who was now going to Prison were Cn. and P. Scipio two great and famous Men. That they when for some Years they had advanced the Roman Fame in Spain against many Generals and Armies too of the Carthaginians and Spaniards not only in War but in that they had given those Nations an instance of the moderation and honour that Romans were endowed with at last both dy'd for the good of the Roman People Now though it would have been enough for their Posterity to have maintain'd that Glory which they got yet that P. Africanus so far outdid his Fathers praises that he made People believe he was not born of Humane Blood but of Divine Extraction That L. Scipio of whom they then discoursed to pass by all that he had done in Spain and Africa when he was his Brothers Lieutenant who had been Consul was not only look'd upon by the Senate as a fit Person to have Asia for his Province though out of course and the management of the War against Antiochus but by his Brother also who after two Consulships one Censorship and a Triumph went into Asia as his Lieutenant Where lest the greatness and splendour of the Lieutenant should obscure the Consuls Glory it so happened that the Day whereon L. Scipio conquer'd Antiochus at Magnesia P. Scipio was sick at Elaea some few Days journey from thence That that Army was not less than that of Annibals with which they had fought in Africa and that there was among many other Generals of the Kings that very same Annibal too who had been General in the Punick War And that the War also was so managed that no body could blame so much as fortune for it But yet now in time of Peace they are seeking out for an accusation against him and say that he sold Peace for Money That by this means the ten Embassadors also were at the same time arraign'd by whose advice the Peace was made Yea that there were some of the ten Embassadours who accused Cn. Manlius but their accusation did not prevail not only so far as to gain credit to what they charg'd upon him but not so much as to retard his triumph But that indeed in Scipio's Case the conditions of Peace were suspected as being too favourable to Antiochus For his Kingdom was left entire he possess'd all after he was conquer'd that he had before the War but though he had a great quantity of gold and silver there was no part of it brought into the publick Treasury but all turn'd to private use Was not there more gold and silver brought in before all Peoples Eyes at L. Scipio's Triumph than at ten other Triumphs and put them all together For what should I speak of the Confines of his Kingdom or say That Antiochus had all Asia and the adjacent parts of Europe how great a tract of Land that is from the Mountain Taurus to the Aegean Sea since all people know how many not only Cities but Nations too it contains That this Country which is above thirty dayes Journey long and ten broad between the two Seas was taken away from Antiochus as far as the Mountain Taurus he being driven into the most remote Corner of the World What if the Peace were granted him for nothing could be taken from him more That when Philip was conquer'd he had Macedonia left him and Nabis Lacedaemon Nor was there any crime invented against Quintius for he had not Africanus for his Brother who when he should by his glory have done L. Scipio good quite contrary through the Envy that lay upon him did him an injury That there was more gold and silver thought to have been brought into Scipio's House than could have been made of all the Goods he had if they had been sold Where then is that gold of the Kings Where are so many Estates that he receiv'd There must have been an heap of this new gains in his House which costs him not much in keeping But what could not be made of his goods his Enemies would fetch out of his Body and back by vexation and contumelies against him so far as to put a person of such Renown in Prison among a parcel of Thieves and Robbers where he should die in the dark and the Stocks and afterward be thrown forth naked before the Prison which would be a disgrace to the City of Rome as well as to the Cornelian Family In opposition to this Terentius the Praetor repeated the Petillian Bill the order of Senate and the Sentence pass'd concerning L. Scipio and said that he unless the money that he was adjudg'd to pay were brought into the publick Treasury had nothing else to do but to order the party condemn'd to be taken and carry'd to Prison The Tribunes having withdrawn to consult a little after C. Fannius according to his own and all the rest of his Collegues opinions saving Gracchus declared that the Tribunes would not hinder the Praetor from exercising his authority But Tib. Gracchus said this was his resolution That he would not hinder the Praetor from making the money that was adjudg'd of L. Scipio 's goods but yet that he would not suffer L. Scipio who had conquer'd the most opulent King in all the World had propagated the Roman Empire to the utmost Borders of the Earth obliged Eumenes the Rhodians and so many other Cities of Asia by his kindness and imprison'd a great number of their Enemies chief Officers whom he led in Triumph to be in Jail among the Enemies of the Roman People and therefore charg'd them to let him go This resolution of his was heard with so much assent and people were so glad to see L. Scipio dismist that the sentence scarce seemed to have been pass'd in the same City Then the Praetor sent the Questors to take possession on behalf of the publick of L. Scipio's goods in which there neither appear'd any token of the Kings money nor was there even so much made of them as the summ in which he was condemn'd amounted to His Relations Friends and Clients raised money among themselves for L. Scipio insomuch that if he would have accepted of it he might have been somewhat richer than he was before his misfortunes But he would not take any of it What was necessary for him in Cloths and the like was bought for him by his Relations and the Envy of the Scipio's fell upon the Praetor his Council and the Accusers DECADE IV. BOOK IX The EPITOME 2. Aemilius the Consul having subdu'd Liguria joined that road which comes from Placentia to Ariminum to the Via Flaminia or Flaminian way 6. The principles of Luxury are said to be brought in by the Asian Army The Ligurians all about the Appennine were subdu'd 8 9 c. The Bacchanalia a Grecian Solemnity in honour of Bacchus celebrated in the night time which was the seminary of all wickedness having become the occasion of a vast multitudes entering into a Conspiracy was
matters telling him That that Bird was a Messenger from that Region of the Heavens and from that God who there prefided that she made a sign about the uppermost part of him that she took up the ornament of his head in order to restore it by Divine Command With these hopes and thoughts about 'em they went into the City and having taken an House there gave out that his Name was L. Tarquinius Priscus And now not only his being a new-comer and his Riches made him conspicuous among the Romans but he likewise advanc'd his Fortune by his Affability Hospitality and Bounty whereby he made all those he could his Friends till at last the Fame of him was carried even into the King's Palace and he grew in a short time so well known by being very ready and liberal in the Kings service that he became familiar at Court and was concern'd in all publick as well as private Councils both at home and abroad and having been every way try'd was at length by the Kings last Will and Testament made Tutor also to his Children Ancus Reign'd four and twenty years and was inferiour to none of the former Kings in the Arts or Glory of War and Peace His Sons were now almost of Age and therefore Tarquinius was the more urgent that assoon as possible an Assembly should be call'd for the choosing of a King Which being appointed he a little before the time sent the Lads a Hunting and himself first not only ambitiously desir'd the Throne but likewise as 't is said had a Speech ready made to reconcile the minds of the Common People in which he told 'em That he desir'd no new thing in that he was not the first to make any man angry or wonder at him but the third Stranger that desir'd to be King of Rome that Tatius was chosen King though he was not only a Stranger but an Enemy too and that Numa who was unacquainted with the City and never sought it was voluntarily sent for by the Romans to be their King That he himself ever since he was at his own disposal came to Rome with his Wife and all his fortunes and that he had liv'd at Rome a greater part of his time since he was fit for publick business than in his own Country and that he had learn'd the Roman Laws together with their Customs both at home and abroad under a very Honourable Master even King Ancus himself That he had always vy'd in his Allegiance and observance to the King with all Mankind and in his bounty towards others with the King himself Thus he spoke and because all he said was true the Roman People unanimously chose him King Whereupon the same ambition which he shew'd in suing for it attended him when he had gain'd the Kingdom though he were otherwise a very excellent Person Nor was he less mindful of strengthening his own Dominion than of augmenting the Commonwealth in general wherefore he chose an hundred into the Senate who from that time were call'd Patres minorum gentium i. e. Senators of a lower rank and prov'd a certain Faction for the King because by his bounty they came into that Court He wag'd the first War with the Latins and took a Town of theirs by Storm call'd Appiolae from whence having brought back more Spoils than was ever talk'd of in that War he set forth Games with more Opulency and Pomp than any former Kings The place was then first design'd for that Circus or place for Exercises which is now call'd Circus Maximus and Partitions were made for the Senators and Knights where each of 'em might set forth Shews call'd Fori They sate and look'd upon these Shews which were rais'd upon props of Wood twelve feet from the Ground and the sport was Horce-Racing and Wrestlers especially such as were sent for out of Etruria And from that time there were solemn Annual Games kept call'd by the various Appellations of Ludi Romani and Ludi Magni By the same King also there were places set apart about the Forum for private Persons to Build upon as well as Portico's and Shops made He likewise design'd to enclose the City with a Stone Wall but the Sabine War prevented him and that was so sudden that the Enemy pass'd the River Anien before the Roman Army could meet and stop ' em Thereupon the Romans were much affrighted and at first while the Victory was doubtful a great many men were kill'd on both sides But soon after the Romans having put their Forces into the Enemies Camp and gain'd some time to reinforce the War Tarquinius thinking that he wanted Horse-men more than any other part of his Army resolv'd to add a new Troop to the Ramnenses Titienses Luceres which Romulus had formerly rais'd and to leave them behind him remarkable on the account of his own Name But because Romulus had done that by an Augury Accius Naevius a famous Augur at that time deny'd his Proposal and said there could be no alteration made nor any new Troop established unless the Birds foretold it At that the King was much displeas'd and cluding his Act as the Story goes Come said he you Diviner tell me by your Auguries whether that be possible to be done that I now think of Whereupon when Accius had found by the Augury that it might and had told the King it would certainly come to pass I thought said the King that you would cut a Whetstone with a Razor here take 'em and do what your Birds portend is possible with that they say he presently cut the Whetstone in two The Statue of Accius was plac'd with the head cover'd just there where the thing was done at the Court of Assembly upon the very Stairs on the left hand and they say that the Whetstone too was put in the same place for a Monument to posterity of that Miracle This is certain that from that time Auguries and the Priestly Office of the Augurs were had in such Honour and Esteem that nothing was afterwards done either in War or Peace without their Predictions for the Assemblies of the People the Armies and the greatest Affairs were Dissolv'd Disbanded and Disappointed when the Birds did not admit of ' em Nor did Tarquinius at that time make any alteration in the Troops of Horse but only added something to their Number so that there were one thousand three hundred Horse in three Troops The later that were added were only call'd by the same Names being those that now since they are doubled they call the six Troops This part of their Forces being augmented they had a second Conflict with the Sabines But besides that the Roman Army was now increased in strength they made use of secret Policy and Stratagem also sending a Party of Soldiers to burn a great heap of Wood that lay upon the Bank of Anien and throw it into the River which being help'd on by the Wind a great deal of the flaming Timber
or taken by them Upon this account Persons of very great quality were sent Ambassadours P. Cornelius Dolabella famous for overthrowing the Senones and C. Fabricius Luscinus and Q. Aemilius Papus Fellow-Consuls two years before Pyrrhus was naturally a Person of an obliging address this being the inseparable attendant of all generous Spirits but yet his ambition whilst by a common mistake he thought Vertues to be but the handmaids of Empire had rendred him too complaisant so that being extravagantly addicted to desire of Glory he had an Eye to it in all his undertakings and though he was as valiant and as experienced a Commander as any then living yet he us'd to try all means before he would put things to the hazard of Battel endeavouring to win his Enemy according as each was to be wrought on by arguments of fear or interest pleasure or pity and in fine by just and reasonable compositions Therefore hearing that Ambassadours were coming to him from Rome and imagining that so many Persons of Consular quality were not sent upon a slender Errand he was in hopes they came to treat of a Peace Therefore that they might have the safer and more honourable access he sent Lyco the Molossian as far as the borders of the Tarentines Country to meet them with a Convoy and he himself with a Troop of Horse bravely mounted met them out of Town and attending them with great civility gave them a noble Entertainment They having at first spoken something touching moderation of mind and of the inconstancy of Fortune how sudden the alterations of War and that futurities cannot be foreseen deliver'd their Message That they were come to ransom their Prisoners if he would let them be redeem'd at such a sum or else be exchang'd for the Tarentines and others Pyrrhus did not use to determine any great Affairs without the Counsel of his Friends who being then assembled One of them Milo by name advis'd that he should detain the Prisoners and make good use of his Successes not leaving the War till the Romans were subdu'd But Cyneas spoke quite contrary who first taking notice of the constancy of the Senate and People of Rome which they had shown to be invincible in their greatest extremities added We may hate the Customs and despise the Arms of another Enemy perhaps but O King I think we ought rather to be at Peace than in War with this People Nor will it be onely your Interest to restore but even to give them their Prisoners and I think you should not delay but send the Ambassadours immediately with Presents to Rome to conclude a Peace upon even terms For now I suppose the time is come wherein if I am not mistaken you may get to your self some advantage and that with honour for now in time of prosperity if you will treat of Peace you shall more easily obtain what you desire and withal seem for no other cause but onely of your wonted generosity to have offer'd Peace to those whom by your Arms you might have Conquer'd But supposing you do not miscarry in your designs but run on successfully as you have begun and God forbid it should be otherwise yet we are still but Men and if Fortune varies we shall not make Peace upon so easie nor so honourable terms The rest having spoke likewise to the same effect and the King himself assenting thereunto commanded the Ambassadours to be called in and as soon as they came the King spake to them in this manner That which you Romans propose is indeed very unhandsom when without offering any Conditions of Peace You demand the Prisoners I have taken in the War intending when I shall have restor'd them to employ them against me if you will take better measures and such as may be advantageous to both sides let us enter into an Alliance and then you shall have all your own Men and those of your Confederates whom I have taken without Ransom but if you are resolved to persevere in hostility with me I should be esteem'd a Fool if I should strengthen my Enemy with so many stout Men Nor am I so straitned for Money as to want any of the Romans who were we Friends might be more proper Subjects of my Liberality And hereupon he commanded that Presents of considerable value should be given to the Ambassadours with promises of larger These things were done and said before all the Ambassadours but he had a longer and a more particular Conference with Fabricius alone which I shall relate as I find it in authentick Authors When they discoursed privately 't is reported that the King among other things spake to this effect As I desire to have all the rest of the Romans for my Friends so especially you C. Fabricius whom I esteem as a Person that excels all others for your Conduct as well in Civil as Military Affairs Yet I am sorry to see you wanting in one point I mean of an Estate that may enable you to live in that Port which becomes a person of your Quality But I will not suffer this injury of Fortune any longer to be troublesom to you and I will bestow on you so much Gold and Silver coin'd and in the Bullion as shall make you richer than any of your fellow-Citizens For I hold it to besit my condition to relieve such great Men as are poor who have aim'd more at getting Honour than Money This I look upon as a very glorious Action by which a Prince rears the noblest Monument of his Magnificence and tenders the most sacred and well-pleasing Sacrifice to the Gods I shall therefore think that I have receiv'd a benefit rather than bestow'd one if you will let me supply your necessities Yet I would not have desir'd this of you if the honour of this benefit accru'd to me with dishonour to your self but now because you come not upon any perfidious design or that which is at all unworthy your Character why should you refuse a small Present offered you out of kindness by a Friend with an obstinate averseness For I ask nothing of you but what may yea and ought to be done by any honest Man that is a lover of his Country That you would bring the Senate off from their obstinacy to a more moderate temper telling them the truth of the matter that a War cannot be undertaken by them without great danger and detriment nor yet be foregone by me who promising the Tarentines my assistance have even won the first Battel without breach of Faith and dishonour Nor am I for having War with you whom I esteem worthier my friendship than my hatred and by reason of many businesses falling out which require my presence I had rather return into my own Kingdom and for this I will give all the Security you can desire that you may be sure of my intentions and also take away all doubts from other Men if there be any that will say perhaps that Kings
him he had put to death Having given this Man a Guard of Soldiers he return'd with the rest of his Forces being eight thousand Foot and five hundred Horse into his own Kingdom now in the sixth year after he had come from thence In the mean while when the Centuriate assemblies were held at Rome and that it was thought Pyrrhus would renew the War they determined to make Curius Consul the second time because he of all Men had managed the business most handsomly against that King and therefore seem'd a Person of the greatest stroak and fortune to go through with the rest of the War Of the Nobility Ser. Cornelius Merenda was made Consul his late Atchievements and glory advancing him and also the recommendation of his Kinsman under whom he had bore Arms in the last Campagne These Consuls bent the effort of their Arms against the Lucanians Samnites and Brutians who defended themselves rather by strength of places than by Arms so that no Action could be perform'd comparable to the rest Yet this did not in the least impair Curius's glory whilst all were of Opinion that the warlike King would not onely be affraid for the blow he had receiv'd but also because Curius would be made General again to fight against him Therefore the whole honour of ending this War and routing Pyrrhus out of Italy ought to be ascribed to this Great Man The next year after Curius's third Consulship the first Embassy came from the Kings of Alexandria with A. U. 480 Presents to Rome in the Consulship of C. Corso and C. Claud. Canina Ptolomy surnam'd Philadelphus upon intelligence of Pyrrhus's flight sent to congratulate the Romans and to desire an Alliance with them The Senators thought it highly honourable and a great happiness thus to be courted by Kings so potent and remote of their own accord for their Alliance therefore they received the Ambassadours civilly and enter'd into Alliance with Ptolomy Moreover they nominated persons of the greatest Quality to go Ambassadours to the King to ratifie the Alliance and to return the Complement namely Q. Fabius Gurges a Consular Person and with him Caius Fabius Pictor Numerius Fabius Pictor and Q. Ogulnius When these were gone the Consuls fought with good success against those Italian Nations who out of necessity and despair continued yet in Arms but that the actions of one of the Consuls exceeded the others may be collected from the Triumph of C. Claudius Canina had over the Samnites Lucanians and Brutians in his Consulship at the Feast Romulus But these Joys for successes abroad were somewhat disturbed by Sextilia a Vestal Virgin convicted of Incest and thought to have incens'd the Gods against the City by her Irreligion but the anger of the Gods was appeas'd by Sacrifices and Atonements and the Nun suffering the punishment due to so great a Crime was buried alive at the Collatine Gate The same year Colonies were brought to Cosa of the Volscians and Paestum in Lucania called by the Greeks Possidonia This place the Lucanians had taken from the Sybarites and now it was newly subjected to the Romans The year following was more remarkable wherein not only the War against the Samnites and others but also against the Tarentines was ended L. Papirius Cursor and Sp. Carvilius Consuls the second time having the Lucanians Brutians Samnites and Tarentines for their Provinces by their great Exploits and undertakings answer'd the expectations they A. U. 481 had rais'd being both chosen on purpose in hopes to conclude the War that year and the Samnites being totally subdued by Carvilius after a War of seventy one years now with more fidelity than before imbrac'd the conditions of Peace impos'd upon them by the Romans L. Papirius forc'd the Brutians and Lucanians after great slaughters made of them to sue for Peace But as it happens in a War against several bordering People Papirius was also ingag'd with the Samnites and Carvilius with the Brutians and Lucanians and both with the Tarentines nor were the Forces of the Tarentines onely defeated but the City it self was taken which whole affair I shall more particularly relate as containing not only the Conquest of this famous City but also the death of King Pyrrhus with the false dealings of the Carthaginians and the source of that Rupture between them and the Romans Pyrrhus two years before had so departed from Italy as by his Garison left behind at Tarentum to give People hopes of his return which soon after being much increas'd by the late successes of that King in Macedonia kept up the spirits of the Italians in their present sufferings for being a Man of an active Spirit who could not long rest he had made War against Antigonus for not aiding him in the business of Italy and having defeated him almost dispossess'd him of his whole Dominions Whence the Romans were theâ— continually affraid lest returning with more Forces into Italy he should raise a greater War than the former But the sudden death of Pyrrhus destroy'd the hopes and remov'd the fears of all People For Pyrrhus insatiably coveting to inlarge his Dominions to the utmost under pretence of re-instating Cleonymus in the Kingdom of Sparta who then had difference with Areus entring Peloponnesus resolv'd to make himself Master thereof likewise and he annoy'd the Lacedaemonians very much though he had in vain attacked their City In the mean time at Argos there were two contrary Parties headed by Aristippus and Aristias the first of which sends for Antigonus the latter for Pyrrhus to help to pull down their Enemies For Antigonus also was come to Peloponnesus to assist the Lacedaemonians against the common Enemy So that the same Night the Forces of both Kings were receiv'd through several Gates into the Town Pyrrhus understanding that his men were press'd hard by the Enemies entring himself likewise into the City when he saw at break of day a figure of a Wolf and a Bull in Brass representing them fighting with one another was astonished at this Omen of his imminent danger For there was an ancient Oracle which said that the place where Aeacides should see a Bull and a Wolf fighting should be fatal to him Therefore he design'd to draw back with his Forces and to retire out of the Town but his Son Helenus meeting him with the reserves and Elephants had stop'd his way and the one endeavouring to get out of the Town and the others to enter in whilst the Enemies bore hardly upon the multitude retiring and the Argives Epirots and Macedonians together with the Spartans and Cretians belonging to Areus and some Elephants were in those narrow streets crouded together and trampled upon one another all was in a hurry and confusion Mean while Pyrrhus whilst he does all he can by his directions exhortations and valour to repel the Enemy and defend his own men receiv'd a light Wound with a Launce from an Argive Youth whose Mother being a poor old Woman was there among
fought to any purpose they tack'd about and fled and the mouth of the River not being large enough to receive so many of them huddling in all together they run their Vessels on ground any where and the Men some waded others leap'd on shore some with their Arms and some without fled to their own Army which stood drawn up in Battalia on the Strand However in the first On-set two Carthaginian Ships were taken and four sunk The Romans though they saw the Enemy Masters at Land and standing in Battel-array all along the Banks yet they neglected not to pursue their trembling Fleet and as many of the abandoned Ships as had not either broke their Stems on the shore or stuck fast in the Sands by the Keels they tow'd off to Sea and so out of thirty Sail carryed away with them five and twenty Nor was the taking of them so happy a fruit of their Victory as that by this one slight Engagement they were Masters at Sea and had all those Coasts at their devotion therefore they sail'd to Honosca and making a descent upon the Land took that City by storm and plundered it thence set forwards to New Carthage plundered all the adjacent Country and burn'd the Suburbs up to the very Walls and Gates Well laden now with rich Pillage the Fleet came before Loguntica where Annibal had laid up abundance of Cordage for the use of his Navy of which they took away as much as they needed and burnt the rest nor were they content only to coast along the Continent but stood over to the Isle Ebusus and having for two days together assaulted the chief City of that Island when they saw they did but spend time in vain left it pillaged the Country burnt several Villages and got better booty there than on the Main-land Here arrived Ambassadors from the Balearean Isles to Treat with Scipio for Peace After this steering his Course back again to the hither parts of his Province Agents resorted to him on the same Errand from all the People that dwelt along the Iberus and from many in the furthermost parts of Spain so that no less than One hundred and twenty several States or petty Nations did then become absolute Subjects to the Roman Government and gave Hostages for their faithful Obedience By which means the Romans being reinforced at Land made an Expedition as far as the Forrest of Castulo and Asdrubal was glad to retire into Portugal near the Ocean Sea The rest of the Summer was like to be quiet and had proved so for any thing considerable that the Carthaginians did to the contrary But besides that the natural temper of all Spaniards is restless and desirous of new Commotions Mandonius and Indibilis who before was a petty King of the Illergetes after the Romans were retreated from that Forrest towards the Sea-coasts raising their Country-men in Arms fell upon the peaceable Territories of the Romans Allies and plundered them against whom Scipio sent a Detachment of Three thousand with some Auxiliaries lightly arm'd who easily routed them as being but a tumultuary Rabble kill'd many took some and the rest generally fled away without their Arms. This Insurrection drew back Asdrubal that before was marching towards the Ocean to return on this side the Iberus to protect his Confederates The Carthaginians lay encamped in the Lands of the Ilercaonians the Romans near their new Armado when sudden News arriv'd That the War was diverted another way for the Celtiberians who had sent the principal Persons of their Country Ambassadors and Hostages to the Romans being privately excited by a Message from Scipio took Arms and with a formidable Army invaded those parts which remained under the Carthaginian Government stormed three Towns and afterwards bravely Engaging Asdrubal himself in two set Battels kill'd Fifteen thousand of his Men and took Four thousand Prisoners with many Military Standards and Colours The Affairs of Spain were in this posture when P. Scipio arriv'd there being sent by the Senate who had continued his Command after his Consulship expired with thirty long Ships and Eight thousand Soldiers and great store of Provisions which at a distance seem'd a mighty Fleet by reason of the great number of Ships of Burthen that attended him and with no small joy both of the Romans and their Associates was welcom'd into the Port at Tarracon where Scipio landing his Army joined his Brother and thenceforwards by united Councils and with one accord managed the War Therefore whil'st the Carthaginians had their hands full of the Celtiberian War without any delay they pass'd the Iberus and not finding any Enemy to oppose them march'd directly for Saguntum because 't was reported that the Hostages of all Spain delivered into the custody of Annibal were kept there in the Castle but with a small Guard about them That was the only Pledge which kept all the Cities of Spain in awe for though they were inclinable enough to enter into League with the Romans yet they durst not do it for fear it should cost them the Lives of their Children But they were all eased of those apprehensions by the crafty rather than faithful Counsel of one Abelox a Spanish Noble-man at Saguntum that had hitherto join'd with and been very trusty to the Carthaginians but now as 't is the nature for the most part of these Barbarians with this change of Fortune he resolv'd to shift his Party and considering that if he should fly to the Enemy without having done them some signal Service they would not much esteem the accession of his Person but look upon him as infamous and of no regard and therefore applyed his mind to get these Hostages at liberty as the greatest favor he could possibly do his Country-men and the readiest means to bring over their chief Men to take part with the Romans But well he knew that without warrant from Bostar Governor of the Castle those that had the custody of the Hostages would do nothing he begins therefore to wheedle with Bostar himself who at that time lay without the City by the Sea-side to prevent the Romans from entring the Haven After he had taken him aside in private Discourse he represents to him the present state of Affairs That it was only fear that had hitherto kept the Spaniards quiet and in obedience because the Romans were too far off to assist or protect them But now the Roman Army being advanced on this side the Iberus will be a sure refuge and ready to back them on in any Insurrection and therefore seeing they could no longer be retained by fear it would be the best way to secure their Affections by kindness and some signal favor Bostar in some admiration demanding What Obligation was it possible for him now all of a sudden to lay upon them that might be effectual for such a purpose Why quoth the other send home the Hostages to their respective Cities This will be a most welcome Courtesie both to
Villany and violate all Law Divine and Humane There have not many hours pass'd since we swore by all the Gods and join'd our right hands with solemn Promises of Faith and Amity and was all this for nothing else but that as soon as we had eaten together and talk'd a while we should presently arm our selves against him Dost thou but now rise from that hospitable Board where thy self was 't the third man of all Capua invited by Annibal and wilt thou now stain and pollute that Board with his Blood Was I thy Father able but now to reconcile Annibal to my Son and shall I not be able to reconcile my Son to Annibal But if thou dost indeed think nothing Holy and hast no regard to Faith Religion or Piety then boldly go on in thy horrid design if it will not involve us in inevitable destruction as well as shameful wickedness What wilt thou alone set upon Annibal what must the multitude of his Guards do the mean while so many brave Officers and so many Servants as constantly attend him Are not all their Eyes all their hands employ'd to secure him from danger Dost thou think they will all be blind or stupified at the time of this frantick Enterprize of thine Those fierce looks of Annibal which Armed Legions tremble at and the whole people of Rome cannot stand before canst thou alone undaunted encounter If other assistance fail canst thou endure to wound me thy Father when I shall interpose my Body for the safeguard of his yet stab me thou must and shalt to the heart before thou shalt be able to reach him and through my Breast must aim at Annibal ' s Suffer thy self to be deterr'd now from such an abominable undertaking rather than be destroyed in attempting it And let my intreaties prevail with Thee which once to day prevail'd for Thee At these words perceiving his Son to weep he embrac'd and kiss'd him and left not off his importunities till he made him lay away his Sword and promise to desist Whereupon the young man burst out into these Expressions I will for once be content to pay to my natural Father that Piety which I owe to my Country but must Sir bewail your condition who lie under the guilt of having thrice betray'd her once when you caused our revolt from the Romans Again when you were the chief Promoter of the League with Annibal and now in the third place by being the only obstacle and hinderance that Capua is not restored to the Romans and her antient Liberties Here my dear Country take this Sword of mine with which I had resolv'd to defend thee and cut off thy most mortal Enemy take it I say since my own Father hath wrested it out of my hands with which words he flung the Sword over the Garden Wall into the open street and to prevent suspition returned to the Banquet The next day a full Senate was call'd in the presence of Annibal The beginning of his Speech was very kind and coaksing Giving the Campanians thanks for preferring his Friendship before their Alliance with the people of Rome and amongst other magnificent promises assur'd them That Capua e're long should be the Metropolis of all Italy whereunto the Romans themselves as well as other Nations should resort for Law and Justice But withal told them he understood there was a certain person amongst them that had no share in the League made with the Carthaginians and who neither was a true Citizen of Capua nor ought so to be accounted This was one Magius Decius by name whom he did demand to be delivered up into his hands and that in his presence the Senate would pass Judgment upon him To this they all consented though the greater part knew well enough the Gentleman was far from deserving any such Calamity and withal perceiv'd that this Invasion of their Liberties in the beginning threatned no less than a total subversion of them in the end The chief Magistrate went out of the Council Chamber and sat in the Temple where they were wont to hold their Courts of Judicature and Decius Magius being apprehended and brought before him was Ordered to Answer for himself but he persisting in his former stoutness of spirit Told them he was not bound so to do by the Articles of the League whereupon he was clapt in Irons and an Officer commanded to convey him to Annibal's Camp All the way as he was led whilst he was open-fac'd he went preaching to the multitude and crying out Now O Capuans you have I hope that liberty that you so much long'd for In the open Market-place at Noon-day before you all I a person inferiour to none in Capua am drag'd along in Chains to be unjustly put to death What greater outrage could have been committed if Capua had been storm'd by an Enemy Go out in pomp to meet Annibal adorn your City and Register this day of his Entrance as an Holy Day that in the end you may behold this goodly triumph over one of your own Citizens The people seeming to be moved with such his Exclamations he was order'd to be muffled and hastned out of the Gates being brought to the Camp he was immediately put on board a Ship bound for Carthage lest by any tumult happening at Capua upon so unusual a proceeding the Senate should repent themselves of delivering up such a principal Member and send to desire his Release by denying of which Annibal must offend his new Allies and by granting it have always an Enemy at Capua ready to stir them up against his Interest The Ship that was to transport him happen'd to be driven by stress of weather into Cyrenae a Port-Town at that time under the Kings of Egypt and Magius getting ashore fled for Sanctuary to the Statue of King Ptolemy and thereupon was carried by certain Officers to that Prince at Alexandria To whom having related how he was put in Chains by Annibal against all right and contrary to his own League the King caused his Shackles to be knockt off and gave him leave to return to Capua or go to Rome which he pleased But he reckoning Capua not safe and that at Rome in such a Juncture he should be lookt upon rather as a Fugitive than a Friend declared he would spend the rest of his days no where more willingly than in his Majestie 's Territories who had given him his Life and Liberty During these Occurrents Q. Fabius Pictor comes back to Rome from Delphos and read the Answer of the Oracle out of a writing which he brought containing the names of the Gods they were to address themselves unto and in what manner concluding thus If these things O Romans you shall do then shall your affairs succeed better and more fortunately and your Commonwealth shall thrive according to your desires and the people of Rome shall be Victorious over their Enemies but remember when all things go well on your side and that
that ran homeward fell into the hands of the Kings men and there were more slain by them that blocked up the passes than those that were sent out for the purpose But at last some that escaped through the midst of the Enemies being in a consternation themselves occasioned a Tumult rather than brought any certain Relation of it into the Camp The Consul commanding the Horse to relieve those distressed persons all wayes that they possibly could himself drew the Legions out of the Camp in a square Body up to the Enemy whilst the Horsemen who were dispersed about the Fields ran to and fro out of the way being deceived by different noises that they heard from contrary places But part of them met the Enemy and they fought them in several places at the same time The Kings Party made the fiercest resistance for that was not only of it self almost a compleat Army for multitude of Horse and Foot but a great many Romans also because it lay in the mid way were got among them The Macedonians too had the better of it upon another account because the King himself was present to encourage them The Cretan Auxiliaries likewise wounded a great many by surprize as being set in close order and prepared to fight against men that were dispersed and confused Now had they observed any measure in their pursuit they might have advantaged themselves not only in respect to the glory of that present conflict but the whole menage of the War but following on too eagerly out of a greedy desire they had to kill the Enemy they light upon the Roman Cohorts or Regiments that were gone before along with the Tribunes of the Souldiers Then the flying Horsemen also when they first saw the Roman Ensigns turned back upon the Foe who came in disorder after them so that the Fortune of the Battle was quite changed all in a moment and they ran away who so lately were in pursuit By this means many of them who stood to it were slain and many others as they fled away Nor did they only die by the Sword but several of them being thrown into the Fenns perished they and their Horses in the deep mud The King also was in danger for his Horse being wounded with whom he fell Headlong to the ground he had like to have been caught whilst he was down but a Trooper saved him who immediately himself alighted and mounted the King upon his Horse The Trooper afterward being not able on Foot to keep pace with the flying Horse was cut to pieces by the Enemy who came up with greater speed when they saw the King fall The King when he had rode all about the Fenns both pervious and pathless in great consternation at last though most people despaired ever again to see him alive came safe to the Camp Two hundred Macedonians perished in that fight about an hundred were taken and eighty Horses very well caparison'd were brought thence with spoils of Armour at the same time There were some who this day accused the King of rashness and the Consul of sloth For they say That Philip should have lain still when he knew That the Enemy by exhausting all the Forage round about them would in a few dayes have been reduced to extream want and that the Consul when he had routed the Enemies Horse and Light armour and almost taken the King himself ought to have marched immediately to the Enemies Camp for that in such a consternation they would not have continued there but he might have made an end of the War in a moment But that was easier as most other things are to say than to do For if the King had engaged with all his Foot Forces too perhaps amidst the tumult when they all being conquer'd and terrified had ran out of the Battle into their Works over which the Enemy would probably have pursued them the King might have been forced out of his Camp But now since all his Foot stayed behind in the Camp and that there were Guards and Sentinels planted before the Gates and in all convenient places what would the Consul have done but imitated the rashness of the King who a little before ran out in pursuit of the Roman Horse in such confusion For even the Kings first design when he attacqued the Foragers that were dispersed about the Fields was not to be found fault with if he had set any bounds to his success But 't is the less to be wonder'd at why he should try his Fortune for this reason also because he had heard That Pleuratus and the Dardans were come with vast numbers out of their own Territories into Macedonia with whose Forces if he should have been surrendred it might have been supposed that the Romans would with ease have made an end of the War Wherefore Philip believing that after two unfortunate Engagements with his Horse his stay in the same Camp would be much more dangerous and having a mind to remove without the Enemies knowledge he sent an Herald before Sun-setting to the Consul to desire a Truce for so long as he could bury his dead Horsemen but cheated the Enemy and went away silently at the second Watch leaving many Fires behind him through all his Camp The Consul was now refreshing himself when the news was brought to him that the Herald was come and what he came for But he having only this Answer given him That the next morning he should have his Audience the King had what he desir'd that night and part of the next day being given him to make his advance He therefore marched over the Mountains where he knew the Romans with their heavy Armour would not come The Consul at break of day having granted the Truce and dismissed the Herald when he perceived not long after that the Enemy was gone not knowing which way to follow him spent some dayes in the same place a Foraging After that he removed to Stubera and gathered all the Corn that was in the Country together out of Pelagonia Thence he went forward to Pellina having not yet found out whither the Enemy was gone In the mean time Philip who Encamped first of all at Bryanium went thence cross the Country and put the Enemy into a sudden fright The Romans therefore moved from Pellina and pitched their Camp by the River Osphagus The King also himself sate down not far from that place having drawn a Line upon the Banks of the River which the Inhabitants call Erigonus From whence being told for certain that the Romans would march toward Eordaea he went before to seize the streights lest the Enemy should get through that pass which was so narrowly inclosed And there he blocked up some places with a Bullwark some with a Trench some with heaps of Stones in the nature of a Wall and others with whole Trees as the place required or materials lay convenient for him making the way as he thought which in its own nature was very
the shore near Thronium was appointed for their meeting to which they came very early And there Philip desired Quintius with all that were then present not to destroy his hopes of peace and at last desired time to send Embassadors to the Senate at Rome telling them that he would either obtain a peace upon these conditions or accept of any terms that the Senate should offer That did not by any means please the rest for they said His design was only to gain time by that delay to reinforce himself and Quintius also said That was very likely indeed if it had been Summer and a season fit for action But that now since the Winter was come they could lose nothing by giving him time to send his Embassadors to Rome For neither would any of those things which they agreed upon with the King stand good without the approbation of the Senate and besides that he had an opportunity whilst the Winter continued and made it necessary for them to lie still to learn of the Senate what they resolved to do To this his Opinion the rest also who were the principals of the Allies submitted and granting a Truce for two Months resolved themselves likewise to send each of them Embassadors to advise the Senate that they might not be circumvented by the Kings Politicks But it was added as Surplusage to the Truce that the Kings Guards should be all immediately drawn out of Phocis and Locris Quintius sent Aminander King of the Athamans and to make a shew of an Embassy Q. Fabius his Sisters Son Q. Fulvius and Appius Claudius along with the Embassadors of the Allies When they came to Rome the Embassadors from the Allies were heard before those from the King Now the rest of their Speeches was spent in invectives against the King but they moved the Senate most of all by demonstrating the situation of the Sea and Land in that Country so far that it appeared to all of them That if the King were Master of Demetrias in Thessaly of Chalcis in Euboea and of Corinth in Achaia Greece could not be free and that Philip himself did not more contumeliously than truly call those Cities the Fetters of Greece Then the Kings Embassadors were admitted who at the beginning of a long Speech had this short question put to them Whether the King would quit those three Cities or no which interrupted them they denying that they had any Commission to answer to that particular point Thus were the Kings men dismissed without concluding of a Peace and Quintius had full power granted him to make either Peace or War as he thought good When therefore it sufficiently appear'd that the Senate were not weary of the War he himself also being more desirous of War than Peace would never grant Philip the favour of a Conference after that time nor admit of any Embassy but what should tell the Senate that Philips Forces were departed out of all Greece Philip seeing that he must needs fight for it and that he ought to muster up as much force as he could from all parts especially from the Cities of Achaia a Country far remote from Macedonia though he were yet more solicitous for Argos than Corinth he thought it his best course to let Nabis Tyrant of Lacedaemon have Argos in Trust as it were so as that he should restore it to him again if he happen'd to be Victorious but keep it himself if any thing happened contrary to his hopes or expectations In order whereunto he writes to Philocles who was Governour of Argos and Corinth to go and wait upon the Tyrant Accordingly Philocles besides that he carried a Present along with him added as a pledge of the future Friendship between the King and the Tyrants that the King had a mind to marry his Daughters to Nabis's Sons The Tyrant at first said He would not accept of that City on any other terms than that the Argives themselves by their Decree would send for him to the relief of their City But afterward when he heard that they in full Assembly not only despised but also abominated the very name of a Tyrant thinking with himself that he had got a sufficient reason now to pillage them He bad Philocles deliver the City into whose hands he pleas'd Thereupon in the night time when all people were secure the Tyrant was received into the City where at break of day he seiz'd all the chief places and shut the Gates Some few of the Nobility escaped upon the first commotion whose Fortunes were plundered in their absence and those that staid there had their gold and silver taken from them Great Impositions were laid upon the Inhabitants and those that paid their money readily were dismissed without any affront or corporal torture but those that were suspected to hide or keep back any thing were punished with all the severity that slaves could undergo After which he called an Assembly and proposed two Laws one for the remitting of old Debts and another for dividing of the Lands equally to each man his proportion which were two Firebrands to them that were studious in innovation to kindle and incense the Mobile against the Nobility Now when Argos was in the hands of Nabis the Tyrant never minding from whom or upon what condition he had received that City sent Embassadors to Quintius at Elatia and to Attalus who wintered at Aegina to tell them That Argos was now in his possession and that if Quintius would come thither to a conference he did not doubt but all things would go according to his mind Quintius that he might deprive Philip of that Garrison also having consented to come sent to Attalus to come from Aegina and meet him at Sicyon whilst he himself crossed over from Anticyra with ten five-bank'd Gallies which at that very time his Brother L. Quintius had by chance brought thither from their Winter Quarters at Corcyra to the same Port. Attalus was already there who by saying That the Tyrant ought to come to the Roman General not the Roman wait upon the Tyrant brought Quintius over to his opinion not to go into the very City of Argos Not far from the City there is a place called Mycenica in which they agreed to meet Quintius came with his Brother and some few Tribunes of the Soldiers Attalus with a Kingly retinue and Nicostratus Praetor or Chief Magistrate of the Achaeans with a small number of Auxiliaries There they found the Tyrant waiting for them with all his Forces and as he marched forth arm'd with a Guard about him almost into the middle of a plain that lay between them so Quintius with his Brother and two Tribunes and Attalus attended only by the Achaean Praetor and one of his Nobles came unarm'd to meet him The beginning of the Tyrants speech to them was an excuse that he should come to the Conference arm'd and with a Guard of armed Men about him when he saw the Roman General and
the King without Arms. For he said he did not fear them but the banish'd Argives that were under their Command Then when they began to talk of terms of friendship the Roman requir'd two things the one That he would make an end of the War with the Achaeans and the other That he would send Auxiliaries along with him against Philip. To which last thing he consented but instead of Peace with the Achaeans they had only a Truce granted them till the War with Philip should be made an end of There was also a Debate raised by King Attalus concerning Argos the King affirming that Nabis when Philocles had Knavishly betrayed the City to him as basely kept it and Nabis that he was sent for by the Argives themselves to defend them Thereupon the King requir'd that an Assembly of the Argives might be summoned to know the truth of that matter Nor did the Tyrant refuse it but the King said He ought to draw all his Guards out of the City and leave the Assembly free without any Lacedemonians mingled among them to declare what the Argives sentiments were To which the King reply'd That he would not so that this Debate came to no issue but they departed from the Conference the Tyrant giving the Roman six hundred Cretans and making a Truce between him and Nicostratus Praetor of the Achaeans for four months From thence Quintius went to Corinth and came up to the Gate with his Regiment of Cretans that Philocles the Governour of that City might see the Tyrant was revolted from Philip. Then Philocles himself also came to a Parley with the Roman General who advising him to go immediately and deliver up the City receiv'd such an Answer that he might perceive he had rather deferred it than that he denied the doing of it From Corinth Quintius went over to Anticyra and thence sent his Brother to make an attempt upon the Acarnanians Attalus went for Argos to Sicyon And there not only that City augmented the former honours which the King had with the addition of new ones but the King also besides that he had sometime before redeemed for them a piece of Land sacred to Apollo with the expence of a great summ of money at that time too lest he should pass by a City that was in amity and alliance with him without some mark of his munificence presented them with ten Talents of Silver and sixty thousand Bushels of Corn and so he went back to the Fleet at Cenchrea In the mean time Nabis having set a strong Guard upon Argos return'd to Lacedaemon where considering that he himself had sufficiently plundered the Men he sent his Wife to Argos to pillage the Women Accordingly she sending sometimes for the Ladies one by one and sometimes several of them that were related together to her House by Flatteries and threats got from them not only all their gold but at last all their Cloaths too and fine Attire DECADE IV. BOOK III. The EPITOME Tit. Quintius Flaminius the Pro-Consul made an end of the War with Philip whom he defeated in a pitched Battle at Cynocephalae in Thessaly L. Quintius the Pro-Consuls Brother admitted the Acarnans to a Surrender after he had taken Leucas their chief City C. Sempronius Tuditanus the Praetor was slain with his whole Army by the Celtiberians Attalus who by reason of his sudden indisposition was carried from Thebes to Pergamus died Peace was granted to Philip upon his request and liberty thereby given to all Greece L. Furius Purpureo and Claudius being Consuls subdued the Boii the Insubrians and the Gauls for which Marcellus triumphed Annibal having in vain endeavoured to raise a War in Africa for which he was accused to the Romans by Letters from the heads of the contrary Faction for fear of the Romans who had sent Embassadours to the Carthaginian Senate about that affair went over to Antiochus King of Syria who at that time was providing for a War against the Romans THese things passed in the Winter and in the beginning of the Spring Quintius having sent for Attalus to Elatia and being desirous to subdue Boeotia which to that time was in a wavering condition went through Phocis and pitched his Camp five thousand paces from Thebes which is the Metropolis of Boeotia From thence the next day with the Souldiers belonging to one Ensign Attalus and the Embassadors that were come to him in great numbers from all places he went forward toward the City commanding the Spearmen of that Legion which were two thousand to follow him at the distance of a thousand paces When he was about half way thither Antiphilus Praetor of the Boeotians met him the rest of the Inhabitants waiting to see him and the King come upon the City Walls There were but a small number of Arms and Souldiers in sight to attend them for the windings of the Roads and the Vales that lay between covered the Spearmen who came after When he was now come near to the City he slackened his pace as though he would salute the Company that came forth to meet him But the true reason of his so doing was that the Spearmen might overtake him The Townsmen since the Lictors drove the Crowd before them saw not the Body of armed men who immediately followed before they came to the Generals Inn. Then as though their City had been betrayed and taken by the contrivance of Antiphilus the Praetor they all stood amazed For it was manifest that the Boeotians had no room left for a free consultation in that Assembly which was appointed to be on the next day However they concealed their grief which to no purpose and not without some danger they must have shewn In the Assembly Attalus spoke first He began with what his Ancestors and he himself had deserv'd not only of all Greece in general but particularly of the Boeotians but being now more crazy and infirm than to endure the fatigue of making Speeches he stopt of a sudden and fell down Thereupon whilst they carried the King away the proceedings were interrupted After him Aristaenus Praetor of the Achaeans was heard with so much the more Authority in that he perswaded the Boeotians to nothing else but what he had formerly told the Achaeans Some few things were added by Quintius too who extolled the Roman integrity more than their Arms or Wealth Then a Bill which was preferred by the Dicaearch Chief-Justice of Plataeae and read concerning an Alliance to be made with the Romans was accepted and passed by the Votes of all the Cities of Boeotia none daring to oppose it Quintius having tarried at Thebes so long as Attalus's unexpected circumstances requir'd when he saw that there was no present danger of his Life but only of a weakness in his Limbs left him behind till he was well and returned to Elatia from whence he came Where having now made the Boeotians as the Achaeans formerly his Allies seeing he had all things secure and quiet behind him
fit with four thousand Foot and three hundred Horse of the Allies and Latines All which were order'd to go into those Provinces as soon as possible The War brake out in Spain five years after the Punick War and all commotions there had been once made an end of But before these Praetors went to the War which was almost a new one seeing the Spaniards then first took up Arms on their own heads without any Punick Army or General or that the Consuls stirr'd from the City they were order'd as it is the custom to take some care of the Prodigies which were related L. Julius Sequestris going into the Country of the Sabines was he and his Horse too struck dead with a Thunderbolt The Temple of Feronia in Capenas was burnt with Lightning at the Temple of Moneta the Heads of two Spears were on fire and a Wolf that came in at the Gate called Porta Esquilina the most populous part of all the City when he was come down into the Forum had escaped almost untouched out of the Vicus Tuscus the Tuscan-Street and Aequimelium through the Gate call'd Porta Capena These Prodigies were atoned for with the greater sort of Sacrifices At the same time Cn. Cornelius Lentulus who had been Governour of the hither Spain before Sempronius Tuditanus having enter'd the City Ovant i. e. with a lesser sort of triumph by order of Senate carried before him fifteen hundred and fifteen pound of gold twenty thousand pound of Silver with thirty four thousand five hundred and fifty pound of coined silver Deniers L. Stertinius though he did not so much as attempt to triumph brought into the Treasury out of the farther Spain fifty thousand pound of silver and out of the spoils made two Arches in the Beast-Market before the Temple of Fortune and of the Goddess call'd Mater Matuta and one in the Circus maximus great cirque or ring setting golden Ensigns upon the top of each of them These things past in the Winter Quintius at that time Winter'd in Athens of whom seeing the Allies demanded many things the Boeotians desir'd and obtain'd their request that those who were of their Nation and in Philips service might be restored to their own Country That they easily gained of Quintius not that he thought them worthy of such a kindness but because now that Antiochus was grown suspicious he ought to make all the interest he could in the several Cities for the Roman side But when the Captives were return'd it soon appear'd how little the Boeotians were obliged by it For they not only sent Messengers to Philip to give him thanks for the restitution of their men as if he and not Quintius or the Romans had deliver'd them but likewise in the next publick Assembly that they had they made one Brachyllas Captain General of all Boeotia for no other reason than that he had been Colonel of those Boeotians that fought under Philip passing Zeuxippus Pisistratus and others who had been promoters of an Alliance with the Romans That these men not only took very ill at present but were afraid also for the time to come when they saw such things done even now whilst the Roman Army sate just at their Gates what would become of them when the Romans were gone into Italy if Philip were so near to assist his Allies and plague all others of a contrary party Wherefore whilst they had the Roman Arms so near them they resolv'd to take off Brachyllas the chief of all the Kings Faction And having taken a convenient opportunity for it as he came home again drunk from a publick Feast attended by a parcel of effeminate Fellows who for mirth sake had been at the same place he was set upon by six men in Arms of which three were of Italian Extract and three Aetolians and kill'd His Company ran away and upon an outcry which they made there was a great tumult all over the City of people running up and down with lights in their hands But the Murderers escaped at the next Gate At break of day there was a full Assembly summon'd by the Cryer into the Theatre as though some discovery had been made who were the Assassinates But it was openly declared there that he was kill'd by his own Company and those obscene Fellows that were about him though in their minds they design'd to make Zeuxippus Author of the murder Notwithstanding at present they thought fit to get them laid hold on that had been with him and examine them first Who whilst they were upon their Tryal Zeuxippus coming into the Assembly with the same intention to purge himself of that imputation said they were mightily in the wrong who thought that such effeminate Fellows could be guilty of so barbarous a murder And having argued very much to that purpose he made some people believe that if he had been guilty he never would have exposed himself to the Mobile nor have mention'd any murder when no body provoked him to it though others did not doubt but that by offering himself so freely and impudently speaking of it first he had a mind to obviate the suspition of his being guilty The innocent Wretches who not long after were tortur'd knowing how all the people stood affected made use of their sentiments for a discovery and named Zeuxippus and Pisistratus without giving any reason why they should be thought to know any thing of it Yet Zeuxippus fled with one Stratonidas in the night time to Tanagra standing in fear more of his own Conscience than the information of such men as knew nothing of the matter Pisistratus despising the Evidence staid at Thebes Zeuxippus had a Servant who was his confident and instrument in all the whole affair who Pisistratus so much fear'd would turn Informer that by his very fear he made him so He sent a Letter to Zeuxippus to take off his Servant who was conscious of their crimes for he did not think him so fit to keep counsel as he was to do the business Now he that carried this Letter was order'd to deliver it as soon as possible to Zeuxippus but he because he could not readily come to speech with Zeuxippus deliver'd it to that very Servant whom he believed to be of all others the most faithful to his Master telling him it came from Pisistratus concerning a thing that mightily concern'd Zeuxippus The Servant being smitten in Conscience said he would deliver it presently but open'd it and having read it over ran in a fright to Thebes Whereupon Zeuxippus being concern'd at his mans running away in that manner went to Athens as a place more secure for a person in banishment Pisistratus was put upon the Rack and to some torment whereby he was punish'd for his fault That murder incensed all the Thebans and Boeotians into an execrable hatred of the Romans That Zeuxippus one of the chief Men in their Nation should be guilty of such an action But they had neither strength nor
check upon Peloponnesus when the Roman Armies were carried away into Italy Greece would be freed from Philip to no purpose at all for instead of a King that lived a great way off it would have a neighbouring Tyrant to be its Lord and Master When the Senate heard this not only from grave Authors but men that spoke of their own knowledge whatever brought the King into Syria they thought fit first to hasten the consultation touching the Tyrant And when they had a long time debated whether there was yet reason enough that T. Quintius should be appointed to mannage the matter as to Nabis of Lacedemon they gave him liberty to do what he thought best for the Common-wealths interest because they supposed it to be such an affair as whether hasten'd or delay'd would not prove of any great moment to the main concern of Rome but that they ought rather to observe what Annibal and the Carthaginians were like to do if they should have a War with Antiochus Those of the Faction contrary to Annibal wrote several Letters to the great men of Rome who were their particular Friend to inform them That there were Messengers and Letters sent from Annibal to Antiochus and that Embassadours came privately to him from the King That he like some wild Beasts would never be tamed so savage and implacable was that mans mind That he complain'd the City of Carthage was enfeebled by sloth ease and want of imployment nor could be rowzed up to their former activity without the clashing of Arms. The remembrance of the former War which was carried on as well as first raised by him alone made all this probable not but that he had also exasperated the spirits of a great many Noblemen too by what he had lately done The Judges of Carthage at that time bore the Sovereign sway and that chiefly for this reason because they were perpetual The Estate Credit and Life of every man was in their power and he that had one of that rank had all of them against him Nor was there any accusers wanting before those angry Judges But whilst they exercised this their Tyrannical and Arbitrary Power for they did not use it like Citizens Annibal being chosen Praetor call'd the Questor to him though the Questor valu'd not the Summons as being of the contrary Faction besides that considering men were made Judges the most powerful Order of Citizens that had been Questors he was proud to think what a mighty Fellow he should shortly be But Annibal taking it for an affront sent an Officer to seize the Questor and bringing him into the publick Assembly accused not him more than the whole Order of Judges through whose Pride and Riches there was in effect neither Laws nor Magistrates and observing that the people were pleased to hear him for their Pride and Tyranny was grievous even to the meanest of the Citizens he immediately proposed and carried a Law That the Judges should be chosen every year and that no man should continue in that office two years together But what good will he gain'd among the Commonalty by so doing he lost with great part of the Nobility He likewise did another thing which though it were for the publick good procur'd him a great many Enemies The publick Revenues were partly through negligence decay'd and partly made a prey and a dividend to some of the great men and Magistrates besides that the money which was to be paid every year to the Romans toward maintaining their Armies was then lacking so that private men were in danger of an heavy Tax Annibal therefore having learnt what the Revenues were both by Sea and Land and upon what occasions they were laid out together with how much of them the ordinary expences of the Common-wealth came to and what they were cheated of in the publick accounts he declar'd in the Assembly and made his words good That if the remainder of the publick stock were collected though the Tax upon private persons were remitted the Common-wealth would be rich enough to pay their tribute to the Romans But then those who had lived for several years upon cheating the publick as though their own goods had been taken from them and not what they had stoln out of the Exchequer extorted out of their hands being incens'd and angry instigated the Romans who had themselves a mind to find some ground for a quarrel with him against Annibal Wherefore though Scipio Africanus were for a long time against such proceedings because he thought it did not consist with the dignity of the Roman People to favour their animosities and accusations against Annibal or to interpose their publick authority between the Carthaginian Factions nor to be content to have conquer'd Annibal unless like Informers they swore Calumnies against him and call'd his honour in question yet they at last so far prevailed as to get Embassadors sent to Carthage who before the Senate there might prove that Annibal conspired with King Antiochus about raising of a War There were three Embassadors sent whose names were C. Servilius M. Claudius Marcellus and Q. Terentius Culleo who when they came thither by advice of Annibals Enemies asking the reason of their Embassy bid them give out that they came to decide the controversies between Masinissa King of Numidia and the Carthaginians That report was generally believed but Annibal knew well enough that he was the only man whom the Romans aimed at and that the Carthaginians had a Peace granted them on no other account but that they should maintain an irreconcileable War against him Wherefore he resolved to give way both to the times and to Fortune and having before-hand prepared all things for his escape he came that day into the Forum or Market-place to avoid suspition but assoon as it was dark in a Lawyers habit got out at the Gate with two men to attend him that knew nothing of his design His Horses being ready at the place appointed he past in the night by a certain Region of the Volan Territories and the next day in the Morning came to his own Tower between Acholla and Thapsus There a Ship prepared and furnished with Oars for a Voyage took him in and so Annibal left Africa but pitied his Country more than himself That day he arrived at the Isle Cercina Where finding in that Port certain Merchant Men with Wares on board of them who came and saluted him at his landing seeing they enquired what his business was that way he bad his Men tell them He was going Embassador to Tyre But fearing lest any of those Ships setting out in the Night should carry the News to Achola or Thapsus that they had seen him at Cercina he ordered a sacrifice to be prepared and the Masters of the Ships with the Merchants to be invited to the Feast as also that his Men should borrow all the sails and sail yards out of the several Ships to make a Tent upon the Shoar which
when we admired how he got such variety of Venison at that time of Year the man not so vain as these persons are smiling said that by several sorts of Sawces and wayes of dressing all that variety of counterfeit Venison was made of a tame Swine The same might be fitly said of the Kings Forces that were just then so much boasted of For all those several sorts of Arms and the many names of Nations unheard of as Dahae Medes Cadusians and Elymaeans were all Syrians more fit to be Slaves than Souldiers upon the score of their servile inclinations And I wish Achaeans I could lay before your Eyes this great Kings hasty march from Demetrias one while to Lamia into the Council of the Aetolians and anon to Chalcis You should see the quantity of two small Legions and those not compleat neither in the Kings Camp you should see the King one while almost begging Corn of the Aetolians to give to his Souldiers and anon borrowing money at Use to pay his Army another time standing at the Gates of Chalcis and by and by excluded thence and having seen nothing else but Aulis and Euripus returning into Aetolia Truly not only Antiochus did ill to believe the Aetolians and the Aetolians to hearken to his vanity and therefore you ought not to be deceived but to trust and rely upon the Romans honour and Friendship which you have so often experienced and throughly tryed For whereas they say 't is best for you not to intermeddle in the War nothing is so contrary and foreign to your interest or advantage for without any thanks on either side and without any honour too you will be the prey of them that conquer Nor did his Answer seem absurd to either party besides that it was easy for his Speech to find a favourable Entertainment with them who were willing to hear it For there was no dispute or doubt but they would all look upon those to be either Friends or Enemies to the Achaeans whom the Roman People so esteemed and would order a War to be proclaimed against Antiochus and the Aetolians They likewise presently sent Auxiliaries whither Quintius thought fit of five hundred men to Chalcis and five hundred to Piraeeus For there was like to be an Insurrection at Athens by means of some who through hopes of reward endeavour'd to draw the Mobile with money for which they are apt to sell themselves and their Country too over to Antiochus till Quintius was sent for by those of the Roman Party and upon the information of one Leon Apollodorus Author of their Revolt was condemn'd and banish'd Thus did the Embassadours return from the Achaeans to the King with a sad Answer The Boeotians gave no positive Answer only said that when Antiochus was come into Boeotia then they would deliberate what to do Antiochus hearing that both the Achaeans and King Eumenes had sent to the Garison of Chalcis supposed it his best way to make what hast he could not only that his men might come thither before them but that if possible they might meet them on the way and therefore sent Menippus with about three thousand Souldiers and all his Fleet to Polyxenida marching himself in a few dayes after with six thousand of his own men and of that number which could be raised on a sudden at Lamia not very many Aetolians The five hundred Achaeans a small aid who were sent by King Eumenes under the Command of Xenoclides a Chalcidese having got safe over the Euripus before the wayes were beset arrived at Chalcis And the Roman Souldiers too who were themselves also about five hundred whilst Menippus lay incamped before Salganea came to Hermaeum whence you pass over out of Boeotia into the Island of Euboea Mictio was with them in quality of an Embassadour from Chalcis to Quintius being sent to desire that very Garison Who when he saw the Streights possess'd by the Enemy went no farther toward Aulis but turn'd toward Delium with a resolution from thence to cross over into Euboea Delium is a Temple of Apollo lying upon the Sea five thousand paces from Tanagra And about four thousand paces from thence there is a passage over the Sea into the nearest parts of Euboea Where both in the Temple and the Grove which are as sacred as those places which the Greeks call Asyla i. e. Sanctuaries and before either any War was proclaimed or so far begun that the Romans had ever heard of drawn Swords or any bloodshed as their Souldiers who had nothing else to do were some of them gazing upon the Temple and the Grove others walking without their Arms upon the Beach and great part of them gone into the Fields to get Wood and Forage Menippus set upon them on a sudden as they were stragling about and kill'd them taking fifty alive Some few of them escaped among whom Mictio was one being taken on Board a small Merchant Man This accident as it was a vexation to Quintius and the Romans upon the score of their having lost so many men so it seemed to give them some farther right to make War against Antiochus Antiochus having brought his Armour to Aulis and sent Envoys a second time partly of his own men and partly Aetolians to Chalcis to treat of the same things that they had lately done but with greater menaces prevailed with ease notwithstanding all that Mictio and Xenoclides could do to the contrary to have the Gates open'd unto him Those that were of the Roman Party went out of the City a little before the Kings coming whilst the Achaeans and Eumenes's men kept at Salganea And in Euripus some few Roman Souldiers fortified the Castle for security Menippus began to attack Salganea and the King himself the Castle of Euripus Whereupon the Achaeans and Eumenes's men having first contracted for their safe departure march'd out of their Garison but the Romans defended Euripus with more resolution And yet they too since they were besieged both by Sea and Land and saw the Enemy bringing Engines and all Warlike Instruments together could not hold out the Siege Now when the King had got that which was the chief place in all Euboea the other Cities of that Island did not refuse to submit unto him Which made him think he had begun the War very fortunately seeing so great an Island as that and so many convenient Cities were now become subject to him DECADE IV. BOOK VI. The EPITOME 19 20. Manlus Acilius Glabrio being Consul with the assistance of King Philip conquer'd Antiochus at Thermopylae and drew him out of Greece c. 34. He also subdued the Aetolians 36. P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica dedicated the Temple of Cybele whom he had brought into the Palace being judg'd by the Senate to be the best man in the City 38 39 40. He likewise accepted of a Surrender made by the Boil in Gaul whom he conquer'd and triumph'd over them 44. Gives an account of several prosperous Sea-fights
the Assembly was held for chusing of Praetors and into that office were put C. Decimius Flavus P. Sempronius Longus P. Cornelius Cethegus Q. Naevius Matho C. Sempronius Blaesus and A. Terentius Varro These things were done that year wherein Ap. Claudius and M. Sempronius were Consuls In the beginning of the next year wherein P. Claudius and L. Porcius were Consuls after that Q Caecilius M. Baebius and T. Sempronius who were sent to decide the Controversies U. C. 566 between Philip Eumenes and the Cities of Thessaly had given an account of their Embassy they introduced the Embassadours also of those Kings and Cities into the Senate Thereupon the same things were again repeated that had been said before the Embassadours in Greece And then the Senate order'd another new Embassy into Macedonia and Greece of which Ap. Claudius was the head to see whether the Cities were restored to the Rhodians Thessalians and Perraebians They were likewise order'd to see the Garisons drawn out of Aenus and Maronea and that all the Sea Coast of Thrace were deliver'd from Philip and the Macedonians They were also commanded to go into Peloponnesus from whence the former Embassy had departed and left things more unsetled than if they had never come thither For among other things they were also dismiss'd without an Answer nor were they upon their request admitted to have an Audience of the Achaean Council Of which Q. Cecilius making great complaint and the Lacedaemonians lamenting at the same time that their Walls were pull'd down that their commmon people were carry'd away into Achaia and sold and that Lycurgus 's Laws by which their City had been till that day upheld were taken from them the Achaeans said most in excuse for having deny'd the Embassadours admission to their Council reciting a Law which forbad any Council to be summon'd unless it were upon the score of Peace or War or when Embassadours came from the Senate with Letters or other written Commissions or Messages But that that might be no excuse for the future the Senate shew'd them that they ought to take care that the Roman Embassadours might always have the freedom of coming to the Council of their Nation as they themselves whenever they would had admission into the Senate at Rome These Embassies being dismiss'd Philip when he heard that he must quit the Cities and draw forth his Garisons was incens'd against them all but vented his Anger chiefly upon the Maronites Wherefore he commanded Onomastus who was Governour of the Sea-Coast to kill all the heads of the contrary Faction And accordingly he having got a Company of Thracians into the Town in the night time by means of one Cassander a Subject of the Kings that had lived a great while at Maronea made such a slaughter as though he had taken the City in War Now therefore when the Roman Embassadours complain'd that he should shew himself so cruel to the innocent Maronites and so insolent to the Roman People as to kill them to whom the Senate had thought fit to restore their liberty he said that business did not at all concern either himself or any of his Subjects But that they fell out among themselves whilst some of them were for delivering the City up to him and others to Eumenes Which they might easily know if they would but ask the Maronites as being well assur'd that since they were all so much consternated at the late slaughter which was made in their Town never a man of them would dare to open his mouth Appius said They ought not to make any question of a thing that was so plain But if he would acquit himself from the charge he ought to send Onomastus and Cassander by whom the thing was said to be committed to Rome that the Senate might examine them That saying of his at first so disturbed the King that his colour went and came nor could he keep his Countenance But soon after having recover'd himself he said that if they pleas'd he would send Cassander who had been at Maronea But what had Onomastus to do with the matter who had not been not only at Maronea but so much as in the adjacent Country For he not only was tender of Onomastus who was a great Favourite of his own but likewise was much more afraid lest he should turn Informer because as he had himself contrived the thing with him so he had formerly imploy'd him in many such designs Cassander too is thought to have been poyson'd by men that were sent after him through Epirus lest he should make any discovery So the Embassadors went away from the Conference with Philip in such a manner that they shew'd They were not pleas'd with any thing that he had said and Philip not doubting but that he must of necessity renew the War yet because his strength was not yet ripe for such an affair to cause a delay resolv'd to send Demetrius his younger Son to Rome not only to clear him of the crimes laid to his charge but also to mitigate the Senates displeasure being pretty confident that the youth himself too who when he was an Hostage at Rome had given some proof of his Princely Genius would do something or other to purpose In the mean time under pretence of assisting the Byzantians but indeed to terrifie the petit Kings of Thrace he went into those parts and having defeated them in one Battel in which he took their General Amodocus he returned into Macedonia having sent before-hand to sollicite the Barbarians that inhabit near the River Ister to make an irruption into Italy By this time the Roman Embassadors that were ordered to go out of Macedonia into Achaia were expected against whom that they might have their Ensigns all ready laid Lycortas their State-holder appointed a Council In which they discours'd concerning the Lacedemonians saying That they of Enemies were become their Accusers and that there was danger that they might be more dreadful now they were conquer'd than when they were yet engaged in the War For in the War the Achaeans had made use of the Romans as their Allies but that now the same Romans were more favourable to the Lacedemonians than to the Achaeans since even Areus and Alcibiades both banish'd Persons that had been restored by their means had undertaken an Embassy to Rome against the Nation of the Achaeans which had so well deserv'd of them and had inveigh'd so much against them that they seem'd still to be in exile and not restored Thereupon they all cry'd out There should be a report made concerning those persons in particular and so since all things were carryed with heat and not with judgment they were condemned to dye Some few Days after the Roman Embassadors came and had a Council summon'd to give them audience at Clitor in Arcadia But before they did any thing the Achaeans were afraid and thought how unequal the debate was like to be for that they saw Areus and Alcibiades
thence as from an unexhaustible Fountain The remainder of his Speech was by way of perswasion My Lords I relate not these things said he from the mouth of uncertain Fame or a greedy desire to beâ—ieve or wish that the truth of ill things should be prov'd upon my Enemy but on my own knowledge and experience in the same manner as if I had been sent a spy to report to you the things I saw nor would I have left my own Kingdom and the share of glory which by your benignity I possess to pass so vast a Sea to bring you trifling Tales to forfeit your esteem I have survey'd the noblest Cities of Asia as well as Greece discovering daily their intentions in which if they should be suffer'd to proceed they would not have it in their power to retrieve their safety by repentance I have observed how Perseus not contented within the limits of Macedonia sometimes by force of Arms sometimes by favour and benevolence obtains those Countries he ne'r could get by Conquest I have weigh'd the unequal conditions whilst he prepareth War on you and you perform the terms of Peace with him although it appears no less to me than his being already in actual Hostility Adrupolis your Friend he hath driven from his Kingdom Artetarus the Illyrian another of your Allies he slew because he found he had written Letters unto you Eversa and Callicrates Thebans and Princes of that City because in the Boeotian Council they spoke something too freely against him declaring they would relate to you those proceedings he commanded they should be put to death He sent Auxiliaries to the Bizantines contrary to agreement He made War on Dolopia invaded Thessaly and Doris and subdu'd them both that in civil War by the help of the stronger side he might afflict and trouble the other He made a mixture and confusion of all things in Thessaly and Perroebia hoping thereby to cancel Book-Debts and other accounts by which releasing Debtors from their Engagements he oblig'd them to assist him in oppressing their Creditors and principal Officers While this is doing you quietly look on your suffering him to act these things in Greece without controul makes him presume that not a man will dare to arm himself to oppose his passage into Italy how this consisteth with your honour and safety is not for me to judge it was my duty as your Friend and Ally to prevent your being surpriz'd in Italy by Perseus And now having perform'd this necessary Office and in some measure acquitted my self as became my fidelity what more remains but that I pray the Gods and Goddesses you may protect your own Republick and defend your Allies that depend upon you This Oration extreamly mov'd the Fathers but for the present none knew more than that the King had been before the Senate so silent were they all but the War being finish'd both the Kings Speech and the Senates Answer were divulg'd Some few dayes after the Senate gave Audience to Perseus's Embassadours but being prepossess'd by King Eumenes their defence and supplications were rejected the fierce deportment of Harpalus the chief Embassadour did not a little exasperate the Senate who endeavour'd to perswade them to credit the Apology of his Master that he never acted any thing tending to Hostility but if he perceiv'd they came upon him in this manner seeking occasions of War he resolv'd to defend himself with courage for the hazard of the Field was common and the event of War uncertain All the Cities of Greece and Asia were extreamly solicitous to know the proceedings of Perseus's Embassadours and King Eumenes with the Senate for upon his coming most of the States supposing he might occasion some commotion had sent their Embassadours to Rome speciously pretending other affairs Among others there was an Embassy from the Rhodians the chief of which was Satyrus who doubted not but that Eumenes had join'd the crimes of his City with those of Perseus and therefore by interest of his Patrons and Friends he had obtain'd leave to debate their business with the King before the Senate wherein he invey'd against Eumenes with too much heat upbraiding him for his fomenting Wars between the Lycians and the Rhodians and that he had been a greater Enemy to Asia than Antiochus This Oration was well receiv'd by those of Asia who began already to incline to Perseus but it prov'd not so with the Senate nor was it in the least advantagious to their City but on the contrary these Conspiracies against Eumenes rais'd his estimation with the Romans still increasing their honours and gifts upon him presenting him a Chariot of State with a Staff and Scepter of Ivory These Embassies being dispatch'd Harpalus returns with all speed into Macedonia and tells the King That he had left the Romans making no preparations as yet for War but so offended it easily appeared they would not long defer it nor was Perseus displeased with this relation relying on the valour of his Souldiers But of all others he hated Eumenes most with whose bloud he laid the foundation of the War for suborning one Evander a Candiot and Captain of some Auxiliaries and with him three Macedonians accustom'd to such actions to kill the King He gave them Letters to one Praxo an Hostess of great esteem and wealth among the Delphians being well assured Eumenes would be at Delphis to Sacrifice to Apollo These Traytors with Evander watched all opportunities to execute their design in the passage where men ascend from Cirrha to the Temple before they come to the place frequented with the usual concourse of the people there stood on the lest of the path a Mud-Wall or Bank arising a little above the foundation by which one at once could only pass for on the right hand the Earth was fallen down and a breach made of a great depth behind this Bank the Traytors hid themselves and rais'd some steps like stairs that from above as from the top of a Wall they might discharge their Treason on the King Before him coming from the Sea there march'd his Friends and Guards disorderly mixt when the way grew streight and narrow his train by degrees waxt thinner but when they came to the place where they could not go but one by one Pantaleon an Aetolian Prince with whom the King was then ingaged in some Discourse enter'd first that narrow passage immediately the Traytors roll'd two mighty stones upon the King one fell upon his head the other on his shoulder the people seeing Eumenes fail confusedly deserted him Pantaleon only had the Courage to stay and relieve the King The Traytors by a short compass about the Wall might soon have reach'd the place where the King lay and finish'd what they had begun but supposing the deed was done they fled to the top of Parnassus with that hast that they kill'd one of their Companions being unable to keep pace with them through that steep and craggy Mountain lest
prefer'd by those who were no less theirs than his Enemies for no other cause but that he alwayes preserv'd a constant fidelity to the Romans The Senate having heard both their Allegations Commanded this Answer to be return'd to the demands of the Carthaginians That Gulussa should immediately return to Numidia that his Father might soon after send Embassadours to answer those complaints of the Carthaginians and that the Carthaginians should also have notice given them to come and debate the business If any thing should be in their power to express their honour for Massinissa they would be as ready to perform it for the future as they heretofore had always been That affection did not sway their Justice desirous that every one should possess their own they were unwilling to prescribe new limits but rather exhort to observance of the old that since the Conquest of the Carthaginians they had given them Cities and Possessions not that those things should be torn away in Peace by private injuries which never could be taken from them by a lawful War Thus the young Prince with the Carthaginians after they had receiv'd their Presents and the usual Ceremonies were dismist About the same time Cn. Servilius Caepio Ap. Claudius Cento T. Annius Lascus Embassadours sent into Macedonia to demand restitution and to renounce the Friendship of that King return'd to Rome The relation they gave of what they had there seen and heard added fuell to that Fire which had already inflam'd the Senate against King Perseus They observ'd through all the Cities of Macedonia open preparation for War after they had attended many dayes without admission at length despairing of their access to the King prepar'd for their departure but were recall'd from their Journey which was already begun to receive their Audience the intent of their Oration was to remind him of the League contracted with Philip and confirm'd by himself since his Fathers Death wherein he was prohibited to make War on any of the Roman Confederates then they recounted the whole particulars of that Declaration themselves had heard from King Eumenes who openly asserted the truth of those things he reported on his own knowledge moreover that the King had held a secret Consultation with Embassadours from the Asiatick Cities In regard of which injuries the Senate thought it just he should restore to them and their Confederates those things he had unjustly taken from them and contrary to the Covenants of their League The hearing of these matters greatly incens'd the King his passion transported him into revilings often reproaching the Romans for their Avarice and Insolency and esteem'd their Embassadours which came so fast upon him no otherwise than Spies to watch his words and actions they thinking it necessary that all his measures should be receiv'd from them After he had finish'd this fierce Speech he commanded them to repair to him again the next day and they should receive his Answer in writing then he deliver'd them a Paper wherein he affirm'd That the League his Father had sign'd had no force at all on him if he suffer'd it to be renew'd it proceeded not from his approbation but because he was newly possess'd of his Kingdom he was compell'd to endure all things But if they were desirous of a new Confederacy it was requisite a capitulation were made concerning the conditions should they be induc'd to accept of reasonable Proposals yet he thought it necessary first considerately to weigh his own advantages as he doubted not but they would well consult those of their Republick and thus he abruptly left them they immediately withdrawing themselves from the Palace Whereupon according to our Commission we abandon'd his Friendship and Alliance which made him return upon us in great fury and with a loud Voice commanded us within three dayes to leave his Kingdom In fine they accordingly forthwith departed having found but an inhospitable Entertainment during the whole time of their aboad When they had finish'd this Relation the Aetolian Embassadours receiv'd their Audience The Senate that they might forthwith understand what Commanders were to be imploy'd by the Common-wealth dispatch'd their Letters to the Consuls that one of them should hasten to Rome to the Election of new Magistrates No action worthy commemorating was done that year by the Consuls The Republick esteem'd it more expedient to suppress and appease the exasperated Ligurians The Issean Embassadours considering the expectation of the Macedonian War gave no small occasion to suspect Gentius King of the Illyrians complaining he had twice over-run their Country that the Macedonians and Illyrians unanimously prepared to make War upon the Romans and that the Illyrian were then at Rome disguis'd under a specious Embassy but sent thither by Perseus's instigation to observe their motions The Illyrians being sent for before the Senate declared their business there was to obviate such accusations which their Master suspected might be brought against him by the Isseans It was urged why they did not present themselves to the Magistrate in order to receive the usual Ceremonies of the City and the appointment of their Appartments that their coming and their business might both be publick but hesitating in their reply it was commanded them to leave the Court not deserving an Answer as became Embassadours who had not offer'd themselves as such before the Senate determining rather to dispatch Embassadours to the King to advise him which of his Associates had complain'd against for committing outrages on their Territories and to animadvert the injustice of those injuries offer'd their Confederates A. Terentius Varro C. Pletorius and C. Cicereius were employed in this Embassy Those Embassadours sent to visit the Confederate Princes returning from Asia reported they saw Eumenes there Antiochus in Syria and in Alexandria they confer'd with Ptolomy All which had been solicited by sundry Embassies from Perseus but still continued firm in their fidelity to the Romans and assur'd them to perform whatever should be commanded them They had also visited the associate Cities finding them all except the Rhodians who began to stagger having too deeply imbibed the poysonous perswasions of Perseus thoroughly stedfast to their interest The Rhodian Embassadours were now at Rome to obviate those crimes they knew were publickly alledg'd against their City but the Senate would not allow them Audience before the new Consuls were initiated into their Consulships The War was now determin'd C. Licinius the Praetor was order'd to draw from the Docks as many Gallies as should be necessary for that Expedition and also to fit out a Fleet of fifty Ships of War but if he could not equip so many to send to C. Memmius his Collegue to rig out those Ships as were in Sicily and immediately transport them to Brundusium He was also commanded to muster as many of the Roman Citizens and Enfranchis'd Bondmen as might serve in five and twenty Ships C. Licinius was also Commissioned to raise a proportionable number out of the Latine
Allies for the like Service and likewise to charge them with eight thousand Foot and three hundred Horse A. Attilius who had been Praetor the preceding year was chosen to receive those Forces at Brundusium and to conduct them into Macedonia Cn. Sicinius the Praetor was appointed to put the Army in readiness to be transported C. Licinius the Praetor was directed to send to C. Popilius the Consul a Commission to command the second Legion which had been longest employ'd in Liguria and consisted of the most experienc'd Souldiers together with four thousand Foot and two hundred Horse out of the Latine Allies and to be in readiness at Brundusium on the Ides of February With this Fleet and Army Cn. Sicinius was commanded to keep the Macedonian Province until another was appointed to succeed him and to this purpose his command was continued for a year longer All which directions of the Senate were managed with great vigour and celerity thirty eight Gallies were drawn from the Docks which were conducted by L. Porcius Licinius to Brundusium twelve were sent from Sicily Sex Digitius T. Juventius and M. Caecilius were sent Embassadours into Apulia and Calabria to buy Provisions for the Fleet and Army Thus all things being fully adjusted Cn. Sicinius departing from the City in his Warlike Accoutrements arrived at Brundusium About the end of that year C. Popilius the Consul came to Rome something later than the Senate had ordain'd who considering the approach of so great a War drew near commanded him to hasten to the Election of new Magistrates Therefore when the Consul in the Temple of Bellona rehears'd his Exploits in Liguria the Fathers instead of applauding the Relation reprov'd him for not restoring to their former Liberties those Ligurians that had been oppress'd by the Tyranny of his Brother The twelfth day before the Calends of March was held according to the Edicts the Election of the Consuls wherein P. Licinius Crassus and C. Cassius Longius were created The following day Caius Sulpitius Galba L. Furius Philus L. Camilius Dives C. Lucretius Gallus C. Caninius Rubutius and L. Villius Annalis were Elected Praetors to these Praetors the Provinces were thus assign'd two of them were to administer the Laws in Rome three to have the Government of the Spanish Sicilian and Sardinian Provinces the other was reserv'd for such affairs as the Senate should have occasion to imploy him in The elected Consuls were commanded to celebrate the day of their inauguration with Sacrifices and Prayers that the gods would be auspicious to the War the Roman People were now preparing The same day the Senate decreed That C. Popillius should offer Vows that if the Republick continued for ten years in the same state ten dayes sports should be dedicated to Jupiter and gifts devoted to all the Shrines the Consul accordingly exhibited those Vows in the Capitol and that the donations should be perform'd to what value the Senate should propose this was pronounc'd in the presence of an hundred and fifty people and Lepidus the chief Priest recorded the Vow This year dyed these Priests of quality L. Aemilius Pappus one of the Decemviri or Priests of the holy Rites and Q. Fulvius Flaccus the chief Priest who had been Censor the year before This man had but an ill end news having been brought him of his two Sons who had serv'd in the Illyrick Wars that one was lately dead and the other labouring under a dangerous distemper this report so opprest his mind with grief and fear that his Servants entering his Bedchamber in the Morning found him hang'd It was the common opinion he had not been Compos sui since his Censorship that Juno Lacinia angry at the spoil he committed on her Temple had depriv'd him of his right mind M. Valerius Messala succeeded the Decemvir Aemilius Cneus Domitius Aenobarbus the chief Priest Fulvius too young a man for such a Function That year P. Licinius and C. Cassius were Consuls not only the City of Rome with the whole Country of Italy but all the European and Asiatick Princes and Cities had converted their minds on the prospect of the War between the Romans and Macedonians Eumenes was urged by a double stimulation as well the core of his old hatred as the late treachery at Delphis wherein he had almost fallen a Victim to Perseus's rage Prusias King of Bithynia resolv'd to stand neuter and attend the issue esteeming it unjust to bear Arms for the Romans against the Brother of his Wife by whose intercession he doubted not if Perseus prov'd Victoricus to obtain his pardon Ariates King of the Cappadocians besides the promise he had made to aid the Romans on his own account since the time his Alliance with Eumenes shar'd with him in all his Counsels both of Peace and War Antiochus bent his purposes on the Kingdom of Aegypt despising the Kings Childhood and insufficiency of his Guardians resolved to renew his pretensions to Coelosyria supposing to manage this War without impediment while the Romans were busied about that of Macedonia contrary to the large promises he had made the Senate Ptolomy the young King of Aegypt in regard of his youth was wholly at the disposal of others His Protectors not only made preparations to oppose Antiochus in Coelosyria but likewise assur'd the Romans to assist them against the Macedonians Massinissa King of the Numidians purposed to furnish the Romans with Corn and that his Son Misagenes should attend them in that service with an Auxiliary of Elephants however he took those measures to provide for himself against both Fortunes if Victory declar'd for Rome his affairs would not be at all advanc'd or in a better posture than before nor would they ever suffer him to exercise his Arms against the Carthaginians But if the Roman greatness fell who then could protect the Carthaginians or hinder the subduing all Africa under his subjection Gentius King of Illyria had given the Romans occasion of suspition rather than a demonstration which part he would join with and that if he declared for either it would proceed more from the impetuosity of his temper than a mature result Cotys the Thracian King of the Odrysians openly appear'd for Macedonia These were the inclinations of the Kings concerning the War the generality of the common people almost thorough all the liberal Nations leaning as they usually do to the baser side inclin'd their affections towards the Macedonians but one might easily perceive the Nobility to be differently affected some therefore with great eagerness joined with the Romans by which immoderate favour they impair'd their authority at home few being induc'd by the justice of the Roman Government but rather with an opinion that the more vigorous they appear'd for them the more should they encrease their power in their own Cities On the Kings side were three sorts the first whereof were of profuse Court-Flatterers who being too deeply involv'd in credits of others and desperate in their own
ii 56. Land no man to hold above five hundred Acres vi 35. Lands assigned in satisfaction to such as had contributed to the publick xxxi 13. Larentia the Wife of Faustulus and Romulus s Nurse was a common Prostâ—â—ute and therefore called Lupa a shâ—-Wolf i. 4. T. Lartius the fiâ—st D ctaâ—or ii 18. Latines the Trojans that came into Italy called so as well as the ancient Inhabitants ii 5. The Latines and Volscans overcame vi 32. Peace is granted them upon their request vii 12. They contrive again to war with the Romans viii 3. but are overcome and yield themselves to Torquatus the Consul 10 11. Latine Holy-days v. 17 19. xxi 63. xxii 1. xxxviii 44. Latine Language upon the request of the Cumans leave is given them to speak Latine and use it in their Records and Proceedings at Law xl 42. Laws are the only thing that can unite a multitude into one body i. 8. They are deaf and inexorable ii 3. Laws of the ten Tables first promulgated iii. 34. Two more Tables added 37. Which twelve Tables are the Fountain of all publick and private Justice ibid. The said Laws of the twelve Tribes are order'd to be engraven in Brass and publickly exposed 57. Plebeian Laws iii. 31. Laws Royal vi 1. Sacred Laws iii. 32. Laws must be obeyed iv 14. even by the highest Persons xxxviii 50. None anciently durst accommodate the Interpretation of a Law or an Oath to his own private fancy or advantage iii. 20. The manner of examining of Laws publickly 34. Of Laws some are mutable some immutable xxxiv 6. Particular Laws for creating a Dictator ii 18. That no Magistrate should be made without Appeal iii. 55. The same confirm'd x. 9 The Sacred Law made in the Holy Mount and sworn to by all the people ii 33. iii. 32. iv 26. A Law that whoever should offer violence to the Tribunes of the Commons the Aedâ—â—es judges or Decemvirs his head should be sacâ—â—â— to Jupiter iii. 55. That what the Commons ordained in their Tribes should bind all the people of Rome ibid. That the people should have power to chuse a Consul either out of the Patricians or Commons at their pleasure iv 1. That one of the Consuls should be a Commoner vi 35. That none should wear garments white than ordinary when he put in for any Office ix 25. A Law recited That none should be chosen again to the Consulship within the space of ten years after â—e served it x. 13. A Law That Commoners and Patricians might intermarry passed after great opposition iv 1 5. A Law against Bribery and ill pâ—actices to get into Offices preferr'd by C Paetilius vii 15. That none should have above so many Acres of Land vii 16. That no Senator should keep any Ship or Vessel above such a Burthen xxiv 63. The Oppian Law against the Womens Finery xxxiv 1. The same is abrogated in the twentieth year after it was made 8. The Veconian Law against leaving Estates above such a value to Women xliii Supplement the second Lectisternium the first that was celebrated at Rome v. 13. Legions ten muster'd each consisting of four thousand two hundred Foot and three hundred Horse vii 25. The Romans imploy eighteen Legions xxiv 11. Three and twenty Legions at once xxvi 2. Legions of six thousand two hundred Foot and three hundred Horse xxix 24. L. Lentulus his Speech at Caudium perswading to yield to the Samnites Terms ix 4. Letters forged xxiv 31. Those of Asdrubal to Annibal intercepted xxvi 43. Leucas a Colony of the Corinthians after a gallant Defence taken xxxiii 17. Liberty too greedily affected falls into slavery iii. 37. C. Licinius the sirst Tribune of the Commons who chuse him three Collegues ii 33. C. Licinius Stolo a Commoner prefers a Law design'd to restrain the Patricians wealth that no man should possess above five hundred Acres of Land vi 35. He is the first Commoner that ever was Magister Equitum 39. and x. 8. He is made Tribune of the Commons ten times vi 42. Consul vii 2. Is condemn'd upon his own Law as holding more Land than it allow'd 16. C. Licinius Calvus the first Commoner that was made Military Tribune with Consular Power v. 12. vii 37. P. Licinius Crassus made Magister Equitum xxvii 5. Censor 8. Praetor 21. His Expedition against the Bruttii 46 He is Pontifex Maximus and most skilful in the Pontifician Laws xxx i. Lictors instituted i. 18. Their Number and Quality ii 55. iii. 36. They went with the Consuls to the Wars x. 25. Liguria design'd by Fate long to exercise the Romans in Military Discipline xxxix 1. Forty thousand Ligurians transplanted xl 38. Sp. Ligustinus a Souldier his Speech recounting his many Services xlii 34. Livius a Poet the first that made a Play of one continued Plot vii 2. He makes Verses to be sung by twenty seven Virgins to appease the Gods xxvii 37. M. Livius after several years retreat chosen Consul 36. Why he was sirnamed Salinator xxix 37. Locusts vast swarms of them about Capua xxx 2. The like in Apulia xlii 10. Longa Alba built i. 3. Locri surrendred to the Carthaginians xxiv i. Regain'd by Scipio xxix 7. The complaint of their Embassadors against Q. Pleminius 18. Luceria a Colony sent thither ix 26. Lucretia found spinning amongst her Maids i. 57. Ravisht by Tarquin kills her self 58. Lust cast both Kings and Decemvirs out of the supream Government of Rome ii 44. C. Lutatius puts an end to the first Punick War xxviii 38. He is freed from slavery after he had been a Prisoner to the Enemy sixteen years by Cn. Servilius xxx 19. Luxury first advanc'd at Rome by the Army returning from the Conquest of Asia xxxix 6. Lycortas Praetor of the Achaeans his Speech touching the Lacedemonians xxxix 36. Lycurgus his Discipline abolisht after seven hundred years continuance xxxviii 34. M. MAcedonian War the Causes thereof at first with King Philip xxxi 1. Afterwards with K. Perseus xxxix 23. The Macedonian Empire how and by whom it increas'd xlv 9. The Bones of the Macedonians kill'd about Cynoscephalas gather'd together and that action misinterpreted xxxvi 8. The end of the Macedonian War and of that Monarchy by the taking of Perseus Prisoner xlv 9. Magistrates within five dayes after they entred upon their Office were to take an Oath to observe the Laws xxxi 50. No Plebeian Magistrate was created with the solemnity of the Auspices vi 41. If Magistrates act unjustly as soon as out of their Office they may be call'd to account iii 31. Grand Magistrates ought to continue but a short time in their places iv 24. No man ought to officiate two places of Magistracy in one Year vii 42. Majesty without Power is nothing safe ii 55. Magius a Noble Capuan firm to the Romans delivered to Annibal but escapes to King Ptolomy xxiii 10. Mago relates the Victory at Cannae to the Senate of Carthage and shews Bushels of Roman Knights