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A04224 The vvorkes of the most high and mightie prince, Iames by the grace of God, King of Great Britaine, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. Published by Iames, Bishop of Winton, and deane of his Maiesties Chappel Royall; Works James I, King of England, 1566-1625.; Montagu, James, 1568?-1618.; Elstracke, Renold, fl. 1590-1630, engraver.; Pass, Simon van de, 1595?-1647, engraver. 1616 (1616) STC 14344; ESTC S122229 618,837 614

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generall and maine grounds the principall things that haue bene agitated in this Parliament and whereof I will now speake First the Arrand for which you were called by me And that was for supporting of my state and necessities The second is that which the people are to mooue vnto the King To represent vnto him such things whereby the Subiects are vexed or wherein the state of the Common wealth is to be redressed And that is the thing which you call grieuances The third ground that hath bene handled amongst you and not onely in talke amongst you in the Parliament but euen in many other peoples mouthes aswell within as without the Parliament is of a higher nature then any of the former though it be but an Incident and the reason is because it concernes a higher point And this is a doubt which hath bene in the heads of some of my Intention in two things First whether I was resolued in the generall to continue still my gouernment according to the ancient forme of this State and the Lawes of this Kingdome Or if I had an intention not to limit my selfe within those bounds but to alter the same when I thought conuenient by the absolute power of a King The other branch is anent the Common Law which some had a conceit I disliked and in respect that I was borne where another forme of Law was established that I would haue wished the Ciuill Law to haue bene put in place of the Common Law for gouernment of this people And the complaint made amongst you of a booke written by doctour Cowell was a part of the occasion of this incident But as touching my censure of that booke I made it already to bee deliuered vnto you by the Treasurer here sitting which he did out of my owne directions and notes and what he said in my name that had he directly from me But what hee spake of himselfe therein without my direction I shal alwayes make good for you may be sure I will be loth to make so honest a man a lyer or deceiue your expectations alwayes within very few dayes my Edict shall come forth anent that matter which shall fully discouer my meaning There was neuer any reason to mooue men to thinke that I could like of such grounds For there are two qualities principally or rather priuations that make Kings subiect to flatterie Credulitie and Ignorance and I hope none of them can bee iustly obiected to mee For if Alexander the great for all his learning had bene wise in that point to haue considered the state of his owne naturall body and disposition hee would neuer haue thought him selfe a god And now to the matter As it is a Christan duety in euery man Reddere rationem fidei and not to be ashamed to giue an account of his profession before men and Angels as oft as occasion shall require So did I euer hold it a necessitie of honour in a iust and wise King though not to giue an account to his people of his actions yet clearely to deliuer his heart and intention vnto them vpon euery occasion But I must inuert my order and begin first with that incident which was last in my diuision though highest of nature and so goe backward THe State of MONARCHIE is the supremest thing vpon earth For Kings are not onely GODS Lieutenants vpon earth and sit vpon GODS throne but euen by GOD himselfe they are called Gods There bee three principall similitudes that illustrate the state of MONARCHIE One taken out of the word of GOD and the two other out of the grounds of Policie and Philosophie In the Scriptures Kings are called Gods and so their power after a certaine relation compared to the Diuine power Kings are also compared to Fathers of families for a King is trewly Parens patriae the politique father of his people And lastly Kings are compared to the head of this Microcosme of the body of man Kings are iustly called Gods for that they exercise a manner or resemblance of Diuine power vpon earth For if you wil consider the Attributes to God you shall see how they agree in the person of a King God hath power to create or destroy make or vnmake at his pleasure to giue life or send death to iudge all and to bee iudged nor accomptable to none To raise low things and to make high things low at his pleasure and to God are both soule and body due And the like power haue Kings they make and vnmake their subiects they haue power of raising and casting downe of life and of death Iudges ouer all their subiects and in all causes and yet accomptable to none but God onely They haue power to exalt low things and abase high things and make of their subiects like men at the Chesse A pawne to take a Bishop or a Knight and to cry vp or downe any of their subiects as they do their money And to the King is due both the affection of the soule and the seruice of the body of his subiects And therefore that reuerend Bishop here amongst you though I heare that by diuers he was mistaken or not wel vnderstood yet did he preach both learnedly and trewly annent this point concerning the power of a King For what he spake of a Kings power in Abstracto is most trew in Diuinitie For to Emperors or Kings that are Monarches their Subiects bodies goods are due for their defence and maintenance But if I had bene in his place I would only haue added two words which would haue cleared all For after I had told as a Diuine what was due by the Subiects to their Kings in general I would then haue concluded as an Englishman shewing this people That as in generall all Subiects were bound to relieue their King So to exhort them that as wee liued in a setled state of a Kingdome which was gouerned by his owne fundamentall Lawes and Orders that according thereunto they were now being assembled for this purpose in Parliament to consider how to helpe such a King as now they had And that according to the ancient forme and order established in this Kingdome putting so a difference betweene the generall power of a King in Diuinity and the setled and established State of this Crowne and Kingdome And I am sure that the Bishop meant to haue done the same if hee had not bene straited by time which in respect of the greatnesse of the presence preaching before me and such an Auditory he durst not presume vpon As for the Father of a familie they had of olde vnder the Law of Nature Patriam potestatem which was Potestatem vitae necis ouer their children or familie I meane such Fathers of families as were the lineall heires of those families whereof Kings did originally come For Kings had their first originall from them who planted and spread themselues in Colonies through the world Now a Father may dispose of his
THE WORKES OF THE MOST HIGH AND MIGHTIE PRINCE IAMES BY THE GRACE OF GOD KING OF GREAT BRITAINE FRANCE AND IRELAND DEFENDER of the FAITH c. PVBLISHED BY IAMES BISHOP of Winton and Deane of his MAIESTIES CHAPPEL ROYALL 1. REG. 3. VERS 12. Loe I haue giuen thee a wise and an vnderstanding heart LONDON PRINTED BY ROBERT BARKER AND IOHN BILL PRINTERS TO THE KINGS most Excellent MAIESTIE ANNO 1616. ¶ Cum Priuilegio HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE DIEV ET MON DROIT ILLUSTRISS ET POTEN PR CAROLUS MAGNAE BRITAN ET HYB PR EB ET AL DUx TO THE THRICE ILLVSTRIOVS AND MOST EXCELLENT PRINCE CHARLES THE ONELY SONNE OF OVR SOVERAIGNE LORD THE KING SIR I Haue humbly sought leaue of his most Excellent MAIESTIE to present your Highnesse with this Volume of his MAIESTIES WORKES I durst not but make the Suite and his MAIESTIE could not well deny it I will not say that it had beene a peece of Iniustice in the KING to haue denyed you this right But I dare say it had beene a point of Sacriledge in a Churchman to haue stolne from you such a portion of your Inheritance which consists as much in the WORKES of his Royall Vertues as in the wealth of his mighty Kingdomes Basilius wrote de Jnstitutione Principis to his Sonne Leo Constantinus to his Sonne Romanus Manuell to his Sonne Iohannes and Charles the fift to his Sonne Philip The workes of the three former are extant both in Greeke and Latine His Maiestie after the Example of those Emperours and sundry other Kings wrote his ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΟΝ-ΔΩΡΟΝ to Prince Henry your Highnesse most worthy Brother His part by GOD his Prouidence is falne to your Lot and who may iustly detaine from you the rest The rule in Scripture is that if the first fruits be holy so is the whole lumpe and to whom the first was giuen to him all the rest was due To your Highnes therefore are these offered as to the trew Heire and Inheritor of them And that I may make you the better accompt of them May it please your Highnesse to vnderstand that of these Workes some were out before some other of them neuer saw light before and others were almost lost and gone or at least abused by false copies to their owne disgrace and his Maiesties great dishonour Now it being the duetie of all Deanes in their Churches Dispersa colligere I thought it might sort well with the nature of my place in the Chappel wherein I haue had the Honour so many yeeres to serue his Maiestie to gather these things that were scattered and to bring to light those that too long had lien in darkenes and to preserue in one body what might easily haue bin lost in parts In this Presentment I must humbly craue of your Highnes not to be mistaken in the trew meaning and maner of it For these Workes come not to you as vsually Bookes doe to men of great Dignitie for Patronage and Protection for Protection is properly from iniurie and that the Royall Author of them is best able to right But to you they come partly for preseruation and for that the Disposition of Nature hath made you more apt and more principally for a Patterne and that not vnfitly since the Samplar is euer more ancient then the Exemplification And as in the preseruation the Sonne hath his aduantage by succeeding so in the Patterne the Father by preceding hath his Prerogatiue Let these Workes therefore most Gracious Prince lie before you as a Patterne you cannot haue a better Neither doeth the Honour of a good Sonne consist in any thing more then in immitating the good Presidents of a good Father as we may very well perceiue by the Scripture phrase where the vsuall Encomium of good Kings is that they walked in the wayes of their Fathers Al men see how like the Patterne GOD and Nature haue framed the outward Lineaments and who knowes your Highnes wel knowes also that the inward Abilliments hold in the like proportion The Philosophers say that Imitation proceeds from Inclination And trewly if your future Imitation be answerable to your forward Inclination in Religion Learning and Vertue your Highnesse cannot come farre short of your Patterne nor yet of any of your Predecessors that euer went before you Which GOD grant together with the length of many good and happy Dayes Your HIGHNESSE Most humbly IA. WINTON THE PREFACE TO THE READER AMongst the infinite number of great Volumes wherewith the world seemes as it were to bee wayed downe there bee few of them that were written at once or were at first published together Writings as they consist of sundry natures so they will beare a diuers maner of Edition To set foorth an Art by pieces is to shew you a body dismembred the one is no more vncomely then the other is vnproper To publish a History before it be at an end is to turne the Hower-glasse before it bee runne out neither of both will giue you a trew taste of the time But writings of other Natures Common places and Controuersies Meditations and Commentaries as they are for the most part accidentally taken vp so they are as occasionally set out They craue no other birth into the world then they had conceptions in our braines singly by vs conceiued and singly by themselues set out The different maner of GOD his setting foorth of his owne Workes may instruct vs in this point His diuine Wisedome held one course in his Naturall Workes an other in his Ceremonialls Politicalls and Moralls Jn his Naturalls he made a masse at once which speedily he diuersified into diuers formes Hee gaue a kinde of potentiall delineation of all things in that vniuersall matter which presently hee distinguished into diuers Species in perfection But in his Ceremonialls hee takes another course he brings not them out of a Masse but into a Masse He doeth not out of a Totum produce the parts but out of the parts make vp the whole For example Jn the Ceremonialls first he beginnes with Sacrifice long after he followes with Circumcision then hee filleth a Tabernacle with them at last makes them full vp in a Temple Jn his Politicalls hee beginnes with a paternall Gouernment in a family proceeds to an Election of a Captaine in an Armie as in Iosuah and the Judges perfects it by way of Succession in a setled Kingdome as in Solomon and his Successors Jn his Moralls hee beginnes with the word out of his owne mouth proceeds with the Tables written by his owne fingers followes on with the fiue Bookes penned by Moses till hee make vp the Canon perfect by a number of succeeding Prophets What we haue from GOD in a president it may wel beseeme vs to practise and since his Bookes came out so farre asunder it is no reproach to any man though his Workes come not foorth together for there is a reason for it in vs answerable in some proportion to
shall arise an Antichrist and enemie to God and his Church hee shall bee head of a false and hypocriticall Church hee shall claime a supreme power in earth he shall vsurpe the power of God he shall deceiue men with abusing locusts he shall persecute the faithfull none shall bee found that dare openly resist him In the end feeling his kingdome decay and the trew Church beginning to prosper he shall by a new sort of deceiuing spirits gather together the Kings of the earth in great multitudes like the sands of the Sea and by ioyning or at least suffering of that other great open enemy he shall with these numbers compasse the campes of the faithfull besiege the beloued Citie make warre against the Saints but victorie shal he not haue and shame and confusion shal be his and all his partakers end Now whether the Pope beareth these markes or not The Pope is Antichrist and Poperie the loosing of Satan from whom proceedeth false doctrine crueltie to subuert the kingdom of Christ let any indifferent man iudge I thinke surely it expounds it selfe Doeth he not vsurpe Christ his office calling himselfe vniuersall Bishop and head of the Church Playeth he not the part of Apollyon and Abaddon the king of the Locusts and destroyer or sonne of perdition in chopping and changing of soules betwixt heauen hell and his fantasticke or imagined purgatorie at his pleasure Blasphemeth he not in denying vs to be saued by the imputation of Christ his righteousnesse Moreouer hath hee not sent forth and abused the world with innumerable orders of locusts and shauelings Hath hee not so fully ruled ouer the world these many hundreth yeeres as to the fire went hee whosoeuer hee was that durst deny any part of his vsurped supremacie And hath he not of late dayes seeing his kingdome going to decay The Iesuites pernicious vermine sent out the Iesuites his last and most pernicious vermin to stirre vp the Princes of the earth his slaues to gather and league themselues together for his defence and rooting out of all them that professe Christ truely And whereas the open enemie of God the Turke was vnder bloody warres with him euer before is there not of late a truce among them that the faithfull may be the more easily rooted out And are not the armies presently assembled yea vpon the very point of their execution in France against the Saints there In Flanders for the like and in Germanie by whom already the Bishop of Collein is displaced And what is prepared and come forward against this I le Doe we not daily heare and by all appearance and likelihood shall shortly see Now may we iudge if this be not the time whereof this place that I haue made choice doeth meane and so the due time for the reuealing of this Prophecie Thus farre for the interpretation of the sentence or meaning THE THIRD PART NOw I come to the last part what we may learne of this place which I will shortly touch in few points and so make an end And first of the deuill his loosing by the rising of Antichrist for the iust punishment of the vnthankefull world hating the trewth and delighting in lies and manifesting of his owne chosen that stucke to the trewth we haue two things to note One for instruction Man his sinne procureth God his iustice to loose Satan that the iustice of God in respect of man his falling wilfully frō the trewth as Paul saith iustly did send to the world the great abuser with efficacie of lies as well to tyrannize spiritually ouer the conscience by heresie as corporally ouer their bodies by the ciuill sword And therefore we must feare to fall from the trewth reuealed and professed by vs that we may be free from the like punishment The other for our comfort that this tyrannie of the Antichrist sifting out the chaffe from the corne as our Master sayth Backe-sl●●ers 〈…〉 constant ●hristians shall be crowned Matth. 10.22 shall tend to the double condemnation of the fallers backe and to the double crowne of glory to the perseuerers or standers out to the end Blessed therefore are they that perseuere or stand out to the end for they shall be saued Next of the number of nations in the foure quarters of the earth deceiued and companies gathered together to fight like the sand of the sea The defection or falling away vnder Antichrist shall be vniuersall Wee are taught that the defection or falling away vnder the Antichrist was generall and so no visible Church was there whereof two things doe follow One the Church may be corrupted and erre another the Church may lurke and be vnknowen for a certaine space Thirdly of that that Satan is not content onely to deceiue Satan his children both deceiue and persecute except hee also gather to the battell his instruments we are informed of the implacable or vnappeaseable malice borne by Satan in his instruments against God in his members who neuer ceaseth like a roaring Lyon as Peter sayth to goe about assailing to deuoure This his malice is notably laid foorth in the 12. and 13. Chap. of this Booke For it is said that when he had spewed out great riuers of waters that is infinite heresies and lies to swallow vp the woman and notwithstanding shee was deliuered therefro yet againe hee raised vp a beast out of the sea the bloody Romane Empire by the sword to deuoure her and her seed and that being wounded deadly yet hee raiseth another beast foorth of the earth which is the Antichrist by heresie and sword ioyned together to ferue his turne So the deuill seeing that no mist of heresies can obscure or darken the Gospel in the hearts of the faithfull and that the cruell sword of persecutors cannot stay the prosperous successe of Christ his kingdome hee raiseth vp the Antichrist with both his swords to the effect that as one of them sayth That which Peter his keyes could not Paul his sword should And so hath hee done at this time For seeing the true Church will not be abused with the absurd heresies for last refuge now rooted out must they be by the ciuill Sword Fourthly of their great numbers The wicked in number euer ouerpasse the godly able to compasse about the tents of the Saints and to besiege the holy Cities we are enformed that the wicked are euer the greatest part of the world And therfore our Master sayth Many are called few chosen And againe Wide is the way that leadeth to destruction and many enter thereat but narrow is the way that leadeth to life and few enter thereat Also hee calleth them the world and the Deuill the prince of the same Fiftly the agreeance of Gog and Magog the Turke the open enemy The wicked at variance among themselues can wel agree in one against Christ and the Pope the couered enemie to this persecution declareth the rooted hatred of the wicked against
conclusion of all other things in the Synode That so it beeing often sounded into their eares at least by continuall remembrance the mindes of wicked men beeing terrified might bee reformed which by obliuion and facilitie to euill are brought to preuaricate And in the sixt 3 Concil Tolet. 6. Can. 18. Anno 638. Councell Wee doe protest before God and all the orders of Angels in the presence of the Prophets and Apostles and all the companie of Martyrs and before all the Catholique Church and assemblies of the Christians That no man shall goe about to seeke the destruction of the King No man shall touch the life of the Prince No man shall depriue him of the Kingdome No man by any tyrannical presumption shall vsurpe to himselfe the Soueraigntie of the Kingdome No man by any Machination shall in his aduersitie associate to himselfe any packe of Conspirators against him And that if any of vs shall be presumptuous by rashnesse in any of these cases let him be stricken with the anatheme of God and reputed as condemned in eternall iudgement without any hope of recouery And in the tenth 4 Concil Tolet. 10. Can. 2. Aera 694. Councell to omit diuers others held also at Toledo it is said That if any religious man euen from the Bishop to the lowest Order of the Church-men or Monkes shall bee found to haue violated the generall Oathes made for the preseruation of the Kings Person or of the Nation and Countrey with a prophane minde foorth with let him bee depriued of all dignitie and excluded from all place and Honour The occasion of the Decrees made for this Oath was That the Christians were suspected for want of fidelitie to their Kings and did either equiuocate in taking their Oath or make no conscience to keepe it when they had giuen it as may appeare by sundry speeches in the 1 Concil Tolet. 4. cap. 74. Councell saying There is a generall report that there is that perfidiousnesse in the mindes of many people of diuers Nations that they make no conscience to keepe the Oath and fidelitie that they haue sworne vnto their Kings but doe dissemble a profession of fidelitie in their mouthes when they hold an impious perfidiousnesse in their mindes And 2 Concil Tolet. 4. cap. 74. againe They sweare to their Kings and yet doe they preuaricate in the fidelitie which they haue promised Neither doe they feare the Volume of Gods iudgement by the which the curse of God is brought vpon them with great threatning of punishments which doe sweare lyingly in the Name of God To the like effect spake they in the Councell of 3 Concil Aquisgran sub Ludo Pio Greg. 4. Can. 12. anno 836. Aquisgran If any of the Bishops or other Church-man of inferiour degree hereafter thorow feare or couetousnesse or any other perswasion shall make defection from our Lord the Orthodoxe Emperour Lodowicke or shall violate the Oath of fidelitie made vnto him or shall with their peruerse intention adhere to his enemies let him by this Canonicall and Synodall sentence bee depriued of whatsoeuer place hee is possessed of And now to come to a particular answere of his Letter First as concerning the sweet memory hee hath of his old acquaintance with the Arch-priest it may indeed be pleasing for him to recount but sure I am his acquaintance with him and the rest of his societie our Fugitiues whereof he also vanteth himselfe in his Preface to the Reader in his Booke of Controuersies hath prooued sowre to vs and our State For some of such Priests and Iesuits as were the greatest Traitors and fomenters of the greatest conspiracies against the late Queene gaue vp Father Rob Campian and Hart. See the conference in the Tower Bellarmine for one of their greatest authorities and oracles And therfore I do not enuy the great honour he can winne by his vaunt of his inward familiarity with an other Princes traitors fugitiues whom vnto if he teach no better maners then hitherto he hath done I thinke his fellowship are litle beholding vnto him And for desiring him to remember him in his prayers at the Altar of the Lord if the Arch-Priests prayers prooue no more profitable to his soule then Bellarmines counsell is like to proue profitable both to the soule and bodie of Blackwell if he would follow it the authour of this Letter might very well be without his prayers Now the first messenger that I can finde which brought ioyfull newes of the Arch-Priest to Bellarmine was hee that brought the newes of the Arch-Priests taking and first appearance of Martyrdome A great signe surely of the Cardinals mortification that hee was so reioyced to heare of the apprehension imprisonment and appearance of putting to death of so old and deare a friend of his But yet apparantly he should first haue beene sure that hee was onely to bee punished for cause of Religion before hee had so triumphed vpon the expectation of his Martyrdome For first by what rule of charitie was it lawfull for him to iudge mee a persecutour The Cardinals charitie before proofe had beene made of it by the said Arch-Priests condemnation and death What could hee know that the said Arch-Priest was not taken vpon suspicion of his guiltinesse in the Powder-Treason What certaine information had hee then receiued vpon the particulars whereupon hee was to bee accused And last of all by what inspiration could he foretell whereupon hee was to bee accused For at that time there was yet nothing layed to his charge And if charitie should not bee suspicious what warrant had hee absolutely to condemne mee of vsing persecution and tyrannie which could not bee but implyed vpon mee if Blackwel was to bee a Martyr But surely it may iustly be sayd of Bellarmine in this case that our Sauiour CHRIST saith of all worldly and carnall men who thinke it enough to loue their 1 Mar. 5.43 friends and hate their enemies the limits of the Cardinals charitie extending no farther then to them of his owne profession For what euer hee added in superfluous charitie to Blackwel in reioycing in the speculation of his future Martyrdome hee detracted as much vniustly and vncharitably from me in accounting of me thereby as of a bloody Persecutour And whereas this ioy of his was interrupted by the next messenger that brought the newes of the saide Arch-Priest his failing in his constancie by taking of this Oath he needed neuer to haue beene troubled either with his former ioy or his second sorrow both beeing alike falsly grounded For as it was neuer my intention to lay any thing vnto the said Arch-Priests charge as I haue neuer done to any for cause of conscience so was Blackwels constancie neuer brangled by taking of this Oath It beeing a thing which he euer thought lawfull before his apprehension and whereunto hee perswaded all Catholiques to giue obedience like as after his apprehension hee neuer
Ecclesi Hist gen Ang. lib. 1. cap. 4. Lucius send to Eleutherius his predecessour and hee sent him diuers Bishops who were all placed by the Kings authoritie These conuerted men to the faith and taught them to obey the King And if the Popes in these dayes would but insist in these steppes of their fore-fathers then would they not entertaine Princes fugitiues abroad nor send them home not onely without my leaue but directly against the Lawes with plots of treason and doctrine of rebellion to draw Subiects from their obedience to me their naturall King nor be so cruell to their owne Mancipia as returning them with these wares put either a State in iealousie of them or them in hazard of their owne liues Now to our Apostle since the Cardinall will haue him so called I perswade my selfe I should doe a good seruice to the Church in this my labour if I could but reape this one fruit of it to moue the Cardinall to deale faithfully with the Fathers neuer to alledge their opinions against their own purpose For this letter of Gregorius was written to Iohn Bishop of 7 Greg. lib. 11. cap. 42. Palermo in Sicily to whom he granted vsum pallij to be worne in such times and in such order as the Priests in the I le of Sicily and his predecessors were wont to vse and withall giueth him a caueat That the reuerence to the Apostolike Sea be not disturbed by the presumption of any for then the state of the members doeth remaine sound when the head of the Faith is not bruised by any iniury and the authoritie of the Canons alwayes remaine safe and sound Now let vs examine the words The Epistle was written to a Bishop especially to grant him the vse of the Pall a ceremonie and matter indifferent As it appeareth the Bishop of Rome tooke it well at his hands that he would not presume to take it vpon him without leaue from the Apostolike Sea giuing him that admonition which followeth in the wordes alledged out of him which doctrine we are so farre from impugning that we altogether approoue and allow of the same that whatsoeuer ceremony for order is thought meet by the Christian Magistrate and the Church the same ought inuiolably to be kept and where the head and gouernour in matters of that nature are not obeyed the members of that Church must needs run to hellish confusion But that Gregory by that terme caput fidei held himselfe the head of our faith and the head of all religion cannot stand with the course of his doctrine and writings For first when an 1 Iohn of Constantinople See Greg. lib. 4. Ep●st● 2 other would haue had this stile to be called Vniuersalis Episcopus hee said 2 Lib. 6. Epist. 30. I doe confidently auouch that whosoeuer calleth himselfe or desireth to be called Vniuersall Bishop in this aduancing of himselfe is the fore-runner of the Antichrist which notwithstanding was a stile farre inferiour to that of Caput fidei And when it was offered to himselfe the wordes of S. Gregory be these refusing that Title 3 Greg. lib. 4. epist 32. 36. None of my predecessours Bishops of Rome euer consented to vse this prophane name of vniuersall Bishop None of my predecessours euer tooke vpon him this name of singularitie neither consented to vse it Wee the Bishops of Rome doe not seeke nor yet accept this glorious title being offered vnto vs. And now I pray you would he that refused to be called Vniuersall Bishop be stiled Caput fidei vnlesse it were in that sense as I haue expressed which sense if he will not admit giue me leaue to say that of Gregorie which himselfe sayth of 4 Bellar. de Rom Pont lib. 2. cap. 10. Lyra Minus cautè locutus est or which he elsewhere sayth of Chrysostome 5 Idem lib. 2. de Missa cap. 10. Locutus est per excessum To redeeme therefore our Apostle out of his hands and to let him remaine ours and not his in this case it is very trew that he sayth in that sense he spake it When yee goe about to disturbe diminish or take away the authoritie or supremacie of the Church which resteth on the head of the King within his dominions ye cut off the head and chiefe gouernour thereof and disturbe the state and members of the whole body And for a conclusion of this point I pray him to think that we are so well perswaded of the good minde of our Apostle S. Gregory to vs that wee desire no other thing to be suggested to the Pope and his Cardinals then our Apostle S. Gregory desired 6 Greg. lib. 7. Epist. 1. Sabinian to suggest vnto the Emperour and the State in his time His words be these One thing there is of which I would haue you shortly to suggest to your most noble Lord and Master That if I his seruant would haue had my hand in slaying of the Lombards at this day the Nation of the Lombards had neither had King nor Dukes nor Earles and had beene diuided asunder in vtter confusion but because I feare God I dread to haue my hand in the blood of any man And thus hauing answered to S. Gregory An answere to the authoritie out of Leo. I come to another Pope his Apostle S. Leo. And that hee may see I haue not in the former citations quarelled him like a Sophister for contention sake but for finding out of the trewth I doe grant that the authorities out of 1 Leo primus in die assump suae ad Pont. serm 3. Leo Epist 89. ad Episc Vien Idem ibid. ca. 2. Leo are rightly alledged all three the wordes trewly set downe together with his trew intent and purpose but withall let me tell him and I appeale vnto his owne conscience whether I speake not trewly that what Tullie said to 2 Cic. in Hort. Hortensius when he did immoderately praise eloquence that hee would haue lift her vp to Heauen that himselfe might haue gone vp with her So his S. Leo lift vp S. Peter with praises to the skie that he being his 3 For so hee calleth himselfe in serm 1. in die assum heire might haue gone vp with him For his S. Leo was a great Oratour who by the power of his eloquence redeemed Rome from fire when both 4 Ex breniario Romano Attilas and Gensericus would haue burnt it Some fruites of this rhetoricke hee bestowed vpon S. Peter saying The Lord 5 Epist 89. did take Peter into the fellowship of the indiuisible vnitie which wordes being coupled to the sentence alledged by the Cardinall that he hath no part in the diuine Mysterie that dare depart from the soliditie of Peter should haue giuen him I thinke such a skarre as hee should neuer haue dared to haue taken any aduantage by the wordes immediatly preceding for the benefite of the Church of Rome and the head
thereof since those which immediatly follow are so much derogatorie to the diuine Maiestie And againe My 6 Epist 52. writings be strengthened by the authoritie and merit of my Lord most blessed S. Peter We 7 Epist 89. beseech you to keepe the things decreed by vs through the inspiration of God and the Apostle most blessed S. Peter If 8 In serm 2. in die anniuer assum suae any thing be well done or decreed by vs If any thing be obtained of Gods mercy by daily prayers it is to be ascribed to S. Peters workes and merits whose power doeth liue and authoritie excell in his owne Sea Hee 9 Serm. 3. in die anniuer assump suae was so plentifully watered of the very fountaine of all graces that whereas he receiued many things alone yet nothing passeth ouer to any other but hee was partaker of it And in a word hee was so desirous to extoll Saint Peter that a messenger from him was an 10 Epist 24. embassage from Saint Peter 11 Epist 4. any thing done in his presence was in S. Peters presence Neither did he vse all this Rhetoricke without purpose for at that time the Patriarch of Constantinople contended with him for Primacie And in the Councell of 12 Concil Chalceden Act. 16. Can. 28. Chalcedon the Bishops sixe hundred and more gaue equall authoritie to the Patriarch of that Sea and would not admit any Priuiledge to the Sea of Rome aboue him but went against him And yet he that gaue so much to Peter tooke nothing from Caesar but gaue him both his Titles and due giuing the power of calling a Councell to the Emperour as it may appeare by these one or two places following of many If it may please your 13 Epist 9. Theodosie godlinesse to vouchsafe at our supplication to condiscend that you will command a Councell of Bishops to be holden within Italy And writing vnto the Bishop of Constantinople Because the most clement 1 Epist 16. Flan. Emperour carefull of the peace of the Church will haue a Councell to be holden albeit it euidently appeare the matter to be handled doeth in no case stand in neede of a Councell And againe Albeit 2 Epist 17. Theodosie my occasions will not permit me to be present vpon the day of the Councell of Bishops which your godlinesse hath appointed So as by this it may well appeare that hee that gaue so much to Peter gaue also to Caesar his due and prerogatiue But yet he playeth not faire play in this that euen in all these his wrong applied arguments and examples hee produceth no other witnesses but the parties themselues bringing euer the Popes sentences for approbation of their owne authoritie Now indeed for one word of his in the middest of his examples I cannot but greatly commend him that is that Martyrs ought to endure all sorts of tortures and death before they suffer one syllable to be corrupted of the Law of God Which lesson if hee and all the rest of his owne profession would apply to themselues then would not the Sacrament be administred sub vnâ specie directly contrary to Christs institution the practise of the Apostles and of the whole Primitiue Church for many hundred yeeres then would not the priuate Masses be in place of the Lordes Supper then would not the words of the 3 Bellar. de sacra Encharist lib. 4. cap. 14. Canon of the Masse be opposed to the words of S. Paul and S. Luke as our Aduersarie himselfe confesseth and cannot reconcile them nor then would not so many hundreths other traditions of men be set vp in their Church not onely as equall but euen preferred to the word of God But sure in this point I feare I haue mistaken him for I thinke hee doeth not meane by his Diuina Dogmata the word of the God of heauen but onely the Canons and Lawes of his Dominus Deus Papa otherwise all his Primacie of the Apostolike Sea would not be so much sticken vpon hauing so slender ground in the word of God And for the great feare he hath that the suddennes of the apprehension the bitternesse of the persecution the weaknesse of his aage and other such infirmities might haue been the cause of the Arch-priests fall in this I haue already sufficiently answered him hauing declared as the trewth is and as the said Blackwell himselfe will yet testifie that he tooke this Oath freely of himselfe without any inducement thereunto either Precibus or Minis But amongst all his citations Some of Sanders his worthy sayings remembred hee must not forget holy Sanderus and his visibilis Monarchia whose person and actions I did alreadie a little touch And surely who will with vnpartiall eyes reade his bookes they may well thinke that hee hath deserued well of his English Romane-Church but they can neuer thinke but that hee deserued very ill of his English Soueraigne and State Witnesse his owne books whereout I haue made choice to set downe heere these fewe sentences following as flowers pickt out of so worthy a garland 4 Sand de visib Monar lib. 6. cap. 4. Elizabeth Queene of ENGLAND doeth exercise the Priestly acte of teaching and preaching the Gospel in ENGLAND with no lesse authority then Christ himselfe or Moses euer did The supremacie of a 5 Sand de clau Dauid li. 6. c. 1. woman in Church matters is from no other then from the Deuill And of all things in generall thus he speaketh The 1 Sand. de visib Monar lib. 2. cap. 4. King that will not inthrall himselfe to the Popes authoritie be ought not to be tolerated but his Subiects ought to giue all diligence that another may be chosen in his place assoone as may be A King that is an 2 Ibidem Heretike ought to be remooued from the Kingdome that hee holdeth ouer Christians and the Bishops ought to endeauour to set vp another assoone as possibly they can Wee doe constantly 3 Ibidem affirme that all Christian Kings are so farre vnder Bishops and Priests in all matters appertaining to faith that if they shall continue in a fault against Christian Religion after one or two admonitions obstinately for that cause they may and ought to be deposed by the Bishops from their temporall authoritie they holde ouer Christians 4 Ibidem Bishops are set ouer temporall kingdomes if those kingdomes doe submit themselues to the faith of Christ We doe iustly 5 Sand. de clan Dauid li. 5. c. 2. affirme that all Secular power whether Regall or any other is of men The 6 Ibidem anoynting which is powred vpon the head of the King by the Priest doeth declare that hee is inferiour to the Priest It is altogether against the will of 7 Sand. de clan Dauid li. 5. c. 4. Christ that Christian kings should haue supremacie in the Church And whereas for the crowne and
Sam. 7.14 Sonnes of the most High nay Gods 14 Psal 82.6 exod 22.8 themselues The 15 1. Sam. 24.11 Lords anoynted Sitting 16 2. Chro. 9.8 in Gods throne His 17 2. Chro. 6.15 seruants The Angels 18 2. Sam. 14.20 of God According to his 19 1. Sam. 13.14 hearts desire The light 20 2. Sam. 21.17 of Israel The 21 Isa 49.23 nursing fathers of the Church with innumerable such stiles of honour wherwith the old Testament is filled whereof our aduersary can pretend no ignorance And as to the new Testament Euery soule is commaunded to be subiect vnto them euen for 22 Rom. 13.5 conscience sake All men 23 1. Tim. 2.2 must be prayed for but especially Kings and those that are in Authoritie that vnder them we may leade a godly peaceable and an honest life The 24 Rom. 13.4 Magistrate is the minister of God to doe vengeance on him that doeth euill and reward him that doeth well Ye must obey all higher powers but 25 1. Pet. 2.13 especially Princes and those that are supereminent Giue euery man his due feare 26 Rom. 13.7 to whom feare belongeth and honour to whome honour Giue 27 Mat. 22.21 vnto Caesar what is Caesars and to God what is Gods 28 Iohn 18.36 Regnum meum non est huius mundi 29 Luk. 12.14 Quis me constituit Iudicem super vos 30 Luk. 22.25 Reges gentium dominantur eorum vos autem non sic If these examples sentences titles and prerogatiues and innumerable other in the Olde and New Testament doe not warrant Christian Kings within their owne dominions to gouerne their Church as well as the rest of their people in being Custodes vtriusque Tabulae not by making new Articles of Faith which is the Popes office as I said before but by commanding obedience to be giuen to the word of God by reforming the religion according to his prescribed will by assisting the spirituall power with the temporall sword by reforming of corruptions by procuring due obedience to the Church by iudging and cutting off all friuolous questions and schismes as 31 Euseb lib. 3. de vita Constantini Constantine did and finally by making decorum to be obserued in euery thing and establishing orders to bee obserued in all indifferent things for that purpose which is the onely intent of our Oath of Supremacie If this Office of a King I say doe not agree with the power giuen him by Gods word let any indifferent man voyd of passion iudge But how these honourable offices styles and prerogatiues giuen by God to Kings in the Old and New Testament as I haue now cited can agree with the braue styles and titles that Bellarmine giueth them I can hardly conceiue 1 De laicis cap. 7. That Kings are rather slaues then Lords 2 De Pent. li. 1. cap. 7. That they are not onely subiects to Popes to Bishops to Priests but euen to Deacons 3 Ibidem That an Emperour must content himselfe to drinke not onely after a Bishop but after a Bishops Chaplen 4 Ibid. de Cler. cap. 28. That Kings haue not their Authoritie nor Office immediatly from God nor his Law but onely from the Law of Nations 5 De Pont. lib. 3. cap. 16. That Popes haue degraded many Emperours but neuer Emperour degraded the Pope nay euen * De Rom. Pontif lib. 5. cap 8. Bishops that are but the Popes vassals may depose Kings and abrogate their lawes 6 De laicis cap. 8. That Church-men are so farre aboue Kings as the soule is aboue the body 7 De Pont. li. 5. cap. 18. That Kings may be deposed by their people for diuers respects 8 De Pon. lib. 2. cap. 26. But Popes can by no meanes be deposed for no flesh hath power to iudge of them 9 De Pont. lib. 4. cap. 15. That obedience due to the Pope is for conscience sake 10 De Clericis cap. 28. But the obedience due to Kings is onely for certaine respects of order and policie 11 Ibidem That these very Church-men that are borne and inhabite in Soueraigne Princes countreys are notwithstanding not their Subiects and cannot bee iudged by them although they may iudge them 12 Ibidem And that the obedience that Church-men giue to Princes euen in the meanest and meere temporall things is not by way of any necessarie subiection but onely out of discretion and for obseruation of good order and custome These contrarieties betweene the Booke of God and Bellarmines bookes haue I heere set in opposition each to other Vt ex contrariis iuxta se positis veritas magis elucescere possit And thus farre I dare boldly affirme that whosoeuer will indifferently weigh these irreconciliable contradictions here set downe will easily confesse that CHRIST is no more contrarie to Belial light to darknesse and heauen to hell then Bellarmines estimation of Kings is to Gods Now as to the conclusion of his letter which is onely filled with strong and pithie exhortations to perswade and confirme Blackwell to the patient and constant induring of martyrdome I haue nothing to answere saue by way of regrate that so many good sentences drawen out of the Scripture so well and so handsomely packed vp together should be so ill and vntrewly applied But an euill cause is neuer the better for so good a cloake and an ill matter neuer amended by good wordes And therefore I may iustly turne ouer that craft of the diuell vpon himselfe in vsing so holy-like an exhortation to so euill a purpose Onely I could haue wished him that hee had a little better obserued his decorum herein in not letting slippe two or three prophane words amongst so many godly mortified Scripture sentences For in all the Scripture especially in the New Testament I neuer read of Pontifex Maximus And the Pope must be content in that style to succeed according to the Law and institution of Numa Pompilius and not to S. Peter who neuer heard nor dreamed of such an Office And for his Caput fidei which I remembred before the Apostles I am sure neuer gaue that style to any but to CHRIST So as these styles whereof some were neuer found in Scripture and some were neuer applyed but to CHRIST in that sense as hee applieth it had beene better to haue beene left out of so holy and mortified a letter To conclude then this present Discourse I heartily wish all indifferent readers of the Breues and Letter not to iudge by the speciousnesse of the wordes but by the weight of the matter not looking to that which is strongly alledged but iudiciously to consider what is iustly prooued And for all my owne good and naturall Subiects that their hearts may remaine established in the trewth that these forraine inticements may not seduce them from their natall and naturall duetie and that
all aswell strangers as naturall subiects to whose eyes this Discourse shall come may wisely and vnpartially iudge of the Veritie as it is nakedly here set downe for clearing these mists and cloudes of calumnies which were iniustly heaped vpon me for which end onely I heartily pray the courteous Reader to be perswaded that I tooke occasion to publish this Discourse A PREMONITION TO ALL MOST MIGHTIE MONARCHES KINGS FREE PRINCES AND STATES OF CHRISTENDOME TO THE MOST SACRED AND INVINCIBLE PRINCE RODOLPHE THE II. by GODS Clemencie Elect Emperour of the ROMANES KING OF GERMANIE HVNGARIE BOHEME DALMATIE CROATIE SCLAVONIE c. ARCH-DVKE OF AVSTRIA DVKE OF BVRGVNDIE STIRIA CARINTHIA CARNIOLA and WIRTEMBERG c. Earle of TYROLIS c. AND TO ALL OTHER RIGHT HIGH AND MIGHTIE KINGS And Right Excellent free Princes and States of CHRISTENDOME Our louing BRETHREN COSINS ALLIES CONFEDERATES and FRIENDS IAMES by the Grace of GOD King of GREAT BRITAINE FRANCE and IRELAND Professour Maintainer and Defender of the Trew Christian Catholique and Apostolique FAITH Professed by the ancient and Primitiue CHVRCH and sealed with the blood of so many Holy Bishops and other faithfull crowned with the glory of MARTYRDOME WISHETH cuerlasting felicitie in CHRIST our SAVIOVR TO YOV MOST SACRED AND INVINCIBLE EMPEROVR RIGHT HIGH AND MIGHTIE KINGS RIGHT EXCELLENT FREE PRINCES AND STATES MY LOVING BRETHREN AND COSINS To you I say as of right belongeth doe I consecrate and direct this Warning of mine or rather Preamble to my reprinted Apologie for the Oath of Allegiance For the cause is generall and concerneth the Authoritie and priuiledge of Kings in generall and all supereminent Temporall powers And if in whatsoeuer Societie or Corporation of men either in Corporations of Cities or in the Corporation of any mechanicke craft or handie-worke euery man is carefull to maintaine the priuiledges of that Societie whereunto he is sworne nay they will rather cluster all in one making it a common cause exposing themselues to all sorts of perill then suffer the least breach in their Liberties If those of the baser sort of people I say be so curious and zealous for the preseruation of their common priuiledges and liberties as if the meanest amongst them be touched in any such point they thinke it concerneth them all Then what should wee doe in such a case whom GOD hath placed in the highest thrones vpon earth made his Lieutenants and Vice-gerents and euen seated vs vpon his owne Throne to execute his Iudgements The consideration hereof hath now mooued mee to expone a Case vnto you which doeth not so neerely touch mee in my particular as it doeth open a breach against our Authoritie I speake in the plurall of all Kings and priuiledge in generall And since not onely all rankes and sorts of people in all Nations doe inuiolably obserue this Maxime but euen the Ciuil Law by which the greatest part of Christendome is gouerned doeth giue them an interest qui fouent consimilem causam How much more then haue yee interest in this cause not beeing similis or par causa to yours but eadem with yours and indeed yee all fouetis or at least fouere debetis eandem causam mecum And since this cause is common to vs all both the Ciuill Lawes and the municipall Lawes of all Nations permit and warne them that haue a common interest to concurre in one for the defence of their common cause yea common sense teacheth vs with the Poet Ecquid Ad te pòst paulò ventura pericula sentis Nam tua res agitur paries cùm proximus ardet A wake then while it is time and suffer not by your longer sleepe the strings of your Authoritie to be cut in singulis and one and one to your generall ruine which by your vnited forces would rather make a strong rope for the enemie to hang himselfe in with Achitophel then that hee should euer bee able to breake it As for this Apologie of mine it is trew that I thought good to set it first out without putting my name vnto it but neuer so as I thought to denie it remembring well mine owne words but taken out of the Scripture in the beginning of the Preface to the Reader in my 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that nothing is so bid which shall not bee opened c. promising there which with GOD his grace I shall euer performe neuer to doe that in secret which I shall need to be ashamed of when it shall come to be proclaimed in publique In deed I thought it fit for two respects that this my Apologie should first visite the world without hauing my name written in the forehead thereof First because of the matter and next of the persons that I medled with The matter it being a Treatise which I was to write conteining reasons and discourses in Diuinitie for the defence of the Oath of Alleagiance and refutation of the condemners thereof I thought it not comely for one of my place to put my name to bookes concerning Scholasticke Disputations whose calling is to set forth Decrees in the Imperatiue mood for I thinke my selfe as good a man as the Pope by his reuerence for whom these my Answerers make the like excuse for that his Breues are so summary without yeelding any reason vnto them My next reason was the respect of the persons whom with I medled Wherein although I shortly answered the Popes Breues yet the point I most laboured being the refutation of Bellarmines Letter I was neuer the man I confesse that could thinke a Cardinall a meet match for a King especially hauing many hundreth thousands of my subiects of as good birth as hee As for his Church dignitie his Cardinalship I meane I know not how to ranke or value it either by the warrant of God his word or by the ordinance of Emperours or Kings it being indeed onely a new Papall erection tolerated by the sleeping conniuence of our Predecessours I meane still by the plurall of Kings But notwithstanding of this my forbearing to put my name vnto it some Embassadours of some of you my louing Brethren and Cousins whome this cause did neereliest concerne can witnesse that I made Presents of some of those bookes at their first printing vnto them and that auowedly in my owne name As also the English Paragraphist or rather peruerse Pamphleter Parsons since all his description must runne vpon a P. hath trewly obserued that my Armes are affixed in the frontispice thereof which vseth not to bee in bookes of other mens doing whereby his malice in pretending his ignorane that hee might pay mee the soundlier is the more inexcusable But now that I finde my sparing to put my name vnto it hath not procured my sparing by these answerers who haue neither spared my Person directly in naming me nor indirectly by railing vpon the Author of the Booke it is now high time for me no longer to conceale nor disauow my selfe as if I were ashamed of
Platina and a number of the Popes owne writers beare witnesse And 3 Lib. de Clericis Bellarmine himselfe in his booke of Controuersies cannot get it handsomely denied Nay the Popes were euen forced then to pay a certaine summe of money to the Emperours for their Confirmation And this lasted almost seuen hundreth yeeres after CHRIST witnesse 4 In Chron. ad ann 680. Sigebert and 5 In vit Agathen Anast. in vit eiusd Agath Herm. Contract ad ann 678. edit poster dist 63. c. Agathe Luitprandus with other Popish Historians And for Emperours deposing of Popes there are likewise diuers examples The Emperour 1 Luitpr Hist lib 6. ca. 10.11 Rhegino ad an 963. Platin. in vit Ioan. 13. Ottho deposed Pope Iohn the twelfth of that name for diuers crimes and vices especially of Lecherie The Emperour 2 Marianus Scot. Sigeb Abbas Vrsp ad ann 1046 Plat in vit Greg. 6. Henry the third in a short time deposed three Popes Benedict the ninth Siluester the third and Gregorie the sixt as well for the sinne of Auarice as for abusing their extraordinarie authoritie against Kings and Princes And as for KINGS that haue denied this Temporall Superioritie of Popes First wee haue the vnanime testimonie of diuers famous HISTORIOGRAPHERS for the generall of many CHRISTIAN Kingdomes As 3 Walthram Naumburz in lib. de inuest Episc Vixit circa ann 1110. Walthram testifieth That the Bishops of Spaine Scotland England Hungarie from ancient institution till this moderne noueltie had their Inuestiture by KINGS with peaceable inioyning of their Temporalities wholly and entirely and whosoeuer sayeth hee is peaceably solicitous let him peruse the liues of the Ancients and reade the Histories and hee shall vnderstand thus much And for verification of this generall Assertion wee will first beginne at the practise of the KINGS of France though not named by Walthram in this his enumeration of Kingdomes amongst whom my first witnesse shall bee that vulgarly knowne letter of 4 See Annales Franciae Nicolai Gillij in Phil. Pulchro Philip le Bel King of France to Pope Boniface the eighth the beginning whereof after a scornefull salutation is Sciat tua maxima fatuitas nos in temporalibus nemini subesse And likewise after that 5 Anno 1268. ex Arrestis Senatus Parifiens Lewes the ninth surnamed Sanctus had by a publique instrument called Pragmatica sanctio forbidden all the exactions of the Popes Court within his Realme Pope Pius 6 Ioan. Maierius lib. de Scismat Concil the second in the beginning of Lewes the eleuenth his time greatly misseliking this Decree so long before made sent his Legate to the saide King Lewes with Letters-patents vrging his promise which hee had made when hee was Dolphin of France to repeale that Sanction if euer hee came to bee King The King referreth the Legate ouer with his Letters-patents to the Councell of Paris where the matter being propounded was impugned by Iohannes Romanus the Kings Atturney with whose opinion the Vniuersitie of Paris concurring an Appeale was made from the attempts of the Pope to the next generall Councell the Cardinall departing with indignation But that the King of France and Church thereof haue euer stoken to their Gallican immunitie in denying the Pope any Temporall power ouer them and in resisting the Popes as oft as euer they prest to meddle with their Temporall power euen in the donation of Benefices the Histories are so full of them as the onely examples thereof would make vp a bigge Volume by it selfe And so farre were the Sorbonistes for the Kings and French Churches priuiledge in this point as they were wont to maintaine That if the Pope fell a quarrelling the King for that cause the Gallican Church might elect a Patriarch of their owne renouncing any obedience to the Pope And Gerson was so farre from giuing the Pope that temporall authority ouer Kings who otherwise was a deuoute Roman Catholike as hee wrote a Booke de Auferibilitate Papae not onely from the power ouer Kings but euen ouer the Church And now pretermitting all further examples of forraigne Kings actions I will onely content me at this time with some of my owne Predecessors examples of this kingdome of England that it may thereby the more clearely appeare that euen in those times when the world was fullest of darkened blindnes and ignorance the Kings of England haue oftentimes not onely repined but euen strongly resisted and withstood this temporall vsurpation and encrochment of ambitious Popes And I will first begin at 1 Matth. Paris in Henr. 1. anno 1100. King Henry the first of that name after the Conquest who after he was crowned gaue the Bishopricke of Winchester to William Gifford and forthwith inuested him into all the possessions belonging to the Bishopricke contrary to the Canons of the new Synod 2 Idem ibid. anno 1113. King Henry also gaue the Archbishopricke of Canterbury to Radulph Bishop of London and gaue him inuestiture by a Ring and a Crosiers staffe Also Pope 3 Idem ibid. anno 1119. Calixtus held a Councell at RHEMES whither King Henry had appointed certaine Bishops of ENGLAND and NORMANDIE to goe Thurstan also elected Archbishop of YORKE got leaue of the King to goe thither giuing his faith that hee would not receiue Consecration of the Pope And comming to the Synode by his liberall gifts as the fashion is wanne the ROMANES fauour and by their meanes obtained to bee consecrated at the Popes hand Which assoone as the King of ENGLAND knewe hee forbade him to come within his Dominions Moreouer King Edward the first prohibited the Abbot of 4 Ex Archiuis Regni Waltham and Deane of Pauls to collect a tenth of euery mans goods for a supply to the holy Land which the Pope by three Bulles had committed to their charge and the said Deane of Pauls compeering before the King and his Councell promised for the reuerence he did beare vnto the King not to meddle any more in that matter without the Kings good leaue and permission Here I hope a Church-man disobeyed the Pope for obedience to his Prince euen in Church matters but this new Iesuited Diuinitie was not then knowen in the world The same Edward I. impleaded the Deane of the Chappell of Vuluerhampton because the said Deane had against the priuiledges of the Kingdome giuen a Prebend of the same Chappell to one at the Popes command whereupon the said Deane compeered and put himselfe in the Kings will for his offence The said Edward I. depriued also the Bishop of Durham of all his liberties for disobeying a prohibition of the Kings So as it appeareth the Kings in those dayes thought the Church-men their Subiects though now we be taught other Seraphicall doctrine For further proofe whereof Iohn of Ibstocke was committed to the goale by the sayde King for hauing a suite in the Court of Rome seuen yeeres
many and many a time besides his last kisse so did the villaines that buffeted and crucified him and yet I may safely pronounce them accursed that would bestow any worship vpon their reliques yea wee cannot denie but the land of Canaan itselfe whereupon our Lord did dayly tread is so visibly accursed beeing gouerned by faithlesse Turkes full of innumerable sects of hereticall Christians and the very fertilitie thereof so farre degenerated into a pitifull sterilitie as hee must bee accursed that accounteth it blessed Nay when a certaine 2 Luk. 11.28 woman blessed the belly that bare CHRIST and the breastes that gaue him sucke Nay rather saith hee Blessed are those that heare the Word of God and keepe it Except then they could first prooue that CHRIST had resolued to blesse that tree of the Crosse whereupon hee was nailed they can neuer proue that his touching it could giue it any vertue And put the case it had a vertue of doing miracles as Peters shadow had yet doeth it not follow that it is lawful to worship it which Peter would neuer accept of Surely the Prophets that in so many places curse those that worship Images that haue eyes and see not that haue eares and heare not would much more haue cursed them that worship a piece of a sticke that hath not so much as any resemblance or representation of eyes or eares As for Purgatorie and all the * Iubilees Indulgences satisfactions for the dead c. trash depending thereupon it is not worth the talking of Bellarmine cannot finde any ground for it in all the Scriptures Onely I would pray him to tell me If that faire greene Meadow that is in Purgatorie haue a brooke running thorow it Lib. 2 de Purgat cap 7. that in case I come there I may haue hawking vpon it But as for me I am sure there is a Heauen and a Hell praemium poena for the Elect and reprobate How many other roomes there be I am not on God his counsell Iohn 14. Multae sunt mansiones in domo Patris mei saith CHRIST who is the trew Purgatorie for our sinnes But how many chambers and anti-chambers the diuell hath they can best tell that goe to him But in case there were more places for soules to goe to then we know of yet let vs content vs with that which in his Word he hath reuealed vnto vs and not inquire further into his secrets Heauen and Hell are there reuealed to be the eternall home of all mankinde let vs indeauour to winne the one and eschew the other and there is an end Now in all this discourse haue I yet left out the maine Article of the Romish faith and that is the Head of the Church or Peters Primacie for who denieth this denieth fidem Catholicam saith Bellarmine That Bishops ought to be in the Church I euer maintained it as an Apostolique institution and so the ordinance of God contrary to the Puritanes and likewise to 1 Boll lib. 4. de Rom. Pont. cap. 25. Bellarmine who denies that Bishops haue their Iurisdiction immediatly from God But it is no wonder he takes the Puritanes part since Iesuits are nothing but Puritan-papists And as I euer maintained the state of Bishops and the Ecclesiasticall Hierarchie for order sake so was I euer an enemie to the confused Anarchie or paritie of the Puritanes as well appeareth in my 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Heauen is gouerned by order and all the good Angels there nay Hell it selfe could not subsist without some order And the very deuils are diuided into Legions and haue their chiefetaines how can any societie then vpon earth subsist without order and degrees And therefore I cannot enough wonder with what brasen face this Answerer could say That I was a Puritane in Scotland and an enemie to Protestants Page 98. I that was persecuted by Puritanes there not from my birth onely but euen since foure moneths before my birth I that in the yeere of God 84 erected Bishops and depressed all their popular Paritie I then being not 18. yeeres of aage I that in my said Booke to my Sonne doe speake tenne times more bitterly of them nor of the Papists hauing in my second Edition thereof affixed a long Apologetike Preface onely in odium Puritanorum and I that for the space of sixe yeeres before my comming into England laboured nothing so much as to depresse their Paritie and re-erect Bishops againe Nay if the dayly Commentaries of my life and actions in Scotland were written as Iulius Caesars were there would scarcely a moneth passe in all my life since my entring into the 13. yeere of my aage wherein someaccident or other would not conuince the Cardinall of a Lye in this point And surely I giue a faire commendation to the Puritanes in that place of my booke Where I affirme that I haue found greater honestie with the high-land and border theeues then with that sort of people But leauing him to his owne impudence I returne to my purpose Of Bishops and Church Hierarchie I very well allowe as I said before and likewise of Ranks and Degrees amongst Bishops Patriarches I know were in the time of the Primitiue Church and I likewise reuerence that Institution for order sake and amongst them was a contention for the first place And for my selfe if that were yet the question I would with all my heart giue my consent that the Bishop of Rome should haue the first Seate I being a westerne King would goe with the Patriarch of the West And for his temporall Principalitie ouer the Signory of Rome I doe not quarrell it neither let him in God his Name be Primus Episcopus inter omnes Episcopos and Princeps Episcoporum so it be no otherwise but as Peter was Princeps Apostolorum But as I well allow of the Hierarchie of the Church for distinction of orders for so I vnderstand it so I vtterly deny that there is an earthly Monarch thereof whose word must be a Law and who cannot erre in his Sentence by an infallibilitie of Spirit Because carthly Kingdomes must haue earthly Monarches it doeth not follow that the Church must haue a visible Monarch too for the world hath not ONE earthly temporall Monarch CHRIST is his Churches Monarch and the holy Ghost his Deputie Luke 22.25 Reges gentium dominantur eorum vos autem non sic CHRIST did not promise before his ascension to leaue Peter with them to direct and iustruct them in all things Iohn 14.26 but he promised to send the holy Ghost vnto them for that end And as for these two before cited places whereby Bellarmine maketh the Pope to triumph ouer Kings Matth. 18.18 I meane Pasce oues and Tibi dobo claues the Cardinall knowes well enough that the same words of Tibi dabo are in another place spoken by Christ in the plurall number And he likewise knowes what reason the Ancients doe giue
why Christ bade Pater pascere oues and also what a cloude of witnesses there is both of Ancients and euen of late Popish writers yea diuers Cardinals that do all agree that both these speeches vsed to Peter were meant to all the Apostles represenred in his person 1. Cor. 5.4 Otherwise how could Paul direct the Church of Corinth to excommunicate the incestuous person cum spiritu suo whereas he should then haue sayd cum spiritu Petri And how could all the Apostles haue otherwise vsed all their censures onely in Christs Name and neuer a word of his Vicar Peter wee reade did in all the Apostles meetings sit amongst them as one of their number And when chosen men were sent to Antiochia from that great Apostolike Councel at Ierusalem Acts 15. Act. 15.22 23. The text saith It seemed good to the Apostles and Elders with the whole Church to send chosen men but no mention made of the Head thereof and so in their Letters no mention is made of Peter but onely of the Apostles Elders and Brethren And it is a wonder why Paul rebuketh the Church of Corinth for making exception of Persons because some followed Paul some Apollos some Cephas if Peter was their visible Head 1. Cor. 1.12 for then those that followed not Peter or Cephas renounced the Catholike faith But it appeareth well that Paul knew little of our new doctrine since he handleth Peter so rudely Galat. 2. as he not onely compareth but preferreth himselfe vnto him But our Cardinall proues Peters superioritie Galat. 1.18 by Pauls going to visite him Indeed Paul saith hee went to Ierusalem to visite Peter and conferre with him but he should haue added and to kisse his feet To conclude then The trweth is that Peter was both in aage and in the time of CHRISTS calling him one of the first of the Apostles In order the principall of the first twelue and one of the three whom CHRIST for order sake preferred to all the rest And no further did the Bishop of Rome claime for three hundred yeeres after CHRIST Subiect they were to the generall Councels and euen but of late did the Councell of Constance depose three Popes and set vp the fourth And vntill Phocas dayes that murthered his master were they subiect to Emperours But how they are now come to be Christs Vicars nay Gods on earth triple-crowned Kings of heauen earth and hell Iudges of all the world and none to iudge them Heads of the faith Absolute deciders of all Controuersies by the infallibility of their spirit hauing all power both Spirituall and Temporall in their hands the high Bishops Monarches of the whole earth Superiours to all Emperours and Kings yea Supreme Vice-gods who whether they will or not cannot erre how they are now come I say to the toppe of greatnesse I know not but sure I am Wee that are KINGS haue greatest neede to looke vnto it As for me Paul and Peter I know but these men I know not And yet to doubt of this is to denie the Catholique faith Nay the world it selfe must be turned vpside downe Bellar. de Rom. Pont. li. 1. cap. 17. and the order of Nature inuerted making the left hand to haue the place before the Right and the last named to bee the first in honour that this primacie may bee maintained Thus haue I now made a free Confession of my Faith And I hope I haue fully cleared my selfe from being an Apostate and as farre from being an Heretike as one may bee that beleeueth the Scriptures and the three Creedes and acknowledgeth the foure first generall Councels If I bee loath to beleeue too much especially of Nouelties men of greater knowledge may well pitie my weakenesse but I am sure none will condemne me for an Heretike saue such as make the Pope their God and thinke him such aspeaking Scripture as they can define Heresie no otherwise but to bee whatsoeuer Opinion is maintained against the Popes definition of faith And I will sincerely promise that when euer any point of the Religion I professe shal be proued to be new and not Ancient Catholike and Apostolike I meane for matter of Faith I will as soone renounce it closing vp this head with the Maxime of Vincentius Lirinensis Libello adnersus hareses that I will neuer refuse to imbrace any opinion in Diuinity necessary to saluation which the whole Catholike Church With an vnanime consent haue constantly taught and beleeued euen from the Apostles dayes for the space of many aages thereafter without any interruption But in the Cardinals opinion I haue shewed my selfe an Heretike I am sure in playing with the name of Babylon and the Towne vpon seuen hilles as if I would insinuate Rome at this present to be spiritually Babylon And yet that Rome is called Babylon 1. Pet. 5.13 both in Saint Peters Epistle and in the Apocalyps our Answerer freely confesseth As for the definition of the Antichrist I will not vrge so obscure a point as a matter of Faith to bee necessarily beleeued of all Christians but what I thinke herein I will simply declare That there must be an Antichrist and in his time a generall Defection wee all agree But the Time Seat and Person of this Antichrist are the chiefe Questions whereupon wee differ and for that we must search the Scriptures for our resolution 2. Thes 2. As for my opinion I thinke S. Paul in the 2. to the Thessalonians doeth vtter more clearely that which Saint Iohn speaketh more mystically of the Antichrist First that in that place hee meaneth the Antichrist it is plaine since hee saith Verse 3. There must bee first a Defection and that in the Antichrists time onely that eclipse of Defection must fall vpon the Church all the Romish Catholikes are strong enough otherwise their Church must be daily subiect to erre Verse 3 4. which is cleane contrary to their maine doctrine Then describing him hee saith that The man of Sinne Filius perditionis shall exalt himselfe aboue all that is called God But who these be whom of the Psalmist saith Dixi vos Dij estis Psal 82.6 Bellarmine can tell In old Diuinitie it was wont to bee Kings Bellarmine will adde Churchmen Let it bee both It is well enough knowen who now exalteth himselfe aboue both the swords And after that S. Paul hath thus described the Person he next describeth the Seat 2. Thess 2.4 and telleth that He shall sit in the Temple of God that is the bosome of the Church yea in the very heart thereof Now where this Apostolike Seat is I leaue to bee guessed And likewise who it is that sitting there sheweth himselfe to be GOD pardoning sinnes redeeming soules and defining Faith controlling and iudging all men and to be iudged of none Anent the Time S. Paul is plainest of all For hee calleth the Thessalonians to memorie Verse 5. That when hee was with
come and when hee commeth hee shall continue a short space Verse 11. And the Beast that was and is not is the eight and yet one of the seuen By which Beast hee meaneth the Antichrist who was not then come I meane in the Apostles dayes but was to come after So as betweene the time of the Apostles and the ende of the worlde must the Time of the Antichrists comming be and with this the Papists doe also agree Whereby it appeareth that Babylon which is Rome shall bee the Seate of the Antichrist Reuel 1.1 chap. 4.1 but not that Ethnicke Rome which was in the Apostles dayes for Iohn himselfe professeth that hee is to write of nothing but that which is to come after his time Nor yet that turning Christian Rome while shee was in the conuerting which immediatly followed the Apostles time glorious by the Martyrdome of so many godly Bishops But that Antichristian Rome when as the Antichrist shal set downe his seat there after that by the working of that Mysterie of iniquitie Christian Rome shall become to be corrupted and so that deadly wound which the Gothes and Vandales gaue Rome shall bee cured in that Head or King the Antichrist who thereafter shall arise and reigne for a long space But here it may bee obiected that the Antichrist cannot reigne a long space since S. Iohn saith in two or three sundry places that the Antichrist shall worke but the space of three yeeres and a halfe Surely who will but a little acquaint himselfe with the phrases and Stile of S. Iohn in his Apocalyps shall finde that he doth ordinarily set downe numerum certum pro incerto Chap. 7. Chap. 9.16 18. So doeth hee in his twelue thousand of euery Tribe that will bee safe so doeth he in his Armie of two hundred thousand that were sent to kill the third part of the men and so doeth he in diuers other places And therefore who will but remember that in all his Visions in the said Booke hee directly imitates the fashions of the Prophet Ezekiels Daniels and Zacharies Visions borrowing their phrases that prophecied before CHRIST to vtter his Prophecies in that was to speake of the last dayes shall finde it very probable that in these three dayes and a halfe hee imitated Daniels Weekes accounting for his Weeke the time betweene CHRISTS first and second comming and making Antichrist to triumph the halfe of that time or spirituall Weeke For as to that literall interpretation as all the Papists make it of three yeeres and a halfe and that time to sall out directly the very last dayes saue fiue and fourtie before CHRIST his second comming it is directly repugnant to the whole New TESTAMENT For CHRIST saith That in the latter dayes men shall be feasting marrying and at all such worldly businesse when the last houre shall come in a clap vpon them One shall be at the Mill One vpon the top of the house Matth. 24.41 and so foorth CHRIST telleth a Parable of the fiue foolish Virgins Matth. 25. to shew the vnlooked-for comming of this houre Nay hee saith the Sonne of man nor the Angels in heauen know not this time S. Peter biddeth vs WATCH AND PRAY euer awaiting vpon that houre And S. Iohn in this same Apocalyps doeth 1 Reuel 3.3 and 16. ●5 twise tell vs that CHRIST will come as a thiefe in the night And so doeth CHRIST say in the 2 Matth. 24.44 Euangel Whereas if the Antichrist shall reigne three yeeres and a halfe before the Latter day and that there shall bee but iust fourtie fiue dayes of time after his destruction then shall not the iust day and houre of the Latter day bee vnknowne to them that shall be aliue in the world at the time of Antichrists destruction For first according to the Papists doctrine all the world shall know him to be the Antichrist both by the two Witnesses doctrine and his sudden destruction And consequently they cannot be ignorant that the Latter day shall come iust fourtie fiue dayes after and so CHRIST shall not come as a thiefe nor the world bee taken at vnawares contrary to all the Scriptures before alleadged and many more And thus haue we proued Rome to be the Seat of the Antichrist and the second halfe of that spirituall Weeke betweene the first and second comming of CHRIST to be the time of his Reigne For in the first halfe thereof the mysterie of iniquitie began to worke but the man of Sinne was not yet reuealed But who these Witnesses should be is a great question The generall conceit of the Papists is that it must bee Enoch and Elias And heerein is Bellarmine so strong as hee thinketh him in a great errour if not an Heretike that doubteth of it But the vanitie of the Iewish fable I will in few words discouer The Cardinall Bellar. de Rom. Pont. lib. 3. cap. 6. in his booke of Controuersies bringeth foure places of Scripture for probation of this idle dreame two in the Old Testament Malachie and Ecclesiasticus and two in the New CHRIST in Matthew hee might haue added Marke too and Iohn in the xj of the Apocalyps First for the generall of all those places I dare boldly affirme That there is not a word in them nor in all the rest of the Scriptures that saith that either Enoch or Elias shall returne to fight against Antichrist and shall bee slaine by him nor any such like matter Next as to euery place in particular to begin with Malachie I know not who can better interpret him then CHRIST Matt. 11.14 and 17.12 Mar. 9.13 who twise in Matthew Chap. xj and xvij and once in Marke tels both the multitude and his owne Disciples that Iohn Baptist was that promised Elias And heerein doeth Bellarmine deale most vnfaithfully with CHRIST for in his demonstration that Antichrist is not yet come because Enoch and Elias are not yet returned hee for his probation thereof citeth these wordes of CHRIST in the xvij of Matthew Elias shall indeed come and restore all things but omits his very next wordes interpreting the same That bee is already come in the person of Iohn Baptist Nay whereby hee taketh vpon him to answere Biblianders obiection that CHRIST did by Iohn the Baptist vnderstand the prophecie of Elias comming to be accomplished he picketh out the words Qui habet aures audiat in the xj of Matthew immediatly following that purpose of Elias making of them a great mysterie and neuer taketh knowledge that in the xvij by himselfe before alleaged CHRIST doeth interpret Malachie in the same maner without any subioyning of these words Qui habet aures audiat adioyning shamelesly hereunto a foule Paraphrase of his owne telling vs what CHRIST would haue said nay in my conscience he meant what CHRIST should and ought to haue said if he had bene a good Catholike setting downe there a glosse of Orleance that destroyes the Text.
Pope our Superior hath in a late Treatise of his called the Recognition of his bookes of Controuersies made the people and Subiects of euery one of vs our Superiors For hauing taken occasion to reuisite againe his bookes of Controuersies and to correct or explaine what he findeth amisse or mistaketh in them in imitation of S. Augustine his retractions for so he saith in his Preface he doth in place of retracting any of his former errours or any matter of substance not retract but recant indeed I meane sing ouer againe and obstinatly confirme a number of the grossest of them Among the which the exempting of all Church-men from subiection to any Temporall Prince and the setting vp not onely of the Pope but euen of the People aboue their naturall King are two of his maine points As for the exemption of the Clerickes he is so greedy there to proue that point as he denieth Caesar to haue beene Pauls lawfull Iudge Acts. 25.10 contrary to the expresse Text and Pauls plaine Appellation and acknowledging him his Iudge besides his many times claiming to the Roman priuiledges Actes 22.28 and auowing himselfe a Roman by freedome and therefore of necessitie a Subiect to the Roman Emperour But it is a wonder that these Romane Catholikes who vaunt themselues of the ancientie both of their doctrine and Church and reproch vs so bitterly of our Nouelties should not be ashamed to make such a new inept glosse as this vpon S. Pauls Text which as it is directly contrary to the Apostles wordes so is it without any warrant either of any ancient Councell or of so much as any one particular Father that euer interprets that place in this sort Neither was it euer doubted by any Christian in the Primitiue Church that the Apostles or any other degree of Christians were subiect to the Emperour And as for the setting vp of the People aboue their owne naturall King he bringeth in that principle of Sedition that he may thereby proue that Kings haue not their power and authoritie immediatly from God as the Pope hath his For euery King saith he is made and chosen by his people nay they doe but so transferre their power in the Kings person as they doe notwithstanding retaine their habituall power in their owne hands which vpon certaine occasions they may actually take to themselues againe This I am sure is an excellent ground in Diuinitie for all Rebels and rebellious people who are hereby allowed to rebell against their Princes and assume libertie vnto themselues when in their discretions they shall thinke it conuenient And amongst his other Testimonies for probation that all Kings are made and created by the People he alledgeth the Creation of three Kings in the Scripture Saul Dauid and Ieroboam and though hee bee compelled by the expresse words of the Text to confesse that God by his Prophet Samuel annointed both 1 1. Sam. 10.1 Saul and 2 1. Sam. 16.12.13 Dauid yet will he by the post-consent of the people proue that those Kings were not immediatly made by God but mediatly by the people though he repeat thrise that word of Lott by the casting whereof he confesseth that Saul was chosen And if the Election by Lott be not an immediate Election from God then was not Matthias Actes 1. who was so chosen and made an Apostle immediatly chosen by GOD and consequently he that sitteth in the Apostolike Sea cannot for shame claime to be immediatly chosen by God if Matthias that was one of the twelue Apostles supplying Iudas his place was not so chosen But as it were a blasphemous impietie to doubt that Matthias was immediatly chosen by GOD and yet was hee chosen by the casting of Lots as Saul was so is it well enough knowen to some of you my louing Brethren by what holy Spirit or casting of Lots the Popes vse to be elected the Colledge of Cardinals his electors hauing beene diuided in two mightie factions euer since long before my time and in place of casting of Lotts great fat pensions beeing cast into some of their greedy mouthes for the election of the Pope according to the partiall humours of Princes But I doe most of all wonder at the weakenesse of his memorie for in this place he maketh the post-consent of the people to be the thing that made both these Kings notwithstanding of their preceding inauguration and anoyntment by the Prophet at GODS commandement forgetting that in the beginning of this same little booke of his answering one that alledgeth a sentence of S. Cyprian to prooue that the Bishops were iudged by the people in Cyprians time he there confesseth that by these words the consent of the people to the Bishops Election must be onely vnderstood Nor will he there any wayes be mooued to graunt that the peoples power in consenting to or refusing the Election of a Bishop should be so vnderstood as that thereby they haue power to elect Bishops And yet do these words of Cyprian seeme to bee farre stronger for granting the peoples power to elect Churchmen then any words that he alledgeth out of the Scripture are for the peoples power in electing a King For the very words of Cyprian by himselfe there cited Cyprian lib. 1. Epist 4. are That the very people haue principally the power either to chuse such Priests as are worthy or to refuse such as are vnworthie And I hope hee can neuer prooue by the Scripture that it had beene lawfull to the people of Israel or that it was left in their choise to haue admitted or refused Saul or Dauid at their pleasure after that the Prophet had anoynted them and persented them vnto them Thus ye see how little he careth euen in so little a volume to contradict himselfe so it may make for his purpose making the consent of the people to signifie their power of Election in the making of Kings though in the making of Bishops by the peoples consent their approbation of a deed done by others must onely be vnderstood And as for his example of Ieroboams election to bee King 1 King 12.20 hee knoweth well enough that Ieroboam was made King in a popular mutinous tumult and rebellion onely permitted by God and that in his wrath both against these two Kings and their people But if he will needs helpe himselfe against all rules of Diuinitie with such an extraordinary example for proofe of a generall Rule why is it not as lawfull for vs Kings to oppose hereunto the example of Iehu his Inauguration to the Kingdome 2. King 9.2 3. who vpon the Prophets priuat anointment of him and that in most secret manner tooke presently the Kings office vpon him without euer crauing any sort of approbation from the people And thus may ye now clearely see how deepe the claime of the Babylonian Monarch toucheth vs in all our common interest for as I haue already told the Pope nor any of his Vassals
peccauerit modò semper rationes suorum dictorum modestè reddere paratus sit That is to say Euery man is a lyer yea more vaine then vanity it selfe God onely is trew c. Which seeing wee ought euer humbly to acknowledge in all great and weighty causes most of all ought we to confesse it in the most holy cause of our Faith insomuch as we should not therefore easily condemne euery thing which at the first seemes strange yea false and absurd vnto our eares nor on the contrary side ought wee foorth-with to approoue and that with an opinion of precise necessitie whatsoeuer is commonly receyued especially in matters abstruse and intricate whereof the knowledge is not necessarie to saluation In such poynts as these if any man shall say that such a King or Prince howsoeuer otherwise most godly and religious yea that many such Kings and Princes nay I will not except Bishops or the like Doctors of the Church haue in some sort erred I am of opinion hee shall not giue any iust cause of offence either to the Maiestie of Kings or to the dignitie of Princes and Bishops so as hee bee alwaies ready modestly to yeeld a reason for that which hee shall affirme In which words hee maintaineth two Principles First that euery man is a lyar aswell in matter of Faith as in any thing else and next that wee must not euer esteeme the vulgar opinion and that which is generally receiued in matter of Faith to be the trewest nor alwayes condemne euery opinion for absurd which at the first seemes vnto vs vncouth and new Now we pray you obserue that this man is not accused of small scapes and therefore beeing not charged with lesser peccadillos then those which before wee haue mentioned it necessarily followes that in his excuse hee must vnderstand the same points whereof he is accused And wee hope by the mercy of GOD that no Christian wee speake in this particular as well for the Papists as for our selues shall euer be found to erre in any of those maine points at the least wee will answere by the grace of God for one of those Kings whom he names in general And as for his new opinions which he would so gladly vent abroad the ancient Faith needes not be changed like an old garment either in substance or fashion Furthermore in the third page of his Preface hee vseth these words Sed neque plures vno aliquo semper hîc ditiores sunt Nemo igitur vnus sibi arroget omnia Nec numero plures vni alicui singulare quidquam inuideant Neither are many men alwayes richer in knowledge then some one man Let not therefore any one man arrogate all things to himselfe Nor let the greater multitude enuie a particular man for hauing some singularitie more then his fellowes The trew principle and foundation of the error of the Anabaptists taking away by this meanes all maner of gouernment from the Church For hauing first ouerthrowen the Monarchicall power of the Pope he sweepes away next all manner of power both Aristocraticall and Democraticall from the Church cleane contrary to the Apostles institution which ordeineth that the spirits of the Prophets should bee subiect to the Prophets For if one particular man may take vpon him such a singularitie as this how shall he bee subiect to Generall Nationall and Synodicall Councels For straight will he say vnto them Sirs yee haue no authoritie to iudge mee for I haue a singular gift aboue you all And in the fift Page these are his words Plamssimè enim persuasus sum Serenissimo Regi nunquam in animo fuisse nunquam in animo fore alienae conscientiae quod ne Apostoli quidem sibi vnquam arrogârunt fiue directè fiue indirectè siue per seipsum siue per alios vllatenùs dominari vel fidem nostram vlli humanae authoritati alligare velle For I am absolutely perswaded that it was neuer his Maiesties meaning nor euer will bee either directly or indirectly by himselfe or by others in any sort to ouer-rule another mans conscience which euen the Apostles neuer challenged to themselues nor did or will his Maiestie euer seeke to tie our Faith to any humane authoritie Whereby hee is plainely discouered to bee resolued not to bee subiect in any sort to the iudgement of the Church in those matters whereof hee is accused For hee knowes too well that the ancient Church hath established vpon necessary consequences drawen from the holy Scripture both a forme of beliefe and a forme of speach concerning the holy Mysteries aforesaid And this is the reason why hee will not in these points submit himselfe to the iudgement of any mortall man But vpon this occasion in the seuenth page of his Preface maintaines his Christian libertie in this maner Qui quidem humanas decisiones à Diuinis mysterijs scrupulosé segregem praesertim in audaces Scholarum hypotheses pro Christiana libertate interdum diligentiùs inquiram I who curiously make a separation betwixt the iudgements of men and the Diuine mysteries and especially according to Christian libertie doe sometimes more narrowly looke into the bold supositions of the Schoolemen As if the Schoole Diuines had bene too ventrous to explaine and to defend the Articles aforesaid already so established by the Church But we may trewly wish in that point as Bellarmine did touching Caluin Vtinam semper sic errassent Scholastici Would God the Scholemen had alwayes so erred For in the maine grounds of Christian Religion they are worthy of all commendation Reade Aquinas against the Gentiles But in matters of controuersie where they were to flatter the Pope in his resolutions and to auow the new ordinances and traditions of their Church there they yeelded alas vnto the iniquitie of the time and the mysterie of iniquitie which was euen then in working got likewise the vpper hand ouer them And as for this Christian libertie which he doeth vrge so much certainely he doeth it with no other intention but onely vnder this faire pretext to haue the better meanes and with more safetie to abuse the world For Christian libertie is neuer meant in the holy Scripture but onely in matters indifferent or when it is taken for our deliuerance from the thraldome of the Law or from the burden of humane traditions and in that sense S. Paul speaketh in his Epistle to the Colossians Quare oneraminiritibus Why are ye burdened with traditions But to abuse Christian libertie in presuming to propound a new doctrine vnto the world in point of the highest and holiest mysteries of GOD is a most audacious rashnesse and an impudent arrogancie Concerning which S. Paul saith Though an Angel from heauen preach vnto you otherwise then that which we haue preached vnto you let him bee accursed And Saint Iohn likewise commandeth vs that wee should not so much as say God speed to that man which shall bring vs any other doctrine as wee haue obserued before
500. yeeres the Church groned vnder the heauy burthen both of heathen Emperours and of hereticall Kings the Visigot Kings in Spaine and the Vandals in Affrica Of whose displeasure the Pope had small reason or cause to stand in any feare beeing so remote from their dominions and no way vnder the lee of their Soueraigntie But let vs come to see what aide the L. Cardinall hath amassed and piled together out of latter histories prouided wee still beare in mind that our question is not of popular tumults nor of the rebellion of subiects making insurrections out of their owne discontented spirits and braine-sicke humors nor of lawfull Excommunications nor of Canonicall censures and reprehensions but onely of a iuridicall sentence of deposition pronounced by the Pope as armed with ordinary and lawfull power to depose against a Soueraigne Prince Now then Exampl 1. pag. 18 Enag hist Eccles lib. 3. cap. 32. The L. Cardinall sets on and giues the first charge with Anastasius the Emperour whom Euphemius Patriarke of Constantinople would neuer acknowledge for Emperour that is to say would neuer consent he should be created Emperour by the helpe of his voice or suffrage except he would first subscribe to the Chalcedon Creed notwithstanding the great Empresse and Senate sought by violent courses and practises to make him yeeld And when afterward the said Emperour contrary to his oath taken played the relaps by falling into his former heresie and became a persecutor he was first admonished and then excommunicated by Symmachus Bishop of Rome To this the L. Cardinall addes that when the said Emperour was minded to choppe the poison of his hereticall assertions into the publique formes of diuine seruice then the people of Constantinople made an vproare against Anastasius their Emperour and one of his Commanders by force of armes constrained him to call backe certaine Bishops whom he had sent into banishment before In this first example the L. Cardinall by his good leaue neither comes close to the question nor falutes it a farre off Euphemius was not Bishop of Rome Anastasius was not deposed by Euphemius the Patriarch onely made no way to the creating of Anastasius The suddaine commotion of the base multitude makes nothing the rebellion of a Greeke Commaunder makes lesse for the authorizing of the Pope to depose a Soueraigne Prince The Greeke Emperour was excommunicated by Pope Symmachus who knowes whether that be trew or forged For the Pope himselfe is the onely witnesse here produced by the L. Cardinall vpon the point and who knowes not how false how suppositious the writings and Epistles of the auncient Popes are iustly esteemmed But graunt it a trewth yet Anasta sius excommunicated by Pope Symmachus is not Anastasius deposed by Pope Symmachus And to make a full answere I say further that excommunication denounced by a forraine Bishop againsta party not beeing within the limits of his iurisdiction or one of his owne flocke was not any barre to the party from the communion of the Church but onely a kind of publication that he the said Bishop in his particular would hold no further communion with any such party For proofe whereof I produce the Canons of the Councils held at Carthage In one of the said Canons it is thus prouided and ordained * Nomecan Affric Can. 77. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If any Bishop shall wilfully absent himselfe from the vsuall and accustomed Synodes let him not be admitted to the communion of other Churches but let him onely vse the benefit and libertie of his owne Church In an other of the same Canons thus * Can. 81. eiusd Nomo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If a Bishop shall insinuate himselfe to make a conuciance of his Monasterie and the ordering thereof vnto a Monke of any other Cloister let him be cut off let him be separated from the communion with other Churches and content himselfe to liue in the communion of his owne flocke In the same sense Hilarius Bishop of Poictiers excommunicated Liberius Bishop of Rome for subscribing to the Arrian Confession Anathematibi à me Liberi Faber in frag Hilarij In the same sense Iohn Bishop of Antioch excommunicated Caelestine of Rome and Cyrill of Alexandria Bishops for proceeding to sentence against Nestorius without staying his comming to answere in his owne cause In the same sense likewise Victor Bishop of Rome did cut off all the Bishops of the East not from the communion of their owne flocks but from communion with Victor and the Romane Church What resemblance what agreement what proportion betweene this course of excommunication and that way of vniust fulmination which the Popes of Rome haue vsurped against Kings Examp. 2. but yet certaine long courses of time after that auncient course And this may stand for a full answere likewise to the example of Clotharius This ancient King of the French fearing the censures of Pope Agapetus erected the Territorie of Yuetor vnto the title of a Kingdome by way of satisfaction for murdering of Gualter Lord of Yuetot For this example the L. Cardinall hath ransackt records of 900. yeeres antiquitie and vpward in which times it were no hard piece of worke to shew that Popes would not haue any hand nor so much as a finger in the affaires and acts of the French Kings Gregorie of Tours that liued in the same aage hath recorded many acts of excesse and violent iniuries done against Bishops by their Kings and namely against Praetextatus Bishop of Roan for any of which iniurious prankes then played the Bishop of Rome durst not reprooue the said Kings with due remonstrance But see heere the words of Gregorie himselfe to King Chilperic If any of vs O King shall swarue from the path of Iustice him hast thou power to punish But in case thou shalt at any time transgresse the lines of equitie who shall once touch thee with reproofe To thee wee speake but are neuer heeded and regarded except it be thy pleasure and bee thou not pleased who shall challenge thy greatnesse but hee that iustly challengeth to bee Iustice it selfe The good Bishop notwithstanding these humble remonstrances was but roughly entreated and packt into exile being banished into the Isle of Guernsay But I am not minded to make any deepe search or inquisition into the titles of the Lords of Yuetot whose honourable priuiledges and titles are the most honourable badges and cognizances of their Ancestours and of some remarkeable seruice done to the Crowne of France so farre I take them to differ from a satisfaction for sinne And for the purpose I onely affirme that were the credit of this historie beyond all exception yet makes it nothing to the present question Wherein the power of deposing and not of excommunicating supreme Kings is debated And suppose the King by Charter granted the said priuiledges for feare of Excommunication how is it prooued thereby that Pope Agapetus had lawfull and ordinary power to depriue him of
the spirituall Pastor of soules forsooth pulles the cloake of a poore sinner from his backe by violence or cuts his purse and thereby appropriates an other mans goods to his priuate vse It is to be obserued withall that when the Emperours were not of sufficient strength and Popes had power to beard and to braue Emperours then these Papall practises were first set on foot This Emperour notwithstanding turned head and peckt againe his Lieutenant entred Rome and Gregorie 3. successor to this Gregorie 2. was glad to honour the same Emperour with style and title of his Lord witnesse two seuerall Epistles of the said Gregorie 3. written to Boniface and subscribed in this forme Dat. 10. Cal. Decem Imperante Dom. pijssimo Augusto Leone à Deo coronato magno Imp. anno decimo Imperij eius Examp. 7. Dated the tenth alends of December In the raigne of our most pious and religious Lord Augustus Leo crowned of God the great Emperour in the tenth yeere of his raigne The L. Cardinall with no lesse abuse alleadgeth Pope Zacharie by whom the French as he affirmeth were absolued of the oath of all egiance wherein they stood bound to Childeric their King And for this instance he standeth vpon the testimonie of Paulus Aemilius and du Tillet a paire of late writers But by authors more neere that aage wherein Childeric raigned it is more trewly testified that it was a free and voluntarie act of the French onely asking the aduise of Pope Zacharie but requiring neither leaue nor absolution Ado Bishop of Vienna in his Chronicles hath it after this manner The French following the Counsell of Embassadors and of Pope Zachary elected Pepin their King and established him in the Kingdome Trithemius in his abridgement of Annals thus Childeric as one vnfit for gouernement was turned out of his Kingdome with common consent of the Estates and Peeres of the Realme so aduised by Zacharie Pope of Rome Godfridus of Viterbe in the 17. part of his Chronicle and Guauguin in the life of Pepin affirme the same And was it not an easie matter to worke Pepin by counsell to lay hold on the Kingdome when he could not be hindered from fastening on the Crowne and had already seizd it in effect howsoeuer he had not yet attained to the name of King Moreouer the rudenesse of that Nation then wanting knowledge and Schooles either of diuinitie or of Academicall sciences was a kind of spurre to make them runne for counsell ouer the mountaines which neuerthelesse in a cause of such nature they required not as necessary but onely as decent and for fashion sake The Popealso for his part was well appaied by this meanes to draw Pepin vnto his part as one that stood in some neede of his aide against the Lombards and the more because his Lord the Emperour of Constantinople was then brought so low that hee was not able to send him sufficient aide for the defence of his territories against his enemies But had Zacharie to deale plainely not stood vpon the respect of his owne commodity more then vpon the regard of Gods feare he would neuer haue giuen counsell vnto the seruant vnder the pretended colour of his Masters dull spirit so to turne rebell against his Master The Lawes prouide Gardians or ouerseers for such as are not well in their wits they neuer depriue and spoile them of their estate they punish crimes but not diseases and infirmities by nature Yea in France it is a very auncient custome when the King is troubled in his wits to establish a Regent who for the time of the Kings disability may beare the burden of the Kingdomes affaires So was the practise of that State in the case of Charles 6. when hee fell into a phrensie whom the Pope notwithstanding his most grieuous and sharpe fits neuer offered to degrade And to be short what reason what equity will beare the children to be punished for the fathers debilitie Yet such punishment was laid vpon Childerics whole race and house who by this practise were all disinherited of the Kingdome But shall wee now take some view of the L. Pag. 25. Cardinals excuse for this exemplarie fact The cause of Childerics deposing as the L. Cardinall saith did neerely concerne and touch Religion For Childerics imbecillity brought all France into danger to suffer a most wofull shipwracke of Christian religion vpon the barbarous and hostile inuasion of the Saracens Admit now this reason had beene of iust weight and value yet consideration should haue beene taken whether some one or other of that Royall stemme and of the Kings owne successors neerest of blood was not of better capacity to rule and mannage that mighty State The feare of vncertaine and accidentall mischiefe should not haue driuen them to flie vnto the certaine mischiefe of actuall and effectuall deposition They should rather haue set before their eies the example of Charles Martel this Pepins father who in a farre more eminent danger when the Saracens had already mastered and subdued a great part of France valiantly encountred and withall defeated the Saracens ruled the Kingdome vnder the title of Steward of the Kings house the principall Officer of the Crowne without affecting or aspiring to the Throne for all that great step of aduantage especially when the Saracens were quite broken and no longer dreadfull to the French Nation In our owne Scotland the sway of the Kingdome was in the hand of Walles during the time of Bruse his imprisonment in England who then was lawfull heire to the Crowne This Walles or Vallas had the whole power of the Kingdome at his becke and command His Edicts and ordinances to this day stand in full force By the deadly hatred of Bruse his mortall enemie it may be coniectured that he might haue bene prouoked and inflamed with desiré to trusse the Kingdome in his tallants And notwithstanding all these incitements he neuer assumed or vsurped other title to himselfe then of Gouernour or Administratour of the Kingdome The reason Hee had not beene brought vp in this new doctrine and late discipline whereby the Church is endowed with power to giue and to take away Crownes But now as the L. Cardinall would beare the world in hand the state of Kings is brought to a very dead lift The Pope forsooth must send his Physicians to know by way of inspection or some other course of Art whether the Kings braine be cract or sound and in case there be found any debilitie of wit and reason in the King then the Pope must remooue and translate the Crowne from the weaker braine to a stronger and for the acting of the stratageme the name of Religion must be pretended Ho these Heretikes begin to crawle in the Kingdome order must bee taken they bee not suffered by their multitudes and swarmes like locusts or caterpillers to pester and poison the whole Realme Or in a case of Matrimony thus Ho marriage is a Sacrament touch
the Order of Matrimonie and Relgion is wounded By this deuice not onely the Kings vices but likewise his naturall diseases and infirmities are fetcht into the circle of Religion and the L. Cardinall hath not done himselfe right in restraining the Popes power to depose Kings vnto the cases of Heresie Apostasie and persecution of the Church In the next place followeth Leo III. who by setting the Imperial Crowne vpon the head of Charles absolued all the Subiects in the West of their obedience to the Greeke Emperours if the L. of Perron might bee credited in this Example But indeed it is crowded among the rest by a slie tricke and cleane contrary to the naked trewth of all histories For it shall neuer be iustified by good historie that so much as one single person or man I say not one Countrey or one people was then wrought or wonne by the Pope to change his copy and Lord or from a subiect of the Greeke Emperours to turne subiect vnto Charlemaine Let me see but one Towne that Charlemaine recouered from the Greeke Emperours by his right and title to his Empire in the West No the Greeke Emperours had taken their farewell of the West Empire long before And therefore to nicke this vpon the tallie of Pope Leo his Acts that he tooke away the West from the Greeke Emperour it is euen as if one should say that in this aage the Pope takes the Dukedome of Milan from the French Kings or the citie of Rome from the Emperours of Germanie because their Predecessours in former aages had beene right Lords and gouernours of them both It is one of the Popes ordinary and solemne practises to take away much after the maner of his giuing For as he giueth what he hath not in his right and power to giue or bestoweth vpon others what is already their owne euen so he taketh away from Kings and Emperors the possessions which they haue not in present hold and possession After this maner he takes the West from the Greeke Emperors when they hold nothing in the West and lay no claime to any citie or towne of the West Empire And what shall wee call this way of depriuation but spoiling a naked man of his garments and killing a man already dead Trew it is the Imperiall Crowne was then set on Charlemaines head by Leo the Pope did Leo therefore giue him the Empire No more then a Bishop that crownes a King at his Royall and solemne consecration doeth giue him the Kingdome For shall the Pope himselfe take the Popedome from the Bishop of Ostia as of his gift because the crowning of the Pope is an Office of long time peculiar to the Ostian Bishop It was the custome of Emperours to be crowned Kings of Italy by the hands of the Archbishop of Milan did he therefore giue the Kingdome of Italy to the said Emperours And to returne vnto Charlemaine If the Pope had conueyed the Empire to him by free and gracious donation the Pope doubtlesse in the solemnitie of his coronation would neuer haue perfourmed vnto his ownecreature an Emperour of his owne making the dueties of adoration Perfectit landibus a Pontifice more Principum antiquorum adoratus est Auentinus Annalium Boiorum lib. 4. Posthaec ab eodem Pontifice vt caeteri veterum Prineipum mere maiorum aioratus est Magnus Sigeb ad an 801. Marianus Scotus lib. 3. Annalium Plat. in vita Leon. 3. Auent Annal. Boio lib. 4. Imperium transferre iure suo in Germanos Carolúmque tacito Senatus consulto plebiscitoque decernunt as Ado that liued in the same aage hath left it on record After the solemne prayses ended saith Ado the chiefe Bishop honoured him with adoration according to the custome of ancient Princes The same is like wise put downe by Auentine in the 4. booke of his Annals of Bauaria The like by the President Fauchet in his Antiquities and by Monsieur Petau Counsellour in the Court of Parliament at Paris in his Preface before the Chronicles of Eusebius Hierome and Sigebert It was therefore the people of Rome that called this Charles the Great vnto the Imperiall dignitie and cast on him the title of Emperour So testifieth Sigebert vpon the yeere 801. All the Romanes with one generall voice and consent ring out acclamations of Imperiall praises to the Emperour they crowne him by the bands of Leo the Pope they giue him the style of Caesar and Augustus Marianus Scotus hath as much in effect Charles was then called Augustus by the Romanes And so Platina After the solemne seruice Leo declareth and proclaimeth Charles Emperour according to the publike Decree and generall request of the people of Rome Auentine and Sigonius in his 4. booke of the Kingdome of Italie witnesse the same Neuerthelsse to gratifie the L. Cardinall Suppose Pope Leo dispossessed the Greeke Emperours of the West Empire What was the cause what infamous acte had they done what prophane and irreligious crime had they committed Nicephorus and Irene who reigned in the Greeke Empire in Charlemaines time were not reputed by the Pope or taken for Heretikes How then The L. Cardinall helpeth at a pinch and putteth vs in minde that Constantine and Leo predecessours to the said Emperours had beene poysoned with Heresie and stained with persecution Here then behold an Orthodoxe Prince deposed For what cause for Heresie forsooth not in himselfe but in some of his Predecessors long before An admirable case For I am of a contrary minde that he was worthy of double honour in restoring and setting vp the trewth againe which vnder his predecessors had endured oppression and suffered persecution Doubtlesse Pope Siluester was greatly ouerseene and played not well the Pope when hee winked at Constantine the Great and cast him not downe from his Imperiall Throne for the strange infide litie and Paganisme of Diocletian of Maximian and Maxentius whom Constantine succeeded in the Empire From this example the L. of Perron passeth to Fulke Archbishop of Reims Examp. 9. pag. 21. by whom Charles the Simple was threatned with Excommunication and refusing to continue any longer in the fidelity and allegiance of a subiect To what purpose is this example For who can be ignorant that all aages haue brought forth turbulent and stirring spirits men altogether forgetfull of respect and obseruance towards their Kings especially when the world finds them shallow and simple-witted like vnto this Prince But in this example where is there so much as one word of the Pope or the deposing of Kings Here the L. Cardinall chops in the example of Philip I. King of France but mangled and strangely disguised as hereafter shall be shewed At last he leadeth vs to Gregory VII surnamed Hildebrand Exam. 11. An. 1076. the scourge of Emperours the firebrand of warre the scorne of his aage This Pope after he had in the spirit of pride and in the very height of all audaciousnesse thundred the sentence of
excommunication and deposition against the Emperour Henry IIII. after he had enterprised this act without all precedent example after he had filled all Europe with blood this Pope I say sunke downe vnder the weight of his affaires and died as a fugitiue at Salerne ouerwhelmed with discontent and sorrow of heart Here lying at the point of giuing vp the ghoast Sigeb ad an 1085. calling vnto him as it is in Sigebert a certaine Cardinall whom he much fauoured He confesseth to God and Saint Peter and the whole Church that he had beene greatly defectiue in the Pastor all charge committed to his care and that by the Deuils instigation he had kindled the fire of Gods wrath and hatred against mankind Then hee sent his Confessor to the Emperour and to the whole Church to pray for his pardon because hee perceiued that his life was at an end Likewise Cardinall Benno that liued in the said Gregories time doth testifie That so soone as he was risen out of his Chaire to excommunicate the Emperour from his Cathedrall seate by the will of God the said Cathedrall seate new made of strong board or plancke did cracke and cleaue into many pieces or parts to manifest how great and terrible Schismes had beene sowen against the Church of Christ by an excommunication of so dangerous consequence pronounced by the man that had fit Iudge therein Now to bring and alleadge the example of such a man who by attempting an act which neuer any man had the heart of face to attempt before hath condemned all his predecessors of cowardise or at least of ignorance what is it else but euen to send vs to the schoole of mightie robbers and to seeke to correct and reforme ancient vertues by late vices Which Otho Frisingensis calling into his owne priuate consideration Otho Frisingens in vita Hen. 4. lib. 4. cap 31. hee durst freely professe that hee had not reade of any Emperour before this Henry the IIII. excommunicated or driuen out of his Imperiall Throne and Kingdome by the chiefe Bishop of Rome But if this quarrell may be tryed and fought out with weapons of examples I leaue any indifferent reader to iudge what examples ought in the cause to be of chiefest authority and weight whether late examples of Kings deposed by Popes for the most part neuer taking the intended effect or auncient examples of Popes actually and effectually thrust out of their thrones by Emperours and Kings The Emperour Constantius expelled Liberius Bishop of Rome out of the citie banished him as farre as Beroe and placed Foelix in his roome Theo. lib. 2. Hist cap. 16. Indeed Constantius was an Arrian and therein vsed no lesse impious then vniust proceeding Neuerthelesse the auncient Fathers of the Church doe not blame Constantius for his hard and sharpe dealing with a chiefe Bishop ouer whom hee had no lawfull power but onely as an enemie to the Orthodoxe faith and one that raged with extreame rigour of persecution against innocent beleeuers In the raigne of Valentinian the I. and yeare of the Lord 367. Ammia lib. 27 the contention betweene Damasus and Vrcisinus competitors for the Bishopricke filled the citie of Rome with a bloody sedition in which were wickedly and cruelly murdered 137. Decret dist 79. persons To meet with such turbulent actions Honorius made a law extant in the Decreetalls the words whereof be these If it shall happen henceforth by the temeritie of competitors that any two Bishops be elected to the See we straitly charge and command that neither of both shall fit in the said See Platina Sigebertus By vertue of this Law the same Honorius in the yeare 420. expelled Bonifacius and Eulalius competitors and Antipopes out of Rome though not long after he reuoked Bonifacius and setled him in the Papall See Theodoric the Goth King of Italy Anastatint Platina Lib. Pontifi Diaconus sent Iohn Bishop of Rome Embassador to the Emperour Iustinian called him home againe and clapt him vp in the close prison where he starued to death By the same King Peter Bishop of Altine was dispatched to Rome to heare the cause and examine the processe of Pope Symmachus then indited and accused of sundry crimes King Theodatus about the yeare 537. had the seruice of Pope Agapetus as his Embassadour to the Emperour Iustinian vpon a treatie of peace Agapetus dying in the time of that scruice Syluerius is made Bishop by Theodatus Not long after Syluerius is driuen out by Belisarius the Emperour his Lieutenant and sent into banishment After Syluerius next succeedeth Vigilius who with currant coine purchased the Popedome of Belisarius The Emperour Iustinian sends for Vigilius to Constantinople and receiues him there with great honour Soone after the Emperour takes offence at his freenesse in speaking his mind commands him to bee beaten with stripes in manner to death and with a roape about his necke to be drawne through the city like a thiefe as Platina relates the historie Nicephorus in his 26. booke and 17. chapter comes very neere the same relation The Emperour Constantius Platina Baronius Sigeberius in the yeere 654. caused Pope Martin to be bound with chaines and banished him into Chersonesus where he ended his life The Popes in that aage writing to the Emperours vsed none but submissiue tearmes by way of most humble supplications made profession of bowing the knee before their sacred Maiesties and of executing their commaunds with entire obedience payed to the Emperours twenty pound weight of gold for their Inuestiture which tribute was afterward released and remitted Iustin Authent 123. cap. 3. by Constantine the Bearded to Pope Agatho in the yeere 679. as I haue obserued in an other place Nay further euen when the power and riches of the Popes was growne to great height by the most profuse and immense munificence of Charlemayne and Lewis his sonne the Emperours of the West did not relinquish and giue ouer the making and vnmaking of Popes as they saw cause Pope Adrian 1. willingly submitted his necke to this yoke and made this Law to be passed in a Councill that in Charlemayne should rest all right and power for the Popes election and for the gouernement of the Papall See This Constitution is incerted in the Decretals Distinct 63. Can. * Note that in the same Dist the Can of Greg. 4. beginning with Cum Hadrianus 2. is false and supposititious because Gregorie 4. was Pope long before Hadr. 2. Triateterrima monstra Hadrianus and was confirmed by the practise of many yeeres In the yeere of the Lord 963. the Emperour Otho tooke away the Popedome from Iohn 13. and placed Leo 8. in his roume In like maner Iohn 14. Gregory 5. and Siluester 2. were seated in the Papall Throne by the Othos The Emperour Henrie 2. in the yeere 1007. deposed three Popes namely Bendict 9. Siluester 3. and Gregorie 6. whom Platina doeth not sticke to call three most detestable
and vile monsters This custome continued this practise stood in force for diuers aages euen vntill the times of Gregorie 7. by whom the whole West was tossed and turmoiled with lamentable warres which plagued the world and the Empire by name with intolerable troubles and mischiefes For after the said Gregorian warres the Empire fell from bad to worse and so went on to decay till Emperours at last were driuen to beg and receiue the Imperiall Crowne of the Pope The Kingdome of France met not with so rude entreatie but was dealt withall by courses of a milder temper Gregorie 4. about the yeere of the Lord 832. was the first Pope that perswaded himselfe to vse the censure of Excommunication against a King of France This Pope hauing a hand in the troublesome factions of the Realme was nothing backeward to side with the sonnes of Lewis surnamed the Courteous by wicked conspiracie entring into a desperate course and complot against Lewis their owne father as witnesseth Sigebert in these words Pope Gregorie comming into France ioyned himselfe to the sonnes against the Emperour their Father Bochel Decret Eccles Gallican lib. 2. tit 16. But Annals of the very same times and hee that furbushed Aimonius a Religious of S. Benedicts Order doe testifie that all the Bishops of France fell vpon this resolution by no meanes to rest in the Popes pleasure or to giue any place vnto his designe and contrariwise In case the Pope should proceed to Excommunication of their King hee should returne out of France to Rome an excommunicate person himselfe The Chronicle of S. Denis hath words in this forme The Lord Apostolicall returned answere that hee was not come into France for any other purpose but onely to excommunicate the King and his Bishops if they would bee in any sort opposite vnto the sonnes of Lewis or disobedient vnto the will and pleasure of his Holinesse The Prelates enformed heereof made answere that in this case they would neuer yeeld obedience to the Excommunication of the said Bishops because it was contrary to the authoritie and aduise of the ancient Canons After these times Pope Nicolas 1. depriued King Lotharius of Communion for in those times not a word of deposing to make him repudiate or quit Valdrada and to resume or take againe Thetberga his former wife The Articles framed by the French vpon this point are to bee found in the writing of Hinemarus Archbishop of Reims and are of this purport that in the iudgement of men both learned and wise it is an ouerruled case that as the King whatsoeuer hee shall doe ought not by his owne Bishops to be excommunicated euen so no forreine Bishop hath power to sit for his Iudge because the King is to be subiect onely vnto God and his Imperiall authoritie who alone had the all-sufficient power to settle him in his Kingdome Moreouer the Clergie addressed letters of answere vnto the same Pope full of stinging and bitter termes with speaches of great scorne and contempt as they are set downe by Auentine in his Annals of Bauaria Annal. Boi● lib. 4. not forbearing to call him thiefe wolfe and tyrant When Pope Hadrian tooke vpon him like a Lord to command Charles the Bald vpon paine of interdiction that hee should suffer the Kingdome of Lotharius to bee fully and entirely conueyed and conferred vpon Lewis his sonne the same Hincmarus a man of great authoritie and estimation in that aage sent his letters conteining sundry remonstrances touching that subiect Among other matters thus he writeth The Ecclesiastics and Seculars of the Kingdome assembled at Reims haue affirmed and now doe affirme by way of reproach vpbraiding and exprobation that neuer was the like Mandate sent before from the See of Rome to any of our predecessours And a little after The chiefe Bishops of the Apostolike See or any other Bishops of the greatest authoritie and holinesse neuer withdrew themselues from the presence from the reuerend salutation or from the conference of Empererours and Kings whether Heretikes or Schismatikes and Tyrants as Constantius the Arrian Iulianus the Apostata and Maximus the Tyrant And yet a little after Wherefore if the Apostolike Lord bee minded to seeke peace let him seeke it so that he stirre no brawles and breed no quarrels For we are no such babes to beleeue that we can or euer shall attaine to Gods Kingdome vnlesse wee receiue him for our King in earth whom God himselfe recommendeth to vs from heauen It is added by Hincmarus in the same place that by the said Bishops and Lords Temporall such threatning words were blowen forth as hee is afraid once to speake and vtter As for the King himselfe what reckoning hee made of the Popes mandates it appeareth by the Kings owne letters addressed to Pope Hadrianus as we may reade euery where in the Epistles of Hincmarus For there after King Charles hath taxed and challenged the Pope of pride and hit him in the teeth with a spirit of vsurpation hee breaketh out into these words What Hell hath cast vp this law so crosse and preposterous what infernall gulph hath disgorged this law out of the darkest and obscurest dennes a law quite contrary and altogether repugnant vnto the beaten way shewed vs in the holy Scriptures c. Yea he flatly and peremptorily forbids the Pope except he meane or desire to be recompensed with dishonour and contempt to send any more the like Mandates either to himselfe or to his Bishops Vnder the reigne of Hugo Capetus and Robert his sonne a Councell now extant in all mens hands was held and celebrated at Reims by the Kings authoritie There Arnulphus Bishop of Orleans then Prolocutor and Speaker of the Councel calls the Pope Antichrist and lets not also to paint him forth like a monster as well for the deformed and vgly vices of that vnholy See which then were in their exaltation as also because the Pope then wonne with presents and namely with certaine goodly horses then presented to his Holinesse tooke part against the King with Arnulphus Bishop of Reims then dispossessed of his Pastorall charge When Philip 1. had repudiated his wife Bertha daughter to the Earle of Holland and in her place had also taken to wife Bertrade the wife of Fulco Earle of Aniou yet being aliue hee was excommunicated and his Kingdome interdicted by Vrbanus then Pope though he was then bearded with an Antipope as the L. Cardinal here giueth vs to vnderstand But his Lordship hath skipt ouer two principall points recorded in the historie The first is that Philip was not deposed by the Pope whereupon it is to be inferred that in this passage there is nothing materiall to make for the Popes power against a Kings Throne and Scepter The other point is that by the censures of the Pope the course of obedience due to the King before was not interrupted nor the King disauowed refused or disclaimed but on the contrary that Iuo of Chartres taking Pope
Vrbanus part was punished for his presumption dispoyled of his estate and kept in prison whereof he makes complaint himselfe in his 19. and 20. Epistles The L. Cardinall besides in my vnderstanding for his Masters honour should haue made no words of interdicting the whole Kingdome For when the Pope to giue a King chastisement doeth interdict his Kingdome hee makes the people to beare the punishment of the Kings offence For during the time of interdiction the Church doores through the whole Kingdome are kept continually shut and lockt vp publike seruice is intermitted in all places bels euery where silent Sacraments not administred to the people bodies of the dead so prostituted and abandoned that none dares burie the said bodies in holy ground More it is beleeued that a man dying vnder the curse of the interdict without some speciall indulgence or priuiledge is for euer damned and adiudged to eternall punishments as one that dyeth out of the communion of the Church Put case then the interdict holdeth and continueth for many yeares together alas how many millions of poore soules are damned and goe to hell for an others offence For what can or what may the faltlesse and innocent people doe withall if the King will repudiate his wife and she yet liuing ioyne himselfe in matrimonie to an other The Lord Cardinall after Philip the 1. produceth Philippus Augustus Examp. 12. who hauing renounced his wife Ingeberga daughter to the King of Denmarke and marrying with Agnes daughter to the Duke of Morauia was by Pope Innocent the third interdicted himselfe and his whole Kingdome But his Lordshippe was not pleased to insert withall what is auerred in the Chronicle of Saint Denis that Pope Caelestinus 3. sent forth two Legats at once vpon this errand Bochel pag. 320 Who being come into the assemblie and generall Council of all the French Prelats became like dumbe dogs that can not barke so as they could not bring the seruice which they had vndertaken to any good passe because they stood in a bodily feare of their owne bydes Not long after the Cardinall of Capua was in the like taking For hee durst not bring the Realme within the limits of the interdict before hee was got out of the limits of the Kingdome The King herewith incensed thrust all the Prelates that had giuen consent vnto these proceedings out of their Sees confiscated their goods c. To the same effect is that which wee reade in Matthew Paris After the Pope had giuen his Maiestie to vnderstand by the Cardinal of Anagnia that his kingdome should be interdicted vnlesse he would be reconciled to the King of England the King returned the Pope this answere that he was not in any sort afraid of the Popes sentence for as much as it could not be grounded vpon any equitie of the cause and added withall that it did no way appertaine vnto the Church of Rome to sentence Kings especially the King of France And this was done saith Iohannes Tilius Register in Court of Parliament of Paris by the counsell of the French Barons Most notable is the example of Philip the faire and hits the bird in the right eye In the yeere 1032. the Pope dispatched the Archbishop of Narbona with mandates into France commanding the King to release the Bishop of Apamia then detained in prison for contumelious words tending to the Kings defamation and spoken to the Kings owne head In very deed this Pope had conceiued a secret grudge and no light displeasure against King Philip before namely because the King had taken vpon him the collation of Benefices and other Ecclesiastical dignities Vpon which occasion the Pope sent letters to the King of this tenour and style Feare God and keepe his Commandements Wee would haue thee know that in Spirituall and Temporall causes thou art subiect vnto our selfe that collating of Benefices and Prebends doeth not in any sort appertaine to thy office and place that in case as keeper of the Spiritualties thou haue the custodie of Benefices and Prebends in thy hand when they become voyd thou shalt by sequestration reserue the fruits of the same to the vse and benefit of the next Incumbents and successors and in case thou hast heretofore collated any we ordaine the said collations to be meerely void and so farre as herein thou hast proceeded to the fact we reuoke the said collations We hold them for hereticks whosoeuer are not of this beliefe A Legate comes to Paris and brings these brauing letters By some of the Kings faithfull seruants they are violently snatched and pulled out of the Legates hands by the Earle of Artois they are cast into the fire The good King answeres the Pope and payes him in as good coyne as he had sent Philip by the grace of God King of the French to Boniface calling and bearing himselfe the Soueraigne Bishop little greeting or none at all May thy exceeding sottishnesse vnderstand that in Temporall causes we are not subiect vnto any mortall and earthly creature that collating of Benefices and Prebends by Regall right appertaineth to our office and place that appropriating their fruits when they become void belongeth to our selfe alone during their vacancie that all collations by vs heretofore made or to bee made hereafter shall stand in force that in the validitie and vertue of the said collations wee will euer couragiously defend and maintaine all Incumbents and possessors of Benefices and Prebends so by vs collated We hold them all for sots and senselesse whosoeuer are not of this beliefe The Pope incensed herewith excommunicates the King but no man dares publish that censure or become bearer thereof The King notwithstanding the said proceedings of the Pope assembles his Prelates Barons and Knights at Paris askes the whole assembly of whom they hold their Fees with al other the Temporalties of the Church They make answere with one voice that in the said matters they disclaime the Pope and know none other Lord beside his Maiestie Meane while the Pope worketh with Germanie and the Low Countreis to stirre them vp against France But Philip sendeth William of Nogaret into Italy William by the direction and aide of Sciarra Columnensis takes the Pope at Anagnia mounts him vpon a leane ill-fauoured iade caries him prisoner to Rome where ouercome with choller anguish and great indignation he takes his last leaue of the Popedome and his life All this notwithstanding the King presently after from the successours of Boniface receiues very ample and gratious Bulls in which the memorie of all the former passages and actions is vtterly abolished Extrauag Meruit Witnesse the Epistle of Clement 5. wherein this King is honoured with praises for a pious and religious Prince and his Kingdome is restored to the former estate In that aage the French Nobilitie caried other maner of spirits then the moderne and present Nobilitie doe I meane those by whom the L. Cardinal was applauded and assisted in his
the said Clergie were driuen to sue vnto the Pope for their pardon Bibliotheca Patrum Tom. 3. Hildebert Bishop of Caenomanum vpon the riuer of Sartre liuing vnder the reigne of King Philip the first affirmeth in his Epistles 40. and 75. that Kings are to bee admonished and instructed rather then punished to be dealt with by counsell rather then by command by doctrine and instruction rather then by correction For no such sword belongeth to the Church because the sword of the Church is Ecclesiasticall discipline and nothing else De consider lib. 1. cap. 6. Bernard writeth to Pope Eugenius after this manner Whosoeuer they bee that are of this mind and opinion shall neuer be able to make proofe that any one of the Apostles did euer fit in qualitie of Iudge or Diuider of lands I reade where they haue stood to bee iudged but neuer where they sate downe to giue iudgement Againe Your authoritie stretcheth vnto crimes not vnto possessions because you haue receiued the keies of the kingdome of heauen not in regard of possessions but of crimes to keepe all that pleade by couin or collusion and not lawfull possessors out of the heauenly kingdome A little after These base things of the earth are iudged by the Kings and Princes of this world wherefore doe you thrust your sickle into an others haruest wherefore doe you incroach and intrude vpon an others limits Lib. 2. cap. 6. Elsewhere The Apostles are directly forbid to make themselues Lords and rulers Goe thou then and beeing a Lord vsurpe Apostleship or beeing an Apostle vsurpe Lordship If thou needes wilt haue both doubtlesse thou shalt haue neither Iohannes Maior Doctor of Paris Dist 24. quest 3 The Soueraigne Bishop hath no temporall authoritie ouer Kings The reason Because it followes the contrarie being once granted that Kings are the Popes vassals Now let other men iudge whether he that hath power to dispossesse Kings of all their Temporalties hath not likewise authoritie ouer their Temporalties The same Author Comment in l. 4. Sent. Dist 24 fol. 214. The Pope hath no manner of title ouer the French or Spanish Kings in temporall matters Where it is further added That Pope Innocent 3. hath beene pleased to testifie that Kings of France in Temporall causes doe acknowledge no superiour For so the Pope excused himselfe to a certaine Lord of Montpellier who in stead of suing to the King had petitioned to the Pope for a dispensation for his bastard But perhaps as he speaketh it will be alledged out of the glosse that hee acknowledgeth no superiour by fact and yet ought by right But I tell you the glosse is an Aurelian glosse which marres the text Amongst other arguments Maior brings this for one This opinion ministreth matter vnto Popes to take away an others Empire by force and violence which the Pope shall neuer bring to passe as we reade of Boniface 8. against Philip the Faire Saith besides That from hence proceede warres in time of which many outragious mischiefes are done and that Gerson calls them egregious flatterers by whom such opinion is maintained In the same place Maior denies that Childeric was deposed by Pope Zacharie The word Hee deposed saith Maior is not so to bee vnderstood as it is taken at the first blush or fight but hee deposed is thus expounded in the glosse Hee gaue his consent vnto those by whom he was deposed Iohn of Paris De potest Regia Papali cap. 10. Were it graunted that Christ was armed with Temporall power yet he committed no such power to Peter A little after The power of Kings is the highest power vpon earth in Temporall causes it hath no superiour power aboue it selfe no more then the Pope hath in spirituall matters This author saith indeede the Pope hath power to excommunicate the King but he speaketh not of any power in the Pope to put downe the King from his regall dignity and authority He onely saith When a Prince is once excommunicated hee may accidentally or by occasion be deposed because his precedent excommunication incites the people to disarme him of all secular dignity and power The same Iohn on the other side holdeth opinion that in the Emperour there is inuested a power to depose the Pope in case the Pope shall abuse his power Almainus Doctor of the Sorbonic schoole Almain de potesi Eccl Laica Quest 3. cap. 8. De deminio naturali ciuil Eccl. 5. vlt. pars It is essentiall in the Lay-power to inflict ciuill punishment as death banishment and priuation or losse of goods But according to diuine institution the power Ecclesiasticall can lay no such punishment vpon delinquents nay more not lay in prison as to some Doctors it seemeth probable but stretcheth and reacheth onely to spirituall punishment as namely to excommunication all other punishments inflicted by the spirituall power are meerely by the Lawe positiue If then Ecclesiasticall power by Gods Lawe hath no authoritie to depriue any priuate man of his goods how dares the Pope and his flatterers build their power to depriue Kings of their scepters vpon the word of God The same author in an other place Quaest 1. de potest Eccles laic c. 12. 14 Bee it graunted that Constantine had power to giue the Empire vnto the Pope yet is it not hereupon to bee inferred that Popes haue authority ouer the Kingdome of France because that Kingdome was neuer subiect vnto Constantine For the King of France neuer had any superiour in Temporall matters A little after It is not in any place to bee found that God hath giuen the Pope power to make and vnmake Temporall Kings He maintaineth elsewhere that Zacharie did not depose Childeric Quaest 2. c. 8. sic nond posuit autoruat 〈◊〉 but onely consented to his deposing and so deposed him not as by authoritie In the same booke taking vp the words of Occam whom he styles the Doctor The Emperour is the Popes Lord in things Temporall and the Pope calls him Lord Quae. 3. c. 2. Quaest 11. can Sacerd. as it is witnessed in the body of the Text. The Lord Cardinall hath dissembled and concealed these words of Doctor Almainus with many like places and hath beene pleased to alledge Almainus reciting Occams authoritie in stead of quoting Almainus himselfe in those passages where he speaketh as out of his owne opinion and in his owne words A notable piece of slie and cunning conueiance For what heresie may not be fathered and fastened vpon S. Augustine or S. Hierome if they should be deemed to approoue all the passages which they alledge out of other authors And that is the reason wherefore the L. Cardinall doeth not alledge his testimonies whole and perfect as they are couched in their proper texts but clipt and curtaild Thus he dealeth euen in the first passage or testimonie of Almainus he brings it in mangled and pared he hides and conceales
the words added by Almainus to contradict and crosse the words going before For Almainus makes this addition and supply Howsoeuer some other Doctors doe stand for the negatiue and teach the Pope hath power onely to declare that Kings and Princes are to be deposed And so much appeareth by this reason because this ample and Soueraigne power of the Pope might giue him occasion to be puft vp with great pride and the same fulnesse of power might prooue extreamely hurtfull to the subiects c. The same Almainus brings in Occams opinion in expresse tearmes deciding the question Quaest 2. de potest Eccl. Laic cap. 12. and there ioynes his owne opinion with Occams The Doctors opinion saith Almainus doeth simply carrie the most probabilitie that a Pope hath no power neither by excommunication nor by any other meanes to depose a Prince from his Imperiall and Royall dignitie In cap. 9 10. 11. And a little before hauing maintained the Greeke Empire was neuer transported by the Pope to the Germaines and that when the Pope crownes the Emperour he doeth not giue him the Empire no more then the Archbishop of Reims when he crownes the King of France doth giue him the kingdom he drawes this conclusion according to Occams opinion I denie that an Emperour is bound by oath to promise the Pope allegiance On the other side if the Pope hold any Temporall possessions hee is bound to sweare allegiance vnto the Emperour and to pay him tribute The said Occam alledged by Almainus doeth further auerre that Iustinian was acknowledged by the Pope for his superiour in Temporall causes for as much as diuers Lawes which the Pope is bound to keepe and obserue were enacted by Iustinian as by name the Law of prescription for an hundred yeeres which Law standeth yet in force against the Bishop of Rome And to the end that all men may clearely see how great distance there is betweene Occams opinion and the L. Cardinals who towards the end of his Oration exhorts his hearers at no hand to dissent from the Pope take you here a view of Occams owne words as they are alledged by Almainus The Doctour assoyles the arguments of Pope Innocent Quest. 1. cap. 14. by which the Pope would prooue out of these words of CHRIST Whatsoeuer thoushalt binde c. that fulnesse of power in Temporall matters belongeth to the Soueraigne Bishop For Innocent saith Whatsoeuer excepteth nothing But Occam assoyles Innocents authoritie as not onely false but also hereticall and saith withall that many things are spoken by Innocent which by his leaue sauour and smell of herefie c. The L. Pag. 40. Cardinall with lesse fidelitie alledgeth two places out of Thomas his Summe The first in the second of his second Quest 10. Art 10. in the body of the Article In which place let it bee narrowly examined Thomas will easily bee found to speake not of the subiection of beleeuing Subiects vnder Infidel Kings as the Lord Cardinall pretendeth but of beleeuing seruants that liue vnder Masters whether Iewes or Infidels As when a Iew keepeth seruants which professe Iesus Christ or as when some of the faithfull kept in Caesars house who are not considered by Thomas as they were subiects of the Empire but as they were seruants of the family The other place is taken out of Quest 11. and 2. Art in the body of the article where no such matter as the L. Cardinal alledgeth can be found With like fidelitie he taketh Gerson in hand Pag. 44. who indeed in his booke of Ecclesiasticall power and 12. Consider doeth affirme When the abuse of Secular power redoundeth to manifest impugning of the faith and blaspheming of the Creator then shall it not bee amisse to haue recourse vnto the last branch of this 12. Consider where in such case as aforesaid a certaine regitiue directiue regulatiue and ordinatiue authoritie is committed to the Ecclesiasticall power His very words which make no mention at all of deposing or of any compulsiue power ouer Soueraigne Princes For that forme of rule and gouernment whereof Gerson speaketh is exercised by Ecclesiasticall censures and excommunications not by losse of goods of Kingdomes or of Empires This place then is wrested by the L. Cardinall to a contrary sense Neither should his Lordship haue omitted that Gerson in the question of Kings subiection in Temporall matters or of the dependance of their Crownes vpon the Popes power excepteth alwayes the King of France witnesse that which Gerson a little before the place alleadged by the Cardinall hath plainely affirmed Now since Peters time saith Gerson all Imperiall Regall and Secular power is not immediatly to draw vertue and strength from the Soueraigne Bishop as in this maner the most Christian King of France hath no Superiour nor acknowledgeth any such vpon the face of the earth Now here need no great sharpenesse of wit for the searching out of this deepe mysterie that if the Pope hath power to giue or take away Crownes for any cause or any pretended occasion whatsoeuer the Crowne of France must needs depend vpon the Pope But for as much as we are now hit in with Gerson Pag. 108.109.119 where the Card. takes Char. 7. for Charl. 6. we will examine the L. Cardinals allegations towards the end of his Oration taken out of Gersons famous Oration made before Charles the 6. for the Vniuersitie of Paris where he brings in Gerson to affirme That killing a Tyrant is a sacrifice acceptable to God But Gerson let it be diligently noted there speaketh not in his owne person he there brings in sedition speaking the words Of which wordes vttered by sedition and other like speeches you shall now heare what iudgement Gerson himselfe hath giuen When sedition had spoken with such a furious voyce I turned away my face as if I had bene smitten with death to shew that I was not able to endure her madnesse any longer And indeed when dissimulation on the one side and sedition on the other had suggested the deuises of two contrary extremes hee brings foorth Discretion as a Iudge keeping the meane betweene both extremes and vttering those words which the L. Cardinall alledgeth against himselfe If the head saith Gerson or some other member of the ciuill body should grow to so desperate a passe that it would gulpe and swallow downe the deadly poyson of tyrannie euery member in his place with all power possible for him to raise by expedient meanes and such as might preuent a greater inconuenience should set himselfe against so madde a purpose and so deadly practise For if the head be grieued with some light paine it is not fit for the hand to smite the head no that were but a foolish and a mad part Nor is the hand forthwith to chop off or separate the head from the body but rather to cure the head with good speach and other meanes like a skilfull and wise Physitian Yea nothing would
be more cruel or more voyd of reason then to seeke to stop the strong and violent streame of tyrannie by sedition These words me thinke doe make very strongly and expresly against butchering euen of Tyrannical Kings And whereas a little after the said passage he teacheth to expell Tyrannie he hath not a word of expelling the Tyrant but onely of breaking and shaking off the yoke of Tyrannie Yet for all that he would not haue the remedies for the repressing of Tyrannie to be fetcht from the Pope who presumeth to degrade Kings but from Philosophers Lawyers Diuines and personages of good conuersation It appeareth now by all that hath bin said before that whereas Gerson in the 7. Considerat against Flatterers doeth affirme Whensoeuer the Prince doeth manifestly pursue and prosecute his naturall subiects and shew himselfe obstinately bent with notorious iniustice to vexe them of set purpose and with full consent so farre as to the fact then this rule and law of Nature doeth take place It is lawfull to resist and repell force by force and the sentence of Seneca There is no sacrifice more acceptable to God then a tyrant offered in sacrifice the words doeth take place are so to be vnderstood as he speaketh in another passage to wit with or amongst seditious persons Or else the words doeth take place doe onely signifie is put in practise And so Gerson there speaketh not as out of his owne iudgement His Lordship also should not haue balked and left out Sigebertus who with more reason might haue passed for French then Thomas and Occam whom hee putteth vpon vs for French Sigebertus in his Chronicle vpon the yeere 1088. speaking of the Emperours deposing by the Pope hath words of this tenour This Heresie was not crept out of the shell in those dayes that his Priests who hath said to the King Apostata and maketh an hypocrite to rule for the sinnes of the people should teach the people they owe no subiection vnto wicked Kings nor any alleagiance notwithstanding they haue taken the oath of alleagiance Now after the L. Cardinal hath coursed in this maner through the histories of the last aages which in case they all made for his purpose doe lacke the weight of authority in stead of searching the will of God in the sacred Oracles of his word and standing vpon examples of the ancient Church at last leauing the troupe of his owne allegations he betakes himselfe to the sharpening and rebating of the points of his aduersaries weapons For the purpose he brings in his aduersaries the champions of Kings Crownes makes them to speake out of his own mouth for his Lordship saith it will be obiected after this maner Pag. 52. sequentibus It may come to passe that Popes either caried with passion or misled by sinister information may without iust cause fasten vpon Kings the imputation of heresie or apostasie Then for King-deposers he frames this answere That by heresie they vnderstand notorious heresie and formerly condemned by sentence of the Church Moreouer in case the Pope hath erred in the fact it is the Clergies part adhering to their King to make remonstrances vnto the Pope and to require the cause may be referred to the iudgement of a full Councel the French Church then and there being present Now in this answere the L. Cardinall is of another mind then Bellarmine his brother Cardinall Aduers Barclaium For hee goes thus farre That a Prince condemned by vniust sentence of the Pope ought neuerthelesse to quit his Kingdome and that his Pastors vniust sentence shall not redound to his detriment prouided that hee giue way to the said sentence and shew himselfe not refractarie but stay the time in patience vntil the holy Father shall renounce his error and reuoke his foresaid vniust sentence In which case these two material points are to be presupposed The one That he who now hath seized the kingdome of the Prince displaced wil forthwith if the Pope shall sollicit and intercede returne the Kingdome to the hand of the late possessor The other That in the interim the Prince vniustly deposed shall not need to feare the bloody murderers mercilesse blade and weapon But on the other side the Popes power of so large a size as Bellarmine hath shaped is no whit pleasing to the L. Cardinals eye For in case the King should be vniustly deposed by the Pope not well informed he is not of the minde the Kingdome should stoupe to the Popes behests but will rather haue the Kingdome to deale by remonstrance and to referre the cause vnto the Council Wherein he makes the Council to be of more absolute and supreme authority then the Pope a straine to which the holy father will neuer lend his eare And yet doubtlesse the Council required in this case must be vniuersall wherein the French for so much as they stand firme for the King and his cause can be no Iudges and in that regard the L. Cardinal requireth onely the presence of the French Church Who seeth not here into what pickle the French cause is brought by this meanes The Bishops of Italie forsooth of Spaine of Sicilie of Germanie the subiects of Soueraignes many times at professed or priuie enmitie with France shall haue the cause compremitted and referred to their iudgement whether the Kindome of France shall driue out her Kings and shall kindle the flames of seditious troubles in the very heart and bowels of the Realme But is it not possible that a King may lacke the loue of his owne subiects and they taking the vantage of that occasion may put him to his trumps in his owne Kingdome Is it not possible that calumniations whereby a credulous Pope hath beene seduced may in like maner deceiue some part of a credulous people Is it not possible that one part of the people may cleaue to the Popes Faction another may hold and stand out for the Kings rightfull cause and ciuill warres may be kindled by the splene of these two sides Is it not possible that his Holinesse will not rest in the remonstrances of the French and will no further pursue his cause And whereas now a dayes a Generall Councill cannot be held except it be called and assembled by the Popes authority is it credible the Pope will take order for the conuocation of a Council by whom he shall be iudged And how can the Pope be President in a Councill where himselfe is the party impleaded and to whom the sifting of his owne sentence is referred as it were to Committies to examine whether it was denounced according to Law or against Iustice But in the meane time whilest all these remonstrances and addresses of the Council are on foot behold the Royall Maiestie of the King hangeth as it were by loose gimmals and must stay the iudgement of the Council to whom it is referred Well what if the Councill should happe to be two or three yeeres in assembling and
other weapons of defence I neither can resist nor ought in any other maner to make resistance Iustinian the Emperour in his old aage fell into the heresie of the Aphthartodocites Against Iustinian though few they were that fauoured him in that heresie the Bishop of Rome neuer darted with violence any sentence of excommunication interdiction or deposition The Ostrogot Kings in Italie the Visigot in Spaine the Vandal in Africa were all addicted to the Arrian impietie and some of them cruelly persecuted the trew professours The Visigot and Vandall were no neighbours to Italie The Pope thereby had the lesse cause to feare the stings of those waspes if they had bene angred The Pope for all that neuer had the humour to wrestle or iustle with any of the said Kings in the cause of deposing them from their Thrones But especially the times when the Vandals in Affricke and the Goths in Italie by Belisarius and Narses professours of the Orthodoxe Faith were tyred with long warres and at last were vtterly defeated in bloody battels are to bee considered Then were the times or neuer for the Pope to vnsheath his weapons and to vncase his arrowes of deposition then were the times to draw them out of his quiuer and to shoot at all such Arrian heads then were the times by dispensations to release their subiects of their oathes by that peremptorie meanes to aide and strengthen the Catholique cause But in that aage the said weapons were not knowne to haue bene hammered in the Pontificall forge Gregorie the I. made his boasts that he was able to ruine the Lombards for many yeeres together sworne enemies to the Bishops of Rome their state present and the hope of all their future prosperitie But he telleth vs that by the feare of God before his eyes and in his heart he was bridled and restrained from any such intent as elsewhere we haue obserued In Apol. pro iuram fidel His owne words lib. 7. Epist. 1. If I would haue medled with practising and procuring the death of the Lombards the whole nation of the Lombards at this day had bene robbed of their Kings Dukes Earles they had bene reduced to the tearmes of extreame confusion He might at least haue deposed their King if the credit of the L. Cardinals iudgement be currant without polluting or stayning his owne conscience What can we tearme this assertion of the L. Cardinal but open charging the most ancient Bishops of Rome with crueltie when they would not succour the Church of CHRIST oppressed by tyrants whose oppression they had power to represse by deposing the oppressors Is it credible that IESVS CHRIST hath giuen a Commission to S. Peter and his successors for so many aages without any power to execute their Commission or to make any vse thereof by practise Is it credible that hee hath giuen them a sword to bee kept in the scabbard without drawing once in a thousand yeeres Is it credible that in the times when Popes were most deboshed abandoning themselues to all sorts of corrupt and vitious courses as is testified by their owne flatterers and best affected seruants is it credible that in those times they began to vnderstand the vertue strength of their Commission For if either feare or lacke of power was the cause of holding their hands and voluntarie binding of themselues to the Peace or good behauiour wherefore is not some one Pope at least produced who hath complained that he was hindered from executing the power that CHRIST had conferred vpon his Pontificall See Wherefore is not some one of the ancient and holy Fathers alledged by whom the Pope hath bene aduised and exhorted to take courage to stand vpon he vigor and sinewes of his Papall Office to vnsheath and vncase his bolts of thunder against vngodly Princes and grieuous enemies to the Church wherefore liuing vnder Christian and gracious Emperours haue they not made knowne the reasons why they were hindred from drawing the pretended sword lest long custome of not vsing the sword so many aages might make it so to rust in the scabbard that when there should be occasion to vse the said sword it could not be drawne at all and lest so long custome of not vsing the same should confirme prescription to their greater preiudice If weakenesse be a iust let how is it come to passe that Popes haue enterprised to depose Philip the Faire Lewis the XII and ELIZABETH my predecessor of happy memorie to let passe others in whom experience hath well proued how great inequalitie was betweene their strengths Yea for the most part from thence grow most grieuous troubles and warres which iustly recoile and light vpon his owne head as happened to Gregorie the VII and Boniface the VIII This no doubt is the reason wherefore the Pope neuer sets in for feare of such inconueniences to blast a King with lightning and thunder of deposition but when hee perceiues the troubled waters of the Kingdome by some strong faction setled in his Estate or when the King is confined and bordered by some Princemore potent who thirsteth after the prey and is euer gaping for some occasion to picke a quarrell The King standing in such estate is it not as easie for the Pope to pull him downe as it is for a man with one hand to thrust downe a tottering wall when the groundsill is rotten the studdes vnpind and nodding or bending towards the ground But if the King shall beare downe and breake the faction within the Realme if hee shall get withall the vpper hand of his enemies out of the Kingdome then the holy Father presents him with pardons neuer sued for neuer asked and in afathers indulgence forsooth giues him leaue still to hold the Kingdome that hee was not able by all his force to wrest and wring out of his hand no more then the club of Hercules out of his fist How many worthy Princes incensed by the Pope to conspire against Soueraigne Lords their Masters and by open rebellion to worke some change in their Estates haue miscarried in the action with losse of life or honour or both For example Rodulphus Duke of Sueuia was eg'd on by the Pope against Henry IIII. of that name Emperour How many massacres how many desolations of Cities and townes how many bloody battels ensued thereupon Let histories bee searched let iust accompts be taken and beside sieges layde to Cities it will appeare by trew computation that Henry the IIII. and Frederic the fist fought aboue threescore battels in defence of their owne right against enemies of the Empire stirred vp to armes by the Pope of Rome How much Christian blood was then spilt in these bloody battels it passeth mans wit penne or tongue to expresse And to giue a little touch vnto matters at home doeth not his Holinesse vnderstand right well the weakenesse of Papists in my Kingdome Doeth not his Holmesse neuerthesesse animate my Papists to rebellion and forbid my Papists to take
the Oath of Allegiance Doeth not his Holinesse by this meanes draw so much as in him lyeth persecution vpon the backes of my Papists as vpon rebels and expose their life as it were vpon the open stall to be sold at a very easie price All these examples either ioynt or seuerall are manifest and euident proofes that feare to draw mischiefe and persecution vpon the Church hath not barred the Popes from thundering against Emperours and Kings whensoeuer they conceiued any hope by their fulminations to aduance their greatnesse Last of all I referre the matter to the most possessed with preiudice euen the very aduersaries whether this doctrine by which people are trained vp in subiection vnto Infidel or hereticall Kings vntill the subiects be of sufficient strength to mate their Kings to expell their Kings and to depose them from their Kingdomes doth not incense the Turkish Emperours and other Infidell Princes to roote out all the Christians that drawe in their yoke as people that waite onely for a fit occasion to rebell and to take themselues ingaged for obedience to their Lords onely by constraint and seruile feare Let vs therefore now conclude with Ozius in that famous Epistle speaking to Constantius an Arrian heretike Apud Athan●in E●●st ad solit●● vitam a●gentes As hee that by secret practise or open violence would bereaue thee of thy Empire should violate Gods ordinance so bee thou touched with feare least by vsurping authoritie ouer Church matters thou tumble not headlong into some hainous crime Where this holy Bishop hath not vouchsafed to insert and mention the L. Cardinals exception to wit the right of the Church alwaies excepted and saued when she shall be of sufficient strength to shake off the yoke of Emperours Neither speaks the same holy Bishop of priuate persons alone or men of some particular condition and calling but hee setteth downe a generall rule for all degrees neuer to impeach Imperiall Maiestie vpon any pretext whatsoeuer As his Lordships first reason drawne from weakenesse is exceeding weake so is that which the L. Cardinall takes vp in the next place The 2. reas Pag. 77. He telleth vs there is very great difference betweene Pagan Emperours and Christian Princes Pagan Emperours who neuer did homage to Christ who neuer were by their subiects receiued with condition to acknowledge perpetuall subiection vnto the Empire of Christ who neuer were bound by oath and mutuall contract betweene Prince and subiect Christian Princes who slide backe by Apostasie degenerate by Arrianisme or fall away by Mahometisme Touching the latter of these two as his Lordshippe saith If they shall as it were take an oath and make a vowe contrary to their first oath and vow made and taken when they were installed and contrary to the condition vnder which they receiued the Scepter of their Fathers if they withall shall turne persecutors of the Catholike religion touching these I say the L. Cardinal holds that without question they may bee remooued from their Kingdomes He telleth vs not by whom but euery where he meaneth by the Pope Touching Kings deposed by the Pope vnder pretence of stupidity as Childeric or of matrimoniall causes as Philip I. or for collating of benefices as Philip the Faire not one word By that point he easily glideth and shuffles it vp in silence for feare of distasting the Pope on the one side or his auditors on the other Now in alledging this reason his Lordship makes all the world a witnes that in deposing of Kings the Pope hath no eye of regard to the benefit and securitie of the Church For such Princes as neuer suckt other milke then that of Infidelitie and persecution of Religion are no lesse noisome and pernicious vermin to the Church then if they had sucked of the Churches breasts And as for the greatnesse of the sinne or offence it seemes to me there is very little difference in the matter For a Prince that neuer did sweare any religious obedience to Iesus Christ is bound no lesse to such obedience then if he had taken a solemne oath As the sonne that rebelliously stands vp against his father is in equall degree of sinne whether he hath sworne or not sworne obedience to his father because he is bound to such obedience not by any voluntarie contract or couenant but by the law of Nature The commaundement of God to kisse the Sonne whom the Father hath confirmed and ratified King of Kings doeth equally bind all Kings as well Pagans as Christians On the other side who denies who doubts that Constantius Emperour at his first steppe or entrance into the Empire did not sweare and bind himselfe by solemne vowe to keepe the rules and to maintaine the precepts of the Orthodox faith or that he did not receiue his fathers Empire vpon such condition This notwithstanding the Bishop of Rome pulled not Constantius from his Imperiall throne but Constantius remooued the Bishop of Rome from his Papall See And were it so that an oath taken by a King at his consecration and after violated is a sufficient cause for the Pope to depose an Apostate or hereticall Prince then by good consequence the Pope may in like sort depose a King who beeing neither dead in Apostasie nor sicke of Heresie doeth neglect onely the due administration of iustice to his loyall subiects For his oath taken at consecration importeth likewise that he shall minister iustice to his people A point wherein the holy Father is held short by the L. Cardinall who dares prescribe new lawes to the Pope and presumes to limit his fulnesse of power within certaine meeres and head-lands extending the Popes power only to the deposing of Christian Kings when they turne Apostats forsaking the Catholike faith and not such Princes as neuer breathed any thing but pure Paganisme and neuer serued vnder the colours of Iesus Christ Meane while his Lordship forgets that King Attabaliba was deposed by the Pope from his Kingdome of Peru and the said Kingdome was conferred vpon the King of Spaine though the said poore King of Peru neuer forsooke his heathen superstition and though the turning of him out of his terrestriall Kingdome was no way to conuert him vnto the faith of Christ Pag. 77. Yea his Lordship a little after telleth vs himselfe that Be the Turkes possession in the conquests that he maketh ouer Christians neuer so auncient yet by no long tract of time whatsoeuer can he gaine so much as a thumbes breadth of prescription that is to say the Turke for all that is but a disseisor one that violently and wilfully keeps an other man from his owne and by good right may be dispossessed of the same whereas notwithstanding the Turkish Emperours neuer fauoured nor sauoured Christianitie Let vs runne ouer the examples of Kings whom the Pope hath dared and presumed to depose and hardly will any one be found of whom it may be trewly auouched that he hath taken an oath
contrary to his oath of subiection to Iesus Christ or that he hath wilfully cast himselfe into Apostaticall defection And certes to any man that weighs the matter with due consideration it wil be found apparantly false that Kings of France haue bene receiued of their subiects at any time with condition to serue IESVS CHRIST They were actually Kings before they came forth to the solemnitie of their sacring before they vsed any stipulation or promise to their subiects For in hereditary kingdoms nothing more certaine nothing more vncontrouleable the Kings death instantly maketh liuery and seisin of the Royaltie to his next successour Nor is it materiall to replie that a King succeeding by right of inheritance takes an oath in the person of his predecessor For euery oath is personall proper to the person by whom it is taken and to God no liuing creature can sweare that his owne sonne or his heire shall proue an honest man Well may the father and with great solemnitie promise that he will exhort his heire apparant with all his power and the best of his endeauours to feare God and to practise piety If the fathers oath be agreeable to the dueties of godlinesse the sonne is bound thereby whether he take an oath or take none On the other side if the fathers oath come from the puddles of impietie the sonne is bound thereby to goe the contrary way If the fathers oath concerne things of indifferent nature and such as by the variety or change of times become either pernicious or impossible then it is free for the Kings next successor and heire prudently to fit and proportion his Lawes vnto the times present and to the best benefit of the Common-wealth When I call these things to mind with some attention I am out of all doubt his Lordship is very much to seeke in the right sense and nature of his Kings oath taken at his Coronation to defend the Church and to perseuere in the Catholike faith For what is more vnlike and lesse credible then this conceit that after Clouis had reigned 15. yeeres in the state of Paganisme and then receiued holy Baptisme he should become Christian vpon this condition That in case hee should afterward reuolt from the Faith it should then bee in the power of the Church to turne him out of his Kingdome But had any such conditionall stipulation beene made by Clouis in very good earnest and trewth yet would hee neuer haue intended that his deposing should bee the acte of the Romane Bishop but rather of those whether Peeres or people or whole body of the State by whom he had bene aduanced to the Kingdome Let vs heare the trewth and this is the trewth It is farre from the customary vse in France for their Kings to take any such oath or to vse any such stipulation with their subiects If any King or Prince wheresoeuer doth vse an oath or solemne promise in these expresse termes Let me lose my Kingdome or my life be that day my last both for life and reigne when I shall first reuolt from the Christian Religion By these words he calleth vpon God for vengeance hee vseth imprecation against his owne head but hee makes not his Crowne to stoupe by this meanes to any power in the Pope or in the Church or in the people And touching inscriptions vpon coynes of which point his Lordship speaketh by the way verely the nature of the money or coine the stamping and minting whereof is one of the marks of the Prince his dignity and Soueraignty is not changed by bearing the letters of Christs Name on the reuerse or on the front Such characters of Christs Name are aduertisements and instructions to the people that in shewing and yeelding obedience vnto the King they are obedient vnto Christ those Princes likewise who are so wel aduised to haue the most sacred Names inscribed and printed in their coines doe take and acknowledge Iesus Christ for supreme King of Kings The said holy characters are no representation or profession that any Kings Crowne dependeth vpon the Church or can be taken away by the Pope The L. Cardinal indeed so beareth vs in hand But he inuerts the words of Iesus Christ and wrings them out of the right ioynt For Christ without all ambiguitie and circumlocution by the image and inscription of the money doeth directly and expressely prooue Caesar to bee free from subiection and entirely Soueraigne Now if such a supreme and Soueraigne Prince at any time shall bandie and combine against God and thereby shall become a rebellious and perfidious Prince doubtlesse for such disloyaltie he shall deserue that God would take from him all hope of life eternall and yet hereby neither Pope nor people hath reason to bee puft vp in their power to depriue him of his temporall Kingdome The L. Page 76. Cardinall saith besides The champions of the Popes power to depose Kings doe expound that commandement of S. Paul whereby euery soule is made subiect vnto the superiour powers to bee a prouisionall precept or caution accommodated to the times and to stand in force onely vntll the Church were growen in strength vnto such a scantling that it might be in the power of the faithfull without shaking the pillars of Christian state to stand in the breach and cautelously to prouide that none but Christian Princes might be receiued according to the Law in Deut Thou shalt make thee a King from among thy brethren The reason whereupon they ground is this Because Paul saith It is a shame for Christians to be iudged vnder vniust Infidels in mattrs or businesse which they had one against another For which inconuenience Iustinian after prouided by Law when hee ordeined that no Infidel nor Heretike might be admitted to the administration of iustice in the Common-wealth In which words of the Cardinall the word Receiued is to bee obserued especially and aboue the rest For by chopping in that word hee doeth nimbly and with a tricke of Legier-demain transforme or change the very state of the question For the question or issue of the cause is not about receiuing establishing or choosing a Prince as in those Nations where the Kingdome goes by election but about doing homage to the Prince when God hath setled him in the Kingdome and hath cast it vpon a Prince by hereditary succession For that which is writtten Thou shalt make thee a King doeth no way concerne and touch the people of France in these dayes because the making of their King hath not of long time been tyed to their election The passage therefore in Deuter. makes nothing to the purpose no more then doth Iustinians law For it is our free and voluntary confession that a Christian Prince is to haue speciall care of the Lawes and to prouide that no vnbeleeuer be made Lord Chiefe-Iustice of the Land that no Infidel be put in trust with administration of Iustice to the people But here the issue doeth not
manner of arguments then Theologicall schooles or the perswasions of the L. Cardinals fluent Rhetoricke doe vsually afford or could possibly suggest Moreouer who doeth not know that in affaires of so high nature and consequence resolutions once taken Princes are to proceede with instructions by a formall course As for the Kings absolution pretended to bee purchased of Clement 8. by the L. Cardinals good seruice it had beene the part of so great a Cardinall for the honour of his King of the Realme and of his owne place to haue buried that piece of his notable seruice in perpetuall silence and in the darke night of eternall obliuion For in this matter of reconcilement it is not vnknowne to the world how shamefully and basely hee prostituted the inuiolable dignity of his King when his Lordship representing the person of his King and couching on the ground by way of sufficient penance was glad as I haue noted in the Preface to my Apologie to haue his venerable shoulders gracefully saluted with stripes and reuerently worshipped with bastonados of a Pontificiall cudgell Which gracefull or disgracefull blemish rather it pleased Pope Clement of his rare clemencie to grace yet with a higher degree of spirituall graces in giuing the L. Cardinall then Bishop of Eureux a certaine quantity of holy graines crosses and medals or little plates of siluer or some other mettall to hang about the necke or to bee borne about against some euill Which treasures of the Popes grace whosoeuer should graciously and reuerently kisse they should without faile purchase vnto themselues a pardon for one hundred yeeres These feate and prety gugawes for children were no doubt a speciall comfort vnto the good Kings heart after his Maiestie had beene handsomely basted vpon the L. Bishops backe But with what face can his Lordship brag that he preuailed with Pope Clement for the Kings absolution The late Duke of Neuers not long before had solicited his Holines with all earnest and humble instance to the same purpose howsoeuer the Kings affaires then seeming desperate in the Popes eye he was licensed to depart for France without any due and gracious respect vnto his errand But so soone as the Pope receiued intelligence of the Kings fortunes growing to the full and the affaires of the League to be in the wane and the principall cities the strongest places of garrison through all France to strike tops and tops gallant and to hale the King then the holy Ghost in good time inspired the holy Father with a holy desire and tender affection to receiue this poore wandring sheep againe into the flocke of Christ and bosome of holy Church His Holinesse had reason For he feared by his obstinate seuerity to prouoke the patience of the French and to driue that Nation as they had many times threatned before then to put in execution their auncient designe which was to shake off the Pope and to set vp some of their owne tribes or kinreds for Patriarch ouer the French Church But let his Lordshippe vouchsafe to search the secret of his owne bosome and no doubt he wil not sticke to acknowledge that before he stirred one foote out of France he had good assurance of the good successe and issue of his honourable embassage Now the hearers thus prepared by his Preface the L. Cardinall proceedeth in his purpose namely to make proofe how this Article of the third Estate wherein doubtfull and questionable matters are mingled and confounded with certaine and indubitable principles doth so debilitate and weaken the sinewes and vertue of any remedy intended for the danger of Kings as it maketh all remedies and receipts prescribed for that purpose to become altogether vnprofitable and without effect He yeelds this reason take it forsooth vpon my warrant a reason full of pith and substance The onely remedie against parricides is to thunder the solemne curses of the Church and the punishments to be inflicted after death which points if they be not grounded vpon infallible authoritie will neuer be setled in mens perswasions with any certaine assurance Now in the solemne curses of the Church no man can attaine to the said assurance if things not denied be mingled with points not graunted and not consented vnto by the Vniuersall Church By a thing not denied and not contested the L. Cardinall meanes prohibiting and condemning of King-killing and by points contested he meanes denying of the Popes power to depose Kings In this whole discourse I find neither pith of argument nor course of proofe but onely a cast of the L. Cardinalls office by way of counsell whereunto I make this answere If there be in this Article of the third Estate any point wherein all are not of one mind and the same iudgement in whom lieth all the blame from whence rises the doubt but from the Popes and Popish parasites by whom the certaintie of the said point hath bin cunningly remooued and conueied away and must be restored againe by publike authority Now the way to restore certainty vnto a point which against reason is called into doubt and question is to make it vp in one masse or to tie it vp in the same bundle with other certaine points of the same nature Here I am forced to summon the consciences of men to make some stand or stay vpon this point and with me to enter into deepe consideration how great and vnuanquishable force is euer found in the trewth For these two questions Whether Kings may lawfully be made away by assassins waged and hired for the act and Whether the Pope hath lawfull power to chase Kings out of their Thrones are by the L. Cardinals owne confession in so full aspect of coniunction that if either bee brought vnder any degree of doubt the other also is fetcht within the same compasse In which words he directly pointeth as with a finger to the very trew source of the maine mischiefe and to the basilique and liuer veine infected with pestilential blood inflamed to the destruction of Basilicall Princes by detestable parricide For whosoeuer shall confidently beleeue that Popes are not armed with power to depose Kings will beleeue with no lesse confidence and assurance it is not lawful by sudden assaults to flie at their throats For are not all desperate villaines perswaded when they are hired to murder Kings that in doing so damnable a feate they doe it for a piece of notable and extraordinary seruice to the Pope This maxime therfore is to be held for a principle vnmooueable and indubitable that If subiects desire the life of their Kings to bee secured they must not yeeld the Pope one inch of power to depriue their Kings of their Thrones and Crownes by deposing their Kings The Lord Cardinall testifieth no lesse himselfe in these words If those monsters of men and furies of hell by whom the life-blood of our two last Kings was let out had euer beene acquainted with Lawes Ecclesiasticall they might haue read themselues
trāsgressors of diuine humane lawes If the French king in the heart of his kingdom should nourish and foster such a nest of stinging hornets and busie wasps I meane such a pack of subiects denying his absolute Soueraignty as many Romane Catholiks of my Kingdome do mine It may wel be doubted whether the L. Cardinal would aduise his king stil to feather the nest of the said Catholiks stil to keep them warme stil to beare them with an easie and gentle hand It may wel be doubted whether his Lordship would extol their constancie that would haue the courage to sheath vp their swords in his Kings bowels or blow vp his King with gun-powder into the neather station of the lowest regiō It may wel be doubted whether he would indure that Orator who like as himselfe hath done should stir vp others to suffer Martyrdome after such examples and to imitate parricides traitors in their constancy The scope then of the L. Cardinall in striking the sweet strings and sounding the pleasant notes of praises which faine he would fil mine eares withal is only by his excellent skil in the musick of Oratory to bewitch the harts of my subiects to infatuate their minds to settle them in a resolution to depriue me of my life The reason Because the plotters and practisers against my life are honoured and rewarded with a glorious name of Martyrs their constancie what els is admired when they suffer death for treason Wheras hitherto during the time of my whole raigne to this day I speake it in the word of a King and trewth it selfe shall make good the Kings word no man hath lost his life no man hath indured the Racke no man hath suffered corporall punishment in other kinds meerely or simply or in any degree of respect for his conscience in matter of religion but for wicked conspiring against my life or Estate or Royall dignitie or els for some notorious crime or some obstinate and wilfull disobedience Of which traiterous and viperous brood I commanded one to be hanged by the necke of late in Scotland a Iesuite of intolerable impudencie who at his arraignment and publike triall stiffely maintained that I haue robbed the Pope of his right and haue no manner of right in the possession of my Kingdome His Lordship therefore in offering himselfe to Martyrdome after the rare example of Catholiks as he saith suffering all sort of punishment in my Kingdome doeth plainely professe himselfe a follower of traytors and parricides These be the Worthies these the heroicall spirits these the honourable Captaines and Coronels whose vertuous parts neuer sufficiently magnified and praysed his Lordshippe propoundeth for imitation to the French Bishops O the name of Martyrs in olde times a sacred name how is it now derided and scoffed how is it in these daies filthily prophaned O you the whole quire and holy company of Apostles who haue sealed the trewth with your dearest blood how much are you disparaged how vnfitly are you paragoned and matched when traytors bloody butchers and King-killers are made your assistants and of the same Quorum or to speake in milder tearmes when you are coupled with Martyrs that suffer for maintaining the Temporall rites of the Popes Empire with Bishops that offer themselues to a Problematicall Martyrdome for a point decided neither by the authorities of your Spirit-inspired pens nor by the auncient and venerable testimonie of the Primitiue Church for a point which they dare not vndertake to teach otherwise then by a doubtfull cold fearefull way of discourse and altogether without resolution In good sooth I take the Cardinall for a personage of a quicker spirit and clearer sight let his Lordship hold mee excused then to perswade my selfe that in these matters his tongue and his heart his pen and his inward iudgement haue any concord or correspondence one with another For beeing very much against his minde as hee doeth confesse thrust into the office of an Aduocate to pleade this cause he suffered himselfe to bee carried after his engagement with some heat to vtter some things against his conscience murmuring and grumbling the contrary within and to affirme some other things with confidence whereof hee had not beene otherwise informed then onely by vaine and lying report Of which ranke is that bold assertion of his Lordship That many Catholiks in England rather then they would subscribe to the oath of allegiance in the forme thereof haue vndergone all sorts of punishment For in England as we haue trewly giuen the whole Christian world to vnderstand in our Preface to the Apologie there is but one forme or kind of punishment ordained for all sorts of traytors Hath not his Lordship now graced me with goodly testimonialls of prayse and commendation Am I not by his prayses proclaimed a Tyrant as it were inebriated with blood of the Saints and a famous Enginer of torments for my Catholikes To this exhortation for the suffering of Martyrdome in imitation of my English traytors and parricides if wee shall adde how craftily and subtilly hee makes the Kings of England to hold of the Pope by fealty and their kingdome in bondage to the Pope by Temporall recognizance it shall easily appeare that his holy-water of prayses wherewith I am so reuerently besprinkled is a composition extracted out of a dram of hony and a pound of gall first steeped in a strong decoction of bitter wormewood or of the wild gourd called Coloquintida For after he hath in the beginning of his Oration Page 10. spoken of Kings that owe fealtie to the Pope and are not Soueraignes in the highest degree of Temporall supremacie within their Kingdomes to explaine his mind and meaning the better he marshals the Kings of England a little after in the same ranke His words be these When King Iohn of England not yet bound in any temporall recognizance to the Pope had expelled his Bishops c. His Lordship means that King Iohn became so bound to the Pope not long after And what may this meaning be but in plaine tearmes and broad speach to call me vsurper and vnlawfull King For the feudatarie or he that holdeth a Mannor by fealty when he doeth not his homage with all suit and seruice that he owes to the Lord Paramount doeth fall from the propertie of his fee. This reproach of the L. Cardinals is seconded with an other of Bellarmines his brother Cardinall That Ireland was giuen to the Kings of England by the Pope The best is that his most reuerend Lordship hath not shewed who it was that gaue Ireland to the Pope And touching Iohn King of England thus in briefe stands the whole matter Betweene Henry 2. and the Pope had passed sundry bickerments about collating of Ecclesiasticall dignities Iohn the sonne after his fathers death reneweth vndertaketh and pursueth the same quarrell Driueth certaine English Bishops out of the Kingdome for defending the Popes insolent vsurpation vpon his Royall prerogatiue and Regall rights
Sheweth such Princely courage and resolution in those times when all that stood and suffered for the Popes Temporall pretensions against Kings were enrowled Martyrs or Confessors The Pope takes the matter in fowle scorne and great indignation shuts the King by his excommunicatory Bulls out of the Church stirres vp his Barons for other causes the Kings heauy friends to rise in armes giues the Kingdome of England like a masterlesse man turned ouer to a new master to Philippus Augustus King of France bindes Philip to make a conquest of England by the sword or else no bargaine or else no gift promises Philip in recompence of his trauell and Royall expences in that conquest full absolution and a generall pardon at large for all his sinnes to bee short cuts King Iohn out so much worke and makes him keepe so many yrons in the fire for his worke that he had none other way none other meanes to pacifie the Popes high displeasure to correct or qualifie the malignitie of the Popes cholericke humour by whom he was then so entangled in the Popes toyles but by yeelding himselfe to become the Popes vassal and his Kingdome feudatary or to hold by fealty of the Papall See By this meanes his Crowne is made tributary all his people liable to payment of taxes by the poll for a certaine yeerely tribute and he is blessed with a pardon for all his sinnes Whether King Iohn was mooued to doe this dishonourable act vpon any deuotion or inflamed with any zeale of Religion or inforced by the vnresistable weapons of necessitie who can be so blind that he doeth not well see and clearely perceiue For to purchase his owne freedome from this bondage to the Pope what could he bee vnwilling to doe that was willing to bring his Kingdome vnder the yoake of Amirales Murmelinus a Mahumetan Prince then King of Granado and Barbaria The Pope after that sent a Legat into England The King now the Popes vassall and holding his Crowne of the Pope like a man that holds his land of another by Knights seruice or by homage and fealtie doeth faire homage for his Crowne to the Popes Legat and layeth downe at his feet a great masse of the purest gold in coyne The reuerend Legat in token of his Masters Soueraigntie with more then vsuall pride falls to kicking and spurning the treasure no doubt with a paire of most holy feet Not onely so but likewise at solemne feasts is easily entreated to take the Kings chaire of Estate Heere I would faine know the Lord Cardinals opinion whether these actions of the Pope were iust or vniust lawfull or vnlawfull according to right or against all right and reason If he will say against right it is then cleare that against right his Lordship hath made way to this example if according to right let him then make it knowen from whence or from whom this power was deriued and conueyed to the Pope whereby hee makes himselfe Souereigne Lord of Temporalties in that Kingdome where neither he nor any of his predecessours euer pretended any right or layd any claime to Temporall matters before Are such prankes to be played by the Pontificiall Bishop Is this an act of Holinesse to set a Kingdome on fire by the flaming brands of sedition to dismember and quarter a Kingdome with intestine warres onely to this end that a King once reduced to the lowest degree of miserie might be lifted by his Holinesse out of his Royall prerogatiue the very soule and life of his Royall Estate When began this Papall power In what aage began the Pope to practise this power What! haue the ancient Canons for the Scripture in this question beareth no pawme haue the Canons of the ancient Church imposed any such satisfaction vpon a sinner that of a Souereigne and free King he should become vassall to his ghostly Father that he should make himselfe together with all his people and subiects tributaries to a Bishop that shall rifle a whole Nation of their coine that shall receiue homage of a King and make a King his vassall What! Shall not a sinner be quitted of his faults except his Pastor turne robber and one that goeth about to get a booty except hee make his Pastour a Feoffee in his whole Estate and suffer himselfe vnder a shadow of penance to freeze naked to be turned out of all his goods and possessions of inheritance But be it granted admit his Holinesse robs one Prince of his rights and reuenewes to conferre the same vpon another were it not an high degree of tyrannie to finger another mans estate and to giue that away to a third which the second hath no right no lawfull authoritie to giue Well if the Pope then shall become his owne caruer in the rights of another if he shall make his owne coffers to swell with anothers reuenewes if he shall decke and aray his owne backe in the spoiles of a sinner with whom in absolution he maketh peace and taketh truce what can this be else but running into further degrees of wickednesse and mischiefe what can this be else but heaping of robbery vpon fraud and Impietie vpon robbery For by such deceitfull craftie and cunning practises the nature of the Pontificiall See meerely spirituall is changed into the Kings-bench-Court meerely temporall the Bishops chaire is changed into a Monarchs Throne And not onely so but besides the sinners repentance is changed into a snare or pit-fall of cousening deceit and S. Peters net is changed into a casting-net or a flew to fish for all the wealth of most flourishing Kingdomes Moreouer the King a hard case is driuen by such wiles and subtilties to worke impossibilities to acte more then is lawfull or within the compasse of his power to practise For the King neither may in right nor can by power trans-nature his Crowne impaire the Maiestie of his Kingdome or leaue his Royal dignitie lesse free to his heire apparant or next successor then he receiued the same of his predecessour Much lesse by any dishonourable capitulations by any vnworthy contracts degrade his posteritie bring his people vnder the grieuous burden of tributes and taxes to a forreine Prince Least of all make them tributary to a Priest vnto whom it no way apperteineth to haue any hand in the ciuill affaires of Kings or to distaine and vnhallow their Crownes And therefore when the Pope dispatched his Nuntio to Philippus Augustus requesting the King to auert Lewis his sonne from laying any claime to the Kingdome of England Philip answered the Legat as we haue it in Matth. Paris No King no Prince can alienate or giue away his Kingdom but by consent of his Barons bound by Knights seruice to defend the said Kingdome and in case the Pope shall stand for the contrary error his Holines shall giue to Kingdomes a most pernicious example By the same Author it is testified that King Iohn became odious to his subiects for such dishonourable and vnworthy