all Tutors Masters Regents Doctors and Preachers shall teach and publish that the contrary Opinion viz. that it is lawful to kill and depose our Kings to rebel and rise up against them and shake off our Obedience to them upon any occasion whatever is impious detestable quite contrary to Truth and the establishment of the State of France which immediately depends upon God onely That all Books teaching these false and wicked Opinions shall be held as seditious and damnable All strangers who write and publish them as sworn Enemies to the Crown and that all Subjects of his Majesty of what Quality and Condition whatever who favour them as Rebels violators of the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom and Traytors against the King And if there be a Book or discourse writ by any forraign Church-man or any other that then the Clergy of the same Orders establish'd in France shall be obliged continually to answer oppose and confute them without any respect ambiguity or equivocation upon pain to be punish'd as abovesaid as a favourer of the Enemies of the State And this Article shall be read every year in the Soveraign Courts Bayliwicks and Seneschalships of the said Kingdom and at the opening of their Courts of Audience that they may be the better preserved and observed with all rigor and severity This startles the Clergy who with the Noblesse presently set themselves against the third Estate somewhat like our House of Commons with a resolution to expunge this honest and loyal Proposition yet declared their continuable obedience to their King And as a main Engine to carry this their design about they desired Jaque Davie the famous Cardinal of Perron to endeavour to work over to them the third Estate knowing that his voluble Tongue used to be carryed on with so much Learning Judgement and Sweetness that it seldom mist of that it spoke for Accordingly attended with some Lords and Bishops as Representatives of their respective Estates and so to shew to the Commons that both the other did agree so in judgement in this case with the learned Cardinal that he spoke not onely his own but their Opinions too He though at that time somewhat indisposed went accordingly where he made a very long Speech to shew the unreasonableness and absurdity of the foresaid proposition endeavouring to prove by Reason that sometimes Kings should and by Example that they had been deposed their Subjects being justly quit from their Oaths of Allegiance and so not bound to obey them The Harangue it self being large I refer you to it in his Diverses Oeuvres Yet this Oration wrought little upon the third Estate which hugely troubled all their Cergy and the Popes Nuntio then at Paris and a Hist de Louis XIII pag. 49. Scipion Dupleix one of the Kings Historiographers can accuse the Article with manifest absurdity by which he shews his compliance with the rest in this Doctrine But the Pope Paul the Fifth shew'd himself most troubled in his Letter to Perron dated from Rome Febr. 1615. he call'd it a Detestable Decree and the voters of it Enemies to the Common good and quietness and mortal adversaries to the Chair of Rome But at the same time gives the Cardinal all the commendations and thanks that can be But our King James was not so complemental nor had he Reason For the Cardinal in his Speech having several reflections against the Government of England the cruelty of her Laws the persecution of the Roman Catholicks and shew'd himself mainly concern'd against our Oath of Allegiance which did not a little reflect upon the King himself upon which his Majesty looking upon this Cardinal as somewhat too busie in putting his Oar in another mans Boat and so concern'd to have somewhat of justice done him by his Ambassador publickly complain'd of this affront to the young King the Queen-mother and others and himself publickly answered the Speech But this was no trouble to the Cardinal who was hugely complemented and magnified from several Bishops and other great persons for this his Speech and valiantly defending the right of the Church But how to end this grand Controversie amongst the Estates was the cause of some Consultations at last the King was cunningly perswaded to take it to himself which he did affirming he understood his own Right and Possession and so forbad them to determine any thing about it However the two Estates were gallantly caressed by two Breves from the Pope stufft with Commendations and thanks for their Doctrine and valour for the Church But enough of Perron and the French Estates now in a manner neglected in that Kingdom And should we look upon our own Oath of Allegiance made onely upon a politick account for the prevention of Treason we might see it as strongly opposed and girded at as that of France For no sooner was it made that horrid Gunpowder-plot being a main Motive but Paul the Fifth absolutely forbad it to be taken by two Breves sent into England and presently began a Paper-scuffle on all sides Bellarmine Gretzer Parsons Coquaeus Scioppius and many others by might and main opposing its taking but they were instantly answered not onely by King James himself but several of his learned Subjects as Bishop Andrews Dr. Abbot Carleton Donne Prideaux Burbill Widdrington or Preston a Benedictan Monk for which there were Rods laid in piss for him by the Romanists and several others Amongst those who zealously opposed it was one Adolphus Schulckenius but whether a true name or no I know not yet he is very furious in behalf of the Popes deposing of Kings and this he tells us the Pope may do by the
cas de Prince Heretiques ou Infidelles persecutans le Christionisme ou la Religion Catholique les subjets pouvoint estre absous du serment de fidelite Id. Pag. 602. Non sâ—ulement toutes les autres parties de l'Eglise qui sont aujourd ' huy au Monde tiennent l'Affirmative ascavoir qu'en cas de Princes Heretiques ou Apostates persecutans la foy les subjects peuvent estre absous du serment fait a euâ— ou a leurs Predecesseurs And que depuis onze cent ans il n'y a eu Siecle au equel en diverses Nations ceste doctrine n'ayt este crue practiquee all Parties of the Catholick Church did hold it and so did the French Church ever since Divinity was taught in Schools amongst them till the coming of Calvin and this hath been b Id. Pag. 602. Elle a este constamment tenuë en France ou nos Roys particulierement ceux de la derniere race l'ont protegee par leur Autorite par leurs armes ou nos Conciles l'ont appuyee et maintencë ou tous nos Evelques et docteurs scholastiques depuis que l'E'chole de la Theologie est instituee jusques a nos jours l'ont e critte preschee et seignee et ou finalement tous nos Magistrats Officiers et Jurisconsultes l'ont suâ—vie et favorisee voir souvent pour de Religion plus legers que l'heresie 〈◊〉 l'Apostasie Mais desquels neantmoins je ne me pretende aider si non entant qu'ils peuvent server a defendre ou la These generale ascavoir qu'en quelque cas les subjets peuvent estre absous du serment fait par eux a leurs Princes Ou ceste hypothese particuliere qu'en cas de Princes heretiques ou Apostats et persecutans la foy les subjets peuvent estre dispenser de leurs obâ—ir maintain'd by all the French Kings themselves Councils Bishops and Doctors as also all their Magistrates Officers and Lawyers Nor is this all for he publickly declares that c Id. Pag. 621. N'ont jamais peu trouver en toute la France depuis que les E'choles de Theologie y ont este instituees jusques a nos jours un seul Docteur ny Theologien ny Jurisconsulte un seul Decret un seul Concile un seul Arrest de Parlement un seul Magistrate ny Ecclesiastique ny Politique qui alt dit qu'en cas d'heresie ou d'Infidelitâ—e les subjets ne puissent estre ablous du Serment de Fidelite qu'ils doivent a leurs Princes there could never be found in France since Schools of Divinity were there setled till his time so much as one Doctor one Divine one Lawyer one Decree one Council one Order of Parliament one Magistrate neither Ecclesiastick nor Politique to have said that in case of Heresie or Infidelity subjects might not be absolved from their Oath of Allegiance due to their Kings And should they believe the contrary d Id. Pag. 635. Et non seulement cet Article i. e. To believe that subjects cannot be absolved from their Oaths of Allegiance to their King nous jette en un Schisme inevitable mais mesme nous precipite en un heresie evidenâ—e nous obligeant necessairement de Confesser que l'Eglise Catholique est perie depuis plusieurs Siecles en la Terre Car si ceux qui embrassent la doctrine opposite tiennent une Opinion contraire a la parole de Dieu impie et detestable le Pape donc depuis tant de Siecles n'a point este chef de l'Eglise et vicaire de Christ mais heretique et Antichrist Et toutes les autres parties de l'Eglise n'ont point este vrayes parties de l'Eglise mais membres de l'Antichrist Or cela estant ou estoit demeure l'Eglise Catholique en la France seule Mais comment sera t'elle de meuree en France si cet Article est vray puisque tous les Docteurs Franzois ont denu depuis â—ant de Siecles le Contraite es casd ' Heresie et d' Apostasie de la Religione Christienne they should be plain Schismaticks and Hereticks or else the Church must have failed and the Pope to have been so far from being Christs Vicar that he had been an Heretick and Antichrist But enough of this the former Chapter being long enough and able to serve for both seeing those who grant that the Pope can lawfully depose Kings will not deny but that he can also absolve their subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance and their Obedience CHAP. III. That Subjects of themselves may depose their Kings and Governours IF we allow that the people themselves may lawfully Rebel against their Princes and at the same time be Judges of the justness of the Reason to be in Authority will be a slavery the word Monarchy absolute non-sence the King obliged to obey every mans passion and folly nor peace nor justice can be expected the Nation bâ—ing in a perpetual hurlyburly every other day as of late times new Magistrates starting up by strength or Policy and he that 's still uppermost of this Leap-frog-Government will extort Obedience confirmed by Oaths from his supposed subjects which will ruine the honest and damn the rest with Perjury Change as a Novelty at first is rather a pleasure than gain to the People and at last a burden and ruine and what a factious people once resolve on they will never want pretence of Reason themselves being judges When the Sacrilegious Prsbyterians prompted by their Master the Devil were resolved to Murder that famous Arch-bishop of Canterbury Dr. Laud for fashion-sake they would have something to say though if we go according to the Narrative of his a Pryn's Canterbury's doom Enemy we shall finde that the Lords Commons and Prynne himself had but the same Reason and Consequence for so doing as according to the Proverb Tenterton Steeple is the cause of Goodwin-Sands I warrant you the ancient b Jo. Magnus Hist Goth. Sueciumque lib. Id. Hist Metropol Upsal l 1. p. 11. Swedes thought themselves as pretty Religious blades as any when they slew their good King Evic Stenchil because he intended to bring in Christianity amongst them Our late Puritans made it one of their main pleas in Print and Pulpit for their fighting against the King because forsooth he intended to bring in Popery And the Earls of Northumberland Westmerland and others thought to pull down and destroy Queen Elizabeth and some did also King James because they setled the Protestant Religion and I do not know which were the arranest knaves of the three parties certain I am that Christian Religion doth nowhere allow Rebellion and if a Heathen and a Christian do the same fault it is not the unbelief of the former that makes him more wicked in the act than the Religion of the latter and he that bauls out the liberty of Conscience and loss of Religion to vindicate
his Rebellion hath too much of Atheism in him to be a true Christian Thus would these men make the condition of Kings to be like that of Damocles with a drawn Sword hanging over their heads by a slender thred His and the Kingdoms settlement to lye at the mercy and alteration of every hot-brain'd Zealot For let him be of whatsoever Religion yet we see he shall not please and that which should have no Arms but Prayers and Tears must be made a pretence to prove the Devil a Saint and Treason an Article of Faith We have formerly seen how the Romish Favorites do hugely contend in behalf of their a Extra Com. l. 1. Tit. â— c. 1. Unam Sanctam Canon-law that the Pope is b Jer. 1. 10. set over the Nations and over Kingdoms to root out and to pull down and to destroy and to throw down But as if this were not enough to overcloud the Authority of Kings they will allow the people also the power to trample upon their Princes by deposing them and this in few words is acknowledged by c Jus deponendi abdicandi e solio Reges ac Principes non solum Ecclesiae sed interdum populis competere ratione exemplis ostenditur Rut. Benz. Comment in Canticum Magnificat lib. 3. cap. 27. dub 6. pag. 134. Rutilius Benzonius Bishop of their Miraculous Loretto Leonardus Coquaeus endeavouring to prove that the Pope hath power to depose Kings in one place brings his Argument by way of comparison that if d Examen Praefat. monit p. 102. Parliaments do sometimes depose Kings why may not the Pope much more do it And in another place speaks more plain That e Imo judicarem quod non expectata sententia Summi Pontificis posset talem Principem a subditis deponi Id. Pag. 49. without the Pope the subjects themselves may pull their Kings from their Thrones But I warrant you that King James against whom he wrote would never be converted by this French-man Here we have the Brabantine Jesuite Martinus Becanus keep a great deal of clutter about the old worne-out Argument of a mutual compact between King and People and so he would conclude that if Kings do not keep their Promises to their Subjects then the Controvers Angl. p. 133 134 135. people may slip their necks out of Coller and throw by their King and something to this purpose he affords you an old Rime Frangenti fidem fides frangatur eidem But this in this case is a false rule with us being no compact nor the parties equals so that do but translate his Riming Proverb to agree with the cause in hand and we shall see the consequence to be false Don breaks his Troth burns my poor house what then May I his slave go and burn his agen This used to be common Logick to the borderers or Moss-troopers but we see ours if held affirmatively cannot prosper in a setled Kingdom But he goeth farther yet to extol the power of the People affirming that when a King is deposed though there Plus dicam in haec re voluit concensus populi ut etiamsi superesset legitimus haeres cui Regnum deberetur hoc palam omnibus constaret tamen si populus praetermitto legitimo haerede alium delegisset ille alius fuisset verus Rex Mart. Becan Controv. Angl. pag. 120. remaineth a lawful Heir to whom the Kingdom of right doth belong and this too apparently known to all yet if the people do chuse another and throw this Heir aside the other so chosen is the true King Almost an hundred years ago an English-man who calls himself John Rastell Master of Arts and Student of Divinity then living at Lovan a A brief shew of the false wares packâ— together in the named Apologie of the Church of England fol. 9â— wrote against Dr. Jewel in behalf of Dr. Harding or rather as himself saith gathered out of Dr. Hardings Book and if so about this cause take both their Opinions For whereas every Common-wealth is greater than the Prince which governeth it and may depose the same upon lawful cause and whereas Riot and doltishness are causes sufficient so to do as making the Prince unable to govern it well it followeth consequently that if the whole Estate of France deposed Chilperick and erected Pipine there was NO FAULT committed in so doing Now certainly you would think that this Chilperick was a strange Tyrant or that his wickedness must be so great that 't was no fault to take the Crown from him and give it to one of his Subjects that had no right to it nor is this all but the Kingdom by this means changed from one Family to another But we shall finde his enormities not to deserve such punishment that he wanted discretion I believe but then they might have given him an assistant and as for his inclination b Hist de' personaggi illustri Religiosi lib. 3. cap. 18. Essenda di natura piâ— Egli menò vita Angelica Paolo Morigi tells us that he was Godly and peaceful and when he was put into a Monastery that he led an Angelical life Whether there was such an English-man or no as this John Rastell I know not because Pitseus maketh no mention of any such and doth tell us besides that c Pag. 764. William Rastell amongst other things wrote several Books against Bishop Jewel whosoever be the man 't is not much to our purpose though William the Lawyer would have given more credit to the cause though for so doing would somewhat have encreas'd the wonder those who are so much addicted to our Common-law not troubling themselves so much with the Romish Politicks or the niceties of the Schools And so much for Rastell and his friends Doctrine d Recognit lib. de laicis cap. 6. Bellarmine tells us that Martinus ab Azpilcueta the famous Spanish Lawyer was of Opinion that the people never transferr'd their power so much upon and into the Prince but that in some cases they might resume it again from him And of the same judgement doth the Cardinal shew himself in one place that if e Videmus in â—ebus publicis temporalibus si Rex degeneret in Tyranâ—um â—icet sit Caput Regni tamen a populo deponi eligi alium Bellar. de Concil l. 2. c 19. the King turns Tyrant the people may depose him and chuse another And again that f Pendet a consensâ— multitudinis constituere super se Regem vel Consules vel alios Magistratus ut patet si causa legitima adsit potest multitudo mutare Regnum in Aristocratiam aut Democratiam e contrariâ— Bellarm. de laicis lib. 3. cap. 6. 't is the consent of the people that constitutes Kings or other Governments over them and so if cause be given they may turn â—he Kingdom into an Aristocracy or Democracy or the contrary g Defens fid
printed in several Nations And if you think that these Spaniards speak not plain enough yet we shall shew you another Jesuit but of another Country viz. Brabant yet under the subjection of Spain And this is Martinus Becanus of great esteem amongst the learned honoured by the Emperour Matthias and Confessor to Ferdinand the Second but let us hear him speak and then we shall scarce think him fit to be imploy'd so neer the Conscience of so great a Monarch as Caesar since he attributes too much power to one who thinks himself a better man in Temporals one way or another than the Emperour Sometimes Aliquando factum est ut etiam Reges essent leprosi ergâ— poterat pontifex mandaâ—e ut feorsim habitarent si nollent obedire ut VITA PRIVARENTUR NIHIL CERTIUS Hâ—nc colligimus Pontificem duplici titulo potuisse Reges privare suo Regno primo quia poterat eos si â—ONTUMAâ—ES esâ—ent PRIVARE VITA Ergo Regno de hoc nemo DUBITAT Becan Controvers Angl. pag. 115. saith he it so falls out that Kings become wicked or Hereticks then the Pope may command that they be removed which if they disobey they may be kill'd and then this nothing is MORE CERTAIN And again The Pope may deprive Kings of their Kingdoms upon a double account for if they be CONTUMACIOUS he may have them Kill'd and so they are also deprived of their Kingdom and that this may be done no man doth doubt But yet if you think that this is not plain enough we will afford you another Jesuit and a Spaniard â—â—z Franciscus Suarez a man that seemed to excel Abulensis by thâ— multitude of his writings and one of the greatest esteem of all his Order Pope Paul the Fifth himself having honoured him with several Letters That Kings may be kill'd Suarez affirms no less than three times in one a Defens fid lib. 6. cap. 4. § 18. Paragraph but a little before this he speaks more plain by endeavouring to prove it by reason after this manner b Id. Lib 6. c. 4. § 14. Postquam Rex legâ—time depositus est jam non est Rex neque Princeps legitimus consequenter non potest in illo subsistere assertio quae de legitimo Rege loquitur Imo si Rex talis post depositionem legitimam in sua pertinacia perseverans Regnum per vim retineat incipit esse Tyrannus in Titulo quia non est legitimus Rex nec justo titulo Regnum possidet declaratur hoc amplius in Rege Haeretico nam statim per haeresim ipso facto privatur aliquo modo dominio proprietate sui Regni Post sentenâ—am latam omnino privatur Regno ita ut non possit justo titulo illud possidere Ergo ex tunc poterit tanquam omnino Tyrannus tractari Consequenter a QUOCUNQUE PRIVATO POTERIT INTERFICI When a King is deposed then he is neither lawful King nor Prince And if therefore he endeavour to keep the Kingdom under him by strength then he is an Vsurper because he is no lawful King having no true title to the Crown For that after the Decree of deposition gone out against him he is altogether deprived of his Kingdom so that he cannot with a just title possess it and so he may be used as a Tyrant or Vsurper and by consequence MAY BE SLAIN BY ANY PRIVATE MAN And this he saith if he be an Heretick And is not this as clear as the noon-day and as plain as a Pike-staff is not this down-right to call a spade a spade and to say that Kings may be deprived and then kill'd by any body Nor was this Principle set down without great consideration and firmly believed to be true not onely by Suarez but the chief of Portugal and others As for himself so far was he ever from recanting or thinking this Doctrine to be amiss but agreeable to the Church of Rome that the Jesuits tell us that when he was told how his book had been burnt in England he declared his consent so freely to his Principles contain'd Phil. Alegambe p. 138. therein that he said that nothing would be more pleasant and desirable to him than to have been burnt in the same flames with his book And he was so assured that his principles were agreeable to all of his Church that he had the confidence to dedicate such stuff to all Kings and Princes who were Roman Catholicks That it was held in great veneration with others cannot be denyed for we shall scarce see a book honour'd with such censures of approbation Alphonso à Castello Branco Bishop of Coimbria and Privy Councellor to the King of Spain Philip the Third declares that he hath read it exactly over and findes all things in it to agree to the holy Scriptures Apostolical Traditions General Councils and Papal Decrees Fernando Martiner Mascaregnus Bishop of Sylvis saith that he hath also read it over and findes nothing in it but what is Orthodox And Martiner Alonso à Mello another Privy Councellor and Bishop of Lamego saith also that he hath read it over and thinks it worthy to be publisht for the publick good of Christendom And the Provincial Jesuits of Portugal and Germany allow it the same priviledges and so doth the Inquisition Nor is this all but the University of Alcala de Henarez after a serious view and consideration of it declare that there is nothing in it contrary to the Roman Catholick faith nor any thing in it but what ought to be approved of and commended every thing being according to their own opinions and judgements All this put together is enough to blot out the bad reception it received by the Senators of Paris the Kings Murther then fresh in their memories and their hatred to the Jesuits being strong motives As for the Sorbone an Association really to be honour'd in many things its Doctors as most of other Convocations are oft so carryed on with interest and faction that many times in the most considerable things we shall finde their Decrees to clash one with another 'T is true this ancient Colledge of Sorbone built about 1250 by Robert de Sorbone hath for several ages kept up a great reputation and splendour but they have somewhat been troubled by the springing up of the Jesuits with whom I may say they and the University have had a continual bickering for this hundred years and of late have something lost ground especially at Rome where the Fathers carry the bell away clearly from the Doctors both in repute authority and preferments which are such considerable Arguments that of late times viz. since 1650 the interest of the Jesuits hath got in a manner the upper hand in the very Colledge of Sorbone and Paris the latter of which hath onely a company of Curates too weak to oppose against the subtile Loyolists and if the secular Authority do not intervene they will all in
jurisdiction Upon this the business is here laid aside and put off till a Synod at Rome and so the Pope returns for Italy Henry the Fifth intended to be Crown'd by the Pope marcheth for Italy and at last gets to Rome where to be short he kisseth Paschals Toe desireth Coronation and the right of Investitures The Pope is puzzled the Citizens and Souldiers fall out and the Italian and German Writers here are in as great contradictions as their Country-men fighters all which I pass by yet the Pope and some of his Cardinals are seised upon by the Imperialists and imprisoned nor restored till Henry was satisfied in his requests So he is Crown'd and Investitures given him part of which form is this following Paschalis Episcopus servus servorum Dei charissimo in Christo filio Henrico glorioso Teutonicorum Regi per Dei omnipotentis gratiam Rom. Imperatori Augusto salutem Apostolicam Benedictionem ********* Illam ergo dignitatis praerogativam quam Praedecessores nostri vestris Praedecessoribus Catholici Imperatoribus concessere privilegiorum paginis confirmavere nos quoque dilectioni tuae concedimus presentis privilegii pagina confirmamus ut viz. Regni tui Episcopis Abbatibus libere praeter violentiam Simoniam electis Investituram virga annulo conferas post Investituram canonice consecrationem accipiant ab Episcopo ad quem pertinuerint Si quis à Clero vel à populo praeter assensum tuum electus fuerit nisi à te investitiatur à nemine consecretur a Exceptis illis qui vel in Archiepiscoporum vel in Romani Pontificis solent Investitura consistere sane Archiepiscopi vel Episcopi libertatem habeant à te investitos Abbates Episcopos canonice consecrare ********* Si quis vero inflato spiritu ad periculum animae suae contra hujusmodi authoritatis nostrae decretum agere praesumpserit sciat se vinculo Apostolicae maledictionis Anathematis in hoc seculo in futuro nisi resipiscat esse alligatum atque submersum Paschal the Bishop servant of the servants of God to my dear Jo. N. ucler Gen. 38. p. 738. Son in Christ Henry the renowned King of the Germans and by the Grace of God Emperour of the Romans greeting and Apostolical Benediction ********* Wherefore the same prerogative which our Predecessors did grant and confirm as a priviledge to your Predecessors the Catholick Emperours We do also grant and do hereby confirm to you viz. that you may bestow Investiture by a Staff and Ring to the Bishops and Abbots in your Dominions freely elected without force and Simony and that after such Investiture they may according to the Canons receive Consecration from their respective Bishops And if any either Clergy or Laymen be elected without your approbation or Investiture let none dare Consecrate him a Baronius hath not this Exception in his Copy an 1111. § 25. but still excepting those as some Priviledge-places who by custom are to receive Investitures from their Archbishops or the Bishops of Rome and undoubtedly Archbishops or Bishops may have liberty to Consecrate canonically those whom the Emperour hath Invested ********* But if any to the danger of his soul shall presume to act against this our Decree let him know himself to be bound and ruined in the Chain of the Apostolical Malediction and Curse not onely in this world but in that to come unless he repent Besides this confession of the Pope all the Citizens in Italy sware this following Oath of Allegiance to the Emperour Ab hac die in antea fidelis ero Domino in Regi Henrico non ero in Concilio vel in facto quo ipse perdat vitam vel membrum vel quo capiatur vel assiliatur contra suum velle adjutorio ero ei retinere Civitatem nostram Burgas suburbia Episcopatum comitatum omnem usum honorem Regni Imperii quem Praedecessores sui Reges Imperatores habuerunt in praedictis locis contra omnes homines qui voluerint auferre vel minuer◠nulli mortalium in praedict a Civitate vel locis obediam pro Episcopo immo pro posse eum prosequor nisi illi soli quem praedictus Dominus Rex eidem Civitati concesserit Episcopum dono Investitura sua haec omnia observabo it a me Deus adjuvet From this day forward I will be faithful to our Lord King Henry I will do nothing by advice or action whereby he may loose life or limb or be taken or set upon against his own will I will be assistant to keep to him our City the Towns and Suburbs the Bishoprick and County with the benefit and honour of the Kingdom and Empire which his Predecessors Kings and Emperours had in the said places against all those who would take away or lessen them I will obey no man as Bishop in the said City or Places but on the contrary according to my power withstand him but him onely whom our Lord and King shall grant to be Bishop by his Gift and Investiture all these things will I keep and perform as God me help Yet for all this no sooner was the Emperour gone out of Italy but the Pope calls a Council in the Lateran where he nulls the former grant of Investiture as being a ' Quod est contra Spiritum Sanctum against the holy Ghost and obtain'd by force though he had formerly damn'd b Divises sit à Regno Christi Domini qui pactum istud rumpere aut violare tentaverit Baron anno 1110. § 26. those who should break it In Germany Albert Archbishop of Mentz bandies against Henry and is by Order imprisoned but the Emperour going to that City to hold a Diet or Parliament is assaulted by the Citizens and in danger of his life they threatning to kill him if Albert be not set at liberty and other favours granted him Yet was he further troubled some Bishops and others at Colen seeking to deprive him because Excommunicated by the Pope but having blown away these he marcheth to Italy where he had himself Crown'd again by Maurice Archbishop of Braga in Portugal whom afterwards Paschal being dead he nominated Pope and was call'd Gregory the Eighth in opposition to Gelasius the Second whom Henry said could not be Pope because elected without his consent But at last Henry was so pester'd in Italy and Germany that to save himself he was forced to be reconciled to Pope Calistus the Second who succeeded Gelasius and to grant to him the Investitures of Bishops and so was absolved from his Excommunication So much mischief had the Popes stubbornness to keep Investitures made in the World though now all Catholick Kings keep the same Priviledge either by Conge d'eslires or suchlike nominations Some Historians tell us that formerly the Popes used to date their Bulls Epistles c. from the years of the Emperours Raign but Paschal the Second first alter'd this
the Pope presently a Matt. Paris anno 1164. restored him to that and absolved him The King we may suppose was more and more incensed against Thomas for his obstinacie and for to close up all a Parliament was held at Northampton where Thomas was to appear though he had indeavoured to flee beyond Seas but being beat back by cross windes he conceal'd that purpose and looked as if he had intended no such thing All being met at Northampton Thomas is accused of several things and whilst they are consulting concerning him he caused to be sung before him at the Altar The Princes sit and speak against me and the ungodly persecute me c. Thus would he have the Office for St. Stephen though it was not then his day and against the Custom he wore the Pall. This being finished he took up his Silver Crosier in his hands an action not heard of before as they say and so enters into the Court though several of his well-wishers perswaded him from such a defying posture as if thereby he carryed his Protection Exemption or Appeal The Bishops advised him to submit but he refusing they adjudged him guilty of a Aliquando noster fuisti Archiepiscopus tenebamur tibi obedire sed quia Domino Regi fidelitarem jurasti hoc est vitam membra terrenam dignitatem sibi perte fore salvam consuetudines quas ipse repetit conservandas tu eas interis destruere praecipue cum spectent ad terrenam suam dignitatem honorem idcirco te reum perjuâ—iis dicimus perjuto Archiepiscopo dâ—caetero non habemus obedire Bar. § 29. Perjury which they declared to him by Hilarius Bishop of Chichester and so disclaimed from that time forward all obedience to him as a perjured man The Nobility also pronounce him a Traytor but he slighting them all as no competent Judges over him holding up his Crosier appeal'd to the Pope of Rome and so withdrawing himself with what speed and secresie he could he wafted himself over into Flanders and so to go to the Pope to whom he resigned his Archbishoprick but had it presently confirmed to him again Thus was Thomas caress'd by the Pope and King of France let the King perswade what he will to the contrary yet the King thought it was good policie and security to shew his disdain and resolution against him and his Whereupon he Orders the Sheriffs and Judges of England to seise upon all those who appeal'd to the Pope or Matt. Paris an 1164. Thomas with the neer Relations of all such men as were with Thomas had also Thomas's Revenues seis'd upon and the livings of those who went with him sequester'd and St. Peters Pence to be gather'd but not pay'd to the Pope till farther Order However there were some means used towards a settlement to which purpose Messengers were sent to and fro between the King and Pope and at last a meeting agreed on between them the better to decide the business But this design was spoil'd by Thomas who perswaded the Pope to have a care of the Kings cunning and not to treat with him unless he were also present intimating Baron anno 1165. § 10. to â—â—e Pope as if the King were a jugler or dissembler Thus did Thomas gain so much upon the Pope that this meeting vanished the Pope over-perswaded not to treat but in the presence of Thomas though against the former Agreement And so Henry was resolved not to confer any thing with the Pope in the presence or competition of Thomas his Subject This meeting or half-agreement thus broke off not long after Thomas writes to the King beginning Expecting we have expected Baron anno 1166. § 45. that the Lord would look upon you and that being converted you would do penance departing from your perverse ways And then tells him how Bishops used to Excommunicate Kings and also writes to the Bishops of England commanding them to issue out Censures against those who hinder Appeals to the Pope c. absolves Id. § 54. all from the Oaths they made to keep any contrary Constitution And to carry up Thomas against all opposition and to make his Authority more glorious and formidable to his Enemies the Pope creates him Legat in England Alexander servus servorum Anno 1167. Bar. § 21. Dei Dilecto fratri Tho. Archiepiscopo Cant. salutem Apostol Benedictionem Sacro-Sancta Rom. Eccles digniores personas eas maxime quas honestate prudentia literatura eminentia virtutum praefulgere cognoscit ampliori consuevit charitate amplecti gloria honore praevenire Inde est quod nos tibi Legationem totius Angliae excepto Episcopatu Eboracensi benigno favore concedimus ut ibi vice nostra corrigas quae inveniri corrigenda ad honorem Dei Sacrosanctae Romana Ecclesiae salutem animorum statuas aedifices plantes quae statuenda fuerint plantanda Dat. Anagniae Alexander servant of the servants of God to our beloved Brother Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury greeting and Apostolical Benediction The most Holy Church of Rome always used to embrace with great chariry and prefer in glory and honour persons of eminent worth and them especially whom she knoweth to be most famous for honesty wisdom learning and excellencie of vertues This is the cause that with Our loving favour We grant and bestow on you the Legantine Authority over all England excepting onely the Archbishop of York to the end that within your jurisdiction in Our place and authority you correct what you finde worthy amendment and that to the honour of God the holy Church of Rome and for the salvation of Souls you do constitute build and plant whatsoever is to be setled and planted Given at Anagni Being thus rais'd above himself countenanced and upheld against all opposition he hurries into England to the Bishops a threatning Letter against the King and the Constitutions confirm'd at Clarendon telling the Bishops That We have too long and too much forborn the King of England Baron § 26. nor hath the Church of God gain'd any benefit by this Our induring It seemeth dangerous and intollerable for us to leave any longer unpunished as hitherto We have done so great excesses of Him and his Officers against the Church of God and Ecclesiastical persons especially since We have very often endeavoured by Messengers Letters and all manner of means as became Vs to recal him from his perverse purpose Because therefore he will hardly afford Vs the hearing much less attentively listen unto Vs We have with Invocation of the Grace of the holy Ghost publickly condemned and declared as void that Deed of Writing with the Authority of that Indenture wherein are contain'd not the Customs but rather the wicked divices whereby the Church of England is disturb'd and confounded And have hereby also Excommunicated all the Observers Exactors Counsellors Assistants and Defenders of the same And do
also absolve by the Authority of God and Vs all you Bishops from that promise whereby you were bound contrary to the Constitution of the Church for the observation of them And then he rehearseth the said six Constitutions in controversie between the King and Him and then nameth several persons of Quality whom he did thereby Excommunicate Of these things he also giveth the Pope notice repeating in a manner the same reproaches against the King with an additional Id. § 34. commendation that he grows worse and worse whom he was also resolved to Excommunicate Upon this the English Bishops write to Thomas how they had once some hopes of a peace hearing how he gave himself to prayer fasting c. The way to recover the Id. § 43. benefits of a peaceable reconciliation hereby was conceived an hope that you might from above bring into his Majesties heart such favour that he would out of Kingly mercy relent in his wrath towards us and never recall to minde the injuries offer'd by reason of your departure Your friends and well-wishers regain'd some access unto his Majesty whilst these things were thus divulged of you insomuch as he graciously admitted all such as were suitors for restoring you into his former favour But now by the relation of some we understand which we cannot but with grief remember that you published against him a severer Commination wherein you let pass all salutation wherein you practice no Counsel or Petition for Grace wherein you neither advise nor write any thing that savoureth favourably but with all extremity do rigorously menace Interdiction or Excommunication against him Which were it as sharply executed as it is bitterly spoken we should not then hope for peace but should fear to be inflamed with an irrevocable and eternal hatred Thus whilst as it were with a drawn sword you joyn battle you have not left for your self any place for Petition Wherefore O Father we charitably advise you not to heap labours upon labours and injuries upon injuries but setting threatning aside you would rather imbrace patience and humility Commend your cause to Divine Clemencie and your self to the grace and mercy of your Soveraign and in so doing you shall heap and cast together coals of fire upon the heads of many It is better to be highly commended for voluntary poverty than to be openly taxed by all men for ingratitude for a received Benefit It is deeply rooted into the mindes of all men how gracious our Lord the King hath been unto you unto how great dignity he hath rais'd you from poor degree and received you into his favour so freely and frankly as the ample bounds of his Dominions reaching from the Northern Sea to the Pyrenean Mountains were by him so absolutely subject unto your power as through all those Principalities they were onely accounted happy who could finde but favour in your sight And that no worldly mutability might overthrow your prosperity and glory he laid your foundation most firm in the possession belonging to God And notwithstanding his Mother disswaded the Kingdom cryed out against it and the Church of God so far as she could sighed and groan'd thereat he indeavoured by all means possibly to raise you unto the dignity of your present preferment hoping he should hereafter Reign blessedly and enjoy your assistance and counsel with exceeding security If therefore where he expected security to defend him he shall finde a sword to offend What rumour will be spread of you by all men what a reward what a remembrance will this be of a requital never heard of before Forbear therefore if you please to wrong your fame forbear to injure your Renown and indeavour to overcome with humility your King and your son with charity c. And at the end tells him of his preposterous and rash Excommunication of the a â—ocelin Bishop and b John of Oxford Dean of Salisbury before the offence was examin'd A new order of Judgement and hitherto in the Laws and Canons as we hope unknown first to condemn and then to examine the offence The English Bishops write also to the Pope giving great commendations of their King and telling the Pope the occasion and story of these troubles between Henry and Thomas viz. How that the King finding sometimes the peace of his Kingdoms not a little molested with the outragious excesses of some insolent Clerks with due reverence to the Clergy referred their offences to the Bishops Judges of the Church that one sword might assist another and that the Spiritual Power might confirm and establish in the Clergy that peace which he maintain'd in the people Wherein the zeal of each party appear'd more plainly the Bishops affirming that murther or any other like crime should onely be punished in the Clergy by degradation The King on the contrary being of opinion that this punishment did not sufficiently answer the offence neither was it provision enough for maintenance of peace if a a Lector aut Acolythus Reader or sub-Deacon killing some famous man renowned for Religion or Dignity should escape free with loss onely of this Order The Clergy therefore upholding the b i. e. of holy Orders or Clergy Order established from Heaven and our Lord the King persecuting onely the offence as we hope with a just haetred and intending to plant his peace more deeply a certain holy contention arose amongst us which we trust the plain and honest intention of both parties may excuse Hereupon not with any ambition of inlarging his Dominions not with any conceit of oppressing the Churches Liberties but with a desire of setling and confirming peace it went so far that the King would produce to light the Customs of his Kingdom and Dignities anciently observed and quietly and reverently yeilded by persons Ecclesiastical to former Kings in the Kingdom of England and to the end that hereafter no longer the thred of contention might be spun he would have the same openly known Wherefore the most ancient Bishops and great Peers of the Realm being first sworn by their faith and the hope which they had in Almighty God and then making search into the state of fore-passed times the Dignities of the Crown being sought were laid open and by the testimonies of men of the greatest accompt in the Kingdom were published Loe here the cruelty of our Lord the King against the Church of God which fame hath so spread over the whole world Behold here his persecution And these are the works so divulged for wicked both here and every where And then they tell him how willing the King is to be advised by the Church that peace might be And truly Father our sollicitation had long since as we hope obtain'd the desir'd end of this wished peace had not our Father the Lord of Canterburies bitter provocations stir'd up afresh this discord now laid asleep and almost absolutely extinguished For he from whose patience we hitherto expected peace
from whose modesty the recovery of the Kings favour assailed him afresh and without respect of his Majesty at such time as he led his Armies lately against the Peace-breakers with severe and terrible Letters nothing savoring of fatherly Devotion or Pastoral Patience but most bitterly threatning him with sentence of Excommunication and his Kingdom with an Interdict whereas on the otherside he rather ought with admonition to have mollified him and with merits and meekness overcome him If the Kings humility be so requited what will be determin'd against the stubborn If the ready devotion of obedience be esteem'd so slightly in what manner shall wilful obstiuacie be revenged Nay father to these so grievous threats are added yet matters far more grievous for he Excommunicated some of his Majesties Liegemen most inward with our Lord the King the Principal of his Privy Council who managed the counsels of the King and the affairs of his Kingdom and all this being neither cited nor impleaded neither as they say or call it guilty of any crime nor convicted nor confessing any thing Yea he went farther yet insomuch as he suspended from his Priestly and Episcopal Office our reverend Brother the Bishop of Salisbury being absent undefended neither confest nor convict before ever the cause of his suspension was approved of by the advice of those of the same Province or any others If therefore this course of proceedings in judgements so preposterous we spare to say inordinate be followed concerning the King and Kingdom what will be the end considering the time is evil and yeildeth great occasion of malice but that the band of grace and favour whereby the Kingdom and Priesthood have hitherto been united will be rent asunder c And so they appeal against the Archbishop Thomas The Church being somewhat troubled with these divisions it was the earnest desire of several to procure a peace and this the Pope himself wish'd having work enough to do with the Emperour Frederick To accomplish this upon the desire also of Henry An. 1168. he sends two Legates a Latere viz. Cardinal William and Cardinal Otto and accordingly impowered them with instructions to manage that accommodation in France He writes also to a Bar. anno 1168. § 3 4. Thomas desiring him by all means to give himself to peace and rather than not to have concord to wink at some things and yeild for a while Yet as if Thomas were not great enough before he intended to raise him above all in France to which purpose he resolved to make him Legat also over all those Churches but before he could bestow upon him that Legantine Authority he was to desire the King of France his leave which accordingly he did by b § 7 8 9. Letter As for the manner of the Treaty of Peace between the King and Thomas take the story of it from the Legates themselves to the Pope § 33. To our most blessed Father and Lord Alexander c. William and Oddo by the same Grace Cardinals c. Coming to the c c i. e. in France Dominions of the renowned King of England we found the controversie between him and Canterbury aggravated in far worse sort believe us than willingly we could have wished For the King with the greatest part of his followers affirmed how the Archbishop with great vehemencie d d Speed § 29. This Accusation Thomas denyed incensed the most worthy King of France against him and in like sort induced his Cosin the Earl of Flanders who before did bear him no malice to fall out with him and raise the most powerful war he could against him and this he knew of a certainty and it appear'd so by several evident demonstrations For whereas the said Earl departed from the King very friendly the Archbishop coming into his Province to the very seat of the War incited as much as in him lay as well the King of France as the said Earl to Arms The King affirm'd also that the Informations concerning the ancient Customs of England deliver'd to you were false and not true which also the Bishops there present did witness The King offer'd also that if any Customs since his time were devised contrary to the Ecclesiastical Laws he would submit them to your judgement Calling therefore to us the Archbishops Bishops and Abbots of the Kings Dominions that the King might not deprive us of all hopes of peace but rather suffer himself to be drawn to have a Conference with the Archbishop as well concerning the peace as the judgement Sending therefore Letters unto a a i. e. Thomas him by our Chaplains we appointed a certain and safe place where we might have conference with him on the Feast of St. Martin he nevertheless pretending excuses put off this Conference until the Octaves of that Saint which truely vexed the King more than could be imagined But when we saw that the Archbishop although we offer'd him safe conduct would nevertheless give us no meetings in any part of the Kings Dominions next the French we being willing to yeild to him that there might be nothing wanting in us which might redound to his profit came to a place in the Realm of France which himself appointed Being come to the Conference we began most earnestly to perswade him that he would behave himself to the King who had been his singular Benefactor with such humility as might afford us sufficient matter on which to ground our Petition for peace At which retiring himself aside with his friends after some consultation with them he answer'd that He had sufficiently humbled himself to the King without impeaching the honour of God the liberty of the Church the reputation of his own Person the possessions of the Church and farther the justice due to him and his friends These things so numbred up we seriously perswaded him as it was necessary to descend to particulars but when he would alledge nothing either certain or particular we demanded of him if in the matters specified in your Letters he would submit himself to our judgement as the King and Bishops had already promised to do to which he presently replyed that he had received no Mandat from you to this purpose But if he and all his might first be fully restored he would then proceed according as the Apostolick See should direct him So returning from the Conference since his words neither tended to judgement nor agreement nor yet would he by any means enter into the matter We manifested unto the King some things but concealing other passages as it was convenient and tempering other things what we heard c. Thomas b Bar. § 38 39 c. writes also to the Pope and informs him of the same conference and in a manner confesseth all here set down expecting his instigating the French against King Henry And another c § 53 54. Letter he writes to the Cardinals at Rome pitifully complaining that King
Henry is not punished against whom he rants to the purpose The Legats again endeavour a peace and therefore they try Henry to see how far he would yeild To whom the King replyed That for his part for the love he bore to the Pope and Cardinals he would permit the Archbishop Thomas to return in peace § 67. to his See and dispose of his Church and all things thereunto belonging and because there had been long contention about the Customs he said That he and his Children would be content with those which his Ancestors had enjoy'd And yet if this condition of peace did not satisfie Archbishop Thomas he affirmed he was ready to stand to the determination as well of the Bishops of England as those beyond Seas as of Roan Baieux and Le Mans And if this were not yet enough he would submit himself to the judgement of the Pope with this Salvo that he would not impeach his Childrens right for during his own life he was content that the Pope should abrogate what he pleas'd But yet could not these condescentions do any good All these indeavours failing Lewes the Seventh King of France undertook the business he and Henry being now made friends and in this he behaved himself so wisely that he had wrought pretty well upon Thomas and so having procured a meeting Thomas § 85 86 humbled himself at the feet of Henry saying I commit to your determination the whole controversie which hath been the cause of dissention between us still excepting the honour of God Which last reservation greatly troubled Henry Thomas always making use of such Salvo's that render'd all but conditional and so void when himself fancied Henry at this turns to the King of France saying See my Lord if it please you let any thing not fit this mans humour and he presently condemneth it as contrary to the honour of God whereby he challength not onely his own but also whatsoever belongeth to me But that it may appear that I withstand not the honour of God nor yet of him i. e. Canterbury I make this offer There have been many Kings of England my Predecessors of greater or less Authority than I am and there have been many Archbishops of Canterbury before him of great worth and holiness what therefore the more eminent and virtuous of his Predecessors have done to the least of my Predecessors let him allow the same unto me and the Controversie shall be ended Upon which followed great Acclamations that the King had humbled himself enough Thomas holding his peace the King of France said My Lord Archbishop will you be greater than other holy men will you be greater or better than Peter what do you doubt loe peace is even at the door At last Thomas fell a commending his Predecessors but that they had left something for him to do and then extol'd Peter for resisting the Tyrant Nero with the loss of his life c. Thus the Peers of both Kingdoms England and France seeing no good to be done with him turn'd all against him imputing the want of peace to his a Imputantes arrogantiae Archiepiscopi impedimentum pacis Bar. an 1168. § 87. Arrogancie one Earl protesting he ought to be cast out of France as he had been out of England nay the very Courtiers who had been Mediators for his peace did now in his presence deeply charge him that he was b Semper superbus elatus sapiens in oculis suis propriae semper sectator volunta sentencia c. § 88. always proud high-minded wise in his own conceipt a follower of his private fancie and opinion Adding moreover that it was an exceeding mischief and great damage and danger to the Church that he was ever made a Governour thereof and that the same being already partly ruinated by him would now be quite overthrown Yet they tell us that the King of France presently alter'd his opinion and countenanced Thomas as much as ever All these indeavours failing the Pope once again undertook the year 1169 business and so sent two Nontio's Gratian an Vivian to take up the Controversie but when it came neer the conclusion they could not agree about the formality of the words and so returned as wise as they came Yet did not the Pope give over but sent two other Simon and Bernard who earnestly perswaded Thomas to humble himself to his King and so to please him with prayers Baron an 1169. § 39 40 43. and ready service And to work more upon him the King of France the Archbishops Bishops and other Lords there present earnestly advised him to the same Thomas seeing no remedy and all against him condescended to their desires went to King Henry and kneeling down submitted himself to God and the King but still with this reservation of the honour of God and his holy Order But this Henry rejects as imperfect alledging that Thomas by that Salvo would upon any occasion exclude the honour of his King However Henry declared that he required nothing of him but that he as a Priest and Bishop should before them all truely promise without any deceipt to observe the Customs which the holy Archbishops of Canterbury had observed to their Kings and which Thomas himself had once promised him to do But Thomas would consent to nothing without such Salvo's as formerly mentioned which conditional obedience so vext the King that he affirmed Thomas should never enter England till he had done to him as he ought to do and had undertaken to observe what others had observed and what himself had formerly promised And thus broke off this business And the truth is the King might have some reason to be more and more incensed against Thomas who instead of seeking the favour and friendship of his Soveraign had excommunicated his chief Friends and went so far against others that there was Speed § 32. scarce found in the Kings own Chappel and presence such as might perform the wonted Ceremonies And besides did daily threaten an Interdict against his whole Dominions and had done it but that some more prudent over-perswaded him to the contrary and the Pope himself thought it best to lay his commands on him not to do it till farther Order But this was not all for they proceed yet more and more to vex his Majesty For he being now about fifty years old and seeing the uncertainty of obedience and not knowing what the pretence of Church-authority might do to his Children if he should dye excommunicated as it was daily threatned him or not in favour with the Pope as he might suspect upon Thomas his account Upon these and other reasons he rosolved to settle his Succession by the Coronation of his Son Henry now fourteen years old This resolution being made known the Pope thought that now year 1170 he might compel the King to admit of Thomas or neglect the Coronation under the pretence that that Ceremony belong'd of right to
bidding him remember how Becket dyed for the Church and writes to the Bishops of London Ely and Worcester to interdict the whole Kingdom if they found the King c Contumacem Rebellâ—m disobedient and rebellious They acquaint the King with this Mandate who is willing to condescend with the Salvo's d Prâ—ns Hist of Popes intol uâ—uâ—pat boâ—k 3. c. 1. p. 251. that his rights liberties and dignities may not be violated But the Bishops would allow none of these conditions and yet we must think it hard that Becket might not have the liberty of Salvo's which provoked the King so much thus to be trod upon by his own subjects that he swore per dentes Domini that if they or any other of his subjects should presume to interdict his Dominions he would send them with the rest of their fraternity to their friend the Pope and confiscate their goods and so warn'd them from his presence Stephen Langton had in England a Brother call'd Simon who also came in the presence of the Bishops to desire the admittance of his brother to Canterbury to whom the King proffer'd to do so e Pryn p. 252 saving only his right and dignity But no sooner began the King to mention this Salvo but Simon replyed in an insolent manner He would do nought for the King therein unless he would wholly refer himself into his hands without any such saving The Bishops seeing the King would not dance after their pipe without fear or wit interdict the whole Kingdom which continued almost six years by which means there was no use of divine service only Christening of Children and giving the Sacrament to the dying insomuch that the Church-doors were shut up some say wall'd up and the bodies of the dead carried out into the fields and thrown into ditches or high-ways like f Corpora defunctorum decivitatibus villis â—fferebantur mora canum in bivâ—is fossatis sine orationibus sacerâ—oâ—â—n ministerio sepeliebaâ—tur Paris p 226. Dogs without any prayers or Christian offices An excellent sign of the meekness and charity of him that glories to be Christs Vicar to unchristen as I may say a whole Kingdom for one mans fault supposing him an offender though the case being truly stated the contrary will appear or at least not meriting so grand a punishment For if the Pope hath power to nominate to all Bishopricks he must have it either by divine right and so unalterable and therefore the now Roman Catholick Kings who deny such power are guilty and the Popes too for allowing or winking at it or by the Kings concessions which is of no validity no Monarch having authority to transfer his Prerogatives to a forraign power and if they doe so of no force to bind their successors besides story tells us that a little before this the Bishops of England rejected the designs of the Bishop of St. Davids meerly because he was elected at g â—â—rus Hist of Popes usurpat l. â— c. 1. p. 236. Rome whereby we may judge Pope Innocent to have been more faulty and extravagant than King John The Bishops aforesaid perceiving to what inconveniency and danger being Subjects they had run themselves into by opposing their Soveraign in behalf of a Forreign Power stole out of the Kingdom Excommunicating those who obey'd the King The King seeing himself and Nation thus trampled upon seized upon all the Church-mens Lands that obey'd this Interdiction and refused to celebrate Divine-Service yet was so favourable as to allow the Dissenters and Rebels to sell their Corn for their better provisions And the white Monks in obedience to God the King and their Duty continuing to say Divine-Service for the benefit of Christian people were again suspended by the Pope and for their compliance to their duty they were not after allowed the same Priviledge as others who right or wrong obeyed the Pope and his Forreign Authority The King weary of these troubles was willing to comply with 121â— the admission of Langton and the restauration of others whom he had exiled for their disobedience But give a little take an Ell if he condescended so far they doubted not to make him grant more and therefore they would have him refund the Treasures of the vacant Churches by reason of the banishment of the turbulent spirits This he refus'd as an impossibility having imploy'd them for the security of his Dominions in these tulbulent times Being not satisfied in this trifle they scorn to agree with him which made many leave their Flocks here and go beyond Seas to the Kings Enemies Upon which the King wisely and bravely by Proclamation orders all to return to their respective Churches by such a day or to forfeit their incomes and that all should be seiz'd upon who brought any Order or Bull from the Pope into his Dominions for that time knowing such things could then bring no peace to him or his Kingdom The Pope seeing King John stand so resolutely for his Prerogative year 1212 and Freedom of his Subjects from Forreign yoaks goeth to his last refuge pulls out his Nut-cracker and Louse-trap by which he deprives the King of his Dominions absolves his Subjects from their Allegiance curseth all those who take the Kings part And because this of it self hath no more power then a Dogs barking over the Moon he sends to the King of France Pâ—â—is p. â—31 desiring him to seize upon the Kingdom of England for he liberal man had given it to him and his Heirs he might as well have given the Moon and to carry this the more clearly he commanded all the Nobles Knights and other Warriors in several Countries to assist the King of France and cross themselvâ—s a Military Badge appointed for those who went against the Infidels in the Holy-land for this enterprise and they need not doubt of a reward he having order'd that their souls in this warfare shall have the same benefit as those who visit the sacred Sepulchre which we may suppose to be no less than the a In remissionem suoâ—um peccaminum Pari p. 233 238. Paris p. 232. â—ryn p. 266. pardon of all their sins And the better to withdraw Englishmen observed to be apt to give credit to tatling Prophecies from their obedience they had thrust up one b Peter of Prontfract Stow. p. 169. Peter Wakefield of Poiz to Prophesie the death or downfal of the King by such a day to which a great many idle people gave too much credit but being found a false cheating knave according to his deserts he was hang'd The King to preserve himself and people from the French had year 1213 got to the Sea-Coasts a mighty Army and Navy but a composition hindred their action For Pandolphus who had been in England once before the Popes Legate landed at Dover tells King John with what a great force the French were coming against him with whom joyn'd many of the
English Clergy and that almost all his Nobility would fall from him having contrary to their Allegiance ingaged so to do And therefore perswaded him to submit himself to the Pope to hinder those inconveniences and thereby to keep himself a King The King mâ—inly troubled at these treacherous dealings of his own Subjects not knowing where to turn himself was I know not how terrified and overperswaded into an Ignominious condescention to the Pope by admitting of Stephen Langton to be Aâ—chbishop and the rest of his Rebellious Subjects to their former conditions and then unkingly to resign up the Kingdoms of England and Ireland to the Pope by taking off his Crown kneeling giving it to Pandolphus and laying the Royal Scepter Robe Sword and Ring at the Legates feet which Pandolf kept five days and then allow'd the King to have them again A thousand Marks â—â— Silver he also paid there for the Pope which the Legate as in a triumph trad upon for we must not think that he despi 〈…〉 â—nd left it behind him 〈…〉 so having thus gotten all that heart could wish takes off the 〈…〉 ict and lets England turn Christian once again Though 〈…〉 us that King John's submissions were of no force to 〈…〉 erity no King having power to give away his King 〈…〉 ake it tributary to a Forreigner no way akin to the 〈…〉 Nor could a Christian Bishop by following our Saviou 〈…〉 s whose Foundation lay onely on Spirituals thus make it hâ—â— business and wicked haughty design to make all Kings and Kingdoms Tributary or subject to his deposing and disposing of But for a farther nullity of King John's grant and concession I shall refer you to Mr. a Hist of Popes Usurp p. â—0â— â—91 2â—2 â—0 pag. â—20 Prynne And as for this Innocent III who thus domineer'd over Temporal Princes though these actions were enough to tell you what he was yet Matthew Paris in plain words will inform you that he was b Super omâ—es mortaâ—es 〈…〉 osus 〈…〉 suâ—â—â—bus pe 〈…〉 que sititor insatiaâ—ilis ad â—â—nia scelera pro praemüs datis vâ—l pâ—oâ—â—sis cerâ—um 〈…〉 Mâ—â— Paris pag. 245. the proudest and ambitious man in the world most greedy and covetous of Silver for which he was apt to do all manner of wickedness When the Pope had thus as he thought obtain'd King John to be his Vassal and so the Kingdom his he took his part after against his Enemies thereby the better to preserve what he had at last got in England And so passing by the several Rebellions against the King by his own Subjects their renouncing their Allegiance to him and declaring themselves subject to Lewes of France and suchlike King John dyed but the cause of his death is not agreed upon some saying a surfeit others grief and others that he was poysoned by the Monks of Swinsted-Abby in Lincolnshire who were of the Cistercian Order who thought themselves opprest by King John Father c Wâ—r◠〈…〉 pag. 〈…〉 â—20 Parsons is very furious against any that shall say this King was poysoned nor will he grant any Authority for it before Caxton and Trevisa though by his favour besides those ancient Authors mentioned by Speed and a Fox â—ryn pag. 366. others I my self have seen several old b Fol. F. â—2 fol. R. 67. Qâ—arto l. 35. Arch. Cant. in Bâ—bl Bodleian Oxon. Chron. Antique in English Verse Manuscript lib. Digb numb 196. Manuscript Digb numb 186. in Bibl. Bodl. Oxon. Manuscript-Histories of England writ before Caxton who expresly declare the manner of his poysoning But be it as it will 't is certain that it is no Protestant invention but first recorded by Romanists themselves Sect. 2. The Murther of Erick the Sixth and Erick the Seventh Kings of Denmark HAving entertain'd you somewhat long in England we shall be the shorter abroad and first looking Northward into Denmark Ericus VI Henry was murdered by the contrivance of his Brother Abel The story in short thus Abel longing for year 1250 the Crown took an occasion when the King once went to visit year 1251 him to entertain him with all manner of love and respect but while he was playing at Chess or Tables with a Nobleman Krantz Dan. lib. 7. some Souldiers appointed rush into the Chamber take out the King carry him on Ship-board cut off his head tye some weight to his body and throw it into the Sea not far from Sleswick And not long after this was King Erick VII of the same Kingdom year 1286 murdered in bed by his own Subjects receiving upon his body about LVI wounds Sect. 3. The deposing of Baldwin the Second Emperour of Constantinople I Have not troubled you a long while with the Eastern Empi e because they would object it not to be of the Fellowship with Rome but now a word or two will not be amiss Baldwin II being Emperour of Constantinople and a c Tho. Bozius de jure status pag. 287 288. lawful one too as they confess was by force without any pretence or right thrust out of it by Michael Palaeologus who to add wickedness to wickedness contrary to his Oath put out the eyes of John the young Heir yet because there is no villany without some sign and pretence of sanctity d An. 1259. § 6. Bzovius flyeth out in commendation of his Piety and Holiness because when he was about this Rebellion he had the Image of the Virgin Mary carryed before him into Constantinople Baldwin complains to other Princes and he is like to have assistance Pope e Spond an 1261. § 10. Vrban IV being for him too against Michael Upon this Palaeologus is in a peck of troubles fearing to have more Enemies upon him than he can cope with and in this sad condition he findes no remedy like making the Pope his friend A strange attempt to fancie that the Infallible holy Father would have any friendship with such a Rebel but on he goeth cunningly pulls out his bait and sends to the Pope that a b Sâ—ond an 1263. § 6 7. Union might be made between the Graecian and Roman Churches and which must not but be brag'd of he gave him all the finest good morrows and glorious Titles of c Bzev an 1203. § 13. Holiness Father of Fathers Prince of all Priests Vniversal Doctor of the Church c. Pope Vrban at the receipt of this Letter is almost mad for joy d Id. anno 1264. § 2. writes back to Palaeologus adorning him with all the glorious Titles he can think of not a little proud that now there was hopes for inlargement of the Popes Dominions by his e Sub unus pasioris regimine sole governing the Eastern as well as the Western Churches a Sway and Authority which for many Ages the Popes had earnestly gaped after In the mean time Vrban IV dying Clement IV succeeds with whom the same League was driven
of Hungary what dissentions Bzov. 1327. Spond 1330 and broyls that Kingdom was troubled withal by the Popes intermedling with their affairs betwixt whom and the Natives there was no small strife whether they or he should nominate the King What great danger their King Charles I. was in by the treason of one Felicianus who entred the Presence-Chamber draweth his Sword wounds the King cuts off four of the Queens fingers and if he had not been slain by Johannes Palochus had designed to have murdred the King Queen and their Children And from him might I go to Charles II who Lewes I. dying and leaving his Eldest Daughter Mary for Queen by the instigation of some Nobles cometh from Naples and thrust her from the Throne Nor did his injoy this honour long for Elizabeth the Widow of Lewes and Mother to Mary takes her opportunity and invites him to a private meeting where he was slain or poysoned in revenge of which Johannes Banus de Horvath hath the Heads of the Assassinates cut off and Elizabeth drowned in the next River and had proceeded against Mary too but that he was terrified by the approach of Sigismond Marquess of Brandeberg her Husband with a great Army to her relief Which Sigismund was then made King of Hungary and was after that Emperour of Germany CHAP. V. 1. The deposing and Murther of Edward the Second King of England 2. The deposing and death of King Richard the Second 3. The grand dispute and troubles amongst the Cordeliers concerning the trifling and childish Questions of the largeness of their Capuchin or Hood and the usage and right of the Bread and meat which they eat Sect. 1. The Deposing and Murther of Edward the Second King of England BUt leaving these mischiefs abroad if we look at home we shall not finde England better or more Christian yet as much Roman Catholick as their Neighbours Here now ruleth Edward II sirnamed of Carnarvan in Wales the place of his birth and son to Edward I. A Prince too apt to be abused by his self-ended Courtiers and as the Nation thought too much complying to the Dictates of the Spencers by which means he obtain'd the displeasure of some of the people and which was more several of the Bishops turn'd his Enemies but which was most of all his own Queen Isabel Daughter to Philip le Bel King of France was his greatest Enemy and made it her whole business to procure his deposition and ruine And to make the way more easie for this their wicked design they had spread abroad that Pope John XXII had a Bzov. an 1326. § 10. Spond § 3. absolved all the English of their Allegiance to their King Edward A brave World and Faith that people should be so Antichristian as to think the Pope had really any such power but when the Bishops of Rome had the Impudence to affirm as much well might the simple people be gull'd and cheated by such Popes and such a faith to any Villany or Rebellion The Nation thus abused the King was not able to defend himself whereupon the Queen and the rest march boldly to Oxford where Adam de Orlton Bishop of Hereford preacheth to them a Comfortable but wicked Sermon taking this for his Text My head grieveth me From which words he declared to them that a bad King ought to be removed though by the same rule his head ought to be cut off for aking From thence they marched to London where they were joyfully received and a Parliament being held King Edward II is judged unfit for the rule and so declared deposed and his Eldest Son Edward III the Father being at last forced to consent made King the Archbishop of Canterbury making a Sermon as bad as the former from these words Vox Populi vox Dei When the King had thus been forced to resign being a close Prisoner some Lords and others being sent down to him at Kenilworth Castle to procure his resignation S. William Trussel Knight and Speaker to the Parliament thus bespake the King I William Trussel in name of all men of the Lond of Englond Trevâ—sa 17. cap. 43. and of alle the Parlement Procuratour I resigne to the Edwarde the homage that was made to the somtyme And from this time forthward I dyffye the and a Deprive pryve the of all Royal Power and I shall never be tendaunt to the as for Kynge ofter this time And then Sir Thomas Blunt Steward of the Kings Houshold brake his white Rod resigned his Office and thereby signified that the Kings Houshold had free liberty to depart and serve Edward no more King Edward II being thus deprived of his Dominions Isabel Tho. de la Moore Hist de vita Morâ—e Eaw II. Jo Stow's Chron. Galfrid le Bakâ—r de Swynabroke câ—er de vâ— a morte Regum Edwardorum I. II. fol. 107. Manuscript Cod. XL super A. B. Aâ—t in Bibl. Bodl. Oxon. his Queen who is thought to hate him mortally thinks he is too well used at Kenilworth Castle by Henry Earl of Leicester his Kinsman and therefore with the advice of the Bishop of Hereford he is thence removed and delivered to the custody of Sir Thomas Gurney and Sir John Maltravers his mortal Enemies who convey him to Corf-Castle thence to Bristol and so to Barkly Castle In which private journeys the King indured all manner of ignominy and scorn by these two villanous Knights as they made him ride bare-headed would scarce allow him any sleep or victuals and contradicted and cross'd him in every thing One time Gurney made him a Crown of Hay and put it on his Head and crying with the rest Tprut avant Syr King and Fare forth Syr King i e. go on Another time they would shave as well the hair of his head as his Beard for which purpose they made him light from his jaded Horse set him on a Mole-hill took water out of a Ditch close by saying that should serve for that time which so overwhelmed the King with grief that he told them That would they nould they he would have warm water for his head and so at their inhumanity began to weep and shed tears plentifully And when he was a Prisoner in Barkly Castle they used him much after the same way though Thomas Barkley then Lord of the place greatly pittyed his sad condition wishing it in his power to redress it At last Queen Isabel and her sure friend in mischief Adam de Orlton upon advice thought it best to have him taken out of the world whereupon they chid his keepers for keeping him so delicately and gave hints enough to discover their meaning but the most cunning of all was the direction which the crafty Bishop of Hereford sent down to them in these words Edwardum occidere nolite timere bonum est To kill Edward will not to fear it is good Or thus rendred into verse by Stow To seek to shed King
Edwards bloud Refuse to fear I think it good All which being written without any Point or Comma carries a double sence like the Pagan Oracles either to kill or save Edward by which means the knavish Bishop could interpret it for his own vindication if he were questioned for it Gurney and Maltravers receive the direction and interpret it according as it was desired and so they bend their studies to procure his Murther Once they indeavoured to stifle him by the stench of Carkasses and suchlike Carrion smell but that failing they went a sure way to work for one night they assisted with some fifteen other villains rush'd into his chamber he being in bed and with many Feather-beds and Tables laid upon him they smothered him and for more sure work and torment they thâ—ust an hot piece of Iron into his bowels through a certain instrument like a Glyster-pipe in at his fundament and that instrument they used that no wound might be found upon him As for the Murtherers they found contrary to their expectations Isabel and the Bishop of Hereford their mortall enemies construing their directions for the preservation of the King by which means they indeavoured to vindicate themselves to the people but Gurney and Maltravers being thus overpower'd by their own Patrons fled for it Such another like double-meaning sentence as this are we told of concerning Gertrude Queen of Hungary and Mother to S. Elizabeth Jo. Fox Mon. Tom. 1 pag. 348. so famous amongst the Germans Reginam interficere nolite timere bonum est si omnes consenserint non ego contradico To kill the Queen will ye not to fear it is good and if all men consent thereunto yet not I I my self doe stand against it And these devillish knaveries and double dealings possibly took their first thoughts from suchlike delusions as these of the Pagan Oracles let Satan or Man be the inventor and speaker Ibis redibis nunquam per bella peribis Thus Croesus that wealthy King of the Lydians was ruined by trusting to this Oracle Croesus Halyn penetrans magnam pervertit opum vim as Iyrrhus King of Epire was by this of Apollo Aio te Aeacide Romanos vincere posse But to leave Heathen Fables let us return to Romanish Rebellions Sect. 2. The deposing and death of King Richard the Second ANd here passing by King Edward III so famous in Wars and that impudent Rebellion of Wat Tylor Jack Straw and such-like beggerly Villains in King Richard II's time a Prince unfortunate to be left to rule very young and under bad counsel which brought him into some inconveniencies in his after-Reign which procured him the ill will of many whereby he was made more capable of loosing not onely his Kingdom but his life For having Reigned some twenty two years and whilst he was in Ireland in quelling the Rebellion there Henry Bullenbrook Duke of Hereford and Lancaster landed in York-shire whither most of the Nobility and Bishops flockt to him raiterously owning him as their Lord and to make his way more easie Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury preached to the people against King Richard and which Rebellion never can want shew'd a Bull procured Stow p. 3â—0 from Rome promising remission of sins to all those who should aid the said Henry against King Richard for which treason year 1339 they should be placed in Paradise Brave Papal Doctrine from the Infallible Tripos of the Romish Bishop who is priviledged with an unerring spirit By suchlike irreligious tricks as these the Duke increased to an hundred thousand strong seizeth upon the King who upon this news was return'd out of Ireland hath him up to London where a Parliament being call'd he is overperswaded to resign his Crown which the Duke claimeth and hath it The Archbishop J. Haywardes Hist Hen. IV. pag. 96. 1 Sam. 9. 17. Behold the man whom I spake to thee of this same shall reign over my people of Canterbury making a Sermon upon this Text Henry being Crown'd King Richard was removed to Pontfract in York-shire where he dyed some hint as if for grief he pined away others that every day he had good cheer set before him but not permitted taste of it but the common Opinion is that and by the desire and hints too of Henry he was murdered violently by b Spond an 1â—99 § 8. Wâ—ll â—â—xâ—on coâ—â—â—uat of Polycion lib. ult cap 9. Weapons the wicked Author of which they say to be Sir Pierâ— of Exton a Knight and favourite of Henries However it was for diversion sake take it thus from the Poems of Samuel Daniel one held to be very knowing in our English Histories and Antiquities c The Wars of York and Lancâ—â—ter Book II. § 99. And now the whilst d King Râ—chard II and his Queen Isabel meeting together and lameâ—ting their conditions these Princes sorrowed Forward ambition came so near her end Sleeps not nor slips th' occasion offered T' accomplish what he did before intend A Parliament is forthwith summoned In Richards name whereby they might pretend A form to grace disorders and to show Of holy right the right to overthrow 100. And could not Majesty be ruined But with the fearful power of her own name And must abus'd obedience thus be led With powerful Titles to consent to shame Could not Confusion be established But Form and Order must confirm the same Must they who his Authority did hate Yet use his stile to take away his State 101. Order how much predominant art thou That if but onely thou pretended art How soon deceiv'd mortality doth bow To follow thine as still the better part 'T is thought that reverent Form will not allow Iniquity or Sacred Right pervert Within our souls since then thou dwel'st so strong How ill do they that use thee to do wrong 102. So ill did they that in this formal course Sought to establish a deformed right Who might as well effected it by force But that men hold it wrong what 's wrought by might Offences urg'd in publick are made worse The shew of Justice aggravates despight The Multitude that look not to the Cause Rest satisfi'd so it be done by Laws 103. And now doth Envy Articles object Of Rigor Malice private favourings Exaction Riot Falshood and neglect Crimes done but not to b' answered by Kings Which Subjects may complain but not correct And all these faults which Lancaster now brings Against a King must be his own when he By urging others sins a King shall be 104. For all that was most odious was devis'd And publish'd in these a 32. or 38. Articles abroad All th' errors of his youth were here compriz'd Calamity with Obloquie to load And more to make him publickly despiz'd Libels Invectives Rayling Rimes were sow'd Among the Vulgar to prepare his fall With more applause and good consent of all § § § 107. Vpon these Articles in Parliament So heinous made inforc'd and urg'd so
Bring him a weapon that before had none That yet he might not idly loose his breath But dye reveng'd in action not alone And this good chance that this much favoureth He flacks not for he presently speeds one And Lyon-like upon the rest he flies And here lyes one and there another lies 74. And up and down he traverses his ground Now wards a felling blow now strikes again Then nimbly shifts a thrust then lends a wound Now back he gives then rushes on a main His quick and ready hand doth so confound These shameful beasts that four of them lies slain And all had perisht happily and well But for one act that O! I grieve to tell 75. This coward Knight seeing with shame and fear His men thus slain and doubting his own end Leaps up into a Chair that loe was there That whilst the King did all his courage bend Against those four that now before him were Doubting not who behind him doth attend And plyes his hands undaunted unâ—ffear'd And with good heart and life for life he stir'd 76. And whilst he this and that and each mans blow 'T is said that some of the strokes of the Swoâ—ds were to be seen in the Walls till these late times when the Castle was demolisht that King James by reason of this murther had no mâ—nd to take so full a view of the Castle at his coming out of Scotland as he at first intended being told of it as he was beholding the Castle Doth eye defend and shift being laid to sore Backward he bears for more advantage now Thinking the wall would safe-guard him the more When loe with impious hand O wicked thou That shameful durst not come to strike before Behind him gav'st that woful deadly wound That laid that most sweet Prince flat on the ground 77. Monster of men what hath thy fury done Vpon an overpressed Innocent Lab'ring against so many he but one And one poor soul with care with sorrow spent Could thine own eyes indure to look upon Thy hands disgrace or didst thou not relent But what thou didst I will not here Divine Nor stain my thoughts to enter into thine 78. But leave thee wretch unto black Infamy To dark eternal horror and disgrace The hateful scorn to all Posterity The out-cast of the world last of the Race Of whose curst seed Nature did then deny To bring forth more her fair-works to disgrace And as asham'd to have produc'd that past She stays her hand and makes this worst her last 79. There lyes that comely body all imbrude With sacred blood a midst the foul he shed Those holy streams became with that vile rude Vnhallowed stains confusedly interspred Ah! why was grosness with such grace indude To be with that sweet mixture honoured Or serv'd it but for some vile grave ordain'd Where an unbalmed Corps should be contain'd 80. Those fair distended limbs all trembling lay Whom yet nor life nor death their own could call For life removed had rid all away And death though entring seiz'd not yet on all That short-tim'd motion that soon finish shall The Mover ceasing yet a while doth stay As th' Organ sound a time survives the stop Before it doth the dying note give up 81. So holds those Organs of that goodly frame The weak remains of life a little space But ah full soon cold death possest the same Set are those Sun-like Eyes bloudless that face And all that comely whole a lump became All that fair form which death could scarce disgrace Lyes perisht thus and thus untimely Fate Hath finisht his most miserable state Though King Richard II thus lost his Kingdom and life by the Invasion of Henry IV yet no sooner came Henry V to the Crown but he shew'd his respect to Richard having his Corps convey'd from Langley to Westminster where he had him honourably buryed Stow p. 343 344. close by his Queen Anne his first Wife according to his desire when living and which was more observed yearly a day in memory of the said Richard The Epitaph of the said King Richard runs thus according to the Monkish mode of Poetry in those times Prudens Mundus Richardus jure Secundus R Holinshed vol. 3. Per factum victus jacet hic sub marmore pictus Verax sermone fuit plenus ratione Corpore procerus animo prudens ut Homerus Ecclesiae favit Elatos suppeditavit Quemvis prostravit Regula qui violavit And so much for King Richard II his miseries and murther and as for his Epitaph the ignorance and well-meaning of the Rimer shall pardon his Poetical faults being held famous and of great esteem in those times As of later times Ortuinus Gratius and the rest of the Magistri nostri and Virtuosi in the Epistolae obscurorum virorum thought their own Latine and Learning far above that of Erasmus Reuchlin and such others truely famous and immortal for their Learning and Oratory Sect. 3. The grand dispute and troubles amongst the Cordeliers concerning the trifling and childish Questions of the largeness of their Capuchin or Hood and the usage and right of the Bread and meat which they eat ANd now amongst all there Tragedies take one piece of foolish gravity where you shall finde the Pope and his Cardinals as serious about meer trifles as if in the Consistory they were met onely to invent the Game of Goose and his Holiness sitting consulting and troubling his head as wisely as Pantagruel in Rabelais in deciding the non-sence Law-case between the two foolish Lords I have heard of two Italian Brothers who fell out and kill'd each other upon the dispute which of them should possess the Heavens and command the Stars and History tells us that the Sir Hen. Wottons State of Christend p. 147 148. Aetolians and Arcadians had cruel Wars for a Wild-Boar that the Carthagenians and the people of Piraca for a Sea-rovers-ship that the Scots and Picts for a few Mastiff-Dogs and that the Wars between Charles Duke of Burgundy and the Switzers began for a Cart-load of Sheep-skins And some will tell us that that great hatred and antipathy betwixt the a Car. Garcia Antipatia de los Franceses y Espannoâ—es cap. 17. page 236. Epit. of the French Kings p. 280 this hapned anno 1463. French and Spaniards began meerly because the French were not so gloriously clad as the the other at an interview betwixt Lewes XI and Henry IV the King of Castile And the Indian Histories assure us that the King of Pegu having three white Elephants wanted a fourth for his Coach which to obtain from the King of Siam who had one b Myst of Jesuitis Part 3. pag. 54. rais'd an Army of a Million of men in which were three thousand Camels five thousand Elephants and two hundred thousand Horses whereby he destroy'd the Kingdom of Siam and forced the poor King to kill himself for the loss of his whole Empire and all
away the Sword III. That he was unfit to govern the Kingdom then the Earl of Benevent took the Scepter out of its hand IV. That therefore he was deprived justly of his Royal Throne then was the Statue thrown down from the Seat with many unworthy and outragious speeches by Diego Lopez brother to the Earl of Placencia This done the other Lords with Henries young brother Alphonso who had stood a little off as spectators mounted the Scaffold took and lifted Alphonso upon their Shoulders crying out Castile Castile for the King Don Alphonso so the Trumpets sounded and they all went to kiss his hand as their true King Poor King Henry received this news patiently saying with the Prophet Esay I have nourished and brought up children and they have despised me But although these treacherous and disloyal servants have so wrong'd and scorned me by the Statue which they have degraded and thrown away all respect and duty which they owe unto me yet they cannot keep me who am the true King from having strength and courage to chastise and disperse them For I hope in our Lord Jesus Christ who is the just Judge of Kings that their wickedness shall be destroyed and mine innocencie made known to the whole World And then considering how many Places and Nobles revolted from him and the powerfulness of his enemies he would oftentimes say Naked I came out of my Mothers Womb and the earth must receive me naked no man can become so poor as he was born And if God doth now chastise me for my sins he will comfort and preserve me hereafter for his infinite power killeth and giveth life hurteth and healeth giveth kingdoms and taketh them away lifteth up Kings and throweth them down again even as he pleaseth Yet did not the disconsolate King absolutely despair but sent to all places he had any hopes in to assist him against the Rebels and amongst the rest Don Garcia Alvares de Toledo Earl of Alva de Tormes was very active for his service In the mean time the Conâ—ederates lay siege to Simancas upon the River Duero in Leon which was valiantly defended by Don Juan Fernandes Galindo and other Royalists And here the very boyes and Lackeys shew'd their zeal against Rebellion for understanding that the Archbishop of Toledo was the chief of the Faction in deâ—ision of him and the League they made an Image representing him which they named the New Don Opas the Apostate The Reader may here understand by the by that about the years 712 713 714 Julian Governour of Ceuta in the Streights on the African shore falling out with his Lord Roderigo the last King of the Goths in Spain in revenge joyns himself with the Moores with them enters Spain routs his Prince and by this treachery the Moores became Masters of all that Continent excepting the mountanous parts in las Asturias Biscay and Navar and so retain'd it for many hundred years till by degrees they were beaten out And thus was the name and rule of the Gothick Government lost In this wicked treachery against their own Country and Christian Religion was as a principal Actor Opas or Oppa Archbishop of Toledo who joyned himself with unbelieving Moores to the shame of himself and the loss of Christianity in those parts And this is that Don Opas to whom these boys alluded The Image of the Archbishop being in all sort prepared one of the boys sat down as Judge and the Treason being palpable commanded the Image to be imprisoned and at last pronounced sentence against it thus Whereas Alphonso Carillo Archbishop of Toledo following the steps of the ancient Bishop Opas the ruine of Spain for that he had betray'd the King his Natural Lord rebelling against him and detaining his Money Towns and Fortresses which he had committed to him is therefore condemned to be drawn up and down the streets and publike places of Simancas a Trumpet to go before proclaiming that the King did command this justice to be done to the Traytor Opas as a recompence due for his Treacheries and Treasons and that then it should be burn'd This sentence pronounced aloud we need not question but the young Judge was obey'd in every thing Then was the Image carryed out of the Town attended on with above three hundred boyes and burned with a great deal of triumph in the very sight of the Confederates Army which at last despairing of taking the Place rais'd the siege King Henry we may well suppose was not idle having in a little time got an Army of near upon an hundred thousand men This vast strength terrified the Leaguers so they fell to private plots and instigated one Juan Carillo to kill the King but this Carillo being taken prisoner in a skirmish and perceiving he could not live long by reason of his wounds was sorry for what he had undertaken desired to speak with the King ask'd pardon of him had it confess'd how his life was sought after and revealed to him other wicked practices against him and the next day Carillo dyed of his wounds The King with his potent Army might have quel'd all before him but through his love to peace and carelesness he lost all opportunities allowed of a Conference where it was concluded that every man should lay down his Arms and return home a Truce to continue for five Months and that in the mean time Commissioners should treat of a Peace Thus the King lost his cause his Army by his negligence wasting and slipping away Nor did the Confederates disband according to promise De Villena watching all occasions to see if he could get the credulous King into his clutches In the mean time Don Alphonso led a miserable life with the Leaguers and suspecting either their bad intentions or the success of his cause would willingly have agreed with King Henry and go to him but they kept him strictly threatning to a Petiturum veneno nisi râ—â—aret Jo. â—arian l. â—3 cap. 9. poyson him if he receded from his Government Both parties now seem'd weary so another peace is clapt up but very dishonourable to the King considering what an Army he lately had But this quiet lasted but a while they flee to Arms both Armies meet by Olmedo in Old Castile where the Archbishop of Toledo appears in his Arms upon which he wore his white Stole poudred with red Crosses The Battel is fought and both parties year 1467 cry victory but the Kings party daily wasted insomuch that most forsook him and like a private Gentleman hew as content to skulk up and down accompanyed with some b Mariana cap. 11. ten horsemen At last after some trouble Alphonso dyeth about XVI years old upon this the Confederates consult about a new Head they generally year 1468 agree upon Donna Isabella his Sister send to her to accept of the Government and they would proclame and Crown her Queen She upon good advice refuseth all such profers declaring her obedience to
I. Pere Fils Sainct Esperit nostre seul vray Dieu au quel soit Glorie Honneur L'Association des Princes Seigneurs Gentils-hommes Catholiques * * Andr. â—avyn reads onely â—st faicte doit estre serra fait pour restablir la Ley de Dieu en son entier remettre retenir le sainct Service d'icelui selon la forme maniere de la Sainct Eglise Catholique Apostolique Romaine abjurans renonçans touts erreurs au contraire Secondement pour conserver le II. Roy Henry III. de ce nom * * D' Aâ—bigne and the Hist des derniers troubles de France â—ave it thus Henry III. de ce nom par la grace de Dien ses Predecesseurs Roys tres Chrestient which may be as right as the other and so their pretended Loyalty to the Valoises spoiled by a juâ—gle ses successeurs Roys tres-Chrestiens en l'estat splendeur autorité devoir service obeissance qui lui sont deubs par ses subjects ainsi qu'il est contenu par les Articles qui lui seront presentez aux Estats les quels il jure promet garder son Sacré Couronnement avec Protestation de ne rien faire au prejudice de ce qui y serra ordonné par lesdits Estats Tiercement pour restituer aux Provinces de ce Royaume Estats d'icelluy les Droicts Preéminences Franchises Libertes anciennez telles qu' elles estoient du temps du Roy Clouis premier Roy Chrestien encores meilleurs plus profitables si elles se peuvent inventer sous la Protection susdicte Au cas qu'il y ayt Empeschement Opposition ou Rebellion à ce que dessus part qui de quelle part qu' ils puissent estre serront lesdicts Associez tenus obligez d'employer tous leurs biens moyens mesmes leurs propres Personnes jusques à la mort pour punir chastier courir sus à ceux qui l'auront voulu contredire empescher tenir la main que toutes les choses susdictes soyent mises en execution reéllement de faict Au cas que quelques-uns desdicts Associez leurs Subjects Amis Confederez fussent molestes oppressez recherches pour le cas dessusdicts par qui que ce soit serâ—nt tenus les dicts Associez employer leurs Corps Biens Moyens pour avoir vengiance de ceux qui auront faict lesdicts oppresses molestes soit par la voye de justice ou des armes sans nulle acception de personnes S' il advient qu' acun des Associez apres avoir faict serment en la dicte Association se vouloit retirer ou departir d'icelle sous quelque pretexte que ce soit que Dieu ne vueille tels refractaris de leur consentement seront offencez en leur corps biens en toutes sortes qu' on se pourra adviser comme Enemis de Dieu Rebelles Perturbateurs du repos public sans que lesdicts Associez en puissent estre inquietez ny recherches soit en publec ny en particulier Jureront lesdicts Associez toute prompte obeissance service au Chef que serra deputé suivre donner conseil comfort ayde tant a l'entretenement conservation de ladicte Association que ruine aux contredisants à icelle sans acception ny exception de personnes Et seront les defaillants dilayants punis par l'Authorité du Chef selon son Ordenance à laquelle lesdicts Associez se soubmettront Tous Catholiques des Corps des villes villages seront advertis sommez secretement par les Governeurs particuliers d'entrer en ladicte Association fournir deuement d'armes d'hommes pour l'execution d'icelle selon la puissance faculté de chacun Est defendu ausdicts Associez IX d'entrer en debats ny quarrels l'un contre lautre sans la permission du Chef à l'arbitrage du quel les contrevenants seront punis tant pour la reparation d'honneur que touts autres sortes Que ceaux qui ne voudront entrer X. This Article is not in â—avilâ—'â— Hist l. 6. en ladicte Association seront reputez pour enemis d'icelle poursuivables par toutes sortes d'offences molestes Si pour fortification ou plus XI grande sureté des Associez se faict quelque Convention avec les Provinces de ce Royaume elle se fera en la forme susdicte aux mesmes conditions soitque ladicte Association soit poursuivie envers les dictes villes on par elles demandees si autrement n'en est advisé par le Chef THE LEAGUE In the Name of the Holy Trinity Father Son and Holy Ghost our onely true God to whom be Glory and Honour The Confederacy and Covenant of the Princes Lords and Gentlemen of the Catholick Religion ought to be and is made for the complete establishment of the Law of God and to restore and settle his holy Worship according to the form and manner of the Catholick Apostolick and Roman Church abjuring and renouncing all errors contrary unto it Secondly for the Preservation of King Henry III. of that name and his Successors the most Christian Kings in the State Honour Authority Duty Service and Obedience due unto them by their subjects according as it is contain'd in those Articles which * * A conditional obedience and here they make the King truâ—kle to the Parlement shall be presented to him in the Assembly of Estats the which he swears and promises to observe at his Consecration and Coronation with protestation not to do any thing against that which shall be there ordain'd by the said Estats Thirdly to restore unto the Provinces III. of this Kingdom and the States of it those ancient Rights Preeminences Privileges and Liberties which were in the time of * * A pretty trâ—ck to run above 1000 years back for a Government and so they might pretend any thing Clouis the first most Christian King or yet better and more profitable if any such can be found under the said protection In case there be any Impediment IV. Opposition or Rebellion against the aforesaid let it be by * * Here they will not except the King himself whom or whence it will the Covenanters here shall be oblig'd to venture not onely their fortunes and goods but their very lives too to punish chastise and prosecute those who shall offer to disturb or hinder this League and shall never cease till the aforesaid things be really done and perfected In case any of the Covenanters V. their Vassals Friends or Confederates be molested oppressed or questioned for this cause be it by * * Nor will they here except the King from their fury if he oppose them that is side not with them to his own ruâ—ne whom it will they shall be bound to imploy
the Covenant and declare himself the Head of it Having done this beyond their expectation he resolves to be as cunning as themselves and so he desires since they seem willing for war to furnish him with Moneys to carry it on At this they demur for though they loved mischief yet were unwilling to lay their Moneys at the Kings disposal by which trick Henry seem'd left to his own discretion The Covenanters thus non-plus'd try other means First they move that the Council of Trent might fully be receiv'd into the Kingdom but this is rejected by a Majority of Nobility and Commons and a great part of the Interested Clergy as thwarting the Privileges of the Gallican Church for though they love the Religion yet they care not for the Popes Authority over them This not fadging they consult how to restrain the Kings power for which purpose they propound that his Council might be reduc'd to the number of XXIV and that the King should not chuse them but the Kingdom but this was also rejected many of the Covenanters themselves thinking it not safe too much to exasperate the King And thus the design but half done the Assembly break year 1577 up And the King doubting the greatness of the Guisians might too much inlarge their Interest a little to clip their wings by publick * Spond an 1576. §. 11. Order confirms the Preeminence and Priority to the Princes of the Bloud The Covenanters perceiving that the King had seen too far into their designs conclude it safe for some time to forbear all open endeavours but were very sedulous in their private Consultations by which means they whispered the people into discontent against the King and his Government scattering abroad Libels bewitching many * Jo. de Bassieres tom 4. p. 205 Nobles and others to their Faction And several other Plots and Contrivances they had to carry on which they took hold of any opportunity insomuch that many Fraternities being now brought into use for Devotion as Processions Prayers c. the Guisians under this †Davila 16. p. 447. pretence would meet the more boldly and openly to disperse their poison by their seditious discourses amongst the people The King also did not want his ways of Devotion assisting often in their Processions undergoing Penances wear Hair shirts had his Beads openly hanging at his girdle would observe Canonical hours and by such like shews of piety some of the people were persuaded that for all the ill speeches given out against him he was a good Romanist in his heart and so were the more willing to have the better opinion of him Journal du Hen. III. Mart 1583. Spond anno 1583. § 11. But others who pretended to see a little further were of a quite contrary judgment looking upon it to be but Hypocrisie Amongst the rest Dr. Maurice Poncet a Benedictine at Paris preach'd very bitterly against his new-invented Brotherhoods and their Processions calling of them Hypocrites and Atheists And indeed it cannot be deny'd that this King hath sometimes carried on his * Vid. d'Aubigne tom 2. l. 4. c 1. Confession Catholique de Sancy c. 8. Love-tricks under these shews of Religion being too much addicted to ease and pleasures as appear'd by his other Carnival actions for which he was †Journal du Hen. III. Fevrier 1583. twitted in the Pulpit by Dr. Guillaume Rose afterwards Bishop of Senlis and others Yet necessity did force him sometimes to look about him and nothing did he dread more then the Guises and their League whose power must now be all his study to diminish To which purpose he promotes as many into Places of Trust as he could conveniently and whom he could confide in and knew to be no Favourites of the House of Lorrain The Guisards not ignorant of this design and knowing full well that the King had really no good affection for them endeavour what they can to have the Peace broken with the Huguenot to which purpose a Pâ—erefixe Hist Hen. le Grand thousand affronts are committed against the King of Navarre the Prince of Condé and their Adherents But passing by these things the number of Male contents was increas'd for though the King advanc'd some of his trusty Friends yet many times Preferment went more by favour then desert and others were discontented to see themselves slighted these Male contents the Guisards attaque and more easily won to joyn with them and enter into their League And that the House of Lorrain might appear in its greatest lustre the Antiquitiy and Glories of that Family are thought fit to be shewn to all To which purpose François de Rosieres Archdeacon of Toul putteth pen to paper and writes a large Book of their Pedegrees and Relations making them as ancient and as near related to the French Crown as he could invent and this was printed at Paris 1580. by the Kings Licence But sometime after the Book being more nearly look'd into several things were taken notice of which gave some great offence For besides the unseasonable timing of it considering the designs of the Guises and his declaring * Fran. Ros Stâ—mmatum Lothar fol. 451. Hues Capet to be an Usurper which sounded the harsher seeing some will have the Valoises issued from Hues his Line but besides he had several odd Reflections on the †Id. fo 369 1583 King himself of Idleness Luxury and bad Government In short Rosieres is cast in prison the Duke of Lorrain cometh to Paris to pacifie the King at last Rosieres publickly confessing his faults craving pardon on his knees by the intercession of the Queen-mother is released and the book torn before his face Yet was it carefully spread abroad that the Guises were descended from Charles the Great related to Hugh Capet and had Title good enough to the Crown But against this by the Kings Command Pontus de Tyard afterwards Bishop of Chalon Cabilonum writ but for fear of the Faction conceal'd his name and Matthaeus Zampinus a Lawyer also took the task And the same year also I mean 1583 came out a little French * Discourse sur â—e droict pretendu par ceux de Guise sur la Couroune de France Tract of about two sheets of paper in opposition to the pretence of the Lorrainers but for all this the people will believe as they please CHAP. III. year 1583 Francis Duke of Anjou the onely Brother to the King dying the Guisards rejoyce not doubting but to make themselves next Heirs to the Crown by wheedling in Cardinal Bourbon with the several Declarations and Proposals between them and the King THE Leaguers who for some time that the King might not be too suspicious of them had proceeded but leisurely had now an encouragement offer'd them to be more brisk in their designs For Francis Duke of Anjou of a fickle and hair-brain'd humour year 1584 the only Brother to the King died not without suspicion and
Nevers he posts to Rome though contrary to the Popes desire and growing daily more jealous of the Leaguers intentions is very sollicitous for a perfect Agreement and Accommodation writing several times to Cardinal de Bourbon not to press too much upon the Kings patience and at last being fully convinced that the Guises had more a private Interest then a publick good in their thoughts quite forsook them and their Cause and joyn'd with the King The King in the mean time somewhat inform'd of the troublesome and warlike designs of the Covenanters was persuaded to consult his own security and therefore by a publick Decree forbids all raising or gathering 28 March together of Souldiers unless by his express Command and Authority commanding all his good Subjects at the ringing of the Toquesaint the Alarm bell to fall upon the said Souldiers as declar'd enemies But the Leaguers proceed cunningly and vigorously having strengthned themselves as they thought pretty well were resolved to make an open Rupture according to their former determinations To which purpose they overpersuade Cardinal de Bourbon to quit the Court under colour of keeping Lent at his Archbishoprick of Rouen so he went to Gailon a Palace belonging to that See in higher Normandy where a great company of the Covenanters of Picardy waited upon him and for his more pretended security conducted him to Peronne where the League was first framed as aforesaid and here he was met by the Dukes of Guise Mayenne Aumale Elboeuf and other Covenanting Nobles where a large Declaration is drawn up in his Name whom they call the First Prince of the Ploud and subscribed by him the substance of it is as followeth In the Name of God Almighty King of Kings be it known unto all c. That a design to subvert Religion hath been the cause of the late troubles That it is fear'd the King dying childless the Church and Kingdom may be ruin'd over which they are resolved never to let an Heretick sway the people being bound neither to admit or obey any Prince but of the Roman Religion That to hinder all mischiefs some remedy is to be applied That the great preparations of the Huguenots are sufficiently understood That it is also not unknown but * * Chiefly â—â—ming at the Duke of Espernon some people have so possest themselves of the Kings affection that they have as it were seiz'd upon his Authority and excluded those who ought to be more near him That these Favourites or Minions have got the chief Governments and Places of Trust whereby they may command all by Land or Sea That they have imbezell'd the Kings Revenues thereby making themselves more powerful and obey'd to the great oppression of the people which daily increaseth That though the Amendment of Abuses was hoped for at the meeting of the Estats at Bloys yet Private Interests spoil'd all That these Abuses are now grown so great that the Kingdom is almost ruin'd by them the Clergy surcharged and despised the Nobles debas'd abus'd and ruin'd and all the people in a manner beggar'd and impoverish'd by strange Taxations c. Therefore We CHARLES de BOURBON first Prince of the Bloud assisted with the Princes Cardinals Peers Bishops c. being the best and soundest part of the Kingdom DECLARE that we have sworn and faithfully promis'd to continue in Arms till the Church and Roman Religion be establish'd in her former Dignity the Nobles enjoy their Privileges the people eas'd the new Taxes abolished the Parlements left to their wonted freedom and liberty c. These and such others are the causes of our Arming which by these necessities is made justifiable though otherwise we should disclame such courses and so believing we cannot have a more honourable Funeral then to die in so holy and just a cause Yet protesting that we do not intend any thing against the King but on the contrary in defence of his Person Life and Estate being willing to lay down our Arms when he shall remedy these evils in doing of which he shall be more honoured and obeyed by us That seeing the Laws and their good Intentions are clear enough therefore they will not force the King to declare a Successour though in so doing the Nation might hereafter be eas'd of Troubles and Factions about it That as they have all a grand Veneration for the Queen-mother so they hope she will have a good opinion of them Humbly desire all people to assist them in this their good design and to have a favourable construction of their actions Protesting never to lay down Arms till we have accomplish'd all these our desires and so desire all good Romanists to assist them in their Prayers and Devotions CHARLES Cardinal de Bourbon At Peronne 31 March 1585. But this Declaration was drawn up and confirm'd by the Cardinal some time before and also Copies of it sent abroad by the Leaguers the better to confirm their Party for I meet with a Letter sent by the Dukes of Guise and Mayenne to the Parlement of Province meaning Aix the chief City of that County where that Parlement sits in which they tell Memoiâ—es de Nevers vol. 1. them That they have sent the copy of the said Cardinal de Bourbons Declaration to them by which they might perceive how unwilling they were to take up arms yet that in the quarrel they were resolved to venture life goods friends too exhorting and adjuring that Parlement to assist them telling them that as they shall aid those who joyn with them so they will endeavour the ruine of those who oppose their League Your most Affectionate Servants HENRY de LORRAIN CHARLES de LORRAIN Joinville 19 March 1585. As for the Declaration it self it was rejoyned to by the King in another well and cunningly worded endeavouring to answer all their Objections desiring them to lay down their arms and admonishing all his Subjects not to believe their idle pretences but to confide in and joyn themselves to him But it was not words that were to befriend the Covenanters so they draw their Forces together rendezvouz at Chalons in Champaigne whither the Cardinal Bourbon is conducted to them by the Duke of Guise with as great demonstrations of Honour and Joy as could be the better to insnare and bewitch the old man whose Name and Interest they wero to make so much use of And now Guise tampers again with Nevers assuring him that all things go better and better desireth his speedy assistance and is much troubled that Rochette one of his cunning Agitators is taken and carried prisoner to Paris fearing thereby some of their Plots may be discover'd Yet they look upon themselves strong enough to defie any opposition having muster'd about 12000 men expecting daily Recruits of German and Spanish Forces hir'd to joyn with them and thus fortifi'd they seize upon several strong places As for the King he is at a stand what to do not having strength
Cardinal de Guise and some others were great sticklers for the League countenanced there by Cardinal Pellevé◠The actions of which Cardinal being a Subject of France did so vex King Henry III. that we are * Journal De 1586. 1587 told that he order'd his Revenues to be seiz'd on and distributed to the poor The King being gone from Paris with an Army to oppose the Germans then marching into France to assist the Huguenots the Covenanters had some thoughts of seizing on the City in his absence according to Guise his Instructions who phansied that he might secure the Kings Person in the Country To this purpose they sent Lauchart to Guise for further information who upon maturer advice would not allow of the plot sâ—eing the King then to have such a Force about the City and a good Army under his command However they assure the Duke of their strength and willingness to attempt any thing that he shall command And the better to incite the Rabble to Rebellion the Pulpit the worst Instrument in Seditious design is made use of several turbulent Priests or Ministers being set on work to bespatter the King and his actions one of the chief of these Firebrands was Jean Boucher Preacher of St. Benoist a zealous wall-ey'd Fellow of whose wicked Doctrines we have told you formerly out of his book De justa abdicatione Henrici III. The King sent for him and publickly told him of his lies and slanders as how he had told the people in the Pulpit that the King caused one Burlart of Orleans to be put into a Sack and thrown into the River although the said Burlart was yet alive and daily kept company with the said Boucher by which the King told him he had committed two grand faults first so basely to bely his lawful Sovereign and then after telling such a lie in the Pulpit to go forthwith to the Altar and Sacrament without acknowledging his foresaid falsities although all confess that every one ought to confess his faults before he receive the Eucharist yet the King told him that at this time he would forgive all though he might revenge himself as Pope Sixtus V. did who year 1587 sent several Franciscans to the Gallies for traducing him in their Sermons Another call'd Prevost being Preacher of St. Severin amongst his many other Seditious prattlements had from the Pulpit told his Parishioners that The King was a Tyrant and an Enemy to the Church and People Upon which the King as became him sent for him which so netled the Covenanters that they forthwith spread abroad that the King was resolved to punish and imprison all the good and godly Preachers A thing very offensive to all manner of Zealots of what pretended Opinion soever Rebellious Experience making it a certain rule that none clamour up Preaching more then those who pretend to know Religion better then their Teachers the more ignorant the people be the more apt they are to think they comprehend the deepest mysteries and though they are bid to obey for Conscience-sake yet for all their crying up of the Bible they make a contrary fundamental-Rule viz. Rebell for Conscience-sake yet let these Toleration comprehensive or in sum Rebellious Villains for their actions hitherto in History hath not separated them be worse then can be imagined they shall never want some rascally upstart Nobles who raised themselves by fighting the King and cheating the Church to be their Treasonable and Sacrilegious Patrons especially where their Twatling Dames have more zeal then honesty and from such Vagabonds in Religion good Lord deliver all Kings Kingdoms and Churches but when Kings are subjects people will be Kings but a brave and daring Prince durst never yet be opposed to the ruine of the Undertakers but such can never be whose Favorites are more for pleasure then true honesty and a National interest as it hapned now in France Prevost inform'd that he was sent for was secur'd in an house of one of his Neighbors call'd Hatte a Notarie and for his farther protection Jean le Clerc Sieur or Landlord de Bussy one of the chief of the Covenanting Sixteen with several other Armed men put themselves into the foresaid house oppos'd and fought against those whom the King sent to enquire for the same Delinquents and made such an Hubbub and Riot that the Kings Messengers though headed by Seguier the Lieutenant-Civil or one of the Judges were forced to withdraw themselves and shift for their own security These and such like seditious actions so incouraged the Leaguers that the Town sounded nothing now but the misdeeds of the King and the Glories of Guise that if it had not been for him the Ark would have fallen into the hands of the Philistins and Heresie would have triumphed over the true Religion Nay the Sorbonists were so bold as to make as we are told a secret Decree That Princes might be depos'd from their Government Journal if they did not what became them as the charge taken away from a negligent Guardian And towards the latter end of this year 't is said that the King was Id. inform'd that the Duke of Guise had posted disguised to Rome where he stayed only three days with Cardinal Pellevé and that the Pope sent him a rich sword Another tells us that one Viliers was sent to Rome to desire the Popes assistance and that a Letter was found about him said to be writ by the Dutchess of Lorraine Mother to the Duke containing thus much I am very glad to understand the state of your Affairs and I advise you to Ant. Colynet p. 173 174. go forward for never a fairer Occasion was offered you to put the Scepter in your hand and the Crown upon your head The two last years we could not expect much matter from the Leaguers though we see their designs bad enough seeing most of the Souldiery in France were imployed against Navarre and his Huguenots many of the Covenanting Nobles being engag'd in those wars which diverted them from their attempts upon the King but we shall see the next year make amends for all The Duke of Guise the better to make all things sure hath a meeting 1588 Davila p. 667 669. D Aubigne tom 3. l. 1. c. 21. Spondâ—nus of the Chieftains of the House of Lorrain at Nancy a strong Town in that Dukedom where it is talk'd high of deposing the King of putting him into a Monastery of destroying the House of Bourbon to dispose of all things themselves and such like extravagancies But at last it was concluded that the Duke of Lorrain should keep the Forces of the League in action and that Guise and others should unite with Cardinal Bourbon to present a Petition to the King much for their own advantage which if granted their business might easily be done without clamour or any great opposition if denied they had force sufficient to obtain it Accordingly the Paper is presented to
make the Peace more sure and durable all former Leagues Plots Actions especially those of the 12th and 13th days of May last at Paris done by the Guisards and their Party are pardon'd and forgot as if they had never been done HENRY At Rouen 15 July 1588. By the King in his Council Publish'd in the Parlement at Paris Publish'd by sound of Trumpet by the Crier Visa * * Afterwaâ—ds better kâ—own by the name of Villeroy De Neufville Du Tillet T. Lauvergnat Thus we see how careful some were to have this Agreement ratified published and confirmed But this was not all for besides this two Armies must be rais'd and paid against the Huguenots one commanded by the King the other by the Duke of Mayenne the Leaguing Lords are to retain for six years the Cities and Fortresses granted them 1585 and that Orleans Dourlans Bourges and Montereau should be added to them the Duke of Guise to command all the Forces in the Kingdom that in October next the States General should be held at Blois and several such like advantages were granted to the Leaguers Upon which Guise waits upon the King and none seem so kind as those two but it was but from the teeth outward of which we are told one story how the King at dinner ask'd the Duke to whom they should drink To whom you please quoth Guise then said the King Let us drink to our Journal Aoâ—st 12. 1588. good friends the Huguenots 'T is well said Sir replied the Duke Yea added the King and to all our good Barricadors at Paris to which Guise yielded a counterfeit smile not well pleas'd that the King should compare the Barricadors with the Huguenots And now behold the greatest wonder that Toute la Cour fut veue habillée à l' Espagnole le long Estoc à la garde Crossée à l' Espagnole les grosse chausses les jartieres houpées le pourpoint collé sur le corps la grande fraize bien godronnée la Monstache la barbe le chappeau à l' Espagnole tout leur parles Espagnol Rodomontades Espagnoles bref vous eussiez dict qu' en ce temps la le François avoit en horreur mispris de parler se dire François qu' on luy faisoit tort de ne l'appeller Espagnol Andre Favin Hist de Navarre p. 940. ever yet happened in France The whisking Monsieur converted to a grave Don all the Court clad after the Spanish garb a long Tuck with a cross-bar'd Hilt great Trunckbreeches tufted Garters strait and close Doublet a great high-set Ruff staring Mustachoes with Beard and Hat after the Castilian mode all they speak is Spanish and that Rodomontadoes too insomuch that one might think that now Monsieur was asham'd or scorn'd to speak his own language or call himself a Frenchman nay would take it in snuff not to be thought a Spaniard Such an esteem and love had the Castilian got amongst the people for his assisting them in their wicked League and Covenant against their King and Soveraign And by this also appeared not onely the Boldness but Authority and Power of the Guisian Faction to whose caprichioes and Interest the Royalists were thus forced to submit and truckle Guise thus having all sway and glory the better to advance his Reputation Pope Sixtus V. sendeth him long Congratulatory Letters giving him many thanks for his Zele and Actions comparing him to the old Maccabees bidding him go on as he had begun and telling him that he would send a Legat into France to assist at the approaching States which Letters were spread abroad by the Leaguers in great triumph to the no small discredit and regret of the King who in these Papal Commendations and Blessings had no share nor taken notice of and such Pontifical Neglects used to be the Forerunner of Laying aside or Cutting off Well the Assembly of the States General meet at Blois the major part 16 Octob. 1588. being Covenanters by which Guise was so strengthened that 't is thought that he at least aim'd at the same Authority that the ancient Major-domes had in France whereby the King would be but a mere Cypher whilest the Duke might make himself King when he pleas'd So to gratiate himself with the people and remove all obstacles he proposeth that Taxes and Impositions might be lessened which was thought irrational seeing at the same time he will have the war vigorously carried on against the Huguenots yet he gain'd his desires Then he moveth that the Council of Trent might be received but this is denied by most as contrary to the Liberties of the Gallican Church But which was the main of all he proposeth that the King of Navarre and his Relations as Hereticks shoul'd be declar'd uncapable of Succession which was presently granted him by the Three Estates but it was not so recâ—ived by the King who though he was forc'd to consent to it in dubious and general terms yet told them that he would think further of it and would take care himself to have the Decree drawn up But before this Navarre understanding their designs had at an Assembly at Rocâ—el fram'd a Protestation pronouncing all their Votes and Actions against him and his Right null as being no stubborn Heretick willing to submit to a General Council and to be instructed that the States were not free nor full and that they could not justly condemn him before they heard him Whilest these Proposals were vexing the King news is brought that Charles Emanuel Duke of Savoy had seiz'd on the little Marquessate of Saluzzo towards the head of Po in Italy who had also pretended a right to it end so took advantage at the Kings Expulsion out of Paris and these French Troubles though at this time he pretended a necessity viz. that otherwise the Huguenots from Dauphine would have taken it and Favyn p. 93â— others suppose that he wanted not assurance from the Leaguers However it was the Kings jâ—alousie and anger did daily increase and 't is said that here Guise expresly refus'd though commanded to Ant. Colynet p. 303 304 305 306. swear Allegeance to the King saying He would not and if he offended they might punish him But this is not so bad as a further design plotted by him and his Complices which they say was to take away the Kings life of which 't is said the King had private Information In short the Spond § 18. King considering what Favours the House of Guise had received from the French Crown yet how many Rebellions he had rais'd against him Hist des dâ—râ—iers troubles de France l. 4. fo 142 143 144 152 158. what Combinations he had made against him and the Crown with the very Enemy to both viz. the Spaniard that for all his outward pretensions for Religion yet he had made secret Overtures to joyn with Navarre how he had beaten and driven him from his Royal
or other having Mem. de lâ—i Ligue vâ—l 3. p 557. drawn up a short Paper containing the reasons of taking up Arms against the King and it concluding XIII How one Bodille being no more then a Gentleman yet because Childeric See backwâ—rdâ— l. 3. c. 4. § 2. II. had caused him publickly to be whipped the said Bodille took thence occasion to kill that King for which he is commended by Historians and therefore may not the Injury done to a better then Bodille viz. to a brave Prince Guise be also revenged So zealous I say were the Doctors of Sorbonne that having red over this Tract they approved it affirming nothing was in it contrary to the Roman Church Jâ—lieâ— de Moranne 17 May 1589. Nor is this all for the people being obliged to pray for their King by the Canon of the Missale some of the City of Beauvois in la France about mid-way betwixt Paris and Amiens upon this made a scruple whether they were not thereby obliged to pray for Henry de Valois seeing they used to pray for Our King Henry Whereupon it was concluded by the Sorbonne that in any prayer 5 Apr. 1589. whatever the word Henry should not be express'd that he should not be pray'd for and that it should be dash'd out of all Prayers or Collects and further if any of their Faculty of Paris agree not to this they shall also be held culpable and guilty of Excommunication depriv'd of the Prayers and Privileges of the said Faculty And it was also concluded that instead of these words For our King some prayers shall be drawn up for the Catholick or Leaguing Princes which accordingly was done In the mean time many places joyning with the Leaguers amongst the rest those of Lyons drew up a long and tedeous Declaration wherein they say That Lyons hath formerly been one of the most Loyal Cities in 2 March 1589. France That Obedience may be wrong'd by being too much or too little That therefore for the future they will consider all the Kings commands whether they are for the better or worse and accordingly obey or oppose That Kings being appointed by God for two ends to preserve Religion and keep the people from oppression that therefore they will and ought to oppose all commands contrary to these two ends That seeing he hath violated the Edict of Union kill'd and imprison'd the good Romanists countenanced the Hereticks favoured Espernon and his creatures therefore they have entered into the Holy Union taken up Arms resolving to take the King from his bâ—d Council which if they had not done they had been worse then Jews That to say Kings ought not to be resisted upon any occasion is false Doctrine seeing they are onely to be obey'd conditionally viz. in that which is not prejudicial to Religion Gods Service and the good of the State Doubt not but God will bless their good Undertakings And so after the telling of some stories conclude This done they draw up a Form of an Oath whereby they swear to 12 March these Articles To continue in the Roman Religion To defend their City of Lyons To preserve the Forein Merchants in their Privileges To act in defence and behalf of those of Paris To obey no Command whatever that is prejudicial to their Union To observe exactly the Edict of Union To obey the Duke of Nemours their Governour To stick close one to another And desire all good people to joyn with them And for their further encouragement those of Paris send a Letter to these Hotspurs of Lyons wherein they mind them Of the Killing and Imprisonments at Bloys That the Assassinates had no other design in it but to ruine Religion bring in Heresie maintain their Tyrannies and to bring all good people into slavery So being Frenchmen and Catholiques we are bound to defend our Religion and Estate against any he who it will and by all Obligations of Religion Law Nature and Interest we must not leave the Kingdom to the mercy of this prodigal perjur'd cruel and murdering Prince That the two Henries are agreed Heresie allow'd of the Catholicks persecuted and all things seem to go as in England Therefore rowse up and take courage against these oppressions and send some of yours to consult with us and afford us your assistance SENAULT Paris 25 May. Nay so confident were they in their courses that they sent a Letter Mem. dâ— M. de Nevers vol. 2. p. 205. hors d'icelle il â—'y a point de salut soit au Ciel ou en la Terre to the Citizens of Nevers exhorting them to stick close to this Cause assuring them that without so doing There was no hopes for their salvation either in Heaven or Earth Whilest these things were doing the Swordmen and their Counsellours were not idle for the Duke of Mayenne no sooner hears of his brother Guise's death but he consults his own security secureth many strong places to his Interest and at last gets to Paris where he was received with all demonstrations of joy and honour and here he falleth to work how to carry on the war and such a vogue with the multitude had this Holy League that strong places and Cities daily submitted themselves to its Authority nay a Company of Bumkin Tatterdemallians in Normandy to the number of Sixteen thousand having rose on their own heads and for their own Interest resolving to defend themselves and goods against any whatsoeveâ— be he Royalist or Leaguer that should come into their Country were at last by the persuasion of some Priests and Jesuits wheel'd over to fide with the Covenanters but having no experience and but poorly armed were quickly routed by the Duke of Montpensier These Clubmen were afterwards call'd the Gautiers from the little Town la Chapelle Gautier in higher Normandy where they first began their Insurrections or Rendezvouz'd The King in the mean time had writ friendly Letters to the Duke of Mayenne giving him reasons for the death of his brother persuading him to live quietly but Madam de Montpensier his zealous sister and other thoughts would not let him hearken to the Kings desires so at Paris he is made Head of the Covenanters and declared Lieutenant General of the Crown of France the Sixteen and others would have had him to take upon him the Title of * Perefixe Hist Hen. le Grand King but this he refused however he had all the Power They broke the Kings Great Seal making another in its stead on one side of which was the Arms of France with this Inscription THE SEAL OF THE KINGDOM OF FRANCE On the other side was an empty Throne about which was this CHARLES DUKE OF MAYENNE Lieutenant of the Estate and Crown of FRANCE Mayenne thus entered as it were into the Throne appointed a Council consisting of * Their Names may be seen in Jan de Serres l'Inventaire XL of the chiefest Covenanters and this was call'd The General
arms set in battel emboldened with courage and inflamed with rage and anger whereas this Friar was not used to fighting and so abhorring of bloud by order of his profession that perhaps he could not abide the cutting of a vein Again Eleazar knew the kind of his death as also the place of his burial namely that he should be entombed under the fall of the beast and so buried in his own triumph and victory but this Monck look'd onely for death and expected nothing but unknown and most cruel torments yea and doubted that he should want a grave to rest in But in this are yet many other things that can suffer no comparison The famous history of the holy woman Judith is sufficiently known who consulted how to deliver her city and the people of God no doubt but by Gods inspiration to kill Holofernes Chieftain of the enemies forces which she also accomplished Wherein although appear many and most manifest tokens of heavenly direction yet far greater arguments of Gods providence are to be seen in the killing of this King and the delivering of the city of Paris as being more difficult and harder to be brought to pass For this holy woman disclosed part of her intention unto the Governours of the City and went out with the approbation and in the presence of the said Elders and Governours and by that means was not subject to the examination and searching which in time of siege is used so strictly that a Fly can hardly without examining get by She being come to the enemy through whose Camp and Watchas she was to go and often examin'd and search'd yet being a woman carrying no letters nor arms whence any suspicion might arise and yielding probable reasons of her coming there and abandoning her own country was easily discharged As also for the same causes and for her sex and exquisite beauty being brought before that lascivious and drunken Prince might with ease perform what she had determin'd But this Religious man had undertaken a matter of greater weight and also perform'd it though it was compassed with so many impediments difficulties and dangers that by no humane means it could have been brought to pass without the manifest ordinance and aid of Almighty God For Letters of Commendation were to be procured from the contrary a Here the Pope in his Infallible Consistorian Chair calls the Kings Party a Faction as if the Covenanters were in the right Faction then was he constrain'd to go through that gate of the City which directly went to the enemies camp which without doubt was so narrowly kept and watch'd in the extremity of that siege that every trifle bred suspicion and none were suffer'd to go forth without curious searching touching their letters business and affairs But he a wonderful thing went by the Watch unexamin'd yea with letters of commendation to the enemy which if they had been intercepted by the Citizens without delay or further sentence he had suffer'd death and therefore this is a manifest b A good argument that the chief of the League knew his design and so order'd his departure argument of Gods Providence But yet behold a greater c No such wâ—ndâ—r for he was presently taken by the Kings Guards and shâ—w'd them the Supâ—rscription of the Letters he had to the King so they carried him to Sieur de la Guesle the Kings Attorney General and Auditor of the Camp who kept him all night and next morning bad him to the King miracle that he without searching went through the enemies camp by divers Watches and Centinels yea and past the Kings Life-guard and finally through the whole Army compos'd almost of none but d Another mistake for the King of Navarre and his Huguenots kept different Posts and Quarters from these under the French King Hereticks he being a Religious man and habited according to his Order which was so odious unto them that they e None â—â—â—e merciful than Navarre though quarter and favour is seldom shewn in places stormed nor had thâ—se pratling Rebels reason to expect equal favour with the simple Lâ—ymen by them misled and seduced kill'd or at least grievously misused the Friars they found in the places not long before taken by force about Paris Judith was a woman and so nothing odious yet often examin'd though she carried nothing about her that might have endangered her But this was a Friar and therefore hated and most suspected having also a Knife prepared for that purpose not put up in a sheath which might have affoarded him a probable excuse but it was bare and hidden in his Monkish sleeve which if it had been found about him he had presently suffer'd death All these are such clear arguments of the particular providence of God that they cannot be denied and it could not be otherwise but that God blinded the eyes of his enemies so that they could not see or know him For as we said before although some absurdly ascribe this to fortune or chance yet we think fit to refer all this to nothing else then the will and ordinance of God And truly I could not believe this to have been done otherwise unless I should captivate and submit my understanding under the obedience of Christ who had determined by these miraculous means to deliver the city of Paris which as we have heard hath been in great danger and extremity and justly punish the heinous sins of that King and take him away out of this world by such an unhappy and infamous death And truly we not without grief have often foretold that as he was the last of his family so he would make some strange and shameful end of his life Which that I have often said not onely the Cardinals Joyeuse Lenocurtius and he of a Card. Gondi Bishâ—p of Paris Paris but also the b Maquess de Pilani Embassadour at that time here resident can sufficiently testifie Nor do we here call those who are dead to witness our words but the living of whom some yet can very well remember them However what we have here been forced to speak against this unfortunate King we would in no wise that it should reflect against that most noble Kingdom of France which we shall cherish hereafter as we have hitherto done with all fatherly love and â—steem This therefore which with grief we have now spoken concerneth onely the Kings person whose unhappy end depriveth An infallible and charitable Doctrine and Exposition of his Holiness But if the King was so damnable what was the Friar that murther'd him and the rebellious Covenanters whose Faction and Treasonable actions the Poâ—e favours him of those Duties which this Holy See the tender mother of all the faithful but chiefly of Christian Princes is wont to affoard unto all Kings and Emperours which we most willingly would likewise have bestowed upon him if the Holy Scriptures in this case had not altogether forbidden it There
King yet is not to this day held or reckon'd amongst their Kings And the better to make all cock-sure the Duke of Mayenne sendeth forth an Edict or Declaration wherein He desires all to stick close to the Holy Union for the preservation of Religion and the Crown And seeing it hath pleased God of his mere goodness singular providence and justice to deliver us from him who had joyn'd himself with the Hereticks contrary to the holy admonitions of the Pope Therefore waiting for the liberty and presence of our King and Soveraign Lord we desire and command all year 1590 good people to joyn themselves with us and to swear to die in the Roman Religion SENAULT Paris 5 Aug. 1589. And the Parlement of Tholouse is as brisk as any for no sooner had they news of the Kings murther which was committed on the first of August but they put forth a Decree wherein They command all to unite in defence of the Roman Religion That all Bishops within their Churches give thanks to God for the deliverance of Paris and other places Ordain that the first day of August shall for the future be every year celebrated with Processions and publick prayers in acknowledgment of the great benefits they received that day Forbid any to accept or allow of Henry de Bourbon for their King or to assist him du TORNOER Tholouse 2 Aug. 1589. Nor is it the French onely but other busie people will not by any means allow this Henry to be King Amongst the rest I find our Father Persons or Creswell if not both layeth it as a grand fault upon Fit manifestissimum nullo jure neque Divino ne ue Humanno Regis Gallia nomen aut dignitatem Navaâ—raâ— posse competere Responsiâ— ad Edictum Râ—ginae Angliae sect 2. § 148 153. p. 184 190. Queen Elizabeth for acknowledging him to be King of whom they are so confident as to affirm that 't is not possible for him to be truly King of France by any Law either Divine or Humane But to return to France where the war is carried on vigorously but to the loss of the Covenanters to whose aid Pope Sixtus sends Cardinal Cajetano as Legat into France and with him amongst other Scholars came Bellarmine but what was most powerful they brought with them Bills of Exchange for large summes of money to be disposed of as the Legat thought best for the advantage of the Cause King Henry IV. being inform'd of the Legats coming caused to be publish'd that if he came towards him that then he should be received with all honour aad safety but if he went towards his enemies the Covenanters then none should acknowledge him for a Legat or receive him under pain of Rebellion But Cajetan after many turnings and windings at last arriveth at Paris where he is received in great pomp lodged in the Bishops Palace richly furnished with the Kings goods taken year 1590 out of the Louvre In the mean time the Kings Parlement met at Tours declareth against the Legat on the contrary the Paris Parlement or Rump with the Sorbone Doctors stand for him order all to acknowledge to him and that he being then the Supreme Spiritual Authority in the Kingdom no power there could meet and act in opposition to him For the Legat did not a little fear that the Royallists considering how much the Pope favoured the Rebels would chuse a * Jac. Fuligott vit Card. Bellarmin â— 2. c. 9. Patriarch for that Nation which would have spoil'd his Holinoss markets And now concerning this Legat the Pens on both sides are more busie then the Swords Amongst the rest who expected to gain by these Troubles was the King of Spain who also had assisted the Leaguers and for their further encouragement sets forth a Declaration the summe of it being Philip by the grace of God King of Castile Leon Arragon c. Is sorry for the Troubles and Heresies in France Therefore commands all Christian Catholick Princes to joyn with him to extirpate Heresie and deliver the most Christian King of France Charles X. that France being once cleared of Heresie they may proceed to purge other Heretical Countries all which being exterminated they may recover the Holy Land from the Turks Protesteth that he designs nothing but the exaltation of the Roman Church the repose of all good Catholicks under their lawful Princes the extirpation of all Heresies the peace and concord of Christian Princes to obtain which he is willing not onely to imploy his means but his life also Juan de Vasquez Madrid 8 March 1590. A little before this some of the Royallists spread abroad such like Propositions as these following That Henry of Bourbon might or ought to he King That with a safe conscience the people might assist him and pay Tribute That an Heretick though relaps'd and put out of the communion of the Church may have right to the Crown of France That the Pope of Rome hath not right to excommunicate Kings That now it is not only lawful but necessary to make a Treaty or League with the Bearnois and his Hereticks Which Propositions were presently condemn'd by the Sorbone Doctors the Decree of theirs was confirm'd by the Cardinal Legat and subscrib'd 10 Feb. Spond an 1590. § 3. and sworn to by the Bishops and Curats Yet their courage was somewhat cool'd by the Kings success nor was the League prosecuted with that eagerness as was expected by reason that the Duke of Mayenne and the Spaniards mistrusted one another besides the great jealousies amongst the Covenantiug Chieftains themselves every man seeking his own Interest all expecting to make themselves great and several designed the Crown for himself Adde to these the unwieldiness of Mayenne their General being very fat heavy and slow in all his actions and one that spent much time in eating and sleeping And the truth is the most vigorous and earnest promoters of the League were the Priests and Women the first acting as well by the Sword as their Seditious Preachments the later encouraging and gaining by their boldness and insinuations nay so zealous were they in this Caus that from the highest to the lowest they were not asham'd to act any thing to gain Proselytes so that the King suppos'd that what his Armies wan in the Field they lost by these Love-tricks several of his Officers being now and then wheedled over to the League when they came under the lieur of such attractive baits at Paris Yet the Leaguers were quite crest-fallen after the King had totally routed Mayenne and his great Army at the battel of * 14 March 2590. Yory of which Du Bartas hath a long Poem But as a little before when Henry conquered the same Duke at * Septemb. 1589. Arques the better to keep up the hearts of the people and Parisians the Dutchess of Montpensier had the confidence to publish abroad that the Covenanters were Conqueronrs that Navarre himself was taken and
these not sure enough designeth a Treaty with Cardinal Bourbon and lest this also should fail cunningly dealeth with the Parliament of Paris to make a Decree that the Crown should not be transfer'd to strangers and the nulling of all Treaties held to that purpose as contrary to the Sulique Law which some think a Cheat and other Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom And this trick was soon obtain'd by the hands of Jehan le Maistre chief President who as if the Duke knew nothing of the business 28 June waited upon Mayenne with a good Company of Councellors to inform him of their Order which Action and Decree the Duke seemed to take in ill part as if they had been too bold in medling and this had some effect not a little dashing the Confidence and Plots of the Spaniard The King understood all this Cabal and also he perceived that though they agreed not amongst themselves yet were they all resolved against him and to adde to his trouble the Romanists whom he most trusted were falling from him as a Prince not to be converted These and other * Camdeâ— an 1593. Inconveniences forcing him to be more apprehensive he thinks himself now necessitated so far to comply with them in securing the Kingdom to himself as to hint the Roman Religion to be the best and so at Mante having talked between * Spâ—nd 1593 sect 17. 23 July five and six hours with some Prelats he seem'd well enough satisfied and thus thrust from his failings he declareth he will publickly go to receive Absolution and hear Mass at St. Denys within two days Now is Mayenne at his Wits end he had been at some pains and trouble to lay aside his Nephew his Dutchess perswading him rather to make peace with Navarre then to be a subject to young Guise But here he perceives himself out-witted all his Pretensions against the King being because he was an Heretick but now by this declared Conversion he is left without excuse Well finding no other remedy he consults to get a Truce with the King for some time to which his Majestie shews himself willing hoping by the sweetness of a little peace to gain upon the people though Mayenne had other designs against him As for the Duke of Guise considering well how things went he excused his Election to the Spanish Embassadors as a thing that would prove ridiculous to others and ruinous to himself In the mean time the Legat inform'd of the Kings design to convert and be absolved at St. Denys pulls out his Paper-Tools and falls to the old Work declaring Navarre to be an Excommunicated Heretick being so pronounced by Sixtus V. and therefore not to be absolved or admitted into the Church but by the Pope himself That all shall be null and void that they shall do that waywards and that those who shall appear there shall be excommunicated and deprived to these Mayenne addeth his good-will by forbidding any man to go to St. Denys 25 July unâ—er great penalties But all to no purpose for the day being come all sorts of people croud thither the King clothed in white with a black Hat and Cloak nobly attended goeth to the Great Church the Gates being shut the Lord Chancellor knocks they are opened and within appeareth Renaud e Beaune Archbishop or if you will * A Litle losa attributed to the Archbishop of Bourgâ—s Pope Nicolas I. calling S. Rodolphus the 47. Prelat of this City a Patriarch Caus 9. Quest 3. c. Conâ—â—â—stus Gloss Patriarch of Bourges sitting in his Chair in his Pontificalibus environ'd with a great number of Prelats He ask'd who he was and what he would have The King replied that he was Henry King of France and Navarre desiring to be received into the bosome of the Church the Arch-bishop ask'd him if he heartily desired it and was truly sorry for his former Errours which the King affirming on his knees repeating the Confession of Faith with some Prayers and being sworn after secret Confession he received Absolution then sat under the Cloth of State to hear Mass so all being done he returned an excellent Romanist to his Palace but with what bad words and maledictions the Priests of Paris could throw upon him In the mean time at the Conference of Surein a Truce being concluded between the King and Mayenne the Legat shewed himself very zealous and furious against it threatning to be gone but he was somewhat appeas'd by Mayenne's getting a Decree from their illegal States for the receiving the Council of Trent though a little before the Council being treated on in the same States the Parliament opposed its Reception producing XXVI Articles in it contrary to the Gallick Spond on 1593. sect 9. Church Mayenne seeing the Covenanting Cause thus at a stand if not quite lost thanks the Spaniards for the honour they had done his family by honouring their Infanta to his Nephew Guise and for their assistance to the League but tells them withal that it is fitting to defer the Election to a more convenient time then Assembling the States he made them all take an Oath to persevere in the Holy Union and so adjourn'd 8 August them for some months and then to meet again at the same place hoping yet with himself rather to raise then diminish his greatness The King having as aforesaid taken away all Objections at home about his Religion endeavours the same at Rome to which purposes he sends Lodovico Gonzago Duke of Nevers Embassador thither with several Vid. Gombervâ—lle Memoiâ—es de M. de Nevâ—rs vol. 2. P 405. c. p. 638. Davila pag. 1220. Divines amongst whom was Jaques Davy Sieur du Perron the Elect Bishop of Eureux who had already thrown off the interest of his former Master Cardinal Bourbon the Head of the third Party for whilst he Negotiated the Cardinals designs with some great ones at Court he grew acquainted with the King pleasing him with his Learning Eloquence Mirth Wit and Poetry thus commanding the Kings Ear and Humour and perceiving his own greatness might more easier be attain'd to by the King especially his Conversion then the Cardinals Exaltation quitted his old former service and became very active for his Majesty Nevers and his Company go towards Rome whilst Arnand d'Ossat though but of mean Parentage yet of great Wit and Judgment as his Negotiations and Letters testifie now living at Rome and afterwards a Cardinal secretly and wisely on his own head agitated for the Kings advantage The Pope sends Possivino the known Jesuit to Nevers not to approach the Duke returneth many Reasons and goeth on at last the Pope allow'd him but he must enter the City privately and not stay in it above ten days He waiteth upon the Pope but Clement will grant him nothing nor absolute nor confirm the former Absolution of Henry nor permit the Bishops who came along with him to kiss his Toe because they had
with Plunder and Prisoners Hoping by this means to incense the Turk so to make him fall out with the Venetians and invade their Territories in Dalmatia But the Turk in this more Religious than the Spaniard understanding the base design scorn'd to break with the Venetian in this juncture but offer'd the Republick his Assistance This wicked design thus failing the Partisans of the Pope went another way to trouble the Republick maintaining in Print that The Marriages made within the Interdicted Territories were invalid the Matrimonial Conjunction Adultery and the Children all Bastards This was a cunning plot to amuse the zealous and simple but the wisdom of the Senate and the reasons of their writers dash'd this to pieces also Though the Roman Inquisition was very furious in their judgments forbidding under pain of Excommunication any of the Venetian Papers or Reasons to be intertain'd or read as Schismatical and Heretical and Cardinal Bellarmine was very active with his Pen against the Senators In the mean time the Ambassadors of France and Spain laboured what they could for a Reconciliation and the Emperour and Grand Duke of Tuscany were not slack in affording their assistance to a peace But the means seem'd difficult for the Pope stood upon his old plea of having the Prisoners deliver'd him and the Decrees Cancel'd And on the Contrary the Duke and Senate resolved not to betray their Temporal Authority and renounce their Decrees though as for the Abbot and Canon at the earnest intreaty of the French they were willing in a Complement to bestow them upon King Henry IV. and let him do with them as pleas'd him best and when the Pope would recall his Censures they were willing to do the same with their Letters or Protestation against them but not before lest they might intimate that they had been in the falt and done amiss Whilst the Treaty is thus earnestly carryed on by several Princes and year 1607 their Ambassadors the Pope erects a New Councel at Rome call'd La Congregation de Guerra or the Congregation of War consisting of XV. Cardinals out of whom he cull'd IV. to be imploy'd with the Treasurer and the Commissaries of the Chamber about the means to provide money and most of these were of the Spanish Faction the better to ingage that King to him if the Tryal of the cause should once be put to the Sword And it was the opinion of many that it could not end without blows for the Pope begins the year with new Levies and the Count de Fuentes who long'd for mischief caus'd the Drums to beat up at Milan for Souldiers sent to Switserland to Naples to Flanders to Germany and other places to raise what Souldiers he could getting Money and Arms from Spain so that he doubted not presently to be at the Head of XXX Thousand men The hopes of these great Preparations animated the Pope so much that in a full Consistory he declared He would have war with the Republick of Venice In the Interim the Venetians were not idle hastning their Preparations as much as in them lay so that in a little while they had got together about LXXX Gallies rais'd many Thousand foot in their own Territories sent to the Cantons to hire more doubted not of Assistance from France was promis'd aid from Great Brittain by Sr. Henry Wotten King James his Ambassador by which means they had hopes from Denmark and Holland and was promis'd supplyes from the Lorreiner whose Son viz. the Count de Vaudemont they hoped would be their General But the Duke of Lorraine being aged so superstitiously fearful of Papal Censures beside having a Son a Cardinal who with the Pope did diswade him would not permit his Son to go or any Levies to be made in his Dominions though young Count de Vandemont was willingenough for the Venetian Whilst Christendom is thus troubled with rumours of warrs and every place busie with great Preparations to fill Europe full of mischief and blood-shed and all about an idle Humour of the Popes The Treaty goeth on apace And though many Embassies and Audiences had been been imploy'd to little purpose yet the French King will try the other pull and so resolves to imploy Cardinal de Joyeuse in this business who being a Churchman might be more acceptable to the Pope yet under the Command of the Instructions might no way lessen the rights of the Republick Thus qualified Joyeuse arrives at Venice where he falls to work vigorously and willing he was to save the Popes Reputation and Credit but after many Hearings and Debates he could get only this Answer from the Senate That the Censures being taken away they would recall what they had done in Opposition to them and send an Ambassador to Rome That for the Decrees they would proceed in the use of them with such Moderation and Piety as they and their Ancestors used to do And that upon a Peace the Ecclesiasticks might return only the Jesuits excepted And with these Answers the Cardinal departs from Rome to see what good he could do there At Rome Cardinal de Joyeuse found the Opinions divided some for a Peace upon any account considering what a great mischief a Rupture might bring upon Christendom others thought it not honourable for the Pope to recede from any thing he had done till he had obtain'd what he desired and made the Republick submit As for the Pope though his greatest hopes lay in the Spaniard yet he could not with reason rely too much on him knowing his Coffers at that time to be empty and if he did him any good he would expect a requital of some Priviledges which would not be convenient for Rome to yeild to besides he doubted to be over-power'd by the Venetians and their numerous Assistance amongst whom would be many of the Reformed Religion which having once got a footing in Italy might in that juncture of time give a blow at the very Papacy These Considerations perswaded or forced the Pope to a Complyance but yet was troubled that he could not come off with Honour seeing the Venetians Answers were resolute and cunningly worded and they would not admit of the Jesuits upon any account whatever and thus to forsake them who had suffer'd for his cause would betray his Baffle to the whole world At last after several Consultations it was agreed on that at Rome Monsieur a' Alincourt the French Ambassador should demand of the Pope in the Name of the Christian King and of the Republique that the Censures might be taken away And also that Cardinal Joyeuse and d'Alincourt should give him their words in the Name of their King that the Decrees should remain without Execution until the Accord might be effected To this last clause the Pope would have had added that It was with the consent of the Republick But this was not yielded to knowing the Venetians would never agree to such an Addition So as much being done at Rome as could be de
this ado for one white Elephant to joyn to his other three Though these actions might perswade some to pitty others to smile at them yet here we shall have a Papal Controversie or two more ridiculous which I shall give you in the words of a late ingenious Author as it is now rendred out of French whereby we may see how obstinate people are in meer trifles For there is no question but that when the Cordeliers were at Myst of Jesui part 3. pag. 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66. a difference between themselves concerning the form of their Capuchin Cowl or Hood when those who would be call'd the Spiritual Brethren would have their Hood narrower and others which they named the Brothers of the Communalty would have theirs of a larger size they thought their dispute wonderful considerable And in good earnest the quarrel lasted almost a whole Age with infinite heat and animosity on both sides being at last with much ado determin'd by the Bulls of four Popes Nicolas IV Clement V John XXII and Benedict XII But now it looks as if really it had been to make the world sport when men but mention this Dispute and I verily believe there is hardly a Cordelier at present that cares a Rush for the size of his Capuchin For so in truth a wise Fryar would have said when the Contest was at the highest Let us but have patience a while and we shall both be laught at The same might likewise have been said upon another Question sprung about the same time and which is of a nature so thin and airy that it almost vanisheth with a touch 'T is a certain truth that what the Cordeliers eat and drink is as well devour'd as that which is eaten or drank by those who never made profession of their Rule This is undeniable But there sprang a Question amongst them whether the right to those things which were consum'd by the usage as Bread and Wine appertain'd to them or not or whether they had onely the simple usage of them without any right The greater part perceiving this to be a certain degree of Perfection which cost them nothing but their quitting of all right to those things which they devour'd by the use since this Renunciation did not at all hinder the usage for which they were onely interessed greedily embrac'd the Opinion that the Cordeliers had indeed but the simple usage of things without any title to them That the right appertain'd to the Roman Church and that theirs was the Poverty of which Jesus Christ gave them an Example a Sâ—mâ— call him Nâ—colas III. Nicolas IV who had been taken out of the Order of the Cordeliers made a b Sext. de vâ—â—ooâ— signis c. Exâ—â—t 〈◊〉 Bull wholly advantagious to this pretension and defin'd that in effect they had but the simple usage and that Jesus Christ had given us the Example of this present Poverty which consists in the general Renunciation of all Right to Temporal goods Thus continued matters for some time the Cordeliers eat and drank as well as other men though without Right or Title But John XXII who was of a fiercer humour being rais'd to the Pontificate found himself importun'd with this unprofitable Right which the Cordeliers attributed to the Roman Church from whence he saw no profit to come and therefore he took a fancy to end this Question without any regard to the Decision of his Predecessor Nicolas The Cordeliers alarm'd at this being assembled in their General Chapter at Perouse Perugia in Tuscany solemnly protested to adhere to the Definition of Pope Nicolas the IV. But for all this John took the adverse party c Exâ—â—â—â— a â—â— XXII de 〈…〉 Bâ—â—â— anno 1â—2◠§ 4. declaring that he cared not for this Right to the Bread and Wine of the Cordeliers and other things which they consumed by the usage since there accru'd no profit by it to the Church of Rome that the Cordelier Fryars were never the poorer and that their d intention was that none but themselves should derive any profit from it That it was a dishonour that the Roman Church should interest it self for an Egg or piece of Cheese That in things which they devour'd after that manner the Vsage and the Right of Vsage was not to be distinguish'd and that all this aiery and spiritual refinement was but a pure illusion In fine he e determin'd that it was a plain Heresie to affirm that Jesus Christ possess'd nothing in this World neither in particular nor in common and that he should have no Title to the things which he used These Divisions of John XXII appeared quite repugnant to those of Nicolas IV and the difference did so perplex Cardinal Bellarmine as he really profess'd they were not to be throughly reconcil'd a De Rom. Pont. 4. c 14. He acknowledged that Nicolas IV did teach that one might separate the Right from the Vsage and that John XXII had declared the contrary He confess'd also that Nicolas has determin'd that this is a holy Poverty and on the other side that John XXII look'd upon it as Hypocrisie And upon these two points unlucklly takes the part of Nicholas against John But for as much as in the third point that concerns the Poverty of Jesus Christ the Cordeliers opinion is taxed oâ— Heresie by John XXII that the two Popes should not seem at variance in a point of Faith he endeavours to piece them together by distinguishing of the times He says therefore that Jesus Christ did possess Temporal things at one time and that he was absolutely bereav'd of them at another That so it is true that as to one season he prescrib'd us an Example of perfect Poverty by an absolute renunciation of the possession of all things as says Nicolas And that it is true he at another time possess'd Temporal goods which he made use of as John XXII had decided it But this way of according the Decision of the two Popes does not appear so solid for John XXII doth not pretend that Jesus Christ was Master of the Temporal things he us'd at one certain time onely but that he was so always as appears by the general Principle which he makes use of to prove it which is that the Vsage is unjust which is unaccompanied with Right Whence it is easily infer'd that Jesus Christ having made use of Temporal things and never having used them unjustly he had always a Right to the Vse of them But however the matter was divers of the Cordeliers did take themselves to be justly condemn'd and mangre the Pope they obstinately maintain'd that their Bread belong'd to the Church of Rome so as the Emperour Lewes of Bavaria of whom we spake so much formerly being then at variance with the Pope about his Election to the Empire they joyned themselves to him and stoutly sustain'd his Right against John XXII The Emperour on his part upheld the Cordeliers