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A67908 The history of the troubles and tryal of the Most Reverend Father in God and blessed martyr, William Laud, Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury. vol. 1 wrote by himself during his imprisonment in the Tower ; to which is prefixed the diary of his own life, faithfully and entirely published from the original copy ; and subjoined, a supplement to the preceding history, the Arch-Bishop's last will, his large answer to the Lord Say's speech concerning liturgies, his annual accounts of his province delivered to the king, and some other things relating to the history. Laud, William, 1573-1645.; Wharton, Henry, 1664-1695.; Prynne, William, 1600-1669. Rome's masterpiece. 1695 (1695) Wing L586; Wing H2188; ESTC R354 691,871 692

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I had finished my Answer the Right Reverend Lancelot Lord Bishop of Winchester and I went together to the Country House which John Lord Bishop of Rochester hath by Bromley We Dined there and returned in the Evening June 8. Wednesday I went to Chelsey but returned with my Labour lost June 12. Sunday it was Trinity Sunday Queen Mary crossing the Seas Landed upon our Shore about Seven a Clock in the Evening God grant that she may be an Evening and an Happy Star to our Orb. June 13. Munday the Parliament waiting for the King 's coming adjourned again till Saturday the 18th of June June 16. Thursday the King and Queen came to London They arrived at Court at five a Clock It was ill weather and the day cloudy When they came by the Tower of London for they came by water instead of Coach the King led out the Queen to the outside of the Barge that she might see the People and the City But at the same time a violent shower of Rain falling down forced them both to return into the inward part of the Barge The shower continued until they had entred White-Hall and then ceased June 18. Saturday The first Parliament of King Charles which had been so often put off now began There were present at the opening of it the Duke of Shiveruz with other French Noblemen a Bishop also who Attended the Queen For fear of the Pestilence which then began to be very rife the King omitted the pomp usual upon that day lest the great conflux of People should be of ill consequence And the Sermon which had been imposed upon me to be Preached in Westminster Abbey at the beginning of this Session was put off to the next day that is to June 19. First Sunday after Trinity on which day I Preached it in the Chappel at White-Hall June 20. The Convocation began June 24. Was the Feast of St John Baptist. The King Commanded the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury with six other Bishops whom he then Named to advise together concerning a Publick Fast and a Form of Prayer to implore the Divine Mercy now that the Pestilence began to spread and the extraordinary wet weather threatned a Famin and also to beg the Divine Blessing upon the Fleet now ready to put to Sea The Bishops were London Durham Winchester Norwich Rochester St. Davids This was done June 25. Saturday All the Bishops who were then in Town were introduced together that they might wait upon Queen Mary and kiss her Hand She received us very Graciously July 2. Saturday The Fast was kept by both Houses of Parliament to set an Example therein to the whole Kingdom July 3. Sunday in my Sleep his Majesty King James appeared to me I saw him only passing by swiftly He was of a pleasant and serene Countenance In passing he saw me beckned to me smiled and was immediately withdrawn from my Sight July 7. Thursday Richard Montague was brought into the Lower House of Parliament c. July 9. Saturday it pleased his Majesty King Charles to intimate to the House of Commons that what had been there said and resolved without consulting him in Montague's Cause was not pleasing to him July 11. Monday The Parliament was Prorogued to Oxford against the first day of August July 13. Wednesday there having died in the former week at London 1222 Persons I went into the Country to the House of my good Friend Francis Windebank In going thither Richard Montague met me by chance I was the first who certified him of the King's Favour to him July 15. Friday I went to Windsor and performed some Businesses committed to my trust by the Right Reverend Bishop of Durham I returned that night The Court was there at that time July 17. Sunday I went again to Windsor I stood by the King at Dinner time Some Matters of Philosophy were the Subject of Discourse I Dined Afterwards I Eat in the House of the Bishop of Glocester Baron Vaughan was there present with his Eldest Son The next day one of the Bishops Servants who had waited at Table was seized with the Plague God be merciful to me and the rest That Night I returned being become lame on the sudden through I know not what humor falling down upon my left Leg or as R An thought by the biting of Buggs I grew well within two days July 20. Wednesday A Publick Fast was held throughout all England I Preached in the Parish of Hurst where I then abode with Master Windebanke July 21. Thursday I visited Sir Richard Harrison and returned July 24. Sunday I Preached in the Parish of Hurst July 29. Friday I entred into Oxford July 31. Sunday I fell down I know not how in the Parlour of the President 's Lodging at St. John's Colledge and hurt my left shoulder and hip Aug. 1. Monday The Parliament began at Oxford Presently after the beginning of it a great assault was made against the Duke of Buckingham Aug. 12. Friday The Parliament was dissolved the Commons not hearkning as was expected to the King's Proposals Aug. 15. My Relapse I never was weaker in the judgment of the Phisician It was Munday The same day I began my journey towards Wales Aug. 21. Sunday I Preached at Brecknock where I stayed two days very busie in performing some Business That Night in my Sleep it seemed to me that the Duke of Buckingham came into Bed to me where he behaved himself with great kindness towards me after that Rest wherewith wearied Persons are wont to solace themselves Many also seemed to me to enter the Chamber who saw this Not long before I dreamed that I saw the Dutchess of Buckingham that Excellent Lady at first very much perplexed about her Husband but afterwards chearful and rejoycing that she was freed from the fear of Abortion so that in due time she might be again a Mother Aug. 24. Wednesday and the Festival of St. Bartholomew I came safely thanks be to God to my own House at Aberguille Although my Coach had been twice that day overturned between Aber-Markes and my House The first time I was in it but the latter time it was empty Aug. 28. Sunday I Consecrated the Chappel or Oratory which I had built at my own charge in my House commonly called Aberguilly-House I Named it the Chappel of St. John Baptist in grateful remembrance of St. John Baptist's Colledge in Oxford of which I had been first Fellow and afterwards President And this I had determined to do But another thing intervened of no ill Omen as I hope of which I had never thought It was this On Saturday the Evening immediately preceeding the Consecration while I was intent at Prayer I know not how it came strongly into my mind that the day of the Beheading of St. John Baptist was very near When Prayers were finished I consulted the Calendar I found that day to fall upon Munday to wit the 29th of August not upon Sunday I could have
found him with his Mother sitting in the Room It was a fair Chamber he went away and I went after but missed him and after tyred my self extreamly but neither could I find him nor so much as the House again Anno 1637 March 30. Thursday I Christened the Lady Princess Ann King Charles his third Daughter She was born on Friday March 17. Junij 10. My Book of the Records in the Tower which concerned the Clergy and which I caused to be Collected and Written in Vellam was brought me finished 'T is ab Ann. 20. Ed. 1. ad Ann. 14. Ed. 4. Junij 14. This Day Jo Bastwick Dr of Physick Hen Burton Batch of Divinity and Will Prynne Barrister at Law were Censured for their Libells against the Hierarchy of the Church c. Junij 26. The Speech I then spake in the Star-Chamber was commanded by the King to be Printed And it came out Junij the 25. Junij 26. This Day Munday The Prince Elector and his Brother Prince Rupert began their Journey toward the Sea Side to return for Holland Junij 30. Friday the above named three Libellers lost their Ears Julij 7. Friday A Note was brought to me of a Short Libel pasted on the Cross in Cheapside that the Arch-Wolf of Cant. had his Hand in persecuting the Saints and shedding the Blood of the Martyrs Memento for the last of June Julij 11. Tuesday Dr. Williams Lord Bishop of Lincoln was Censured in the Star-Chamber for tampering and corrupting of Wit in the King's Cause Julij 24. Being Munday He was suspended by the High Commission c. Aug. 3. Thursday I Married James Duke of Lenox to the Lady Mary Villars sole Daughter to the Lord Duke of Buckingham The Marriage was in my Chappel at Lambeth the Day very Rainy the King present Aug. 23. Wednesday My Lord Mayor sent me a Libel found by the Watch at the South Gate of St. Pauls That the Devil had lett that House to me c. Aug. 25. Friday Another Libel brought me by an Officer of the High Commission fastned to the North Gate of St. Pauls That the Government of the Church of England is a Candle in the Snuff going out in a Stench Aug. 25. The same Day at Night my Lord Mayor sent me another Libel hanged upon the Standard in Cheapside My Speech in the Star-Chamber set in a kind of Pillory c. Aug. 29. Tuesday Another short Libel against me in Verse Octob. 22. Sunday A great Noise about the perverting of the Lady Newport Speech of it at the Council My free Speech there to the King concerning the increasing of the Roman Party the Freedom at denmark-Denmark-house the Carriage of Mr. Wal. Montague and Sir Toby Matthews The Queen acquainted with all I said that very Night and highly displeased with me and so continues Novemb. 22. Wednesday The extream and unnatural hot Winter Weather began and continued till Decemb. 8. Decemb. 12. Tuesday I had Speech with the Queen a good space and all about the Business of Mr. Montague but we parted fair Anno 1638. April 29. The Tumults in Scotland about the Service-Book offered to be brought in began July 23. 1637. and continued increasing by fits and hath now brought that Kingdom in danger No question but there is a great Concurrence between them and the Puritan Party in England A great aim there to destroy me in the King's Opinion c. Maij 26. Saturday James Lord Marquess Hamilton set forth as the King's Commissioner to appease the Tumults in Scotland God prosper him for God and the King It was a very Rainy Day June My Visitation then began of Merton Coll. in Oxford by my Visitors was Adjourned to my own Hearing against and upon Octob. 2. Octob. 2. 3. 4. I sate upon this Business these Three Days and Adjourned it to July 1. inter Horas primam tertiam Lambeth The Warden appeared very foul Octob. 19. Friday News was brought to us as we sate in the Star-Chamber That the Queen-Mother of France was Landed at Harwich many and great Apprehensions upon this Business Extream Windy and Wet Weather a Week before and after the Water-men called it Q Mother Weather Octob. 26. Friday A most Extream Tempest upon the Thames I was in it going from the Star-Chamber Home between six and seven at Night I was never upon the Water in the like Storm And was in great Danger at my Landing at Lambeth Bridge Octob. 31. Wednesday The Q Mother came into London and so to St James's Novemb. 13. Tuesday The Agreement between me and Ab. S. c. Novemb. 21. Wednesday The General Assembly in Scotland began to Sit. Novemb. 29. Thursday The Proclamation issued out for dissolving the General Assembly in Scotland under pain of Treason Decemb. 20. They sate notwithstanding and made many strange Acts till Decemb. 20. which was Thursday and then they rose But have indicted another Assembly against July next Januar. 14. Munday About 5. at Night a most grievous Tempest of Wind Thunder Lightning and Rain Feb. 10. My Book against Fisher the Jesuit was Printed and this day being Sunday I delivered a Copy to his Majesty Feb. 12. Tuesday-night I dreamed that K. C. was to be Married to a Minister's Widow And that I was called upon to do it No Service-Book could be found and in my own Book which I had I could not find the Order for Marriage Anno 1639. March 27. Wednesday Coronation-day King Charles took his Journey Northward against the Scottish Covenanting Rebels God of his infinite Mercy bless him with Health and Success March 29. Friday An extream Fire in St. Olaves Parish Southwark forty Houses burnt down April 3. Wednesday Before the King 's going I setled with him a great business for the Queen which I understood she would never move for her self The Queen gave me great Thanks And this day I waited purposely on her to give her Thanks for her gracious acceptance She was pleased to be very free with me and to promise me freedom April 29. Munday This day the King went from York toward New-Castle but stayeth at Durham for a week at least Maij 28. His Majesty incamped two Miles West from Barwick by Tweed Junij 4. Whitson-Tuesday As I was going to do my duty to the Queen an Officer of the Lord Mayor's met me and delivered to me two very Seditious Papers the one to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen the other to excite the Apprentices c. Both Subscribed by John Lilburn a Prisoner in the Fleet Sentenced in the Star-Chamber c. Junij 5. Wednesday I delivered both these to the Lords of the Council Junij 15 17. Saturday and Munday The Peace concluded between the King and the Scottish Rebels God make it safe and Honourable to the King and Kingdom Junij 28. Friday I sent the remainder of my Manuscripts to Oxford being in number 576. And about an Hundred of them were Hebrew Arabick and Persian
terrifie Men of great Resolution and much Constancy they do in all Humility and Duty protest before your Majesty and the Peers of this most Honourable House of Parliament against all Votes Resolutions and Determinations and that they are in themselves null and of no effect which in their absence since the Twenty Seventh of this instant Month December 1641. have already passed and likewise against all such as shall hereafter pass in that most Honourable Assembly during such time of their forced and violented absence from the said most Honourable House Not denying but if their absenting of themselves were wilful and voluntary that most Noble House might proceed in all these Premises their absence and Protestation notwithstanding And humbly beseecheth your Most Excellent Majesty to command the Clerk of the House of Peers to enter this their Petition and Protestation in their Records They will ever pray God to bless and preserve c. Jo. Eborac Williams Geo. Hereford Coke Tho. Duresme Moorton Rob. Oxon Skinner Rob. Co. Lich. Wright Ma. Ely Wren Jos. Norwich Hall Godfr Glouc. Goodman Jo. Asaphen Owen Jo. Peterburg Towers Guil. Ba. Wells Pearce Mor. Llandaff Owen On Tuesday January 4. his Majesty went into the House of Commons some number of Gentlemen accompanyed him to the Door but no farther There he demanded the Persons of Mr. Denzil Hollis Sir Arthur Haselrigge Mr. Jo. Pymm Mr. Jo. Hampden and Mr. William Strode whom together with the Lord Kimbolton Sir Ed. Herbert his Majesty's Attorney General had the day before charged with High Treason in the Vpper House upon seven Articles of great consequence It seems they had information of the King 's coming and were slipt aside This made a mighty noise on all hands But the business was so carried that the House adjourned to sit in a Committee at Guild-Hall and after at the Grocer's-Hall Where things were so Ordered that within two or three days these Men were with great salutes of the People brought and in a manner guarded to the Committee and after to the House at Westminster and great stir made to and fro about the Accusation of these Men and the breach of the Priviledges of Parliament by his Majesty's coming thither in that manner Things were carried in a higher strain than ever before The King left the City and withdrew privately first to Hampton-Court after that to Windsor Many puttings on and puttings off concerning this and other great Affairs between the King and the House All which I leave to publick Records as not concerning this poor History Yet could not omit to say thus much in the general because much of the Church-business as well as the States and much of mine as well as the Churches will depend upon it CAP. XII UPon Thursday January 20. upon no Complaint that I know for I am sure I never deserved any in that kind there was an Order made in the Lords House to take away my Arms. They stood me in above Three Hundred Pounds I provided them for the Service of the State as Need might require I never employed any of them to any the least Disservice of it nor ever had thought to do Yet the Order is as follows both to my Disgrace to have them so taken from me and to my loss for though the Sheriffs of London be to take them upon Inventory yet of whom shall I demand them when they are out of their Office Die Jovis 20. Jan. 1641. IT is this Day Ordered by the Lords in Parliament That the Sheriffs of the City of London or either of them shall receive by inventory all such Ordnance and other Arms as belong to any private Persons which are to be kept to their Uses remaining now at Fox-Hall Canterbury-House the Arch-Bishop of York's House in Westminster and in the Bishop of Winchester's House a fit proportion of Arms being left at each Place for necessary Security thereof The said Sheriffs being to receive their Directions from a Committee lately appointed by the Parliament But the Intents of the Lords are and it is farther Ordered that such Ordnance and Arms as do belong to his Majesty shall be forthwith sent unto the King's Magazine in the Tower Upon Saturday Feb. 6. the Bill passed That the Bishops should have no Votes in Parliament nor have to do in Civil Affairs This was mightily strugled for almost all this Session and now obtained The Bishops have ever had this in Right and Possession ever since there was any use of Parliaments in England which the antientest Family of the Nobility which now sit there and thrust them out cannot say There was great Joy upon the Passing of this Bill in both Houses and in some Parishes of London Ringing and Bonfires The King gave way to this Bill and so that is setled And if it after prove that the King and Kingdom have Joy in it it is well But it may be that the Effects of this Eclipse may work farther than is yet thought on and the Blackness of it darken the Temporal Lords Power more than is yet feared And here I must tell you two Things The one that for the compassing of their ends in this Bill the nowbecome-usual Art was pursued and the People came in Multitudes and Clamour'd for the outing of the Bishops and the Popish Lords Votes so they were still joyned out of the House Insomuch that not the People of London only but Petitioners were brought out of divers Counties with Petitions either sent unto them or framed ready for them here against they came and they in every Petition for preservation of the Priviledges of Parliament desired the taking away of the Bishops and the Popish Lords Votes out of the House as if it were a common Grievance The other That now the Bishops have their Votes taken away by Act of Parliament you shall not see in haste any Bill at all Pass for taking away the Votes of the Popish Lords which will infer this as well as some other things That these were joyned together to make the Bishops more odious to the People as if they were Popishly affected themselves and to no other end The Court removed from Windsor to Hampton-Court and on Thurs-Day Febr. 10. The King and Queen came to Greenwich and on Friday Febr. 11. they went from thence toward Dover the Queen resolving to go into Holland with her young Daughter the Princess Mary who the Year before was Married to the Prince of Aurange his Son But the true Cause of this intended Journey was to be out of the Fears Discontents and Dangers as she conceived of the present Times And doubtless her Discontents were many and great and what her Dangers might have been by staying or may be by going God alone knows His Majesty while he was upon that Journey sent a Message to both Houses This was Printed Febr. 14. By this the King puts all
long Service He was pleased to say He had given me nothing but Gloucester which he well knew was a Shell without a Kernel June 29. His Majesty gave me the Grant of the Bishoprick of St. Davids being St. Peter's day The general expectation in Court was that I should then have been made Dean of Westminster and not Bishop of St. Davids The King gave me leave to hold the Presidentship of St. John Baptist's Colledge in Oxon in my Commendam with the Bishoprick of St. Davids But by Reason of the strictness of that Statute which I will not violate nor my Oath to it under any colour I am resolved before my Consecration to leave it Octob. 10. I was chosen Bishop of St. Davids Octob. 10. 1621. I resigned the Presidentship of St. Johns in Oxford Novemb. 17. 1621. I Preached at Westminster Novemb. 5. I was Consecrated Bishop of St. Davids Novemb. 18. 1621. at london-London-House Chappel by the Reverend Fathers the Lords Bishops of London Worcester Chichester Elye Landaffe Oxon. The Arch-Bishop being thought Irregular for casual Homicide Januar. 6. The Parliament then sitting was dissolved by Proclamation without any Session Januar. 14. The King's Letters came to the Arch-Bishop and all the Bishops about London for a Contribution of the Clergy toward recovery of the Palatinat Januar. 21. The Arch-Bishop's Letters came to me about this business Januar. 25. I sent these Letters and my own into the Diocess Febr. 17. I Preached at Westminster All my former Sermons are omitted March 9. I heard of the death of L. B. He died Januar. 17. between 6 and 7 in the Morning March 18. Dr. Theodore Price went towards Ireland out of London about the Commission appointed there March 24. I Preached at Court commanded to Print Anno 1622. April 13. The King renewed my Commendam April 16. I was with his Majesty and the Prince's Highness to give notice of Letters I received of a Treasonable Sermon Preached in Oxford on Sunday April 14. by one Mr. Knight of 〈◊〉 April 14. Sunday I waited at the Entertainment of Count Swartzenburge the Emperour's Ambassadour in the Parliament House April 23. Being the Tuesday in Easter week the King sent for me and set me into a course about the Countess of Buckingham who about that time was wavering in point of Religion April 24. Dr. Francis White and I met about this May 10. I went to the Court to Greenwich and came back in Coach with the Lord Marquess Buckingham My promise then to give his Lordship the Discourse he spake to me for May 12. I Preached at Westminster May 19. I delivered my Lord Marquess Buckingham the Paper concerning the difference between the Church of England and Rome in point of Salvation c. May 23. My first Speech with the Countess of Buckingham May 24. The Conference between Mr. Fisher a Jesuit and my self before the Lord Marquess Buckingham and the Countess his Mother I had much Speech with her after June 9. Being Whitsunday my Lord Marquess Buckingham was pleased to enter upon a near Respect to me The particulars are not for Paper June 15. I became C. to my Lord of Buckingham And June 16. Being Trinity Sunday he Received the Sacrament at Greenwich June 22. c. I saw two Books in Folio of Sir Robert Cottons In the one was all the Order of the Reformation in the time of Hen 8. The Original Letters and Dispatches under the Kings and the Bishops c. own hands In the other were all the Preparatory Letters Motives c. for the suppression of the Abbies their suppression and value in the Originals An Extract of both which Books I have per Capita July 5. I first entred into Wales July 9. I began my first Visitation at the Colledge in Brecknocke and Preached July 24. I visited at St. Davids and Preached July 25. August 6 7. I visited at Carmarthen and Preached The Chancellor and my Commissioners visited at Emlyn c. July 16 17. and at Haverford-West July 19 20. Aug. 15. I set forwards towards England from Carmarthen Septemb. 1. My Answer given to His Majesty about 9 Articles delivered in a Book from Mr Fisher the Jesuit These Articles were delivered me to consider of Aug. 28. The Discourse concerning them the same Night at Windsor in the presence of the King the Prince the Lord Marquess Buckingham his Lady and his Mother Septemb. 18. aut circiter There was notice given me that Mr. Fisher had spread certain Copies of the Conference had between him and me Maij 24. into divers Recusants hands Octob. .... I got the sight of a Copy c. in October made an Answer to it Octob. 27. I Preached at Westminster Decemb. 12. My Ancient Friend Mr R Peashall died horâ 6. matutinâ It was Thursday and Sol in Capri. Lucia Virgo in some Almanacks a day before in some a day after it Decemb. 16. My Lord Marquess Buckingham's Speech to me about the same Keye Decemb. 25. I Preached at St. Giles without Cripplegate I was three times with the King this Christmas and Read over to him the Answer which I had made to Fisher which he commanded should be Printed and I desired it might pass in a third Person under the Name of R. B. Januar. 11. My Lord of Buckingham and I in the inner Chamber at York House Quòd est Deus Salvator noster Christus Jesus Januar. 17. I received a Letter from E. B. to continue my favour as Mr. R. P. had desired me Januar. 19. I Preached at Westminster Januar. 27. I went out of London about the Parsonage of Creeke given me into my Commendam Januar. 29. I was instituted at Peterborough to the Parsonage of Creeke Januar. 31. I was inducted into Creeke Februar 2. Being Sunday and Candlemas day I Preached and Read the Articles at Creeke Febr. 5. Wednesday I came to London I went that Night to his Majesty hearing he had sent for me He delivered me a Book to read and observe It was a Tract of a Capuchin that had once been a Protestant He was now with the French Ambassadour The Tract was to prove that Christ's Body was in two places at once in the Apparition to St Paul Act IX Feb. 9. I gave the King an account of this Book Febr. 9. Promovi Edmundum Provant Scotum in Presbyterum Primogenitus meus fuit in Domino I Ordained Edmund Provant a Scot Priest He was my First-begotten in the Lord. Febr. 17. Munday the Prince and the Marquess Buckingham set forward very secretly for Spain Febr. 21. I wrote to my Lord of Buckingham into Spain Febr. 22. Saturday I fell very ill and was very suddenly plucked down in 4 days I was put into the Commission of Grievances There were in the Commission the Lord Marquess Buckingham Lord Arundel Lord Pembroke Bishop of Winchester and my self The Proclamation came out for this Febr. 14. March 9. I Ordained Thomas Owen Bat of Arts Deacon March 10. I
21. Dies erat Martis Carnivale Misit D. Buckinghamiae ut ad se venirem Tum in Mandatis mihi dedit ut c. Feb. 23. Die Jovis Quaesivi Ducem apud Chelsei Ibi primò vidi nuper Natum Haeredem ejus Carolum Ducem non inveni Redij dein inveni 〈◊〉 ejus me quaerentem Cum eo propero in Aulâ invenio Quid à me factum narro Febr. 24. Die Veneris S. Matthiae Cum eo fui in AEdibus suis per Horas fere tres ubi suâ manu c. aliquid ut adderem jussit Dicto obsequutus sum proximo Die attuli Feb. 25. Feb. 26 Dominicâ primâ Quad. Concionem quam habui in initio Parlamenti Regio Mandato Typis jam excusam in manus Serenissimi Regis Caroli dedi Vesperi Feb. 27. Die Lunae Periculum Regis Caroli ab Equo qui fractis duobus Ephippiorum cingulis Ephippio unà cum Sessore in ventrem devoluto tremens constitit donec Rex salvus c. Martij 1. Dies erat Mercurij Festum S. Davidis Clamor incaepit in Domo Inferiori Parlamenti Nominatim contra Ducem Buckinghamiae ob moratam Navim dictam The St. Peter of Newhaven post Sententiam latam Perpetuae in Domo illâ agitationes erant à die illo Martij 6. Resignavi Rectoriam de Ibstock quam habui in Commendam Martij 11. Proposuit in Domo Dr. Turner Medicus Quaesita Septem vulgò dicta Quaeres contra Ducem Buckinghamiae Non alio tamen nixas Fundamento quam quod ex Famâ quidem Publicâ ut dixit petijt Dies erat Saturni Martij 16. Die Jovis Proposuit quidam è Belgia Nomine Joh. Oventrout se viam ostensurum quî Occidentalis-India excuteret Jugum Hispaniae se Regi nostro Carolo subderet Res refertur 〈◊〉 Comiti de Totnes Baroni Conway Secretario Principali quia dixit Stratagema suum à Religione non minimas vires petiturum adjungor ego Proposuit Senex quaedam de Aricâ capiendâ Nec qui capi potuit ullis Argumentis edocuit nisi quòd velit dividi Incolarum animos in causâ Religionis immisso illic Catechismo Hidelbergiae Dimisimus Hominem nec Sapientiores redimus Anno 1625. March 27. Midlent Sunday I Preached at White-Hall I ascended the Pulpit much troubled and in a very melancholy moment the Report then spreading that his Majesty King James of most Sacred Memory to me was Dead Being interrupted with the dolours of the Duke of Buckingham I broke off my Sermon in the middle The King died at Theobalds about three quarters of an hour past Eleven in the forenoon He breathed forth his Blessed Soul most Religiously and with great constancy of Faith and Courage That day about five a Clock Prince Charles was Solemnly Proclaimed King God grant to him a Prosperous and Happy Reign The King fell Sick March 4. on Friday The Disease appeared to be a Tertian Ague But I fear it was the Gout which by the wrong application of Medicines was driven from his feet to his inward vital parts April 1. Friday I received Letters from the Earl of Pembroke Lord Chamberlain to the King and therein a Command from his Majesty King Charles to Preach a Sermon before himself and the House of Peers in the Session of Parliament to be held on the 17 day of May next following Apr. 3. Sunday I delivered into the Duke of Buckingham's hands my short Annotations upon the Life and Death of the most August King James which he had commanded me to put in writing April 5. Tuesday I Exhibited a Schedule in which were wrote the Names of many Church-Men marked with the Letters O. and P. The Duke of Buckingham had commanded to digest their Names in that method that as himself said he might deliver them to King Charles April 9. Saturday The Duke of Buckingham whom upon all accounts I am bound for ever to Honour signified to me that a certain Person moved through I know not what envy had blackened my Name with his Majesty King Charles laying hold for that purpose of the Error into which by I know not what Fate I had formerly fallen in the business of Charles Earl of Devonshire 1605. Decemb 26. The same day I received in Command to go to the Right Reverend the Bishop of Winchester and learn from him what he would have done in the Cause of the Church and bring back his Answer especially in the matter of the Five Articles c. April 10. Sunday after Sermon was done I went to the Bishop who was then in his Chamber at Court I acquainted him with what I had received in Command He gave to me his Answer From thence we went together to hear Prayers in Somerset-House Having heard Prayers we afterwards saw there the Body of the late King James which rested there till the day of his Funeral Rites April 3. Wednesday I brought back to the Duke of Buckingham the Answer of the Bishop of Winchester At the same time the Duke made known to me what the King had determined concerning his Clerk of the Closet the Right Reverend the Bishop of Durham and about his Successor in that Office April 17. Easter-day The Bishop of Durham being Sick I was appointed but at the desire of the said Bishop by the Right Honourable the Earl of Pembroke Lord Chamberlain of the Household to wait upon his Majesty in the Quality of Clark of the Closet which place I Executed till the first of May. April 23. Burton presented his Paper to the King May 11. The Marriage was Celebrated at Paris between his Majesty King Charles and the most Illustrious Princess Henrietta Maria of France Daughter of Henry IV. May 7. Saturday we Celebrated the Funeral of King James May 1. Early in the Morning the Duke of Buckingham went towards the Sea-side to pass over into France to meet Queen Mary I wrote Letters to the Duke that day which might follow after him For he went in great haste May 17. The Parliament was put off till the last day of May. May 18. I took a short Journey with my Brother to Hammersmith that we might there see our common Friends It was Wednesday May 19. Thursday I sent Letters the second time to the Duke of Buckingham then staying for a while at Paris May 29. Sunday I gave a third Letter into the hands of the Bishop of Durham who was to Attend the King that he might deliver them to the Duke of Buckingham at his first Landing May 30. Munday I went to Chelsey to wait upon the Dutchess of Buckingham May 31. Tuesday The Parliament was a second time put off till Munday the 13. of June King Charles set forward toward Canterbury to meet the Queen June 5. Whitsunday in the Morning just as I was going to Prayers I received Letters from France from the most Illustrious Duke of Buckingham June 6. I wrote an Answer next Morning After
wished it had fallen upon that same day when I Consecrated the Chappel However I was pleased that I should perform that solemn Consecration at least on the Eve of that Festival For upon that day his Majesty King James heard my Cause about the Election to the Presidentship of St. John's Colledge in Oxford for three hours together at least and with great Justice delivered me out of the hands of my powerful Enemies Septemb. 4. Sunday The Night following I was very much troubled in my Dreams My Imagination ran altogether upon the Duke of Buckingham his Servants and Family All seemed to be out of order that the Dutchess was ill called for her Maids and took her Bed God grant better things Septemb. 11. Sunday I Preached at Carmarthen the Judges being then present The same Night I Dreamed that Dr Theodore Price admonished me concerning Ma 3. and that he was unfaithful to me and discovered all he knew and that I should therefore take heed of him and trust him no more c. Afterwards I dreamed of Sackville Crow that he was dead of the Plague having not long before been with the King Septemb. 24. One only Person desired to Receive Holy Orders from me and he found to be unfit upon Examination Septemb. 25. I sent him away with an Exhortation not Ordained It was then Saturday Septemb. 26. Sunday That Night I dreamed of the Marriage of I know not whom at Oxford All that were present were cloathed with flourishing green Garments I knew none of them but Thomas Flaxnye Immediately after without any intermission of Sleep that I know of I thought I saw the Bishop of Worcester his Head and Shoulders covered with Linnen He advised and invited me kindly to dwell with them marking out a place where the Court of the Marches of Wales was then held But not staying for my Answer he subjoyned that he knew I could not live so meanly c. Octob. 8. Saturday the Earl of Northampton President of Wales returned out of Wales taking his Journey by Sea Octob. 9. Sunday I Preached at Carmarthen Octob. 10. Munday I went on Horseback up to the Mountains It was a very bright day for the time of Year and so warm that in our return I and my Company dined in the open Air in a place called Pente-Cragg where my Registrary had his Country-House Octob. 30. Sunday Sir Thomas Coventry made Lord Keeper Novemb. 11. Friday I began my Journey to return into England Novemb. 17. Thursday Charles the Duke of Buckingham's Son was born Novemb. 20. Sunday I Preached at Honye-Lacye in Herefordshire Novemb 24. Thursday I came to the House of my great Friend Fr. Windebank There the Wife of my Freind for himself was then at Court immediately as soon as I came told me that the Duke of Buckingham then negotiating for the Publick in the Low-Countries had a Son born whom God bless with all the good things of Heaven and Earth Decemb. 4. Sunday I Preached at Hurst I stayed there in the Country until Christmas Decemb. 14. Wednesday I went to Windsor but returned the same day Decemb. 25. Sunday I Preached at Hurst upon Christmas day Decemb. 31. Saturday I went to the Court which was then at Hampton-Court There Januar. 1. Sunday I understood that I was Named among other Bishops who were to consult together on Wednesday following at White-Hall concerning the Ceremonies of the Coronation I was also at the same time informed that the bigger part of the Bishop of Durham's House was appointed for the Residence of the Ambassadour Extraordinary of the King of France Januar. 2. Munday I returned to Hains-Hill For there not then knowing any thing of these Matters I had left my necessary Papers with my Trunk When I had put these in order I went to Sir Richard Harrison's House to take leave of my Friends There if I mistake not I first knew what F. H. thought of me I told my mind plainly c. I returned Januar. 3. Tuesday I came to London and fixed my self at my own House at Westminster For the week before Christmas I had sent my Servant who had brought all my things out of the House of my good Friend the Bishop of Durham with whom I had abode as a Guest for Four Years compleat to my own House save only my Books the removal of which I unadvisedly put off till my own coming For the coming of the French Ambassadour forced me to make over-much haste and the multitude of business then laying upon me made it requisite that I should have my Books at hand In the Evening I visited the Duke of Buckingham Januar. 4. Wednesday We met at White-Hall to consult of the Ceremonies of the Coronation I sent my Servant to bring my Books who brought them That Night I placed them in order in my Study And it was high time For while we were in consultation about the Ceremonies the Right Honourable the Earl of Pembroke Lord Chamberlain of the Houshold to his Majesty came from the King to us and delivered to me the King's Order to be ready against the sixth day of February to Preach that day at the opening of the Parliament Januar. 6. Friday Epiphany day We met again to consult concerning the Ceremonies and gave up our Answer to the King Januar. 16. The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury made known to me the King's Pleasure that at the Coronation I should supply the place of the Dean of Westminster For that his Majesty would not have the Bishop of Lincoln then Dean to be present at the Ceremony It was then Munday The same day by the King's Command a Consultation was held what was to be done in the Cause of Richard Montague There were present the Bishops of London Durham Winchester Rochester and St. Davids Januar. 17. Tuesday We gave in our Answer in Writing Subscribed this day This day also the Bishop of Lincoln deputed me under his Hand and Seal to supply the place for him which he as Dean of Westminster was to Execute in the Coronation of King Charles Januar. 18. Wednesday The Duke of Buckingham brought me to the King to whom I shewed my Notes that if he disliked any thing therein c. The same day by the King's Command the Arch-Bishop of Cant. and the Bishops of London Durham Winchester Rochester and St. Davids consulted together concerning a Form of Prayer to give Thanks for the decrease of the Plague Januar. 23. I had a perfect Book of the Ceremonies of the Coronation made ready agreeing in all things with the Kings Book It was Munday Januar. 29. Sunday I understood what D. B. had collected concerning the Cause Book and Opinions of Richard Montague and what R. C. had determined with himself therein Methinks I see a Cloud arising and threatning the Church of England God of his Mercy dissipate it Januar. 31. Tuesday The Bishops and other Peers before nominated by the King to consult of the Ceremonies of the Coronation that
not by Reports April 30. Sunday I Preached before the King at White-Hall May 1. Munday The Earl of Bristol was accused in Parliament of High Treason by the King's Attorney Sir Robert Heath the Earl then and there preferred 12. Articles against the Duke of Buckingham and therein charged him with the same Crime and other Articles also against the Lord Conway Secretary of State The Earl of Bristol was committed to the Custody of James Maxwell the Officer in Ordinary of the House of Peers May 4. Thursday Arthur Lake Bishop of Bath and Wells Died at London May 8. Munday At Two a Clock in the Afternoon the House of Commons brought up to the House of Peers a Charge against the Duke of Buckingham consisting of 13. Articles May 11. Thursday King Charles came into the Parliament House and made a short Speech to the Lords concerning preserving the Honour of the Nobility against the vile and malicious Calumnies of those in the House of Commons who had accused the Duke c. They were Eight who in this matter chiefly appeared The Prologue Sir Dudly Digges the Epilogue John Elliot were this day by the King's Command committed to the Tower They were both dismissed thence within few days May 25. Thursday The Earl of Arundel not being sent back to the House nor the Cause of his detainment made known the House of Peers began to be jealous of the breach of their Priviledges and resolved to Adjourn the House to the next day On which day May 26. They Adjourned again to June 2. resolving to do nothing until the Earl should be set free or at least a Cause given c. May 25. On which day these Troubles first began was the Feast of Pope Vrban and at this time Vrban VIII sitteth in the Papal Chair to whom and to the Spaniard if they who most desire it would do any acceptable service I do not see what they could better devise in that kind than to divide thus into Parties the great Council of the Kingdom June 15. Thursday After many Debates and Struglings private Malice against the Duke of Buckingham prevailed and stopped all publick Business Nothing was done but the Parliament was dissolved Junij 20. Tuesday His Majesty King Charles named me to be Bishop of Bath and Wells And at the same time commanded me to prepare a Sermon for the Publick Fast which he had by Proclamation appointed to be kept on the 5th of July following July 5. A Solemn Fast appointed partly upon account of the Pestilence yet raging in many Parts of the Kingdom partly on account of the Danger of Enemies threatning us I Preached this day before the King and Nobility at White-Hall It was Wednesday July 8. The King commanded me to Print and Publish the Sermon It was Saturday July 16. Sunday I presented that Sermon which was now Printed to his Majesty and returned July 26. Wednesday The King signed the Conge d' Eslire empowering the Dean and Chapter to elect me Bishop of Bath and Wells July 24. Thursday In the Morning Dr. Feild Bishop of Landaff brought to me 〈◊〉 Letters from the most Illustrious Duke of Buchingham The Letters were open and wrote partly in Characters The Duke sent them to me that I should consult one Named Swadlinge mentioned in those Letters as one who could read the Characters I was also named in them as to whom that Swadling was known having been educated in S. John's Colledge in Oxford at what time I was President of that Colledge Aug. 1. Thomas Swadlinge came to me whom from his leaving the Colledge to that day for almost 8. Years I had not once seen He bestowing some pains at length read the Characters and Aug. 4. Friday I and he went to the Duke He read them They were certain malicious things The Duke as was fit despised them We returned Aug. 16. I was elected Bishop of Bath and Wells being Wednesday the Letter D. Aug. 25. Friday Two Robin-red-breasts flew together through the Door into my Study as if one pursued the other That sudden motion almost startled me I was then preparing a Sermon on Ephes. 4. 30. and Studying Septemb. 14. Thursday Evening the Duke of Buckingham willed me to form certain Instructions partly Political partly Ecclesiastical in the Cause of the King of Denmark a little before brought into great streights by General Tilly to be sent through all Parishes Certain heads were delivered to me He would have them made ready by Saturday following Sept. 16. I made them ready and brought them at the appointed hour I read them to the Duke He brought me to the King I being so commanded read them again Each of them approved them Sept. 17. Sunday They were read having been left with the Duke before the Lords of the Privy-Council and were thanks be to God approved by them all Sept. 18. Munday My election to the Bishoprick of Bath and Wells was confirmed Sept. 19. Tuesday At Theobalds I swore Homage to his Majesty who there presently restored me to the Temporalties from the death of my Predecessor What passed between me and the Lord Conway Principal Secretary to the King in our return Sept. 21. Munday about four a Clock in the Morning Died Lancelot Andrews the most worthy Bishop of Winchester the great Light of the Christian World Sept. 30. Saturday The Duke of Buckingham signified to me the King's Resolution that I should succeed the Bishop of Winchester in the Office of Dean of the Chappel-Royal Octob. 2. Munday The Duke related to me what the King had farther resolved concerning me in case the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury should die c. Octob. 3. Tuesday I went to Court which was then at Hampton-Court There I returned Thanks to the King for the Deanry of the Chappel then granted to me I returned to London Octob. 6. I took the Oath belonging to the Dean of the Chappel in the Vestry before the Right Honourable Philip Earl of Montgomery Lord Chamberlain Stephen Boughton the Sub-Dean Administring it It was Friday Novemb. 14. Or thereabout taking occasion from the abrupt both beginning and ending of Publick Prayer on the fifth of November I desired his Majesty King Charles that he would please to be present at Prayers as well as Sermon every Sunday and that at whatsoever part of the Prayers he came the Priest then Officiating might proceed to the end of the Prayers The most Religious King not only assented to this Request but also gave me thanks This had not before been done from the beginning of K. James's Reign to this day Now thanks be to God it obtaineth Decemb. 21. I dreamed of the burial of I know not whom and that I stood by the Grave I awaked sad Decemb. 25. Christmas-day Munday I Preached my first Sermon as Dean of the Chappel-Royal at White-Hall upon S. John 1 14. part 1. Januar. 5. Epiphany-Eve and Friday In the Night I dreamed that my Mother long since dead stood by my
me in my Sleep having been dead two Years before at least He seemed to me in very good plight and merry enough I told him what I had done for his Widow and Children He after a little thought answered That the Executor had satisfied him for those Legacies while he was yet alive And presently looking upon some Papers in his Study adjoyning he added that it was so He moreover whispering in my Ear told me that I was the Cause why the Bishop of Lincoln was not again admitted into Favour and to Court Apr. 4. Wednesday When his Majesty King Charles forgave to Doctor Donne certain slips in a Sermon Preached on Sunday Apr. 1. what he then most graciously said unto me I have wrote in my Heart with 〈◊〉 Characters and great 〈◊〉 to God and the King Apr. 7. Saturday Going to Court to wait upon the King at Supper in going out of the Coach my foot stumbling I fell headlong I never had a more dangerous fall but by God's mercy I escaped with a light bruise of my Hip only Apr. 24. Tuesday There were then first sent to me the Exceptitions which the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury had Exhibited against Doctor Sibthorp's Sermon and what followed April 29. Sunday I was made Privy-Councellour to his Majesty King Charles God grant it may conduce to his Honour and to the good of the Kingdom and the Church May 13. Whitsunday I Preached before the King c. Junij 7 8. I attended King Charles from London to Southwick by Portsmouth Junij 11. His Majesty dined a-board the Triumph where I attended him June 17. The Bishoprick of London was granted me at Southwick June 22. We came to London June 24. I was commanded to go all the Progress June 27. The Duke of Buckingham set forwards towards the Isle of Ree June 30. The Progress began to Oatlands July 4. The King lost a Jewel in Hunting of a 1000 l. value That day the Message was sent by the King for the Sequestring of A. B. C. July 7. Saturday-night I dreamed that I had lost two Teeth The Duke of Buckingham took the Isle of Ree July 26. I attended the King and Queen at Wellingburrough July 29. The first News came from my Lord Duke of his Success Sunday August 12. The second News came from my Lord Duke to Windsor Sunday August 26. The third News came from my Lord Duke to Aldershot Sunday September News came from my Lord Duke to Theobalds The first fear of ill Success News from my Lord Duke to Hampton-Court I went to my Lord of Rochester to consider about A. B. C. and returned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Court 〈◊〉 King's Speech to me in the withdrawing Chamber That if any did c. I c. before any thing should sink c. The business of Doctor Bargar Dean of Canterbury began about the Vicaridge of Lidd October The Commission to the Bishops of London Durham Rochester Oxford and my self then Bath and Wells to Execute Archiepiscopal Jurisdiction during the Sequestration of my Lord's Grace of Canterbury The Dean of Canterbury's Speech that the business could not go well in the Isle of Ree There must be a Parliament some must be Sacrificed that I was as like as any Spoken to Doctor W. The same Speech after spoken to the same Man by Sir Dudlye Diggs I told it when I heard it doubled Let me desire you not to trouble your self with any Reports till you see me forsake my other Friends c. Ita Ch. R. The Retreat out of the Isle of Ree November My Lord Duke's return to Court The Countess of Purbeck censured in the High Commission for Adultery December 25. I Preached to the King at White-Hall January 29. Tuesday A resolution at the Council Table for a Parliament to begin March 17. if the Shires go on with levying Money for the Navy c. January 30. Wednesday My Lord Duke of Buckingham's Son was Born the Lord George New Moon die 26. February 5. Tuesday The straining of the back sinew of my right Leg as I went with his Majesty to Hampton-Court I kept in till I Preached at the opening of the Parliament March 17. but I continued lame long after saving that Februar 14. Thursday Saint Valentine's-day I made a shift to go and Christen my Lord Duke's Son the Lord George at Wallingford-House March 17. I Preached at the opening of the Parliament but had much ado to stand it was Munday Anno 1628. June 1. Whitsunday I Preached at White-Hall June 11. My Lord Duke of Buckingham Voted in the House of Commons to be the Cause or Causes of all Grievances in the Kingdom June 12. Thursday I was complained of by the House of Commons for warranting Doctor Manwaring's Sermons to the Press June 13. Dr. Manwaring answered for himself before the Lords and the next day June 14. Being Saturday was Censured After his Censure my Cause was called to the Report And by God's Goodness towards me I was fully cleared in the House The same day the House of Commons were making their Remonstrance to the King One Head was Innovation of Religion Therein they Named my Lord the Bishop of Winchester and my self One in the House stood up and said Now we have Named these Persons let us think of some Causes why we did it Sir Edw. Cooke answered Have we not Named my Lord of Buckingham without shewing a Cause and may we not be as bold with them June 17. This Remonstrance was delivered to the King on Tuesday June 26. Thursday The Session of Parliament ended and was Prorogued to October 20. July 11. Tuesday My Conge-deslier was Signed by the King for the Bishoprick of London July 15. Tuesday St. Swithin and fair with us I was Translated to the Bishoprick of London The same day the Lord Weston was made Lord Treasurer August 9. Saturday A terrible salt Rheum in my left Eye had almost put me into a Fever August 12. Tuesday My Lord Duke of Buckingham went towards Portsmouth to go for Rochell August 23. Saturday St Bartholomew's Eve the Duke of Buckingham slain at Portsmouth by one Lieutenant Felton about Nine in the Morning August 24. The News of his Death came to Croydon where it found my self and the Bishops of Winchester Ely and Carlile at the Consecration of Bishop Montague for Chichester with my Lord's Grace August 27. Wednesday Mr. Elphinston brought me a very Gracious Message from his Majesty upon my Lord Duke's Death August 30. As I was going out to meet the Corps of the Duke which that Night was brought to London Sir W Fleetwood brought me very Gracious Letters from the King's Majesty written with his own Hand September 9. Tuesday The first time that I went to Court after the Death of the Duke of Buckingham my dear Lord The Gracious Speech which that Night the King was pleased to use to me September 27. Saturday I fell Sick and came Sick from Hampton-Court Tuesday Septemb. ult I was sore
B. and me Maij 18. Whitson-Munday At Greenwich my Account to the Queen put off till Trinity-Sunday Maij 24. then given her by my self And assurance of all that was desired by me c. May June and July In these Months the Troubles at the Commission for the Treasury and the difference which hapned between the Lord Cottington and my self c. Julij 11. Saturday and Julij 22. Wednesday Two sad meetings with K. B. and how occasioned Julij 12. Sunday At Theobalds the Soap business was ended and setled again upon the new Corporation against my offer for the Old Soap-boylers yet my offer made the King's Profit double and to that after two Years the new Corporation was raised how 't is performed let them look to it whom his Majesty shall be pleased to trust with his Treasurer's Staff In this business and some other of great consequence during the Commission for the Treasury my old Friend Sir F W forsook me and joyned with the Lord Cottington Which put me to the exercise of a great deal of patience c. August 16. Sunday-night Most extream Thunder and Lightning The Lightning so thick bright and frequent I do not remember that I ever saw Septemb. 2. Wednesday I was in attendance upon the King at Woodstocke and went thence to Cudsden to see the House which Dr John Bancroft then Lord Bishop of Oxford had there built to be a House for the Bishops of that See for ever He having built that House at my perswasion Septemb. 3. Thursday I went privately from the Bishop of Oxford's House at Cudsden to St John's in Oxford to see my building there and give some directions for the last finishing of it And returned the same Night staying there not two Hours Septemb. 23. Wednesday I went to Saint Pauls to view the building and returned that Night to Croydon Septemb. 24. Scalding Thursday Septemb. 29. The Earl of Arundel brought an Old Man out of Shropshire He was this present Michaelmas-day shewed to the King and the Lords for a Man of 152 or 153 Years of Age. Octob. 26. Munday This Morning between four and five of the Clock lying at Hampton-Court I dreamed that I was going out in haste and that when I came into my outer Chamber there was my Servant Will Pennell in the same Riding Suit which he had on that day sevennight at Hampton-Court with me Methoughts I wondred to see him for I left him sick at home and asked him how he did and what he made there And that he answered me he came to recieve my Blessing and with that fell on his knees That hereupon I laid my Hand on his Head and Prayed over him and therewith awaked When I was up I told this to them of my Chamber and added that I should find Pennell dead or dying My Coach came and when I came home I found him past Sense and giving up the Ghost So my Prayers as they had frequently before commended him to God Novemb. 15. Sunday at Afternoon the greatest Tide that hath been seen It came within my Gates Walks Cloysters and Stables at Lambeth Novemb. 21. Saturday Charles Count Elector Palatine came to White-Hall to the King This Month the Plague which was hot in some parts of France and in the Low-Countries and Flanders began at Greenwich God be merciful unto us Novemb. 30. Saint Andrew's day Munday Charles Prince Elector Palatine the King's Nephew was with me at Lambeth and at solemn Evening Prayer Decemb. 1. Many Elm-Leaves yet upon the Trees which few Men have seen Decemb. 14. Munday Charles Prince Elector came suddenly upon me and dined with me at Lambeth Decemb. 25. Christmas-day Charles Prince Elector Received the Communion with the King at White-Hall He kneeled a little beside on his left Hand He sate before the Communion upon a Stool by the wall before the Traverse and had another Stool and a Cushion before him to kneel at Decemb. 28. Munday Innocent's-day about ten at Night the Queen was Delivered at St. James's of a Daughter Princess Elizabeth I Christend her on Saturday following Jan. 2. Feb. 2. Tuesday Candlemas-day My nearer care of J. S. was professed and his promise to be guided by me And absolutely setled on Friday after Feb. 5. Feb. 14. Sunday-night my Honest Old Servant Rich. Robinson dyed of an Apoplexy Feb. 28. I Consecrated Doctor Roger Manwaring Bishop of Saint Davids March 6. Sunday William Juxon Lord Bishop of London made Lord High Treasurer of England No Church-Man had it since Henry 7. time I pray God bless him to carry it so that the Church may have Honour and the King and the State Service and Contentment by it And now if the Church will not hold up themselves under God I can do no more Anno 1636. April 7. Thursday The Bill came in this day that two dyed of the Plague in White-Chappel God bless us through the Year An extream dry and hot April and May till the middle of June Maij 16. Munday The Settlement between L. M. St. and me God bless me c. Maij 17. Tuesday I Visited the Dean and Chapter of St. Pauls London c. Maij 19. Thursday the Agreement between me and L. K. Ch. which began very strangly and ended just as I thought it would Junij 21. Tuesday My Hearing before the King about my Right to Visit both the Universities Jure Metropolitico It was Ordered with me The Hearing was at Hampton-Court Junij 22. Wednesday The Statutes of Oxford finished and Published in Convocation Aug. 3. Wednesday-Night towards the Morning I Dreamed that L. M. St. came to me the next Day Aug. 4. and shewed me all the Kindness I could ask And that Thursday he did come and was very Kind towards me Somniis tamen haud multum fido Aug. 19. Friday I was in great danger of breaking my Right Leg. But God be Blessed for his Providence only delivered me Aug. 29. Munday King Charles and Queen Mary entred Oxford being to be there entertain'd by me as Chancellor of the University Aug. 30. On Tuesday I entertained them at St. John's Colledge It was St. 〈◊〉 his Day and all passed happily Charles Prince Elector Palatine and his Brother Prince Rupertus was there These two were present in Convocation and with other Nobles were made Masters of Arts. Aug. 31. Wednesday They left Oxford And I returned homewards the Day after Having first entertained all the Heads of Houses together Octob. 14. Friday Night I Dreamed marvelously that the King was offended with me and would cast me off and tell me no cause why Avertat Deus For Cause I have given none Novemb. 4. Friday Night the most extream Wind that ever I heard and much Hurt done by Sea and by Land Twice or thrice since Thunder and Lightning and Hail Novemb. 20. Sunday Night my fearful Dream Mr. Cobb brought me word c. Decemb. 24. Saturday Christmas-Eve That night I Dreamed I went to seek Mr. St. and
I had formerly sent them above 700 Volumes Aug. 1. Thursday His Majesty came back from his Northern Journey to Theobalds and to White-Hall on Saturday Aug. 3. Many Varieties since the Assembly held and ended in Scotland The Bishops thrust out The Parliament there yet sitting Octob. 11. 12. Friday and Saturday The Spanish Navy was set upon by the Hollanders in the Downs The Fight began to be hot when they were past Dover They were in all near 60 Sail. The Spaniards suffered much in that Fight not without our dishonour that they should dare to begin the Fight there But this is one of the effects of the Scottish daring Decemb. 2. Munday A. Sh. my Chyrurgeon in trust gave me great and unexpected ease in my great Infirmity But after the weakness continued Decemb. 5. Thursday The King declared his Resolution for a Parliament in case of the Scottish Rebellion The first Movers to it were my Lord Deputy of Ireland my Lord Marquess Hamilton and my self And a Resolution Voted at the Board to assist the King in extraordinary ways if the Parliament should prove peevish and refuse c. Decemb. 27. Friday Being St John's-day at Night between 12 and 2 of the Clock next Morning the greatest wind that ever I heard blow Many of the poor Watermen at Lambeth had their Boats tumbled up and down as they lay on the Land and broken to pieces One of my Servants went into London and durst not come home the Evening was so foul And it was God's great Blessing both on him and me For that Night the shafts of two Chimneys were blown down upon the Roof of his Chamber and beat down both the Lead and the Rafters upon his Bed where had he been that Night he must have perished At Croydon one of the Pinnacles fell from the Steeple and beat down the Lead and the Roof of the Church near 200 foot square Januar. 24. Friday At Night I dreamed that my Father who died 46 Years since came to me and to my thinking he was as well and as chearful as ever I saw him He asked me what I did here And after some Speech I asked him how long he would stay with me He answered he would stay till he had me away with him I am not moved with Dreams yet I thought fit to remember this Januar. 25. Saturday St. Paul's A very blustering and a tempestuous day Januar. 26. Sunday I received the Queen's Gracious Assurance of her favour in the business which his Majesty had committed to me with others c. February 9. Sunday A large passage inserted and afterwards blotted out Anno 1640. April 13. Munday The Parliament sat down called about the Rebellion of Scotland April 14. Tuesday The Convocation began at Saint Pauls April 24. Friday The hot Contestation in the Lords House which should have precedence the King's Supply or the Subjects Grievance Voted in the upper House for the King May. 5. Tuesday The Parliament ended and nothing done The Convocation continued May 9. Saturday A Paper posted upon the Old-Exchange animating Prentices to sack my House upon the Munday following May 11. early H W From this place four Pages together in the Original are in part burned in the form of a Crescent This damage was done to the Book while it was in Mr Prynne's hands before it was produced as Evidence against the Arch-Bishop at his Trial. For in the following History at March 13 1643. The Arch-Bishop saith I know into whose Hands my Book is fallen but what hath been done with it I know not This is to be seen some passages in that Book are half burnt out whether purposely or by chance God knoweth And the like words of the Arch-Bishop occur afterwards at July 29 1644. That passage of Febr 11 1640. urged against the Arch-Bishop out of his Diary is more than half burnt out as is to be seen whether of purpose by Mr Prynne or casually I cannot tell yet the passage as confidently made up and read to your Lordships as if nothing were wanting It is indeed undeniably evident to any one who compareth the Original with Prynne's Printed Copy that this Accident had befallen the Book before Prynne had caused it to be Transcribed for the Press Yet he taketh no notice of it but filleth up the places with such Words as himself pleaseth and publisheth the whole without any distinction of his own Additions I have partly from Prynne partly from my own conjecture supplied the mutilated places as well as I could but have included all such suppletory Words in Crotchets that so the Reader may easily distinguish those Words which are yet to be Read in the Original from those which are not and may judge whether the several places be aptly filled up May 11. Munday-night At Midnight my House a t Lam beth was beset with 500 of these Rascal Routers I had notice and stren gthened the House as well as I could and God be thanked I had no harm t hey continued there full two hours Since I hav e for tified my House as well as I can and hope all may be safe But yet Libels are continually set up in all places of Note in the City My deliverance was great God make me thankful for it Maij 21. Thursday One of the Chief being taken was Condemned at Southwark and Hanged and Quartered on Saturday Morning following Maij 23. But before this May 15. Some of these mutinous People came in the day time and brake the White-Lyon Prison and let loose their Fellows both out of that Prison and the King's-Bench and 〈◊〉 other Prisoners also out of the White-Lyon Maij 29. Friday The Convocation sate after the ending of the Parliament till May 29. and then ended having made in that time 17. Canons which I hope will be useful to the Church Maij. 29. The Bishop of Glocester Godfrye Goodman suspended for notorious Scandal to the Church in refusing first to subscribe the Canons and after to profess a Reservation He had long before been suspected as inclining to Popery The Canons were all voted Nemine dissenti ente save this Bishop who had in general consented before Julij 10. Friday I took my Oath to the new Canons at the Council-Table and so did my Lord Bishop of London and after him the Bishop of Glocester submitted himself and took the Oath and was released out of Prison by the King's Command Julij 22. Tuesday I Christned the King's young Son Henry at Oatlands The Queen was there happily Delivered of him Julij 8. On Wednesday being the Day of the Solemn Fast about 6. of the Clock in the Evening Aug. 20. Thursday His Majesty took his Journey towards the North in haste upon Information that the Scots were entred the Munday before into England and meant to be at New-Castle by Saturday The Scots entred Aug. 20. Aug. 22. Saturday A vile Libel brought me found in Covent-Garden Ani mating the Apprentices
and Soul diers to fall up on me in the King's absence Sept. 21. I received a Letter from John Rockel a M an both by Name and Person unknown to me He was among the Scots as he tra velled through the Bishoprick of Durham he heard them inveigh and rail at me exceedingly and that they hoped Shortly to see me as the Duke was Slain by one least suspected His Letter was to advise me to look to my self Septemb. 24. Thursday A great Council of the Lords were called by the King to York to consider what way was best to be taken to get out the Scots and this day the Meeting began at York and continued till Octob. 28. Octob. 22. Thursday The High Commission sitting at St. Pauls because of the Troubles of the Times Very near 2000 Brownists made a Tumult at the end of the Court tore down all the Benches in the Consistory and cryed out they would have no Bishop nor no High Commission Octob. 27. Tuesday Simon and Jude's Eve I went into my upper Study to see some Manuscripts which I was sending to Oxford In that Study hung my Picture taken by the Life and coming in I found it fallen down upon the Face and lying on the Floor the String being broken by which it was hanged against the Wall I am almost every day threatned with my Ruine in Parliament God grant this be no Omen Novemb. 3. Tuesday The Parliament began the King did not ride but went by Water to Kings Stairs and thorough Westminster-Hall to the Church and so to the House Novemb. 4. Wednesday The Convocation began at St. Pauls Novemb. 11. Wednesday Thomas Vis count Wentworth Earl of Straffor d Accused to the Lords by the House of Commons for High Treason and restrained to the Usher of the House Novemb. 25. Wednesday He was sent to the Tower Decemb. 2. Wednesday A great Debate in the House that no Bishop should be so much as of the Committee for preparatory Examinations in this Cause as accounted Causa Sanguints put off till the next day Decemb. 3. Thursday The Debate declined Decemb. 4. Friday The King gave way that his Council should be Examined upon Oath in the Earl of Strafford's Case I was Examined this day Decemb. 16. Wednesday The Canons Condemned in the House of Commons as being against the King's Prerogative the Fundamental Laws of the Realm the Liberty and Propriety of the Subject and containing divers other things tending to Sedition and of dangerous Consequence Upon this I was made the Author of them and a Committee put upon me to enquire into all my Actions and to prepare a Charge The same Morning in the Upper House I was na med as an Incendiary by the Scot tish Commissioners and a .... Complaint promised to be drawn up to morrow Decemb. 18. Friday I w as Accu sed by the House of Commons for High Trea son without any particular Charge laid against me which they said should be prepared in convenient time Mr. Denzell Hollys was the Man that brought up the Message to the Lords Soon after the Charge was brought into the Upper-House by the Scottish Commissioners tending to prove me an Incendiary I was presently committed to the Gentleman Us her but was permitted to go in his Company to my House at Lam beth for a Book or two to Read in and such Papers as pertained to my Defence against the Scots I stayed at Lambeth till the Evening to avoid the gazing of the People I went to Evening Prayer in my Chappel The Psalms of the day Psal. 93 and 94. and Chap. 50. of Esai gave me great Comfort God make me worthy of it and fit to receive it As I went to my Barge hundreds of my poor Neighbours stood there and prayed for my safety and return to my House For which I bless God and them Decemb. 21. Munday I was Fined 500 l. in the Parliament House and Sir John Lambe and Sir Henry Martin 250 l. a piece for keeping Sir Robert Howard close Prisoner in the Case of the Escape of the Lady Viscountess Purbecke out of the Gate-House which Lady he kept avowedly and had Children by her In such a Case say the Imprisonment were more than the Law allow what may be done for Honour and Religion sake This was not a Fine to the King but Damage to the Party Decemb. 23. Wednesday The Lords Ordered me to pay the Money presently which was done Januar. 21. Thursday A Parliament Man of good Note and Interessed with divers Lords sent me word that by Reason of my patient and m oderate Carriage since my Commit ment four Earls of great power in the Upper-House of the Lords were not now so sharp against me as at first And that now they were resolved only to Se quester me from the King's Coun cil and to put me from my Arch Bishoprick So I see what Justice I may expect since here is a Resolution taken not only before my Answer but before my Charge was brought up against me Febr. 14. Sunday A. R. And this if I Live and continue Arch-Bishop of Canterbury till after Michaelmas-day come Twelve-month Anno 1642. God bless me in this Febr. 26. Friday This day I had been full ten weeks in restraint at Mr. Maxwell's House And this day being St. Augustin's day my Charge was brought up from the House of Commons to the Lords by Sir Henry Vane the Younger It consisted of fourteen Articles These Generals they craved time to prove in particular The Copy of this General Charge is among my Papers I spake something to it And the Copy of that also is among my Papers I had Favour from the Lords not to go to the Tower till the Munday following March 1. Munday I went in Mr. Maxwell's Coach to the Tower No noise till I came into Cheapside But from thence to the Tower I was followed and railed at by the Prentices and the Rabble in great numbers to the very Tower Gates where I left them and I thank God he made me patient March 9. Shrove-Tuesday ........ was with me in the Tower and gave great engagements of his Faith to me March 13. Saturday Divers Lords Dined with the Lord Herbert at his new House by Fox-Hall in Lambeth Three of these Lords in the Boat together when one of them saying he was sorry for my Commitment because the buil ding of St. Pauls went slow on there-while the Lord Brooke replied I hope some of us shall live to see no one stone left upon another of that Building March 15. Munday A Committee for Religion setled in the Upper-House of Parliament Ten Earls ten Bishops ten Barons So the Lay-Votes shall be double to the Clergy This Committee will meddle with Doctrine as well as Ceremonies and will call some Divines to them to consider of the Business As appears by a Letter hereto annexed sent by the Lord Bishop of Lincoln to some Divines to attend this Service Upon
made them Traytors Septemb. 1. Thursday Bishops Voted down and Deans and Chapters in the Lower House That Night Bonfires and Ringing all over the City Ordered cunningly by Pennington the new Lord Mayor About this time ante ult Aug. the Cathedral of Canterbury grosly Profaned Septemb. 9. Friday An Order from the House about the giving of Alhallows-Bread-street The Earl of Essex set forward towards the King Septemb. 10. Voted down in the upper House Dubitatur Octob. 15. Saturday Resolved upon the question that the Fines Rents and Profits of Arch-Bishops Bishops Deans and Chapters and of such notorious Delinquents who have taken up Arms against the Parliament or have been active in the Commission of Array shall be sequestred for the use and service of the Common-wealth Octob. 23. Sunday Keinton Field Octob. 24. Munday An Order from the House to keep but Two Servants speak with no Prisoner or other Person but in the presence of my Warder this common to other Prisoners Octob. 26. Wednesday Mr. Cook 's Relation to me of some Resolutions taken in the City c. Octob. 27. The Order of Octob. 24. not shewn me till Octob. 26. and I sent a Petition to the House for a Cook and a Butler Thursday October 28. This Order revoked Friday And this granted me Novemb. 2. Wednesday Night I Dreamed the Parliament was removed to Oxford the Church undone Some old Courtiers came in to see me and jeared I went to St. John's and there I found the Roof off from some parts of the Colledge and the Walls cleft and ready to fall down God be Merciful Novemb. 8. Seventy Eight Pounds of my Rents taken from my Controuler by Mr. Holland and Mr. Ashurst which they said was for Maintenance of the King's Children Novemb. 9. Wednesday Morning Five of the Clock Captain Brown and his Company entred my House at Lambeth to keep it for Publick Service and they made of it The Lords upon my Petition to them deny'd they knew of any such Order and so did the Committee yet such an Order there was and divers Lords hands to it but upon my Petition they made an Order that my Books should be secured and my Goods Novemb. 10. Some Lords went to the King about an Accommodation Novemb. 12. Saturday A Fight about Brainford Many slain of the Parliaments Forces and some taken Prisoners Such as would not serve the King were sent back with an Oath given them The Fight is said to begin casually about billotting Since this Voted in the House for no Accommodation but to go on and take all advantages Novemb. 16. Wednesday An Order to barr all Prisoners Men from speaking one with another or any other but in presence of the Warder nor go out without the Lieutenants leave And to barr them the Liberty of the Tower Novemb. 22. Tuesday Ordered That any one of them may go out to buy Provision Novemb. 24. Thursday The Souldiers at Lambeth House brake open the Chappel door and offered violence to the Organ but before much hurt was done the Captains heard of it and stayed them Decemb. 2. Friday Some of the King's Forces taken at Farnham About an hundred of them brought in Carts to London Ten Carts full their Legs bound They were sufficiently railed upon in the Streets Decemb. 19. Munday My Petition for Mr Coniers to have the Vicaridge of Horsham Before it came to be delivered the House had made an Order against him upon complaint from Horsham of his disorderly Life So Decemb. 21. St. Thomas's day I petitioned for my Chaplain Mr. William Brackstone Refused yet no Exception taken That day in the Morning my young dun 〈◊〉 were taken away by Warrant under the Hands of Sir John Evelyn Mr. Pim and Mr Martin Decemb. 23. Thursday Dr. Layton came with a Warrant from the House of Commons for the Keys of my House to be delivered to him and more Prisoners to be brought thither c. January 5. A final Order from both Houses for setling of Lambeth Prison c. Thursday All my Wood and Coals spent or to be spent there not reserving in the Order that I shall have any for my own use nor would that Motion be hearkned to January 6. Friday Epiphany Earl of Manchester's Letter from the House to give All-Hallowes-Bredstreet to Mr. Seaman January 26. Thursday The Bill passed the Lords House for Abolishing Episcopacy c. Feb. 3. Friday Dr. Heath came to perswade me to give Chartham to Mr. Corbet c. Febr. 14. Tuesday I received a Letter from his Majesty dated January 17. to give Chartham to Mr Reddinge or lapse it to him That Afternoon the Earl of Warwick came to me and brought me an Order of the House to give it to one Mr Culmer This Order bare date Febr 4 Febr. 25 Saturday Mr Culmer came to me about it I told him I had given my Lord my Answer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thursday St Cedd's day The Lord Brooke shot in the left Eye and killed in the place at Lichfeild going to give the Onset upon the Close of the Church he having ever been fierce against Bishops and Cathedrals His Bever up and armed to the Knees so that a Musket at that distance could have done him but little harm Thus was his Eye put out who about two Years since said he hoped to live to see at St Pauls not one Stone left upon another March 10. Friday This Night preceeding I dreamed a Warrant was come to free me and that I spake with the Lieutenant that my Warder might keep the Keys of my Lodging till I had got some place for my self and my Stuff since I could not go to Lambeth I waked and slept again and had the very same Dream a second time March 20. Munday The Lord of Northumberland Mr Pierpoint Sir John Holland Sir William Ermin and Mr Whitlock went from both Houses to Treat of Peace with his Majesty God of his Mercy bless it and us March 24. Friday One Mr Foord told me he is a Suffolk Man that there was a Plot to send me and Bishop Wrenn as Delinquents to New-England within fourteen days And that Wells a Minister that came thence offered wagers of it The Meeting was at Mr Barks a Merchant's House in Friday-street being this Foord's Son-in-Law I never saw Mr Foord before Anno 1643. March 28. Tuesday Another Order from the Lords to give Chartham to one Mr Edward Hudson My Answer as before April 11. Tuesday Another Order for the same and very peremptory This came to me April 12. whereupon I petitioned the House Thursday April 13. My former Answer being wilfully mistaken by Hudson That present day another Order very quick which was brought to me Friday April 14. I Petitioned the House again the same day with great submission but could not disobey the King April 12. Another peremptory Order to Collate Chartham on Mr Edw Corbet brought to me Saturday April 22. April 24. Munday I gave my Answer as before but in
agrees as he said with my Judgment For that in a Paper of Bishop Harsnett's there is a Marginal Note in my Hand that Salvo Jure Coronae is understood in the Oaths of a King But first there 's a great deal of difference between Jus Regis Praerogativa between the Right and Inheritance of the King and his Prerogative though never so Legal And with Submission and until I shall be convinced herein I must believe that no King can Swear himself out of his Native Right Secondly If this were and still be an Error in my Judgment that 's no Argument at all to prove Malice in my Will That because that is my Judgment for Jus Regis therefore I must thrust Praerogativam Regis which is not my Judgment into a Publick Oath which I had no Power to alter These were all the Proofs which Mr. Maynard at first and Mr. Brown at last brought against me in this Particular And they are all but Conjectural and the Conjectures weak But that I did not alter this Oath by adding the Prerogative the Proofs I shall bring are Pregnant and some of them Necessary They are these 1. My Predecessor was one of the Grand Committee for these Ceremonies That was proved by his Servants to the Lords Now his known Love to the Publick was such as that he would never have suffered me or any other to make such an Alteration Nor would he have concealed such a Crime in me loving me so well as he did 2. Secondly 'T is Notoriously known that he Crowned the King and Administred the Oath which was avowed also before the Lords by his Ancient Servants And it cannot be rationally conceived he would ever have Administred such an alter'd Oath to his Majesty 3. Thirdly 'T is expressed in my Diary at Januar. 31. 1625. And that must be good Evidence for me having been so often produced against me that divers great Lords were in this Committee for the Ceremonies and did that Day sit in Council upon them And can it be thought they would not so much as compare the Books Or that comparing of them they would indure an Oath with such an Alteration to be Tender'd to the King Especially since 't is before confessed that One Copy of King James his Coronation had this Alteration in it and the other had it not 4. Fourthly 'T is expressed in my Diary and made use of against me at Januar. 23. 1625. That this Book urged against me did agree per Omnia cum Libro Regali in all things with the King's Book brought out of the Exchequer And if the Book that I then had and is now insisted upon did agree with that Book which came out of the Exchequer and that in all things how is it possible I should make this Alteration 5. Fifthly with much Labour I got the Books to be compared in the Lords House That of King James his Coronation and this of King Charles And they were found to agree in all things to a Syllable Therefore 't is impossible this should be added by me And this I conceive cuts off all Conjectural Proofs to the contrary Lastly In the Printed Book of the Votes of this present Parliament it is acknowledged that the Oath given to King James and King Charles was the same The same Therefore unaltered And this Passage of that Book I then shewed the Lords in my Defence To this Mr. Maynard then replyed That the Votes there mentioned were upon the Word Elegerit and the doubt whether it should be hath chosen or shall chuse I might not then Answer to the Reply but the Answer is plain For be the occasion which led on the Votes what it will as long as the Oath is acknowledged the same 't is manifest it could not be altered by me And I doubt not but these Reasons will give this Honourable House Satisfaction that I added not this Particular of the Prerogative to the Oath Mr. Brown in his last Reply passed over the other Arguments I know not how But against this he took Exception He brought the Book with him and Read the Passage And said as far as I remember that the Votes had Relation to the Word Chuse and not to this Alteration Which is in Effect the same which Mr. Maynard urged before I might not Reply by the Course of the Court but I have again considered of that Passage and find it plain Thus First they say They have considered of all the Alterations in the Form of this Oath which they can find Therefore of this Alteration also if any such were Then they say Excepting that Oath which was taken by his Majesty and his Father King James There it is confessed that the Oath taken by them was one and the same called there That Oath which was taken by both Where falls the Exception then For 't is said Excepting that Oath c. why it follows Excepting that the Word Chuse is wholly left out as well hath Chosen as will Chuse Which is a most manifest and evident Confession that the Oath of King James and King Charles was the same in all things to the very leaving out of the Word Chuse Therefore it was the same Oath all along No difference at all For Exceptio firmat Regulam in non Exceptis and here 's no Exception at all of this Clause of the Prerogative Therefore the Oath of both the Kings was the same in that or else the Votes would have been sure to mention it Where it may be observed too that Serjeant Wilde though he knew these Votes and was present both at the Debate and the Voting and so must know that the Word Chuse was omitted in both the Oaths yet at the first he Charged it eagerly upon me that I had left this Clause of Chusing out of King Charles his Oath and added the other God forgive him But the World may see by this and some other Passages with what Art my Life was sought for And yet before I quite leave this Oath I may say 't is not altogether improbable that this Clause And agreeing to the Prerogative of the King 's thereof was added to the Oath in Edward 6. or Queen Elizabeth's time And hath no Relation at all to the Laws of this Kingdom absolutely mentioned before in the beginning of this Oath But only to the Words The Profession of the Gospel Established in this Kingdom And then immediately follows And agreeing to the Prerogative of the Kings thereof By which the King Swears to maintain his Prerogative according to God's Law and the Gospel Established against all foreign Claims and Jurisdictions whatsoever And if this be the meaning he that made the Alteration whoever it were for I did it not deserves Thanks for it and not the Reward of a Traytor Now to return to the Day The Fourth Charge went on with the Ceremonies still But Mr. Serjeant was very nimble For he leaped from the Coronation at Westminster
But the matter was passed over and Mr. Strowd not so much as checked This it may be was thought seasonable by some to hearten on the Violence of the Earl of Pembroke The Business not long heard on Friday was put off again to Munday Decemb. 2. and the House of Lords put into a Committee to examine Particulars by their Notes The Earl of Northumberland on the Wool-Sack during the Debate which continued more or less some Days Where their own Notes failed they called to Mr. Brown Clerk of their House for his But at last finding him very ready and quick for any thing that was Charged against me but loth to be known what Answer I gave to any Point some Lords observed it And it did after appear that the Notes which he put to the Lords were not the Notes which himself took but that he had a Copy given him whether by Mr. Pryn or any other I know not and I was informed that the Earl of Warwick had another Copy of the very same This is marvellous Just and Honourable in that Earl And most Christian-like in Mr. Brown It may be he learned it out of the Notes which his Father-in-Law takes at Sermons Upon Munday December 16. there was the Times considered a very full House of Lords about Twenty present and my Business largely debated and ready to come to the Question I wish with all my Heart it had while the House was so full But the Earl of Pembroke fell again into his wonted violence And asked the Lords what they stuck at And added what shall we think the House of Commons had no Conscience in passing this Ordinance Yes they knew well enough what they did One of the Wits hearing this Excellent Passage of the Earl's Protested If ever he lived to see a Parliament in Bedlam this Prudent Earl should be Speaker if he were able to procure him the Place In the mean time this Unhappy Clamour of his put the Business off again to the next day being Tuesday Then there were but fourteen Lords in the House My Business was assumed and proposed in three Questions and I was Voted Guilty of the Fact in all three Namely Guilty of endeavouring to Subvert the Laws To Overthrow the Protestant Religion And that I was an Enemy to Parliaments Then it being put to the Judges whether this were Treason or no the Judges unanimously declared that nothing which was charged against me was Treason by any known and established Law of the Land with many things to and fro concerning this Business On Tuesday Christmas-Eve the Lords had a Conference with the Commons about it In which they declared that they had diligently weighed all things that were charged against me but could not by any one of them or all find me guilty of Treason And therefore desired that the Argument made by my Councel might be Answered And if it could be made appear unto them by any Law to be Treason they would then proceed farther as in Honour and Justice they should find fit Then came Christmas-day the last Wednesday in the Month and a most Solemn Fast kept on it with as Solemn an Ordinance for the due observance of this Fast and against the manner of keeping of that day in former Superstitious Times A Fast never before heard of in Christendom After this Conference Mr. Serjeant Wild speaking freely to some Friends about this Business told them he wonder'd the Lords should so much distrust their Judgments as to desire a Conference about it To see how good Wits agree Surely I believe he was of the Earl of Pembroke's Councel or the Earl of his they jump so together It seems in these Mens Opinions the House of Commons can neither Err in Conscience nor Judgment Howsoever that House thought it fit the Lords should be satisfied that I was by Law guilty of High Treason And to that end sent up a Committee Jan 2. 1644. to make proof of it to their Lordships At this Meeting two Judges were present Justice Reeves and Judge Bacon The Managers of the business against me were three Lawyers Mr Brown Serjeant Wild and Mr Nicolas Neither my self nor any of my Councel there What this will effect upon the Lords Time must discover as it doth the effects of other Eclipses And thus far I had proceeded in this sad History by Jan 3 1644. The rest shall follow as it comes to my Knowledge H W Next day the Arch-Bishop receiving the News that the Bill of Attainder had passed in the House of Lords broke off his History and prepared himself for Death I shall therefore supply the History from the Accounts of Mr Rushworth and Dr Heylin A short Supplement to the preceeding History taken from the Historical Collections of John Rushworth par 3 vol 2 p 834. THE Reasons of the Commons for the Attainder of the Arch-Bishop were at a Conference Jan. 2. by Serjeant Wild Mr. Brown and Mr. Nicolas communicated to the Lords who thereupon on the 4th of January passed the Ordinance of Attainder whereby it was Ordained that he should suffer Death as in Cases of High Treason And on the 6th of January it was Ordered by both Houses that he should suffer accordingly on Friday the 10th But on the 7th the Lords at a Conference acquainted the Commons with a Letter and Petition from the Arch-Bishop and a Pardon to him from the King dated the 12th of April 19 Car. of which he desired the benefit but the same was over-ruled and rejected His Petition was that in case he must Die Dr Stern Dr Heywood and Dr Martin might be permitted to be with him before and at his Death to Administer Comfort to his Soul and that the manner of his Execution might be altered to Beheading To which the Lords agreed but the Commons then refused both only granted that Dr. Stern and Mr. Marshal and Mr. Palmer should go to him and one or both of the latter to be constantly present whilst Dr. Stern was with him But the next day upon another Petition of his setting forth Reasons from his being a Divine a Bishop one that had had the Honour to sit in the House of Peers and of the King 's Most Honourable Privy-Council c. Praying in those regards not to be exposed to such an Ignominious Death the Commons consented to remit the rest of the Sentence and that he should suffer Death by being Beheaded Accordingly on the 10th of January he was conducted from the Tower to the Scaffold on Tower-Hill where being arrived holding a Paper in his Hand he spake to the People as followeth Then followeth the Arch-Bishop's Speech and Prayer and other Circumstances of his Execution verbatim as they were Printed in a Pamphlet of three Sheets in 4to London 1644. A Larger Supplement to the preceeding History taken out of Dr Heylin's Cyprianus Anglicus or his Life of Arch-Bishop Laud. Pag 527 c. THE Bill of Attainder
such Proceeding in this Case The very Parties that tendred this Cap presuming some good Inclination in him to accept it and to the Romish Church which he maintains to be a True Church wherein Men are and may be saved And the Second Proffer following so soon at the Heels of the First intimates That the First was in such sort entertained by him as rather encouraged than discouraged the Party to make the Second And his Second Consultation with the King concerning it insinuates That the King rather enclined to than against it or at leastwise left it arbitrary to him to accept or reject it as he best liked As for his Severity in prosecuting Papists it appears by his Epistle to the King before his Conference with the Jesuit Fisher where he useth these Speeches of his Carriage towards them God forbid that I should perswade a Persecution in any kind or practise it in the least against Priests and Jesuits For to my remembrance I have not given him or his so much as cross Language Therefore he is no great Enemy to them The Second thing which may seem strange to others is this That the Pope's Legat and Jesuits should ever hate or conspire his Death unless he were an utter Enemy to all Popery Papists and the Church of Rome which admits an easie Answer The Truth is the Bishop being very pragmatical and wilful in his Courses could not well brook pragmatical peremptory Jesuits who in Popish Kingdoms are in perpetual Enmity with all other Orders and they with them they having been oft banished out of France and other Realms by the Sorbonists Dominicans and other Orders no Protestants writing so bitterly against these Popish Orders as themselves do one against the other yea the Priests and Jesuits in England were lately at great Variance and persecuted one another with much Violence This is no good Argument then that the Arch-Bishop held no Correspondence with Priests and other Orders and bare no good Affection to the Church of Rome in whose Superstitious Ceremonies he outstripped many Priests themselves What Correspondency he held with Franciscus de Sancta Clara with other Priests and Dr Smith Bishop of Calcedon whom the Jesuits persecuted and got Excommunicated though of their own Church and Religion is at large discovered in a Book entituled The English Pope and by the Scottish Common-Prayer Book found in the Arch-Bishop's Chamber with all those Alterations wherein it differs from the English written with his own Hand some of which smell very strongly of Popery As namely his blotting out of these Words at the Delivery of the Bread and Wine in the Sacrament Take and eat this in remembrance that Christ died for thee and feed on him in thy Heart by Faith with Thanksgiving Take and drink this in remembrance that Christ's Blood was shed for thee c. and leaving only this former Clause the better to justifie and imply a Corporal Presence of Christ in the Sacrament The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ which was given for thee The Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ which was shed for thee preserve thy Body and Soul unto everlasting Life And this Popish Rubrick written with his own Hand The Presbyter during the time of Consecration shall stand AT THE MIDDLE OF THE ALTAR where he may with more Ease and Decency USE BOTH HIS HANDS than he can do if he stand at the North-end With other Particulars of this kind Moreover in his Book of Private Devotions written with his own Hand he hath after the Romish Form reduced all his Prayers to Canonical Hours And in the Memorials of his Life written with his own Hand there are these suspicious Passages among others besides the Offer of the Cardinal's Cap Anno 1631. Jun. 21. 26. My nearer Acquaintance began to settle with Dr. S. God bless us in it Junii 25. Dr. S. with me at Fulham cum Ma. c. meant of Dr. Smith the Popish Bishop of Calcedon as is conceived Jun. 25. Mr. Fr. Windebank my old Friend was Sworn Secretary of State which Place I OBTAINED FOR HIM of my Gracious Master King Charles What an Arch-Papist and Conspirator he was the Plot relates and his Flight into France for releasing Papists and Jesuits out of Prison and from Executions by his own Warrants and imprisoning those Officers who apprehended them confirms About this time Dr Theodore Price Sub-dean of Westminster a Man very intimate with the Arch-Bishop and recommended specially to the King by him to be a Welch Bishop in Opposition to the Earl of Pembrook and his Chaplain Griffith Williams soon after died a Reconciled Papist and received Extream Vnction from a Priest Noscitur ex comite August 30. 1634. he hath this Memorial Saturday at Oatlands the Queen sent for me and gave me Thanks for a Business with which she trusted me her Promise then that she would be my Friend and that I should have immediate Address to her when I had occasion All which considered together with his Chaplains Licensing divers Popish Books with their expunging most Passages against Popery out of Books brought to the Press with other Particulars commonly known will give a true Character of his Temper that he is another Cassander or middle Man between an Absolute Papist and a real Protestant who will far sooner hug a Popish Priest in his Bosom than take a Puritan by the Little Finger An absolute Papist in all matters of Ceremony Pomp and external Worship in which he was over-zealous even to an open 〈◊〉 Persecution of all Conscientious Ministers who made Scruple of them if not half an one at least in Doctrinal Tenets How far he was guilty of a Conditional Voting the breaking up the last Parliament before this was called and for what end it was summoned this other Memorial under his own Hand will attest Decemb 5. 1639. Thursday the King declared his Resolution for a Parliament in case of the Scottish Rebellion The first Movers to it were my Lord Deputy of Ireland my Lord Marquess Hamilton and my self And A RESOLUTION VOTED AT THE BOARD TO AS-SIST THE KING IN EXTRAORDINARY WAYS IF THE PARLIAMENT SHOULD PROVE PEEVISH AND REFUSE c. But of him sufficient till his Charge now in preparation shall come in Observations on and from the Relation of this PLOT FRom the Relation of the former Plot by so good a Hand our own Three Realms and all Foreign Protestant States may receive full Satisfaction First That there hath been a most cunning strong execrable Conspiracy long since contrived at Rome and for divers Years together most vigorously pursued in England with all Industry Policy Subtilty Engines by many active potent Confederates of all sorts all Sexes to undermine the Protestant Religion re-establish Popery and alter the very Frame of Civil Government in all the King's Dominions wherein a most dangerous visible Progress hath
In a Book 〈◊〉 The Remonstrance of the Nobility 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ministers and Commons within the Kingdom of Scotland Feb. 27. 1639. p. 12. Edinburgh 9. These Papers were taken 〈◊〉 the Arch-Bishop by Pryn 1643. May. 31. and shortly after Published 〈◊〉 a Pamphlet Entituled Rome's Master-piece H. W. Ps. 31. 〈◊〉 16. Remonst die Mercurij 15. Decemb. 1641. p. 20. * Ministers Rushw. 〈◊〉 † Design Rush. Pryn. 〈◊〉 * Remonstr Die Mercurij 15. 〈◊〉 1641. p. 14. † Distinction Rushw. Disunion Pryn. Ad 〈◊〉 Exod. 12. 49. * Which † Remonst Die Mercurii 15. Decemb. 1641. p. 20. * 26. Septemb. 1635. † 11. Octob. 1635. * Dat. Sept. 14. 1635. These Words are added from Pryn Rushw. Ad 13. * Maule † Feb. 8. 1641. * Proceedings of the Assembly at Perth p. 40. 68. † P. 41. † 〈◊〉 * Assured Ad 14. * A forementioned Crimes Rushworth Crimes aforementioned were done and committed Pryn. † One of Rush. Pryn. | These words are added from Pryn Rushworth * Feb. 10. 1641. Feb. 26. 1640. Vide 〈◊〉 p. 202. Mar. 〈◊〉 1640. † And more Mar. 1. 1640. Mar. 12. 1640. Mar. 13. 1640. Mar. 22. 1641. Maij 1. 1641. See the King's Speech apud Rush. p. 239. Maij 9. 1641. Maij 12. 1641. It is 〈◊〉 apud Rushw. p. 267. Maij 1. 1641 Psal. 69. 12. Junij 23. 1641. * f. Hatred Junij 25. 1641. Julij 1. 1641. Aug. 10. 1641. † From 〈◊〉 9 till Octob 20 So Rushworth p 387 388. Octob. 23. 1641 * Objected Nov. 1. 1641. Nov 25. 1641. Vide Rushw. p. 429. c. Dec 30. 1641. See Rushw. p. 468. The Address of the 12 Bishops here subjoyned is not right It should be to the King Quaere W. S. A. C It was directed To the King 's most Excellent Majesty and the Lords and Peers Assembled in Parliament And was intended to have been presented in the House of Lords the King being present although it was presented in the absence of the King See Life of Arch-Bishop Williams par 2. pag. 178. H W. It is also extant in Rushworth p. 466. In Heylin's Life of Laud p. 490. In Hacket's 〈◊〉 of Williams p. 178. * up Rushw. † debatable Rushw. | Rushw. * Lords and Peers Rushw. † their duties Rushw. * and the maintenance thereof Rush. † move them to adhere Rushw. * can find Rushw. † these particulars Rushw. * humbly Rushw. † that Rushw. * or Rushw. † until Rushw. * good Rushw. † that Rushw. * Laws Orders Votes Rushw. Rushw. * House Rush. † the Rushw. * this their Rushw. † violent Rushw. * Honourable Rushw. † or this their Rushw. † Amongst his Rushw. Jan. 4. 1641. Jan. 20. 1641. Feb. 6. 1641. Vide Rushw. par 3. vol. 1. p. 276. 〈◊〉 280 281 282. 396 397. 553. He saith it was Passed by the King 〈◊〉 Munday Febr. 14. Feb. 10. 1641. Feb. 11. 1641. Feb. 14. 1641. It may be found intire in 〈◊〉 p. 554. Feb. 16. 1641. See 〈◊〉 p. p. 555. Febr. 17. Febr. 19. Feb. 19. 1641. Feb. 20. 1641. Mar. 4. 1641. Mar. 6. 1641. Feb. 5. 1627. Mar. 3. 1641. * Prudence Mar. 19. 1641. Mar. 21. 1641. Mar. 23. 1641. Mar. 24. 1641. Mar. 31. 1642. April 1. 1642. Apr. 13. 1642. Apr. 20. 1642. Apr. 25. 1642. 〈◊〉 3. 1642. 〈◊〉 16. 1642. Maij 15. 1642. * 〈◊〉 Aug. 19. 1642. Sept. 1. 1642. Sept. 9. 1642. Sept. 10. 1642. Octob. 15. * It was so then though now 〈◊〉 Octob. 24. Octob. 27. † f. Person Octob. 28. Novemb. 2. Novemb. 9. Novemb. 16. Novemb. 22. Novemb. 24. Decem. 7. 1642. Decemb. 8. Decemb. 19. Decemb. 23. Jan. 5. 1642. Jan. 26. Feb. 3. 1642. Feb. 14. Mar. 2. 1642. Mar. 24. 1642. * for Culmer Mar. 28. 〈◊〉 April 11. April 13. April 14. April 21. April 24. May 1. May 2. May 9. 1643. May 16. May 17. The Ordinance may be found at large in Rushw. par 3. vol. 2. p. 〈◊〉 May 20. May 26. May 23. May 31. The Warrant may be found in Pryn's Breviat of the Life of the Arch-Bishop p. 28. Junij 10. 1643. It may be found also in Rushw. par 3. vol. 〈◊〉 p. 330. * of Canterbury Rushw. † be Susp Rush. * his Rushw. † his Rushw. * Et Sequestrationis Rush. 〈◊〉 11. 1643. Junij 12. Julij 1. Cicero L. 1. Tuscul. Qu. Julij 12. Aug. 3. Aug. 5. 1643. Aug. 6. Aug. 7. Aug. 8. Aug. 9. Aug. 10. Aug. 11. Aug. 15. Aug. 19. Aug. 20. * Low-Laighton Aug. 27. September 11. September 25. Octob. 3. Octob. 24. See the Articles and Order of the Lords made thereupon apud Rushworth par 3. vol. 2. p. 817 820. apud Pr. p. 38 41. The A. B's 〈◊〉 may be found in Rushpag 820. Pryn p. 41. Hern and Chute were assigned by Order of the Lords Octob. 24. Hales added by their Order Octob. 28. See both Orders apud Rushworth p. 821. Pryn p. 41 42. Gerrard added by their Order Jan. 16. See this Order also ibid. p. 825 46. The first Order apud Heylin's Life of Laud p. 513. Octob. 27. Octob 28. 1643. See the Order of the Lords apud Rushw. p. 821. Pryn p. 42. Octob 31. The Petition may be found apud Rushw. p. 821. Pryn p. 42. See the Order of the Lords Ibid. p. 822. 42. Novemb. 6. Novemb. 7. Novemb. 8. Novemb. 13. See the Order apud Rushw. p. 822. Vide Rushworth p. 822 Pryn p. 43. This Answer is otherwise worded in Pryn's Compl. Hist. p. 43. who took it I suppose from the Parliament Records W. S. A. C. It is thus worded All advantages of Exception to the said Articles of Impeachment to this Defendant saved and reserved this Defendant humbly saith that he is Not Guilty of all or any the Matters by the said Impeachment Charged in such manner and form 〈◊〉 the same are by the said Articles of Impeachment Charged See the Order 〈◊〉 Rushw. p. 822. Pryn p. 43. * were Dec. 8. 1643. Decemb. 13. Decemb. 18. Decemb. 〈◊〉 Jan. 3. 1643. See the Order apud Rushw. p. 823. Pryn p. 43. Januar. 6. The Petition may be found apud Rushw. p. 823. And the Order of the Lords p. 824. Both apud Pryn p. 44. Januar. 7. * For so those Puritans stiled and accounted the Sunday H. W. Januar. 8. Januar. 16. Vide the Order apud Rushw. p. 824. Pryn p. 45. Mr. Maynard was then chief Manager for the Commons See his Speech made then to the Lords apud Rushw. p 824 Pryn p. 45. See the Order apud Rushw. p. 825. Pryn p. 46 47. Jan. 22. 1643 See the Arch-Bishop's Petition made herein Jan. 19. apud Rushw. p. 825. Pryn. p. 46. This Answer was put in Jan. 22. being short and in general Pleading Not Guilty and making only a short particular Plea to the 13 th Article The said Answer may be found in Rush. p. 826. Pryn p. 47. I have Transcribed it from
Original now in my Hands will not only supply the defect of what the Arch-Bishop intended in the words before related but never effected but will also undeniably assert his Innocence from those greater Accusations 〈◊〉 brought against him and will farther clear 〈◊〉 from many later Aspersions of lesser moment I will name but one which is to be found in the Life of Arch-Bishop Williams wrote by Bishop Hacket and lately Published Therein pag. 63 64. Dr. Laud is taxed of high Ingratitude against Williams who is there in a long Relation represented as his great Benefactor and who particularly gained of King James the Bishoprick of St. Davids for him by his great and restless importunity when the King had determined not to Promote him as unworthy of his Favour for Reasons there expressed I question not Bishop Hacket's Veracity or that Arch-Bishop Williams did indeed relate this to him But then Williams will be found strongly to have prevaricated when he pretended that Laud owed that Preferment to his Kindness and thereupon taxed him of Ingratitude For from what is related in the following Diary at June 29 1621. it appears indeed that Williams stickled hard to gain the Bishoprick of St. Davids for Laud not out of any Kindness to him but for his own ends that so himself might retain the Deanry of Westminster with the Bishoprick of Lincoln to which he was then Nominated which otherwise had slipped from him the King having designed to give it to Dr. Laud upon the avoidance of it by the Promotion of Dr. Williams to the See of Lincoln But whatever may be in this Matter alledged against Dr. Laud I am sure no Art or Colour can defend that bitter Revenge of Arch-Bishop Williams related in this History which prompted him to move earnestly in the House of Lords that the Jurisdiction of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury then a Prisoner in the Tower might be Sequestred and put into the Hands of his Inferiour Officers which by his importunity he obtained to the great Prejudice of the Church and no small Infamy of himself I do not pretend to justifie the whole Proceeding of Arch-Bishop Laud during the whole course of his Power and Government against Arch-Bishop Williams I do rather lament it as the great Misfortune both of themselves and the Church at that time that two such Eminent Prelates equally endued with extraordinary Learning Wisdom and Greatness of Mind should be engaged in constant Opposition and Enmity to each other at first raised by mutual Distrust and Emulation and ever after kept up and fomented by reciprocal Injuries and false Representations on each side But that the blame of this Misfortune should be cast wholly on the one side that unworthy Reflections should be made and Published in prejudice of Arch-Bishop Laud that he should be accused of base Ingratitude of impotent Malice of insatiable Revenge while the other is represented as the most Calm most Innocent and most Heroical Person imaginable I cannot without some Indignation observe in the before mentioned Historian otherwise of Eminent Worth and Character who to approve his Gratitude to his Patron and Promoter hath grosly neglected the Laws of History and cared not how injuriously he treated the Memory of Arch-Bishop Laud that he might justifie the Quarrel and heighten the Encomium of Arch-Bishop Williams Vpon this Account and with this design Williams is pretended to have been the great Patron and Benefactor of Laud to have procured him his first Rotchet c. that so the latter might appear guilty of the highest Ingratitude against the other Hence these Reflections are frequently repeated Of all Men Bishop Laud was the Man whose Enmity was most tedious and most spightful against his great Benefactor Williams This dealing of Laud is past Excuse and can bear no Apology And the Cause of his Bishop Williams's incessant molestations for Twelve Years was his known Enemy Bishop Laud. Could he so soon forget him that first made him a Bishop c. The undoing of his Brother was so much in his Mind that it was never out of his Dreams In other places Laud is represented as utterly implacable and irreconcilable in his Malice against Williams is accused of impotent Malevolence and his implacable spight against a Bishop his Raiser and now by being a Prisoner in the Tower become a spectacle of pity said to be unpardonable Again he is Traduced to have been possessed with a Revengeful Mind Whereas to the other this lofty Encomiam is beslowed that There did not Live that Christian that hated Revenge more than he or that would forgive an Injury sooner These and many like Passages are as far remote from Truth and Justice as they are from that Sincerity and Impartiality which become an Historian I had intended to have said no more upon this Head But I cannot prevail with my self to pass by an heinous Accusation formerly brought against Arch-Bishop Laud concerning his having altered the Oath Administred to King Charles I at his Coronation in favour of the Crown and prejudice of the People Which Accusation it hath pleased an Honourable Reverend and Learned Person very lately to renew in a Publick Speech in these words The striking out of that part of the Ancient Oath in King Charles his time at his Coronation by Arch-Bishop Laud that the King should consent to such Laws as the People should choose and instead of that another very unusual one inserted Saving the King's Prerogative Royal. And I could tell you of somewhat more of that kind done since in the time of the late King James at the time of his Coronation there was much more struck out of the Coronation Oath which might well be worth the enquiring how it came about I must not presume to oppose any thing delivered by an Oracle of the Law in a Court of Judicature to a great Auditory upon a Solemn Occasion However I beg leave to acquaint the Reader that a full and undeniable justification of Arch-Bishop Laud from this Charge may be found in this History cap. 33. I may farther presume that the Author of this Speech is too Just and Honourable to intend by the latter Clause any 〈◊〉 upon another Arch-Bishop who Administred the Coronation Oath to King James II. Or if any Reader should be so ill informed as to mis-conceive his Lordship herein I hope it will be no offence to say that it would be no difficult matter to justifie in this Case the Proceeding of the one Arch-Bishop as clearly as this History doth the other I might farther add that the entire Publication of this Diary contributes very much to Illustrate the History of those Times and that both it and the following History discover many Secrets before unknown in Matters of Church and State and correct many Errours commonly taken up and received in Relation to either To give one particular instance I know a certain 〈◊〉 who would fain be esteemed and is generally accounted by these of his Party
Year 1634. 529 His Account for the Year 1635. 535 His Account for the Year 1636. 538 His Account for the Year 1637. 546 His Account for the Year 1638. 553 His Account for the Year 1639. 558 A Pamphlet published against the Arch-Bishop by Will. Pryn entituled Rome's Master-piece with the Arch-Bishop's Notes upon it 〈◊〉 Two Letters of the Arch-Bishop's then Chancellor of the Vniversity of Oxford to the Vice-Chancellor there charging him to enquire after prevent and punish the Practices of some Romish Emissaries in that Place 609 The Arch-Bishop's Letter to Sir Kenelm Digby upon the News of his Reconciliation to the Church of Rome 610 The Testimony of Mr Jonathan Whiston concerning the Joy expressed at Rome upon the News of the Arch-Bishop's Death 616 The Testimony of Mr John Evelyn concerning the same 616 AN INTRODUCTION To the Following HISTORY Containing the DIARY OF THE Most Reverend Father in God WILLIAM LAUD LORD Arch-Bishop of Canterbury EXTENDING From His Birth to the middle of the Year MDCXLIII Being the Seventieth Year of His Age. Faithfully and Entirely Published from the Original Copy Wrote with His own Hand The Latine part rendered into English and adjoined LONDON Printed for Ri Chiswell at the Rose and Crown in St Paul's Church-Yard 1694. AN INTRODUCTION To the following History CONTAINING THE DIARY OF THE Most Reverend Father in God WILLIAM LAUD Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Anno 1573. NATUS fui Octob 7 1573. Redingi In infantiâ penè perii morbo c. I WAS born Octob 7 1573. at Reading In my Infancy I was in danger of Death by Sickness c. Anno 1589. I came to Oxford July 1589. Anno 1590. I was chosen Scholar of St John's June 1590. Anno 1593. I was admitted Fellow of St John's June anno 1593. Anno 1594. My Father died April 11 1594. die Mercurii I proceeded Batchelour of Arts June 1594. Anno 1596. I had a great Sickness 1596. Anno 1597. And another anno 1597. Anno 1598. I proceeded Master of Arts July 1598. I was Grammar Reader that Year and fell into a great Sickness at the end of it Anno 1600. My Mother died November 24. 1600. I was made Deacon 4. Januar. 1600. comput Angl. Anno 1601. I was made Priest April 5. 1601. being Palm-Sunday both by Dr. Young Bishop of Rochester Viz. Both Orders were conferred by him Anno 1602. I read a Divinity Lecture in St. John's College anno 1602. It was then maintained by Mrs. Maye I was the last that read it Queen Elizabeth died at Richmond March 24. 1602. comput Angl. Anno 1603. I was Proctor of the University chosen May 4. 1603. I was made Chaplain to the Earl of Devonshire Septemb. 3. 1603. Adjecta est spes mea de A. H. Jan. 1. 1603. Which after proved my great happiness Incaepi sperare Januar. 21. 1600. comp Angl. Hope was given to me of A. H. Jan. 1. c. I first began to hope it Jan. 21. c. Anno 1604. I was Batchelour in Divinity July 6. being Friday 1604. Anno 1605. My cross about the Earl of Devon's Marriage Decemb 26 1605. die Jovis Anno 1606. The Quarrel Dr Ayry picked with me about my Sermon at St. Mary's Octob. 21. 1606. Anno 1607. I was inducted into the Vicaridge of Stanford in Northamptonshire November 13. 1607. Anno 1608. The Advowson of North-Kilworth in Leicestershire given to me April 1608. My acquaintance with C. W. began I proceeded Doctor in Divinity in the Act anno 1608. I was made Chaplain to Dr. Neile then Ld. Bishop of Rochester August 5. 1608. After my unfortunateness with T. whose death was in July 1604. the first offer in this kind that I had after was by M. Short June 1606. then by P. B. not accepted Anno 1609. My first Sermon to King James at Theobalds Septemb. 17. 1609. I changed my Advowson of North-Kilworth for West-Tilbery in Essex to which I was inducted Octob. 28. 1609. to be near my Ld. of Rochester Dr. Neile My next unfortunateness was with E. M. Decemb. 30. being Saturday 1609. A stay in this Anno 1610. My Ld. of Rochester gave me Cuckstone in 〈◊〉 Maii 25. 1610. I resigned my Fellowship in St John's Colledge in Oxford Octob 2 1610. and left Oxford the 8th of the same Month. I fell Sick of a Kenish Ague caught at my Benefice Novemb 5 1610. which held me two Months In the midst of this Sickness the Suit about the Presidentship of St John's began I left Kuckstone and was inducted in Norton Novemb 1610. by Proxy The Lord Chancellor Elsmere's Complaint against me to the King at Christmas 1610. He was incited against me by Doctor Abbot Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Elect. Anno 1611. My next unfortunateness was by S. B. Feb 11 1611. It continued long I was chosen President of St John's May 10 1611. The King sat in Person three hours to hear my Cause about the Presidentship of St John's at Tichburne Aug 29 1611. It was Dies Decollat S Johannis-Bapt The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury was the Original Cause of all my Troubles I was Sworn the King's Chaplain Novemb 3. 1611. Anno 1612. My next unfortunateness was by S. S. June 13 1612. It ended quickly My next with A D which effected nothing and ended presently Septemb 1612. My great Business with E. B. began Januar 22 1612. It setled as it could March 5 1612. comp Angl It hath had many changes and what will become of it God knoweth Anno 1614. My great misfortune by M. S. began April 9 1614. A most fierce salt Rheume in my left Eye like to have indangered it Dr Neile then Bishop of Lincoln gave me the Prebend of Bugden April 18 1614. Anno 1615. Dr Neile the Bishop of Lincoln gave me the Archdeaconry of Huntingdon Decemb 1 1615. Anno 1616. The King gave me the Deanry of Gloucester Novemb 1616. I resigned my Parsonage of West-Tilbery I set forward with the King toward Scotland March 14 1616. Stilo nostro and returned a little before him 1617. My acquaintance began with W Sta. March 5 1616. comp Angl Anno 1617. .... Cum E. B. July 28 1617. Die Lunae primè St John's Colledge on fire under the stair-case in the Chaplain's Chamber by the Library Septemb 26 1617. die Veneris Both these days of Observation to me I was inducted to Ibstock in Leicestershire Aug 2 1617. in my return out of Scotland and left Norton Anno 1618. Lu. Bos. B. to E. B. May 2 1618. Et quid ad me My ill hap with E. Beg. June 1618. The great Organ in St. John's Chappel set up It was begun Febr. 5. 1618. comp Angl. Anno 1619. I fell suddenly dead for a time at Wickham in my return from London April 2. 1619. Anno 1620. I was Installed Prebendary of Westminster Januar. 22. 1620. comp Angl. having had the Advowson of it Ten Years the November before Anno 1621. The King 's Gracious Speech unto me June 3. 1621. concerning my
Ordained him and John Mitchel Priests March 23. I Preached at White-Hall Anno 1623. March 31. I received Letters from my Lord of Buckingham out of Spain April 9. I received Letters from my Lord of Buckingham out of Spain April 13. Easter-day I Preached at Westminster April 26. I Ordained John Burrough Master of Arts Deacon and Priest May 3 and 16. My Speech with B. E. and the taking off my Jealousies about the great business June 1. Whitsunday I Preached at St. Brides June 13. I received Letters from the Duke of Buckingham out of Spain June 15. R. B. died at Stony Stratford which what it will work with B. E. God in Heaven knoweth and be merciful unto me July 6. I Preached at Westminster July 15. St. Swythin A very fair day till towards 5 at Night Then great extremity of Thunder and Lightning Much hurt done The Lanthorn at St. James's House blasted The Vane bearing the Prince's Arms beaten to pieces The Prince then in Spain It was Tuesday and their St. James's day Stilo Novo Aug. 17. I received Letters from the Duke of Buckingham out of Spain Aug. 31. I Preached at Sunninge with my Lord of Bristol Septemb. 8. I was at Bromley and heard of the unfortunate passage between my Friends there Octob. 3. Friday I was with my Lord Keeper to whom I found some had done me very ill Offices And he was very jealous of L. B's Favour Octob. 5. The Prince and the Duke of Buckingham landed at Portsmouth from Spain Octob. 6. Munday they came to London The greatest expression of Joy by all sorts of People that ever I saw Octob. 20. I Ordained Thomas Blackiston Batch of Arts Deacon Octob. 26. The fall of an House while Drewrye the Jesuit was Preaching in the Black-Fryars About 100 slain It was in their Account Novemb. 5. Octob. 31. I acquainted my Lord Duke of Buckingham with that which passed between the Lord Keeper and me Novemb. 12. Wednesday night a most grievous Fire in Bread-street in London Alderman Cocking's House with others burnt down Novemb. 18. Tuesday night the Duke of Buckingham Entertained the two Spanish Embassadors Don Diego de Mendoza the Extraordinary and Don Carolo 's Columnas the Ordinary and Mexia I think his Name was Ambassador from the Arch-Dukes One of the Extraordinary Ambassadors of Spain Marquess Iniioca came not because Mendoza and he could not agree upon Precedency His Majesty and the Prince were there The Bishop of London and my self waited upon the King Decemb. 14. Sunday night I did Dream that the Lord Keeper was dead that I passed by one of his Men that was about a Monument for him that I heard him say his lower Lip was infinitely swelled and fallen and he rotten already This Dream did trouble me Decemb. 15. On Munday Morning I went about business to my Lord Duke of Buckingham We had Speech in the Shield-Gallery at White-Hall There I found that the Lord Keeper had strangely forgotten himself to him and I think was dead in his Affections Decemb. 21. I Preached at Westminster Decemb. 27. St. John's day I was with my Lord Duke of Buckingham I found that all went not right with the Lord Keeper c. He sent to speak with me because he was to Receive the next day Decemb. 30. I adventured to tell my Lord Duke of Buckingham of the Opinion generally held touching the Commission of sending Sir Edward Coke and some others into Ireland before the intended Parliament Januar. 3. I received my Writ to appear in Parliament Febr. 12. following Januar. 10. I received a Command under Seal from my Lord of London to warn for the Convocation Januar. 10. I was with my Lord Duke of Buckingham and shewed him the state of the Book Printed about the Visitation of the Church and what was like to ensue upon it Januar. 11. I was with his Majesty to shew him the Epistle that was to be Printed before the Conference between me and Fisher the Jesuit Maij 24. 1622. which he was pleased to approve The King brake with me about the Book Printed then of the Visitation of the Church He was hard of belief that A. B. C. was the Author of it My Lord Keeper met with me in the with-drawing-Chamber and quarrelled me gratis Januar. 12. I sent the Summons down into the Country to the Clergy for their appearance at the Convocation Januar. 14. I acquainted my Lord Duke of Buckingham with that which passed on the Sunday before between the Lord Keeper and me Januar. 16. I was all day with Doctor W. about my Papers of the Conference and making them ready for the Press Here is left a large void space in the Original to insert the Occurrences of the Eight following Days which space was never filled up Januar. 25. Dies Solis erat Ego solus nescio quâ tristitiâ languens Premebat anxium invidia J. L. odium gratuitum Sumpsi in manus Testamentum Novum Groeco idiomate pensum diei ordine lecturus Caput autem mihi occurrit ad Hebr. XIII Ibi statim occurrit mihi moerenti metuentique illud Davidis Psal. 56. Dominus mihi Adjutor non timebo quid faciat mihi homo Exemplum mihi putavi propositum sub eo Scuto quis non tutus Protege me O Dominus Deus meus Januar. 31. Commissio emissa sub magno Sigillo Angliae me inter alios Judicem Delegatum constituit in Causa Dilapidationis inter Rev. in Christo Patrem Richard Neile Dominum Episcopum Dunelm Franciscum James Filium Haeredem Praedecessoris Huic Commissioni inservivi ab horâ secundâ 〈◊〉 ad quintam Dies erat Saturni Locus Camera magna ubi Legum Doctores simul convivant vulgò dictus Doctors Commons Februar 1. Dies solis erat Astiti Illust. Principi Carolo Prandenti Hilaristum admodum sibi conviva multa obiter cum suis. Inter caetera se si necessitas aliquod genus 〈◊〉 imponeret Juristam esse non posse Subjunxit Rationes Nequeo inquit malam causam defendere nec in bonâ succumbere Sic in majoribus succedas in aeternum faustus Serenissime Princeps Februar 4. Dies Mercurij erat Colloquium cum Fishero Jesuitâ habitum Maij 24. 1622. Jussu Sereniss Regis Jacobi Scriptis mandatum Regi ipsi antea perlectum typis excudendum hodiè traditur cum Approbatione Episcopi London Nunquam ante-hac sub praelo Laboravi Nullus Controversor Et ita oro amet beetque animam meam Deus ut ego benè ad gloriam nominis ejus sopitas cupio conorque Ecclesiae nunquam satis deflendas distractiones Invisi hodiè Ducissam Buckinghamiae Ostendit mihi illa 〈◊〉 Faemina Precum formulam Hanc ei in manus dedit alia mihi nè de Nomine nota Mulier Perlegi Mediocra omnia nihil egregium nisi quòd Poesi similior canebat Januar. 25. It was Sunday I was alone and languishing with I know not what
Epiphaniae dies Veneris nocte 〈◊〉 avi Matrem meam diu ante defunctam lecto meo astitisse deductis paululum stragulis hilarem in me aspexisse laetatus sum videre eam aspectu tam jucundo Ostendit deindè mihi Senem diù ante defunctum quem ego dum vixit novi amavi Jacuisse videbatur ille humi laetus satis sed rugoso vultu Nomen ei Grove Dum paro salutare evigilavi Januar. 8. Dies erat Lunae 〈◊〉 visum Ducem Buck. Gavisus est in manus dedit Chartam de Invocatione Sanctorum quam dedit ei Mater Illi vero nescio quis Sacerdos Jan. 13. Dies erat Saturni Episcopus Lin. petiit reconciliationem cum 〈◊〉 Buckinghamiae c. Januar. 14. Die Solis versùs manè somniavi Episcopum Lin. nescio què advenisse cum catenis ferreis sed redeuns liberatus ab iis equum insiluit abiit nec assequi potui Januar. 16. Die Martis Somniavi Regem venatum 〈◊〉 quòd quum esuriit abduxi eum de improviso in Domum Fran. Windebanck Amici mei Dum parat comedere ego dum alii aberant Calicem ei de more porrigebam Potum attuli non placuit Iterum adduxi sed poculo argenteo Dicit Serenissimus Rex Tu 〈◊〉 me semper è vitro bibere Abeo iterum evigilavi Januar. 17. Die Mercurij Ostendi Rationes Regi cur Chartae Episcopi Winton defuncti de Episcopis quòd sint Jure Divino praelo tradendae sint contra illud quod miserè in maximum damnum Ecclesiae Anglicanae Episcopus Lincoln significavit Regi sicut Rex ipse mihi antea narravit Febr. 7. Dies erat Cinerum Concionatus sum in Aulâ ad White-Hall Feb. 9. Die Veneris nocte sequente somniavi me morbo scorbutico laborasse repentè Dentes omnes mihi laxos fuisse unum praecipuè in inferiori maxillâ vix digito me retinere potuisse donec opem peterem c. Feb. 20. Die Martis Incaepit Jo. Fenton 〈◊〉 pruriginis 〈◊〉 c. Febr. 22. Die Jovis Iter suscepi versus Novum Mercatum ubi tum Rex fuit Martij 3. Dies Saturni erat Cantabrigiam concessi unà cum Duce Buckinghamiae Cancellario istius almae Academiae alijs Comitibus Baronibus Incorporatus ibi fui sic primus qui praesentatus fuit Illustrissimo Duci tum sedenti in domo Congregationis ipse fui Habitus ibi fuit ab Academicis Dux insignis Academicè celebriter Redimus Martij 6. Die Martis Rediit Rex è Novo Mercato ego versùs Londinum Martij 8. Die Jovis Veni Londinum Nocte sequente somniavi me reconciliatum fuisse Ecclesiae Romanae Hoc anxiè me habuit miratus sum 〈◊〉 unde accidit Nec solum mihi molestus fui propter Errores illius Ecclesiae sed etiam propter scandala quae ex illo lapsu meo multos egregios doctos viros in Ecclesiâ Anglicanâ onerarent Sic turbatus insomnio dixi apud me me statim iturum confessione factâ veniam ab Ecclesiâ Anglicanâ petiturum Pergenti obviam se dedit Sacerdos quidam voluit impedire Sed indignatione motus me in viam dedi Et dum fatigavi me morosis cogitationibus evigilavi Tales impressiones sensi ut vix potui credere me somniâsse Martij 12. Die Lunae cum Rege concessi Theobaldas Redij die proximo Martij 13. Martij 17. Die Saturni Vigiliâ Palmarum Horâ noctis ferè mediâ sepelivi Carolum Vicecomitem Buckinghamiae Filium natu maximum tum unicum Georgij Ducis Buckinghamiae AEtdtis 〈◊〉 fuit Anni unius ferè quatuor mensium Mortuus est Die Veneris praecedente Anno 1626. March 26. Sunday D. B. sent me to the King There I gave to the King an account of those two Businesses which c. His Majesty thanked me March 29. King Charles spoke to both Houses of Parliament but directed his Speech chiefly to the Lower House both by himself and by the Right Honourable the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal in the Palace at White-Hall He also added much concerning the Duke of Buckingham c. In the Convocation held that Day there was much debating concerning the Sermon which Gabriel Goodman Bishop of Glocester had Preached before the King on the Sunday preceding being the fifth Sunday of Lent April 5 Wednesday The King sent in the Morning commanding the Bishops of Norwich Litchfeild and St Davids to attend him I and the Bishop of Litchfeild waited upon him the Bishop of Norwich being gone into the Country We received the King's Commands about c. and returned April 12. Wednesday at 9. in the Forenoon we met together viz. the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the Bishops of Winchester Durham and St Davids being commanded by the King to consult together concerning the Sermon which Dr Goodman the Bishop of Glocester had Preached before his Majesty on the 5th Sunday in Lent last past We advised together and gave this Answer to the King That some things were therein spoken less cautiously but nothing falsely That nothing was innovated by him in the Doctrine of the Church of England That the best way would be that the Bishop should preach the Sermon again at some time to be chosen by himself and should then shew how and wherein he was misunderstood by his Auditors That Night after 9. a Clock I gave to the King an account of what I had received in command on the 5th of April and of other things relating thereto Among the rest concerning restoring Impropriations The King spoke many things very graciously therein after I had first discoursed of the manner of effecting it April 14. Friday The Duke of Buckingham fell into a Fever April 19. Wednesday The Petition of John Digby Earl of Bristol against the Duke of Buckingham was read in the House of Lords It was very sharp and such as threatens Ruin to one of the Parties April 20. Friday King Charles referred the Cognisance of that whole matter as also of the Petition of the Earl of Digby to the House of Parliament April 21. Saturday the Duke of Buckingham sent to me to come to him There I first heard what Sir John Cook the King's Secretary had suggested against me to the Lord Treasurer and he to the Duke Lord be merciful to me thy Servant April 22. Sunday The King sent for all the Bishops to come to him at 4. a Clock in the Afternoon We waited upon him 14. in number Then his Majesty chid us that in this time of Parliament we were silent in the Cause of the Church and did not make known to him what might be Useful or was Prejudicial to the Church professing himself ready to promote the Cause of the Church He then commanded us that in the Causes of the Earl of Bristol and Duke of Buckingham we should follow the direction of our own Consciences being led by Proofs
Bed and drawing aside the Cloaths a little looked pleasantly upon me and that I was glad to see her with so merry an aspect She then shew'd to me a certain Old Man long since deceased whom while alive I both knew and loved He seemed to lye upon the ground merry enough but with a wrinkled Countenance His Name was Grove While I prepared to salute him I awoke Januar. 8. Munday I went to visit the Duke of Buckingham He was glad to see me and put into my hands a Paper concerning the Invocation of Saints which his Mother had given to him a certain Priest to me unknown had given it to her Januar. 13. Saturday The Bishop of Lincoln desired reconciliation with the Duke of Buckingham c. Januar. 14. Sunday towards Morning I Dreamed that the Bishop of Lincoln came I know not whether with Iron Chains But returning loosed from them leaped on Horseback went away neither could I overtake him Januar. 16. Tuesday I Dreamed that the King went out to Hunt and that when he was hungry I brought him on the suddain into the House of my Friend Francis Windebank While he prepareth to eat I in the absence of others presented the Cup to him after the usual manner I carried Drink to him but it pleased him not I carried it again but in a silver Cup. Thereupon his Majesty said You know that I always drink out of Glass I go away again and awoke Januar. 17. Wednesday I shew my Reasons to the King why the Papers of the late Bishop of Winchester concerning Bishops that they are Jure Divino should be Printed contrary to what the Bishop of Lincoln had pitifully and to the great detriment of the Church of England signified to the King as theKing himself had before related to me Febr. 7. Ash Wednesday I Preached at Court at White-Hall Febr. 9. Friday The following Night I Dreamed that I was troubled with the Scurvey and that on the sudden all my Teeth became loose that one of them especially in the lower Jaw I could scarce hold in with my Finger till I called out for help c. Febr. 20 Tuesday John Fenton began the cure of a certain Itch c. Febr. 22. Thursday I began my Journey towards New-Market where the King then was March 3. Saturday I went to Cambridge with the Duke of Buckingham Chancellor of that famous University and other Earls and Lords I was there incorporated and so I was the first who was presented to the most Illustrious Duke then sitting in the Congregation House The Duke was treated by the University in an Academical manner yet splendidly We returned March 6. Tuesday The King returned from New-Market and I with him toward London March 8. Thursday I came to London The Night following I dreamed that I was reconciled to the Church of Rome This troubled me much and I wondred exceedingly how it should happen Nor was I aggrieved with my self only by Reason of the Errors of that Church but also upon account of the Scandal which from that my fall would be cast upon many Eminent and Learned Men in the Church of England So being troubled at my Dream I said with my self that I would go immediately and confessing my fault would beg pardon of the Church of England Going with this resolution a certain Priest met me and would have stopped me But moved with indignation I went on my way And while I wearied my self with these troublesome thoughts I awoke Herein I felt such strong impressions that I could scarce believe it to be a Dream March 12. Munday I went with the King to Theobalds I returned next day March 13. March 17. Saturday the Eve of Palm-Sunday about mid-night I buried Charles Viscount Buckingham the Eldest and then only Son of George Duke of Buckingham He was then about a year and four months old He died on the Friday before Anno 1627. Martij 25. Dies erat Paschatis Concionatus sum in Aulâ c. Martij 27. Die Martis sequente nocte somnium habui quale sequitur 〈◊〉 quaedam data erant Dominae Dorotheae Wright viduae Georgij W. Militis familiaris mei Legatae erant 430 minae ampliùs Datae à Consanguineo quodam Viduae Filiis Nomine Farnham Ad instantiam Viduae quum Legata solvere Executor aut negavit aut distulit Literas obtinui ab Illustrissimo Duce Buckinghamiae in gratiam Viduae Dux enim erat Magister Equitum dictus Georgius W. sub eo fuit inter Ministros Regis quùm Literas jam in manibus haberem daturusque eram Viduae ut mitteret in Hiberniam ubi Executor degebat hac nocte apparuit mihi in somnis Georgius W. Miles per biennium antè ad minimum mortuus visus est mihi valdè habilis hilarisque satis Dixi quid pro Viduâ Liberis ejus tum egi Cogitabundus paulisper respondit Executorem sibi dum in vivis esset satisfecisse pro Legatis illis Et statim inspectis quibusdam Chartis in museolo suo adjacente addidit iterum ita esse Et insuper mihi in aurem dixit me causam esse cur Episcopus Lin. non iterum admitteretur in gratiam in Aulam Apr. 4. Die Mercurij Quùm Rex Serenissimus Carolus absolvebat D. Dun circa lapsus quosdam in Concione habitâ Die Solis Apr. 1. Quod gratiosissimè mihi tum dixit literis nunquam delendis cum summâ Gratiarum actione Deo Regi in corde scripsi Apr. 7. Dies erat Saturni Dum Aulam petij ut Regiae coenae servus intersim è Rhedâ exeuns titubante pede praeceps ruebam graviori casu nunquam sum lapsus sed miserante Deo contusâ 〈◊〉 Coxendice idque leviter evasi Apr. 24. Dies erat Martis 〈◊〉 ad me missae sunt Exceptiones quas exhibuit A. B. C. contra Concionem Doctoris Sibthorp quae sequuntur Apr. 29. Die Solis Factus sum Serenissimo Regi Carolo à Consiliis Secretioribus In honorem 〈◊〉 bonum Regni Ecclesiae oro 〈◊〉 Deus Maij 13. Die Pentecostes Concionem habui coram 〈◊〉 c. Anno 1627. March 25. Easter-day I Preached at Court c. March 27. Tuesday That Night I had the following Dream Some Legacies had been given to the Lady Dorothy Wright the Widow of Sir George Wright my Acquaintance The Legacies amounted to above 430 l. being bequeathed by a certain Kinsman named Farnham to the Widow and her Children When the Executor denied or deferred to pay the Legacy I had at the desire of the Widow obtained Letters in her behalf from the Duke of Buckingham for the Duke was Master of the Horse and the said Sir George W. was employed under him in the King's Service when I had now those Letters in my Hands and was about to deliver them to the Widow that she might send them into Ireland where the Executor dwelt this Night Sir George Wright appeared to
Master with all Duty and Faithfulness and without any known or wilful Disservice to the State there-while And this I did with as true and free a Heart as ever any Man did that served a King And I thank God my care was such for the Publick that it is well known I much neglected my own private Fortunes there-while The more was I amazed at the first apprehension of this heavy and undeserved Charge Upon this Charge I was commanded to withdraw But I first desired leave to speak a few words And I spake to this effect That I was heartily sorry for the Offence taken against me and that I was most unhappy to have my Eyes open to see that day and mine Ears to hear such a Charge But humbly desired their Lordships to look upon the whole course of my Life which was such as that I did verily perswade my self not one Man in the House of Commons did believe in his Heart that I was a Traytor Here my Lord the Earl of Essex interrupted me and said That Speech of mine was a Scandal put upon the whole House of Commons that they should bring me up charged with so high a Crime which themselves did not believe I 〈◊〉 desired then that I might be proceeded with in the Antient Parliamentary way of England This the Lord Say excepted against as if I would prescribe them how they should proceed So I withdrew as I was commanded and was presently called in again to the Bar and thence delivered to Mr. James Maxwell the Officer of the Black Rod to be kept in safe Custody till the House of Commons should farther Impeach me Here I humbly desired leave that I might go home to fetch some Papers necessary for my Defence This was granted me with some difficulty and Mr. Maxwell was commanded to Attend me all the while I should stay When I was gone to Lambeth after some little discourse and sad enough with my Steward and some private Friends I went into my Chappel to Evening Prayer The Psalms for that day gave me much comfort and were observed by some Friends then present as well as by my self And upon the Comfort I then received I have every day since unless some urgent Business prevented me Read over both these Psalms and God willing purpose so to do every day of my Life Prayers being ended I went with Mr. Maxwell as I was commanded Hundreds of my Poor Neighbours standing at my Gates to see me go and Praying 〈◊〉 for my safe return to my House For which I blessed God and them CAP. II. AND because here I am sure to find my self being now Imprisoned I will begin farther off and shew briefly why and how this Malignity pursued and overtook me When I was first Bishop of London His Majesty expressed a great desire which he had to settle a Liturgy in the Church of Scotland and this continued in agitation many Years And what my part was therein I shall clearly and ingenuously set down hereafter when I come to Answer the Scottish Accusations of me in that behalf or the Articles of the Parliament here one of which relates to them In the Year 1633. His Majesty went into Scotland and was Crowned there I attended his Majesty in that Service The Parliament then sitting in Scotland was very quick about some Church Affairs and the King was much unsatisfied with some Men and their Proceedings At his Majesty's Return in the same Year I was by his special Grace and Favour made Arch-Bishop of Canterbury 19 Septembris The debate about the Scottish Liturgy was pursued a-fresh and at last it was resolved by the King that some Scottish Bishops should draw up a Liturgy as near that of England as might be and that then his Majesty would have that Confirmed and Setled for the use of that Kingdom This Liturgy was carefully considered of and at last Printed and Published An. 1637. It seems the Bishops which were trusted with this business went not the right way by a General Assembly and other Legal Courses of that Kingdom But what way soever was taken or in whomsoever there was a failure this was certain in the Event The Bishops were deceived in their expectation of a peaceable admission of that Service-Book The King lost the Honour and Safety of that Settlement And that Kingdom such a Form of God's Service as I fear they will never come near again And that People by cunning and factious practices both at home and from hence were heated into such a Phrensie as will not easily be cured And 't is well if we their Neighbours run not mad for Company These violent Distempers continued from the Publishing of this Service-Book in the Year 1637. till the Year 1638. Then they grew up into a formal Mutiny And the Scottish Subjects began to Petition with Arms in their Mouths first and soon after in their Hands His Majesty was often told that these Northern Commotions had their Root in England His Majesty's Goodness was confident upon the Fidelity of his Subjects of both Nations and would not believe that of either which was most true of a powerful Faction in both Till at last after much intercourse and mediation lost and cast away the King was so betray'd by some of his own Agents that the Scots appeared upon their Borders in a formal Army His Majesty went with an Army to Barwick There after some stay a Pacification was made and his Majesty returned to White-Hall Aug. 3. 1639. Now during all this time from the Publishing of this Service-Book to this Pacification I was voyced by the Faction in both Nations to be an Incendiary a Man that laboured to set the two Nations into a bloody War Whereas God knows I laboured for Peace so long till I received a great check for my labour And particularly at the beginning of these Tumults when the Speech of a War first began in the Year 1638. openly at the Council-Table at Theobalds my Counsels alone prevailed for Peace and Forbearance in hope the Scots would think better of their Obedience But their Counsels were fomented to another end as after appeared The Pacification being made was in Terms as followeth The Articles of the Pacification 1. The Forces of Scotland to be disbanded and dissolved within Eight and Forty Hours after the Publication of his Majesty's Declaration being agreed upon 2. His Majesty's Castles Forts Ammunitions of all sorts and Royal Honours to be delivered after the Publication so soon as his Majesty can send to receive them 3. His Majesty's Ships to depart presently after the delivery of the Castles with the first fair Wind and in the mean time no interruption of Trade or Fishing 4. His Majesty is Graciously pleased to cause to be restored all Persons Goods and Ships detained and arrested since the first of November last past 5. There shall be no Meetings Treatings Consultations or Convocations of his Majesty's Lieges but such
as are warrantable by Act of Parliament 6. All Fortifications to desist and no further working therein and they to be remitted to his Majesty's Pleasure 7. To restore to every one of his Majesty's Subjects their Liberty Lands Houses Goods and Means whatsoever taken and detained from them by whatsoever means since the aforesaid time The Copy of the Act of the Pacification as it passed under his Majesties Hand and includes these Articles above written is as follows Ch. R. WE having considered the Papers and humble Petitions presented unto us by those of our Subjects of Scotland who were admitted to attend our pleasure in the Camp and after a full Hearing by Our Self of all that they could say or alledge thereupon having communicated the same to Our Council of both Kingdoms upon mature deliberation with their unanimous Advice We have thought fit to give them this Just and Gracious Answer That though We cannot condescend to Ratifie and Approve the Acts of the pretended General Assembly at Glasgow for many Grave and Weighty Considerations which have happened both before and since much importing the Honour and Security of that true Monarchical Government Lineally descended upon Us from so many of Our Ancestors Yet such is Our Gracious Pleasure That notwithstanding the many disorders committed of late We are pleased not only to confirm and make good whatsoever Our Commissioner hath granted and promised in Our Name But also We are further Graciously pleased to declare and assure That according to the Petitioner's humble desires all Matters Ecclesiastical shall be determined by the Assemblies of the Kirk and Matters Civil by the Parliament and other inferiour Judicatories Established by Law which accordingly shall be kept once a Year or as shall be agreed upon at the General Assembly And for setling the general distractions of that Our Ancient Kingdom Our Will and Pleasure is that a free General Assembly be kept at Edinburgh the sixth day of August next ensuing where We intend God willing to be personally present And for the Legal Indiction whereof We have given Order and Command to Our Council and thereafter a Parliament to be holden at Edinburgh the 20th day of August next ensuing for Ratifying of what shall be concluded in the said Assembly and setling such other things as may conduce to the Peace and Good of Our Native Kingdom and therein an Act of Oblivion to be passed And whereas We are further desired that Our Ships and Forces by Land be recalled and all Persons Goods and Ships restored and they made safe from Invasion We are Graciously pleased to Declare that upon their disarming and disbanding of their Forces dissolving and discharging all their pretended Tables and Conventicles and restoring unto Us all Our Castles Forts and Ammunitions of all sorts as likewise Our Royal Honours and to every one of Our Good Subjects their Liberty Lands Houses Goods and Means whatsoever taken and detained from them since the late pretended General Assembly We will presently thereafter recall Our Fleet and retire our Land-Forces and cause Restitution to be made to all Persons of their Ships and Goods detained and arrested since the aforesaid time Whereby it may appear that Our intention in taking up of Arms was no ways for Invading of Our Native Kingdom or to Innovate the Religion and Laws but meerly for the Maintaining and Vindicating of Our Royal Authority And since that hereby it doth clearly appear that We neither have nor do intend any alteration in Religion or Laws but that both shall be maintained by Us in their full integrity We expect the performance of that Humble and Dutiful Obedience which becometh Loyal and Dutiful Subjects and as in their several Petitions they have often professed And as We have just Reason to believe that to Our peaceable and well-affected Subjects this will be satisfactory so We take God and the World to witness that whatsoever Calamities shall ensue by Our necessitated suppressing of the Insolencies of such as shall continue in their disobedient Courses is not occasioned by us but by their own procurement This Pacification was not much sooner made by the King than it was broken by the Scots For whereas it was agreed by the Seventh Article and is repeated in the Body of the Pacification That every one of his Majesties good Subjects shou'd enjoy their Liberty Lands Houses Goods and Means whatsoever taken and detayned from them since the aforesaid time The * Lord Lindsay in the Name of the rest made a Protestation either in the Camp at Dunns or at the Cross in Edinburgh that no Bishop or Clergyman was included in this Pacification which yet in manifest and plain Terms extended it self to all the Kings good Subjects And this Protestation was so pursued as that it obtained and no Clergyman was relieved in any the Particulars Upon this and other Particulars agitated in Parliament amongst them his Majesty thought fit to look to himself and examine their Proceedings farther To this end he often called his Council and in particular made a Committee of eight more particularly to attend that service They were the Lord Bishop of London then Lord Treasurer the Lord Marquis Hamilton the Earl of Northumberland Lord Admiral the Earl of Strafford Lord Deputy of Ireland the Lord Cottington Sir Henry Vane and Sir Francis Windebanck Secretaries and my self to which was after added the Earl of Arundel Lord Marshal And though I spake nothing of these Scottish Businesses but either openly at Council-Table or in presence of all or so many of this Committee as occasionally met and so had Auditors and Witnesses enough of what I did or said yet it was still cast out among the 〈◊〉 that I was a chief Incendiary in the Business Where yet had I said or done any thing worse than other there wanted not Sir Henry Vane to discover it At this Committee many things were proposed diversly for the Aid and Assistance of the King and many Proposals rejected as Illegal At last the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland propos'd the calling of a Parliament Much was not said against this but much said for it Nor indeed was it safe for any Man to declare against it after it was once publickly moved So a Parliament was resolved on and called against April 13. 1640. At that time it sat down and many Tumultuary Complaints were made by the Scots against the Bishops and Church Government in England and with great vehemency against my self All this while the King could get no Money to Aid him against the Scottish Rebellion At last after many Attempts Sir Henry Vane told the King plainly that it was in vain to expect longer or to make any other overture to them For no Money wou'd be had against the Scots Hereupon his Majesty called all his Lords of Council together and upon Maij 5. being Tuesday at Six in the Morning they met in the Council-Chamber I by the mistake of the Messenger was warned
prevailing with him that he told me plainly He would be torn with wild Horses before he would Subscribe that Canon And so we parted The hour of Convocation drew on and we met to Subscribe the Canons When it came to the Bishop of Glocester's turn his Lordship would neither allow the Canons nor reject them but pretended as he had once done about a week before that we had no Power to make Canons out of Parliament time since the Statute of H. 8. It was then told his Lordship that we had the King's Power according to that Statute And that his Lordship was formerly satisfied by the Lawyers Hands as well as we And that this was but a pretence to disgrace our Proceedings the better to hide his unwillingness to Subscribe that Canon against the Papists as appeared by that Speech which he had privately used to me that Morning and with which I publickly charged him upon this occasion and he did as publickly in open Convocation acknowledge that he spake the words unto me Besides this he was further told that in all Synods the Suffragants were to declare themselves by open Affirmation or denyal of the Canons agreed upon and that therefore he ought to express his Consent or his Dissent And though at that time I pressed it no further on him yet it stands with all Reason it should be so For otherwise it may so fall out that the Synod may be disappointed and be able to determine nothing And it seems they were bound to declare in Synod For otherwise when points of difficulty or danger came the Fathers might have with more sasety forborn to Vote which yet they did not For in the Case of Nestorius in the Ephesine Council the heats grew very high between Cyril of Alexandria and John of Antioch and though most of the Votes went with Cyril for the deposition of Nestorius yet the rest held with John who was thought to favour Nestorius So for matter of Opinion and point of Faith when Cyril had set out his twelve Anathematisms Recorded in the Acts of the Ephesine Synod The Eastern Bishops in a Body and Theodoret by himself set out their Confutations of them And this I believe verily they had not done the temper of those Times considered if they might have sate still as Spectators only without declaring their Judgment But this appears more plainly by the Fourth Council of Toledo where it was Decreed That no Man should dare to dissolve the Council till all things were determined and subscribed by the Bishops For this makes it evident that every one who had a Voice in Council was not only to declare his Judgment but subscribe his Name Nor can I see why either the absence of a Bishop being Summon'd thither or his departure thence before all things were concluded should be so penal as by the Ancient Canons it was in case they were not bound to declare their Judgments being once come thither It being all one upon the matter to be absent thence and to say nothing there For by the Council of Arles it was no less than Excommunication And though that was after mitigated in the Council of Orleans to suspension for six Months in the Year 552. Yet in the Council of Sevil in the Year 590. upon sight of the Inconveniencies which fell out upon it it was made Excommunication as it was formerly And a President of this we have in our own Acts of Convocation An. 1571. And this was not only since the Act of the submission of the Clergy but since the Reformation too For there it appears that Richard Cheyney Bishop of Glocester for not attending the Convocation though he were then in Westminster and going home without leave asked of the Arch-Bishop was Excommunicated by the joint consent of all his Brethren Yet I may not deny that in the Question of King Hen. 8th's Marriage with his Brother's Wife when the business came to Voting in the lower House of Convocation fourteen affirmed that the Law De non ducendâ fratris Relictâ for a Man 's not Marrying the Widow of his Brother was indispensable and seven denied and one doubted As also in the Act of the Submission of the Clergy consisting of three Articles when it came to Voting in that House the first Article was denied by eighteen and referred by eight The two other were denied by nineteen and referred by seven the residue consenting unto all But neither of these had they then been thought on could have relieved the Bishop of Glocester Because he neither doubted nor referred but peremptorily said to me that Morning that he would be torn with wild Horses before he would subscribe that Canon against the Papists And yet when it came to the Subscription he would neither affirm nor deny the Canon but would have turn'd it off as if we had not Power to make those Canons Therefore when his Lordship would not do either I with the consent of the Synod suspended him Divers of my Lords the Bishops were very tender of him and the Scandal given by him And John Davenant then Lord Bishop of Salisbury and Joseph Hall then Lord Bishop of Exeter desired leave of the House and had it to speak with my Lord of Glocester to see if they could prevail with him They did prevail and he came back and Subscribed the Canons in open Convocation But I told him Considering his Lordship's Words I did not know with what Mind he Subscribed and would therefore according to my Duty acquaint his Majesty with all the Proceedings and there leave it The Subscription to the Canons went on no one man else checking at any thing And that work ended the Convocation was dissolved Maij 29. being Friday The Convocation thus ended I did acquaint his Majesty with my Lord of Glocester's Carriage and with that which was done upon it His Majesty having other Jealousies of this Bishop besides this resolved to put him to it So his Lordship was brought before the King and the Lords in Council and restrained to his Lodging and a Writ Ne exeat Regnum sent him But this Writ proceeded not for any thing said or done by his Lordship in the Convocation but upon other information which his Majesty had received from some Agents of his beyond the Seas As shall appear hereafter if this be objected against me In the mean time let this Bishop rest for me The Canons thus Freely and Unanimously Subscribed were Printed And at their first Publication they were generally approved in all Parts of the Kingdom and I had Letters from the remotest Parts of it full of Approbation Insomuch that not my self only but my Breth'ren which lived near these Parts and which were not yet gone down were very much Joyed at it But about a Month after their Printing there began some Whisperings against them by some Ministers in London and their Exceptions were spread in writing against them And
Novations now spoken of were not then on Foot So that it is evident enough to any Man that will see that these Commotions had another and a higher cause than the present pretended Innovations And if his Majesty had played the King then he needed not have suffered now Besides they are no Fools who have spoken it freely since the Act of Oblivion for the Scottish Business was passed that this great League before mentioned between the discontented Party of both Kingdoms was Consulted on in the Year 1632. and after the King 's being in Scotland Anno 1633. it went on till they took occasion another way to hatch the Cockatrice Egg which was laid so long before But they say these Novations were great besides the Books of Ordination and Homilies So the Books of Ordination and Homilies were great Novations Had they then in Scotland no set Form of Ordination I promise you that 's next Neighbour to no Ordination and no Ordination to no Church formal at least And therefore if this be a Novation among them its high time they had it And for the Homilies if they taught no other Doctrine than was established and current in the Church of Scotland they were no Novations and if they did contain other Doctrine they might have Condemned them and there had been an end Howsoever if these Books be among them in Scotland they were sent thither in King James his Time when the Prelate of Canterbury neither was nor could be the prime cause on Earth of that Novation The other Novations which they proceed unto are first some particular Alterations in matters of Religion pressed upon them without Order and against Law To this I can say nothing till the particular Alterations be named Only this in the general be they what they will the Scottish Bishops were to blame if they pressed any thing without Order or against Law And sure I am the Prelate of Canterbury caused them not nor would have consented to the causing of them had he known them to be such The two other Novations in which they instance are the Book of Canons and the Liturgy which they say contain in them many dangerous Errours in Matter of Doctrine To these how dangerous soever they seem I shall give I hope a very sufficient and clear answer and shall ingenuously set down whatsoever I did either in or to the Book of Canons and the Liturgy and then leave the ingenuous Reader to judge how far the Prelate of Canterbury is the prime cause on Earth of these Things ART I. AND first that this Prelate was the Author and Vrger of some particular Things which made great disturbance amongst us we make manifest first by Fourteen Letters Subscribed W. Cant. in the space of two Years to one of our pretended Bishops Ballatine wherein he often enjoyns him and our other pretended Bishops to appear in the Chappel in their Whites contrary to the Custom of our Kirk and to his own Promise made to the pretended Bishop of Edinburgh at the Coronation That none of them after that Time should be more pressed to wear those Garments thereby moving him against his Will to put them on for that time Here begins the first Charge about the Particular Alterations And first they Charge me with Fourteen Letters written by me to Bishop Ballantyne He was then Bishop of Dunblain and Dean of His Majesties Chappel Royal there He was a Learned and a Grave Man and I did write divers Letters to him as well as to some other Bishops and some by Command but whether just fourteen or no I know not But sure I am their Love to me is such that were any thing worse than other in any of these Letters I should be sure to hear of it First then They say I injoyned wearing of Whites c. surely I understand my self a great deal better than to injoyn where I have no Power Perhaps I might express that which His Majesty Commanded me when I was Dean of his Majesty's Chappel here as this Reverend Bishop was in Scotland And His Majesty's Express Command was that I should take that care upon me that the Chappel there and the Service should be kept answerable to this as much as might be And that the Dean should come to Prayers in his Form as likewise other Bishops when they came thither And let my Letters be shewed whether there be any Injoyning other than this and this way And I am confident His Majesty would never have laid this Task upon me had he known it to be either without Order or against Law Next I am Charged that concerning these Whites I brake my Promise to the Bishop of Edinburgh Truly to the uttermost of my Memory I cannot recall any such Passage or Promise made to that Reverend and Learned Prelate And I must have bin very ill advised had I made any such Promise having no Warrant from his Majesty to ingage for any such thing As for that which follows that he was moved against his will to put on those Garments Truly he expressed nothing at that time to me that might signifie it was against his Will And his Learning and Judgment were too great to stumble at such External Things Especially such having been the Ancient Habits of the most Reverend Bishops from the descent of many Hundred Years as may appear in the Life of St. Cyprian And therefore the Novation was in the Church of Scotland when her Bishops left them off not when they put them on In these Letters he the Prelate of Canterbury directs Bishop Ballantine to give Order for saying the English Service in the Chappel twice a day For his neglect shewing him that he was disappointed of the Bishoprick of Edinburgh promising him upon his greater care of these Novations advancement to a better Bishoprick For the direction for Reading the English Service it was no other than His Majesty Commanded me to give And I hope it is no Crime for a Bishop of England by His Majesties Command to signifie to a Bishop in Scotland what his pleasure is for Divine Service in his own Chappel Nor was the Reading of the English Liturgy any Novation at all in that place For in the Year 1617. I had the Honour as a Chaplain in Ordinary to wait upon King James of Blessed Memory into Scotland and then the English Service was Read in that Chappel and twice a Day And I had the Honour again to wait upon King Charles as Dean of His Majesties Chappel Royal here at his Coronation in Scotland in the Year 1633 And then also was the English Service Read twice a Day in that Chappel And a strict Command was given them by His Majesty that it should be so continued and Allowance was made for it And none of the Scots found any fault with it at that time or after till these Tumults began And for Bishop Ballantyn's missing the Bishoprick of Edinburgh and my promising him
another upon his better Care of his Majesties Commands I gave him both the Answers and the Reason and the Promise which His Majesty gave me and Commanded me to write to him It follows That I taxed him that is Bishop Ballantine for his boldness in Preaching the sound Doctrine of the Reformed Kirks against Mr. Michell who had taught the Error of Arminius in the Point of the Extent of the Merit of Christ. They should do well to shew my Letter and then I will answer punctually to any thing in it In the mean time I do not know that ever Mr. Michell Preached Arminianism For that Christ died for all Men is the Universal and constant Doctrine of the Catholick Church in all Ages and no Error of Arminius And are the express words of Scripture it self in more places than one And the Synod of Dort called purposely about the Errours of Arminius allows this for Orthodox Christum Mortuum esse pro omnibus And for my part I wish with all my heart that this had been the greatest Error of Arminius But yet whether I taxed that worthy Prelate for this or no I know not This I know that if I did tax him he deserved it And for Bishops even of divers Churches to write one to another about Points of Divinity yea and sometimes to tax one another too as their Judgments lead them hath been usual in all Times and Places The next Charge is That I bid him send up a List of the Names of the Counsellors and Senators of the Colledge of Justice who did not Communicate in the Chappel in a Form which was not received in our Kirk And that I commended him when I found him Obsequious to these my Commandments telling him that I had moved the King the Second time for the Punishment of such as had not received in the Chappel Here I must desire again that this Letter of mine may be produced For I have cause enough to suspect some material Change in the Matter or Form of my Words Howsoever if they be justly set down I answer That if this be one of the Things which made great Disturbance amongst them they would be greatly disturbed with a very little For first I writ nothing in this but what I was expresly Commanded by His Majesty And I have His Majesties Warrant under His Hand to keep a Correspondence with that Bishop of Dunblain that from time to time he might receive His Majesties Direction by me for the Ordering of all those Things And howsoever the thing it self is no more than as if His Majesty should Command all his Counsellors and Judges here once in the Year at least to receive the Communion in his Chappel at White-Hall And if you say 't is more because it was to Communicate in such a Form as was not received in the Church of Scotland under Favour that is not so neither For this Form here spoken against was to receive it Kneeling And to receive the Sacrament Kneeling was an Article of the Synod of Perth made in a General Assembly and Confirmed by Act of Parliament Both then in force when my Letters were written And therefore either this Form was received in their Kirk which is here denied Or else there was little Obedience in their Kirk and Kirk-Men either to General Assembly or Parliament As for that which comes fluttering after That I commended him when I found him Obsequious I had reason to do it For whatsoever is said here it was to the Kings Commands not to mine And the Reason why I writ that I had moved the King a Second time for the Punishment of such as disobeyed was because the Bishop had written unto me that if some were not Checked or Punished none would obey And 't is true too that I took occasion once and a second time but upon Second Letters of his to the same effect to move the King But only by shewing His Majesty what was written by him that was upon the place and trusted with the Office Nor did I ever meddle farther in those Businesses than by laying before His Majesty what was written to me to that end Leaving the King as it became me to Judge both of the Motion and the Person that made it as in his Princely Wisdom he thought fit The next thing is that in these Letters I did upbraid him Bishop Ballantine that is that in his First Synod at Aberdeen he had only disputed against our Custom in Scotland of Fasting sometimes on the Lord's Day And that I did Presumptuously Censure their Kirk that in this we were opposite to Christianity it self and that amongst us there was no Canon at all More of this stuff may be seen in the Letters themselves And my humble desire is that the Letters may be seen For whatsoever account is made of this Stuff it was once and in far better times of the Church valued at a better rate And I shall not be ashamed of any Stuff contained in any of my Letters to this Bishop or any other let them be produced when they please But what then is this Stuff 'T is that I upbraid this worthy Prelate about their Custom in Scotland of Fasting sometimes on the Lord's Day And censure their Church presumptuously as opposite herein to Christianity Surely I do not use to upbraid meaner Men than the Bishop is much less presumptuously to censure a Church If I thought as I do that 〈◊〉 in an Errour for only disputing against that which he should have reformed I conceive it was no upbraiding As for the Custom in Scotland of Fasting on the Lord's-Day It is not only sometimes as is here expressed but continually when they have any Solemn Fast the Lord's-Day is the Day for it And if I did Write that that was opposite to Christianity it self I doubt it is too true For it is against the Practice of the whole Church of Christ And that which is so must oppose Christianity it self And this I find That as Apostolical Universal Tradition settled the Lord's-Day for Holy and Publick Worship So from the very Apostles times the same general Tradition hath in all times accounted it unlawful to Fast upon that Day And if an Ordinary Fast were not Lawful upon that Day much less was a Solemn Nor is there any thing more clear in all Antiquity For in the Canons of the Apostles which if they be not theirs are very antient If a Priest did fast upon the Lord's day he was to be deposed and if a Layman he was to be Excommunicated And S. Ignatius tells us if any Man fast upon the Lords Day he is Christ's Interfector a Murtherer of Christ And that I am sure is against Christianity it self Tertullian professes 't is altogether unlawful The Council of Gangra held An. 324. decreed against it and set an Anathema upon it and that not only when it is done in contempt of the Day
have not Cause to Repent the Abolishing of it But howsoever this was not of my procuring A Scotchman of good Place was imployed about it from the Bishops and effected it and I could name him but since it is here charged as a Fault I shall accuse no Man else but defend my self And this for the Sitting of it once a Week But for the establishing of that Court in that Kingdom that was done long before I was a Bishop or had any thing to do in the Publick For it appears by one of the greatest Factionists in that Kingdom that the Hich-Commission-Court was setled and in full Execution in the Year 1610. when all Men know I led a private Life in Oxford by which it is more than manifest that I neither was nor could be Author of this pretended Novation or any disturbance that followed from it The next is a great Charge indeed were there any Truth in it That I laboured to gain from the Noblemen for the Benefit of the Prelates and their Adhaerents the Abbacies of Kelsoe Arbroth S. Andrews and Lindores To begin at the last The Man that followed that was Mr. Andrew Lermot He came recommended to me very highly and with assurance that the Title which he laid to Lindores was Just and Legal But notwithstanding all this my Answer was That I knew not the Laws of that Kingdom nor would meddle with any thing of that nature And though he made great means to me yet he could never get me to meddle in it and which is more I told him and his Friends that for so much as I did understand I did much fear this way taken by him would do Mischief And tho' Mr. Lermot have the general repute of an Honest and a Learned Man yet for this very business sake I have made my self a Stranger to him ever since and that all this is Truth he and his Friends yet living are able to Testify For St. Andrews his Majesty took a resolution to Rebuild the Cathedral there which he found he could no way so well do as by annexing that Abby to the Arch-Bishoprick of St. Andrews with a Legal Caution for so much Yearly to be laid out upon that Building My Lord Duke of Richmond and Lenox who was owner of it had for it ....... Thousand Pounds The Earl of Tarquair who then managed the Lord Duke's Affairs made the Bargain with the King and that which I did in it was meerly to consider how security might be given that the Money which the King intended for so good and great a Work as the rebuilding of that Cathedral might be imployed to the right use and no other For Arbroth my Lord Marquis Hamilton without any the least Thought of mine that way made his earnest Suit to me that his Majesty would take Arbroth and joyn it to the very poor Bishoprick of Brechen close to which it lay and give him for it a Suit here in England At his Lordship's intreaty I obtained this And he very Nobly conveyed Arbroth as he promised But things were so carried by the Earl of Traquair the Lord Treasurer of Scotland that the poor Bishop of Brechen could never get that setled upon his See which was not the only thing in which that Lord played fast and loose with me For Kelsoe the like earnest Suit did my Lord the Earl of Roxborough make to me of himself for an Exchange and pressed me three or four times before he could get me to move his Majesty Indeed I was fearful least the King should grow weary of such Exchanges for sure I was whatsoever was pretended none of these Lords meant to lose by their Bargain Till at last my Lord of Roxborough was so Honourable as that he would needs leave Kelsoe to the King 's disposing and stay for such Recompence as he should think fit to give him till his Majesty found his own time This at his earnest intreaty still I acquainted the King with And so that business setled for a small time but how 't is now I know not And this was all that ever I did about Arbroth and Kelsoe And these two Honourable Lords are yet living and will witness this Truth But the Charge says farther That in the smallest Matters they the Prelates received his Commandments As for taking down Galleries and stone Walls in the Kirks of Edinburgh and St. Andrews for no other end but to make way for Altars and Adoration towards the East which beside other Evils made no small noise and disturbance amongst the People deprived hereby of their ordinary accommodation for Publick Worship This Charge is like the rest Is it probable that such Grave and Learned Men as those of the Scottish Bishops were which held intercourse with me should not resolve in the smallest Matters till they received my Commandments who never sent Command to any of them in my Life but what I received expresly from the King And they certainly were not for the smallest Matters As for the taking down of Galleries in St. Andrews to the uttermost of my Memory I never gave either Command or Direction Nor can it stand with any shew of probability that I should command the taking down of Galleries in St. Andrews where I had nothing to do and let Galleries stand in so many Churches in London and other parts of my Province where I had Power The Truth is I did never like Galleries in any Church They utterly deface the grave Beauty and Decency of those Sacred Places and make them look more like a Theater than a Church Nor in my Judgment do they make any great accomodation for the Auditory For in most places they hinder as much room beneath as they make above rendring all or most of those places useless by the noise and trampling of them which stand above in the Galleries And if I be mistaken in this 't is nothing to the business in hand For be Galleries what they will for the use I commanded not the taking of them down at St. Andrews At Edinburgh the King's Command took down the stone Walls and Galleries which were there removed and not mine For his Majesty having in a Christian and Princely way Erected and Indowed a Bishoprick in Edinburgh he resolved to make the great Church of St. Giles in that City a Cathedral And to this end gave Order to have the Galleries in the lesser Church and the Stone-wall which divided them taken down For of old they were both one Church and made two by a Wall built up at the West end of the Chancel So that that which was called the lesser Church was but the Chancel of St. Giles with Galleries round about it And was for all the World like a square Theater without any shew of a Church As is also the Church at Brunt-Iland over-against it And I remember when I passed over at the Frith I took it at first sight for a large square Pigeon-House So free
ready made That which was mine is here confessed to be but Interlinings and Marginals and Corrections and at most some Additions And they would be found a very small Some were the Original Book seen And yet it must be Evident that no Hand but mine did this by my Magisterial way of Prescribing in an Interlining or a Marginal Excellent Evidence Secondly they have another great Evidence of this But because that is so nervous and strong I will be bold to reduce it to some Form that it may appear the clearer though it be against my self There was they say a new Copy of these Canons all written with S. Andrews own Hand and according to the former Castigations and Directions sent to have the King's Warrant to it which was obtained Therefore these Interlinings and Marginals c. were done by no other than Canterbury Most Excellent Evidence and clear as Mid-Night The plain Truth is contrary to all this Evidence For by the same Command of His Majesty the Reverend Bishop of London was joyned with me in all the view and Consideration which I had either upon the Book of Canons or upon the Service-Book after So it is utterly untrue that these Interlinings or Marginals or Corrections or call them what you will were done by no other than Canterbury For my Lord of London's both Head and Hand were as deep in them as mine And this I avow for well known Truth both to the King and those Scottish Bishops which were then imployed and this notwithstanding all the Evidences of a Magisterial way and a New Copy And yet this General Charge pursues me yet farther and says The Kings Warrant was obtained as is said to these Canons but with an Addition of some other Canons and a Page of New Corrections according to which the Book of Canons thus Composed was Published in Print The inspection of the Books Instructions and his Letters of Joy for the success of the Work and of other Letters from the Prelate of London and the Lord Sterling to the same purpose all which we are ready to exhibit will put the Matter out of all debate Yet more ado about nothing Yet more noise of Proof to put that out of all debate which need never enter into any For if no more be intended than that I had a view of the Book of Canons and did make some Interlinings and Marginals and the like I have freely acknowledged it and by whose Command I did it and who was joyned with me in the Work So there will need no Proof of this either by my Letters or the Prelate of Londons or the Lord Sterlings Yet let them be exhibited if you please But if it be intended as 't is laid that this was done by no other than Canterbury then I utterly deny it and no Proof here named or any other shall ever be able to make it good As for the Addition of some other Canons and Pages of New Corrections according to which the Book of Canons is said to be Composed and Published Truly to the utmost of my Memory I know of none such but that the Copy written by my Lord of S. Andrews own Hand and sent up as is before mentioned was the very Copy which was Warranted by His Majesty and Published without any further Alteration But if any further Alteration were it was by the same Authority and with the same Consent And for my Letters of Joy for the Success of the Work let them be exhibited when you please I will never deny that Joy while I live that I conceived of the Church of Scotland's coming nearer both in the Canons and the Liturgy to the Church of England But our gross unthankfulness both to our God and King and our other many and great Sins have hindred this great Blessing And I pray God that the loss of this which was now almost effected do not in short time prove one of the greatest Mischiefs which ever befel this Kingdom and that too This is the General Charge about the Canons Now follow the Particulars Beside this General Charge there be some things more special worthy to be adverted unto for discovering his Spirit First the Fourth Canon of Cap 8. For as much as no Reformation in Doctrine or Discipline can be made perfect at once in any Church Therefore it shall and may be Lawful for the Kirk of Scotland at any time to make Remonstrances to His Majesty or his Successours c. Because this Canon holds the Door open to more Innovations he writes to the Prelate of Ross his Prime Agent in all this Work of his great Gladness that this Canon did stand behind the Curtain And his great desire that this Canon might be Printed fully as one that was to be most useful Now come the Particulars worthy to be adverted unto for the discovery of my Spirit And the first is taken out of the Fourth Canon of Cap. 8. The Charge is that this Canon holds the Door open to more Innovations First I conceive this Accusation is vain For that Canon restrains all Power from private Men Clergy or Laye nay from Bishops in a Synod or otherwise to alter any thing in Doctrine or Discipline without Authority from His Majesty or his Successours Now all Innovations come from private assumption of Authority not from Authority it self For in Civil Affairs when the King and the State upon Emergent Occasions shall abrogate some Old Laws and make other New that cannot be counted an Innovation And in Church-Affairs every Synod that hath sate in all times and all places of Christendom have with leave of Superiour Authority declared some Points of Doctrine condemned other-some Altered some Ceremonials made new Constitutions for better assisting the Government And none of these have ever been accounted Innovations the Foundations of Religion still remaining firm and unmoved Nay under favour I conceive it most necessary that thus it ought to be And therefore this Canon is far from holding a Door open for more Innovations since it shuts it upon all and leaves no Power to alter any thing but by making a Remonstrance to the Supream Authority that in a Church-way approbation may be given when there is Cause And therefore if I did write to the Prelate of Ross that this Canon might be Printed fully as one that was to be most useful I writ no more then than I believe now For certainly it is a Canon that in a well-governed Church may be of great use And the more because in Truth it is but Declaratory of that Power which a National Church hath with leave and approbation of the Supream Power to alter and change any alterable thing pertaining to Doctrine or Discipline in the Church And as for that Phrase said to be in my Letter that this Canon did stand behind the Curtain it was thus occasioned My Lord the Bishop of Ross writ unto me from the Arch-Bishop of S. Andrews that no words might
be made of this Canon what their Reason was they best know I returned Answer belike in this sort That the Canon stood behind the Curtain and would not be throughly understood by every Man yet advised the Printing in regard of the necessary use of it For let this Canon be in force and right use made of it and a National Church may ride safe by God's Ordinary Blessing through any Storm which without this Latitude it can never do The next Charge is in 2. The Title prefixed to these Canons by our Prelates For there 't is thus Canons agreed on to be proponed to the several Synods of the Kirk of Scotland And is thus changed by Canterbury Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical c. Ordained to be observed by the Clergy He will not have Canons to come from the Authority of Synods but from the Power of Prelates or from the Kings Prerogative I perceive they mean to sift narrowly when the Title cannot scape But truly in this Charge I am to seek which is greater in my Accusers their Ignorance or their Malice Their Ignorance in the Charge or their Malice in the Inference upon it The Title was Canons agreed upon to be proponed to the Synods of the Kirk of Scotland And this was very fit to express the Prelates intendment which for ought I know was to propose them so But this Book which was brought to me was to be Printed And then that Title could not stand with any Congruity of Sense For no Church uses to Print Canons which are to be proponed to their Synods but such as have been proposed and agreed on Nor did this altering of the Title in any the least thing hinder those worthy Prelates from Communicating them with their Synods before they Printed them And therefore the Inference must needs be extream full of Malice to force from hence that I would not have Canons come from the Authority of Synods but from the Power of Prelates or the King's Prerogative Whereas most manifest it is that the fitting of this Title for the Press doth neither give any Power to Prelates nor add to the King's Prerogative more than is his due nor doth it detract any thing from the Authority of Synods For I hope the Bishops had no purpose but to Ordain them in Synod to be observed by the Clergy c. and Approved and Published by the King's Consent and Authority After this comes 3. The formidable Canon Cap. 1. 3. threatning no less than Excommunication against all such Persons whatsoever shall open their Mouths against any of these Books proceeded not from our Prelates nor is to be found in Copies sent from them but is a Thunderbolt forged in Canterbury's own Fire First whether this Canon be to be found in the Copies sent from your Prelates or not I cannot tell but sure it was in the Copy brought to me or else my Memory forsakes me very strangely Secondly after all this Noise made of a Formidable Canon because no less is threatned than Excommunication I would fain know what the Church can do less upon Contempt of her Canons Liturgy and Ordinations than to Excommunicate the Offenders or what Church in any Age laid less upon a Crime so great Thirdly suppose this Thunderbolt as 't is called were forged in Canterbury's Fire yet that Fire was not outragious For this Canon contains as much as the 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. Canons of the Church of England made in the beginning of the gracious Reign of King James And yet to every one of those Canons there is an Excommunication in Facto affixed for every one of these Crimes single Whereas this Canon shoots this one Thunderbolt but once against them all And this I would my Accusers should know that if no more Thunderbolts had been forged in their Fire than have been in mine nor State nor Church would have Flamed as of late they have done 4 Our Prelates in divers Places witness their dislike of Papists A Minister shall be deposed if he shall Rushw. be found negligent to convert Papists Cap. 8. 15. The Adoration of the Bread is a Superstition to be condemned Cap. 6. 6. They call the Absoluteness of Baptism an Errour of Popery Cap. 6. 2. But in Canterbury's Edition the Name of Papists and Popery are not so much as mentioned Here 's a great general Accusation offered to be made good by three Particulars The general is that in the Copy of the Canons which their Prelates sent there 's a dislike of Papists But none in the Edition as it was alter'd by me Now this is utterly untrue for it is manifest cap. 1. 1. There is express care taken for the King's Majesty's Jurisdiction over the Estate Ecclesiastical and abolishing all Foreign Power repugnant to it And again in the same Canon That no Foreign Power hath in his Majesty's Dominions any Establishment by the Law of God And this with an Addition That the Exclusion of all such Power is just And Cap. 2. 9. 't is Ordained that every Ecclesiastical Person shall take the Oath of Supremacy And Cap. 10. 3. All Readers in any Colledge or Schools shall take the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy And sure I think 't is no great matter whether Papists or Popery be Named so long as the Canons go so directly against them This for the General Now for the three Particulars And first That which was in Cap. 8. 15. That a Minister shall be deposed if he be found negligent to convert Papists I did think fit to leave out upon these two Grounds The one that the Word Negligent is too general an Expression and of too large an extent to lay a Minister open to Deposition And if Church-Governours to whom the execution of the Canons is committed should forget Christian Moderation as they may Pati humana a very worthy Minister might sometimes be undone for a very little Negligence for Negligence is Negligence be it never so little Besides I have learned out of the Canons of the Church of England that even gross Negligence in a matter as great as this is is punished but with Suspension for three Months The other Ground why I omitted this clause is Because I do not think the Church of Scotland or any other particular Church is so blessed in her Priests as that every of her Ministers is for Learning and Judgment and Temper Able and Fit to convert Papists And therefore I did think then and do think yet that it is not so easie a work or to be made so common but that it is and may be much fitter for some able selected Men to undertake And if any Man think God's Gifts in him to be neglected as Men are apt to overvalue themselves let them try their Gifts and labour their Conversion in God's Name But let not the Church by a Canon set every Man on work lest their Weak or Indiscreet Performance hurt the Cause and blemish the Church The
all the Envy they could upon me alone Thirdly Here 's the same Phrase used by my Lord of London that was used a little before by me Namely that these Canons would be for the good of the Kirk And yet here 's never a wise Observation upon it as was upon me that they would be for the good not of that Church but of the Church Now for the force of Mr. Henderson's Logick for these Arguments out of doubt are his Ross writ to the Prelate of London to have from Canterbury an Explanation of some passages of the Service-Book because the Press staid and he obtained them Therefore this Book was Canterbury's work as is before asserted Certainly if Mr. Henderson had any Learning in him he would be ashamed of this stuff Ross sent to me for the Explanation of some things which perhaps were my Additions or Alterations in that Book and used the Prelate of London for his means and the Press staid and I know not what As if any of this could make me Author of that Book Which yet if I were I would neither deny nor be ashamed of Howsoever he should do well to let Canterbury alone and answer the Learned Divines of Aberdeen who have laid him and all that Faction open enough to the Christian World to make the Memory of them and their Cause stink to all Posterity 5. But say they the Book it self as it standeth interlined margined and patched up is much more than all that is expressed in his Letters and the Changes and Supplements themselves taken from the Mass-Book and other Romish Rituals by which he makes it to vary from the Book of England are more pregnant Testimonies of his Popish Spirit and Wicked Intentions which he would have put in Execution upon us than can be denyed In the next place the Book it self is brought in Evidence and that 's a greater Evidence than all that is expressed in my Letters A greater Evidence But of what Not that the Book was of my sole making which they have hitherto gone about to prove and which the former part of this Argument would seem to make good But now these Interlinings and Margins and Changes and Supplements are pregnant proofs of my Popish Spirit and Wicked Intentions First I Praise God for it I have no Popish Spirit And God bless me as to the utmost of my knowledge I had no Wicked Intentions in any thing which I did in or about that Service-Book For the other stuff which fills up this Argument That these Changes and Supplements are taken from the Mass-Book and other Romish Rituals and that by these the Book is made to vary from the Book of England I cannot hold it worth an Answer till I see some particulars named For in this I could retort many things could I think it fit to put but half so much Gall into my Ink as hath made theirs black In the mean time I would have them remember that we live in a Church Reformed not in one made New Now all Reformation that is good and orderly takes away nothing from the old but that which is Faulty and Erroneous If any thing be good it leaves that standing So that if these Changes from the Book of England be good 't is no matter whence they be taken For every line in the Mass-Book or other Popish Rituals are not all Evil and Corruptions There are many good Prayers in them nor is any thing Evil in them only because 't is there Nay the less alteration is made in the Publick Ancient Service of the Church the better it is provided that nothing Superstitious or Evil in it self be admitted or retained And this is enough till I see particulars charged Yet with this That these Variations were taken either from the first Book of Edw. 6. which was not Popery or from some Antient Liturgies which savour'd not of Popery The Large Declaration professeth that all the variation of our Book from the Book of England that ever the King understood was in such things as the Scottish Humours would better comply with than with that which stood in the English Service That which the Large Declaration professeth I leave the Author of it to make good Yet whosoever was the Author thus much I can say and truly That the Scottish Bishops some of them did often say to me that the People wou'd be better satisfied by much to have a Liturgy composed by their own Bishops as this was than to have the Service-Book of England put upon them But to what end is this added out of the Large Declaration Why 't is to cast more hatred upon me For thus they infer These Popish Innovations therefore have been surreptitiously inserted by him without the King's knowledge and against his Purpose This is as false as 't is bold For let them prove that any one particular be it the least was so added by me to that Book and let no Justice spare me In the mean time here I take it upon my Salvation that I inserted nothing without his Majesties Knowledge nor any thing against his Purpose Our Scottish Prelates do Petition that somewhat may be abated of the English Ceremonies as the Cross in Baptism the Ring in Marriage and some other Things But Canterbury will not only have those kept but a great many more and worse super added which was nothing else but the adding of Fuel unto the Fire I cannot remember that ever any such Petition was shewed to me This I remember well that when a deliberation was held whether it were better to keep close to the English Liturgy or venture upon some additions some of your Scottish Bishops were very earnest to have some Alterations and some Additions And they gave this for their Reason Because if they did not then make that Book as perfect as they could they should never be able to get it perfected after Canterbury therefore was not the Man that added this Fuel to your Fire And whereas to heap on farther hatred it is said That I did not only add more but worse Ceremonies I can say nothing to that Because I know no one Ceremony in the one Book or the other that is Bad. And when they give an Instance in the Ceremonies which they say are worse in their Book than in ours I shall give such answer as is fitting and such as I doubt not shall be sufficient And now it seems they 'll come to particulars For they say 1. This Book inverteth the Order of the Communion in the Book of England as may be seen by the numbers setting down the Order of this new Communion 1. 5. 2. 6. 7. 3. 4. 8. 9. 10. 11. Of the divers secret Reasons of this Change we mention one only injoyning the Spiritual Sacrifice and Thanksgiving which is in the Book of England pertinently after the Communion with the Prayer of Consecration before the Communion and that under the Name of Memorial or
said that I did often wish from my Heart that His Majesty had kept the Army which he had at Barwick together but Eight or Ten Days longer And that I did not doubt but that if he had so done he might have had more Honourable Conditions of his Scottish Subjects This I said and more or otherwise I said not and whosoever shall relate them otherwise forgets Truth Now to say that His Majesty might have had more Honourable Conditions doth not infer that the Pacification then made was upon Dishonourable Conditions but only upon less Honourable than it might have been And I had great Reason to observe my own words and remember them because I saw some Lords at the Table touched with them perhaps in their own Particulars Nor was I alone in this Judgment For my Lord the Earl of Holland though he then said nothing at the Council-Table yet at his first return from Barwick his Lordship did me the Honour to come and see me at Lambeth And in the Gallery there while we were discoursing of the Affairs in the North of himself he used these words to me That His Majesty did too suddenly dissolve his Army there indeed so suddenly that every body wondered at it And that for his part he was so sorry especially for the dismissing of all the Horse which he said were as good as any were in Christendom And farther that he offer'd His Majesty to keep one Thousand of them for a Year at his own and his Friends Charge till the King might see all things well setled again in Scotland By which it is apparent that in his Lordships Judgment things might have been better had not that Army been so suddenly dissolved And I hope it was no Sin in me to wish the best success and the most Honour to the King's Affairs Now that which moved me to say thus at the Council-Table was this The last Article in the Pacification was To restore to every one of His Majesties Subjects their Liberties Lands Houses Goods and Means whatsoever taken and detained from them by whatsoever means since the aforesaid time But within two Days or three at the most after the Pacification agreed upon and concluded the Lord Lindsay made an open and publick Protestation either in the Camp at Dunns or at the 〈◊〉 in Edenburgh or both that no Clergy Man his Goods or Means was included in the Pacification Which yet expresses every one of His Majesties Subjects And this I did then conceive and do still was a very bold audacious Act of that Lord very injurious to the Poor Clergy and not so Honourable for the King And this made me say and I say it still His Majesty might have had more Honourable Conditions and his Pacification better kept had he continued his Army but Eight or Ten Days longer For in all probability the Scots could not so long have continued their Army together And I did farther conceive that by this Act of the Lord Lindsay in protesting and by the Scots making his Protestation good against the Clergy there was a direct and manifest Breach of the Pacification on their behalf And then though I saw no Reason why the King should be bound to keep that mutual Pacification which they had broken for a Knot must be fast at both ends or loose at both Yet remembring my Calling I did not Incense His Majesty against his Subjects in Scotland nor did hereupon advise the undertaking of an Offensive War against them nor ever give other Counsel in this Particular than what I openly gave before the Lords either in the Committee or at the Board And there my Concurring in Opinion with all the rest of the Lords was I hope no other nor no greater fault than in them though I be thus singled out And for the Pacification I shall say thus much more Though I could with all my Heart have wished it more Honourable for the King and more express and safe for my Brethren of the Clergy yet all things Considered which were put unto me I did approve it For before the Pacification was fully agreed upon His Majesty did me the Honour to write unto me all with his own Hand In this Letter He Commanded me all delay set apart to send him my Judgment plainly and freely what I thought of the Pacification which was then almost ready for conclusion I in all Humility approved of the Pacification as it was then put to me and sent my Answer presently back and my Reasons why I approved it Little thinking then but that my Poor Brethren the Bishops of Scotland should have had all restored unto them according to the Article of the Pacification before recited or at least for so long till they had defended themselves and their Calling and their Cause in a free General Assembly and as free a Parliament Now this was ever assumed to me should be done and to procure this was all which the Bishops seemed to desire of me And for the Truth of this I appeal to His Majesty to whom I writ it And to my Lord Marquess Hamilton to whom the King shewed my Letter As my Lord Marquess himself told me at his return And to Dr. Juxon Lord Bishop of London then Lord High Treasurer of England to whom I shewed my Letter before I sent it away And this is all I did concerning the Pacification 14. That to preserve himself from being questioned for these and other his Trayterous Courses he hath laboured to subvert the Rights of Parliament and the Ancient Course of Parliamentary proceedings And by false and malicious Slanders to incense His Majesty against Parliaments By which Words Counsels and Actions he hath Trayterously and contrary to his Allegiance laboured to alienate the Hearts of the Kings Liege People from his Majesty to set a Division between them and to 〈◊〉 and Destroy his Majesty's Kingdoms For which they do impeach him of High Treason against our Soveraign Lord the King his Crown and Dignity I did never Labour to subvert the rights of Parliaments or the antient Course of their Proceedings And not doing it at all I could not do it to keep my self from being questioned Much less did I by any malitious Slanders or any other way incense his Majesty against Parliaments nor ever thereby labour to alienate the Hearts of the King's Liege People from his Majesty nor to set any Division between them or to Ruine and Destroy his Majesty's Kingdoms And am no way Guilty in the least Degree of High Treason against our Soveraign Lord the King his Crown and Dignity It is true I have been much and very often grieved to see the great distractions which have happened of later Years both in King James his time and since about the Breaches which have been in Parliaments And I have as heartily wished and to my Power endeavoured that all Parliaments which have been called might come to their Happy Issue and end in the Contentment of
the King and his People And I have ever been of Opinion and I shall Live and Dye in it That there can be no true and setled Happiness in this or any other Kingdom but by a fair and Legal as well as Natural Agreement between the King and his People and that according to the Course of England this Agreement is in a great proportion founded upon Parliaments Now Parliaments as I humbly conceive can never better preserve their own Rights than by a free and honourable way to keep up the Greatness and Power of their King that so he may be the better able against all Forreign Practices to keep up the Honour as well as the Safety of the Nation both which usually stand or fall together And if any particular Mens Miscarriages have distempered any Parliaments and caused or occasioned a Breach I have upon the Grounds before laid been as sorry as any Man for it but never contributed any thing to it And I hope it is not Criminal to think that Parliaments may sometimes in some things by Misinformation or otherwise be mistaken as well as other Courts This in conclusion I clearly think Parliaments are the best preservers of the Ancient Laws and Rights of this Kingdom But this I think too that Corruptio optimi est Pessima that no Corruption is so bad so foul so dangerous as that which is of the best And therefore if Parliaments should at any time be misguided by practice of a 〈◊〉 Party nothing then so dangerous as such a 〈◊〉 because the highest Remedy being Corrupted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sure Redress left at all And we had a lamentable 〈◊〉 of such a Parliament 〈◊〉 Hen. 4. was set up For that 〈◊〉 was the Cause of 〈◊〉 the Civil Wars and that great 〈◊〉 of Blood which followed soon after in this Kingdom God make us mindful and careful to prevent the like The said Commons do farther aver that the said William Arch-Bishop of Canterbury during the time in which the Treasons and Offences afore-named were Committed hath been a Bishop or Arch-Bishop in this Realm of England one of the King's Commissioners for Ecclesiastical Matters and of his Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council And that he hath taken an Oath for his Faithful discharge of the said Office of Counsellor and hath likewise taken the Oath of Supremacy and Allegiance And the said Commons by Protestation saving to themselves the Liberty of Exhibiting at any time hereafter any other Accusation or Impeachment against the said Arch-Bishop and also of replying to the Answers that the said Arch-Bishop shall make unto the said Articles or to any of them and of offering farther Proof also of the Premises or any of them or of any other Impeachment or Accusation that shall be exhibited by them as the Case shall according to the Course of Parliaments require do pray that the said Arch-Bishop may be put to answer to all and every the Premises and that such Proceedings Examinations Tryal and Judgment may be upon every of them had and used as is agreeable to Law and Justice This is the Conclusion of these general Articles then put up against me and is added only for Form and so requires no Answer from me But in the Close they of the House of Commons make two Petitions to the Lords and both were granted as 't is fit they should The one is That they may add farther Accusations or farther Proof of this as the Course of Parliaments require And I refuse no such either Accusation or Proof so the due Course of Parliaments be kept The other is That there may be such Proceedings Examinations Tryal and Judgment as is agreeable to Law and Justice And such Proceedings my Innocency can never decline But whether the Proceedings hitherto against me be according to the Antient Proceedings in Parliament or to Law and Justice I leave Posterity to judge Since they which here seem so earnestly to call for Examinations Tryal and Judgment have not to this Day proceeded to any Tryal nay have not so much as brought up any particular Charge against me it being almost a full Year since they brought up this general Charge and called for Examinations and Tryal and yet have kept me in Prison all this while to the great Weakning of my Aged Body and Waste of my poor Fortunes And how much longer they mean to keep me there God knows Whereas all that I do desire is a Just and Fair Tryal with such an Issue better or worse as it shall 〈◊〉 God to give CAP. VIII WHen these Articles had been Read unto me in the Upper House and I had spoken to the Lords in a general Answer to them what I thought fit as is before expressed I humbly desired of the Lords this being upon Friday Feb. 26. that my going to the Tower might be put off till the Monday after that so I might have time to be the better fitted for my Lodging This I humbly thank their Lordships was granted I returned to Mr. Maxwell's Custody and that Afternoon sent my Steward to Sir William Balfore then Lieutenant that a Lodging might be had for me with as much convenience as might be On Munday March 1. Mr. Maxwell carried me in his Coach to the Tower St. George's Feast having been formerly put off was to begin that Evening By this means Mr. Maxwell whose Office tied him to attendance upon that Solemnity could not possibly go with me to the Tower at Evening as I desired Therefore Noon when the Citizens were at Dinner was chosen as the next fittest time for Privateness All was well till I passed through Newgate Shambles and entred into Cheapside There some one Prentice first Hallowed out more and followed the Coach the Number still increasing as they went till by that time I came to the Exchange the shouting was exceeding great And so they followed me with Clamour and Revilings even beyond Barbarity it self not giving over till the Coach was entred in at the Tower-Gate Mr. Maxwell out of his Love and Care was extreamly troubled at it but I bless God for it my Patience was not moved I looked upon a higher Cause than the Tongues of Shimei and his Children The same Day there was a Committee for Religion named in the Upper House of Parliament Ten Earls Ten Bishops and Ten Barons So the Lay Votes will be double to the Clergy that they may carry what they will for Truth This Committee professes to meddle with Doctrine as well as Ceremonies and to that end will call some Divines to them to consider of and prepare Business This appears by a Letter sent by Dr. Williams then Lord Bishop of Lincoln now Lord Arch-Bishop of York to some Divines which were named to attend this Service The Copy of the Letter follows WIth my best Wishes unto you in Christ Jesus I am Commanded by the Lords of the Committee for Innovations in Matters of
nor slip not so much as a turning of my Foot aside upon any Chink This Tendon or part of the main Sinew above my Heel brake just in the same Place where I had unhappily broken it before Febr 5 1627. as I was waiting upon King Charles to Hampton-Court But I recovered of it and could go strongly upon plain Ground God be merciful unto me now that he is pleased to humble me yet farther and to take from me the use of my Limbs the only Comfort under him in the midst of my Afflictions And this Lameness continued two whole Months before I was able to go down Stairs to take any Air to refresh my self and long after before I received any competent Measure of Strength CAP. XIV ST Leonards Foster-Lane London is in the Gift of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster Mr William Ward the Incumbent had resigned and besides was Censured by a Committee in Parliament for Innovations and I know not what One Mr George Smith was tender'd it seems to the Dean and Chapter of Westminster How things were carried there I know not but they let their Living fall in Lapse to the Lord Bishop of London His six Months likewise were suffered to slide over and the Benesice was lapsed to me as Arch-Bishop of Canterbury about March the 〈◊〉 In all this time Mr Ward had not the Providence to seek to the King for remedy or to the Original Patrons whose Presentation at any time before the Bishop had filled the Church was as I am inform'd good in Law This Benefice being now in my dispose the Precise part of the Parish Petition the Parliament for the aforesaid Mr. George Smith and by the means of my Lord Kimbolton a great Patron of such Men obtain this Order following Die Jovis 17 Martij 1641. UPon the reading of the Petition of the Parishioners of St. Leonards Foster-Lane London it is Ordered by the Lords in Parliament that Mr George Smith elected and approved by the Dean of Westminster and the Parishioners of 〈◊〉 Leonards Foster-Lane be especially recommended to the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his Grace from this House that the said Mr Smith may be forthwith Presented to the Parish-Church of the said St Lawrence John Brown Clericus Parliament This Order was brought me by the Church-Wardens and some of the Parish on Saturday March 19. I was sorry for the honest Incumbent's sake Mr Ward and troubled in my self to have such an Order sent me Especially considering that the Lords former Order though as I was informed against all Law yet was so moderate as to suffer me to Nominate to Benefices so that the Men were without Exception I put them off till Monday In the mean time I advised with my Learned Councel and other Friends All of them agreed in this That it was a great and a violent Injustice put upon me yet in regard of the Time and my Condition they perswaded me to give way to their Power and Present their Clerk On Munday Mar. 21. they repaired to me again I sent them to my Register to draw a Presentation according to the Order of Parliament and advised them while that was in drawing to send Mr. Smith to me One of them told me very boldly that it was not in the Order of Parliament that Mr. Smith should come to me and another told me that Mr. Smith would not come to me Upon this unworthy Usage of me I dismissed them again having first in Obedience to the Order Sealed and set my Hand to the Presentation ready for delivery when Mr. Smith came for it The next Morning these men repair again to the Lords House and on Wednesday Mar. 23. procure another Order strictly commanding me forthwith to deliver the Presentation to the Parishioners This Order being setled the Earl of Holland made a Motion and put the Lords in Mind that I lay under a heavy Charge and had long lain so That it would be Honourable for the Parliament to bring my Cause to Hearing that so I might receive Punishment if I were found to deserve it or otherwise have some end of my Troubles There was a great dispute among my Friends Quo Animo with what Mind this Lord moved it especially then when almost all my Friends in both Houses were absent Howsoever I took it for the best desiring nothing more than an end and therefore sent a Gentleman the next Day to give his Lordship Thanks for his Nobleness in remembring me And if he did it with an Ill Mind God forgive him and preserve me But whatsoever his Lordship's Intent was his Motion after some Debate begat a Message to the House of Commons to ripen my Business but it dyed again and nothing done The Order last above written concerning Mr. Smith the Parishioners brought to me the same Day in the Afternoon It happened that the Lord Primate of Armagh was then with me I shewed him the Order and he blessed himself to see it yet advised me to obey as my other Friends had done I farther desired him to stay and hear my Answer to them which was this That I knew not what Report they had made of me and my Obedience to the Lords and that therefore I would give their Lordships in Writeing an Account of my Proceedings but would deliver the Presentation to Mr. Smith when he came The Lord Primate cryed shame of them to their Faces So they went away On Thursday March 24. in an humble Petition I informed the Lords how ready I was to obey Only desired that Mr. Smith might come to me that I might see his Orders and examine his Sufficiency to both which I stood bound both in Conscience and by Law Upon reading of this Petition some Lords said Mr. Smith was an unmannerly Fellow not to come to me But the Lord Kimbolton told them he was a very worthy Man and that he might go to me afterward but it was fit their Order should be obeyed And the Earl of Warwick added that I desired Mr. Smith might come to me only that I might pick a Quarrel with him to frustrate the Order of the House Upon this there followed Instantly a Peremptory Order commanding me to present Obedience So Mr. Smith was left to come to me afterwards if he pleased and he came not at all which was as good as if he had come to have his Sufficiency examined for that which he had already in possession But how worthy and fit he proved I refer to all honest Men that heard him afterwards Upon this Order according to the former Advice of my Friends I delivered the Presentation to the Churchwardens and Parishioners and if any thing proved amiss in the Man as after did in a high Measure or hurtful in the thing it self I humbly besought God to have Mercy on me and to call for an Account of them who laid this pressure upon me CAP. XV. BEfore this time the Rectory of
but an Act of Parliament and that no regard was had to the Canons I humbly conceive there was no offence in the Words For though the Superiority by far in this Kingdom belongs to the Acts of Parliament yet some regard doubtless is or ought to be had to the Canons of the Church And if nothing will down with Men but Acts of Parliament the Government cannot be held up in many Particulars For the other Words God forgive this Witness For I am well assured I neither did nor could speak them For is it so much as probable that I should say I would rescind all Acts that are against the Canons What power have I or any particular Man to rescind Acts of Parliament Nor do I think any Man that knows me will believe I could be such a Fool as to say That I hoped shortly to see the Canons and the Kings Prerogative equal to Acts of Parliament Since I have lived to see and that often many Canons rejected as contrary to the Custom of the Place as in choice of Parish-Clerks and about the Reparation of some Churches and the King's Prerogative discussed and weighed by Law Neither of which hath or can be done by any Judges to an Act of Parliament That there is Malice in this Man against me appears plainly but upon what 't is grounded I cannot tell Unless it be that in this business of Dr. Gill and in some other about placing Lecturers which in some Cases this Company of the Mercers took on them to do I opposing it so far as Law and Canon would give me leave crossed some way either his Opinion in Religion or his Purse-profit I was I confess so much moved at the Unworthiness of this Man's Testimony that I thought to bind this Sin upon his Soul not to be forgiven him till he did publickly ask me Forgiveness for this Notorious Publick Wrong done me But by God's Goodness I master'd my self and I heartily desire God to give him a sense of this Sin against me his poor Servant and forgive him And if these words could possibly scape me and be within the danger of that Statute then to that Statute which requires my Tryal within six Months I refer my self The Eleventh Charge of this day was the Imprisonment of Mr. George Waker about a Sermon of his Preached to prove as he said That 't is Sin to obey the greatest Monarchs in things which are against the Command of God That I had Notes of his Sermons for four or five Years together of purpose to intrap him That I told his Majesty he was Factious That Sir Dadly Carlton writ to keep him close That in this Affliction I protested to do him Kindness and yet did contrary My Answer was That for the Scope of his Sermon To Obey God rather than Man no Man doubts but it ought to be so when the Commands are opposite But his Sermon was viewed and many factious Passages and of high Nature found in it And yet I did not tell the King he was Factious but that he was so complained of to me and this was openly at the Council-Table And whereas he speaks of Notes of his Sermons for divers Years with a purpose to intrap him all that he says is that he was told so but produces not by whom And truly I never had any such Notes nor ever used any such Art against any Man in my Life For his Commitment it was done by the Council-Table and after upon some Carriage of his there by the Court of Star-Chamber not by me nor can that be imputed to me which is done there by the major part and I having no Negative And if Sir Dudly Carlton writ to keep him close at his Brother's House contrary to the Lords Order let him answer it And if he supposes that was done by me why is not Sir Dudly examined to try that Truth As for the Protestation which he says I made to his Wife and his Brother that I complained not against him it was no Denyal of my Complaint made against him at the first that I heard he was Factious but that after the time in which I had seen the full Testimony of grave Ministers in London that he was not Factious I made no Complaint after that but did my best to free him And the Treason in these two Charges is against the Company of the Mercers and Mr. Waker The next Charge was that Dr Manwaring having been Censured by the Lords in Parliament for a Sermon of his against the Liberty and Propriety of the Subject was yet after this preferred by me in Contempt of the Parliament-Censure both to the Deanery of Warcester and the Bishoprick of St Davids And my own Diary witnesses that I was complained of in Parliament for it And that yet after this I did consecrate him Bishop 1. To this I answered that he was not preferred by me to either of these and therefore that could not be done in contempt of the Parliament-Censure which was not done at all For as for St Davids 't is confessed Secretary Windebank signified the King's Pleasure not I. And whereas it was added that this was by my means That is only said but not proved And for Worcester there is no Proof but the Docket-Book Now my Lords 't is well known in Court that the Docket doth but signifie the King's Pleasure for such a Bill to be drawn it never mentions who procured the Preferment So that the Docket can be no Proof at all against me and other there is none 2. For the Sermon 't is true I was complained of in Parliament that I had been the Cause of Licensing it to the Press and 't is as true that upon that Complaint I was narrowly sifted and an Honourable Lord now present and the Lord Bishop of Lincoln were sent to Bishop Mountain who Licensed the Sermon to Examine and see whether any Warrant had come from me or any Message But when nothing appeared I was acquitted in open Parliament To some Body 's no small Grief God forgive them and their Malice against me for to my knowledge my Ruin was then thirsted for And as I answered Mr. Brown's Summary Charge when he pressed this against me could this have been proved I had been undone long since the Work had not been now to be done That he was after Consecrated by me is true likewise and I hope 't is not expected I should ruine my self and fall into a Premunire by refusing the King 's Royal Assent and this for fear lest it might be thought I procured his Preferment But the Truth is his Majesty commanded me to put him in mind of him when Preferments fell and I did so But withal I told his Majesty of his Censure and that I fear'd ill Construction would be made of it To this it was replyed That I might have refused to Consecrate the Cause why being sufficient and justifiable in Parliament and excepted
to give an easie Account for this But whereas I said the Repair of St. Pauls was a strange piece of Treason And they presently Replyed that they did not Charge the Repair upon me but the Manner of doing it by demolishing of Mens Houses To that I Answered as follows with this first that the Work hath cost me above One Thousand and two Hundred Pounds out of my own Purse besides all my Care and Pains and now this heavy Charge to boot No one Man offering to prove that I have Mis-spent or diverted to other use any one Penny given to that work or that I have done any thing about it without the Knowledge Approbation and Order of his Majesty or the Lords of the Council or both To the Particulars then For the three Orders taken out of the Council-Books I shall not need to repeat them But what is the Mystery that these Orders are reckoned backward the last first Is it to aggravate as if it rose by steps That cannot well be because the first Order is the Sourest if I conceive it right Besides here was real Composition allotted for them and that by a Committee named by the Lords not by me And I think it was very real for it Cost Eight or Nine Thousand Pounds as appears upon the Accounts meerly to take down the Houses which had no Right to stand there before we could come at the Church to Repair it And if any thing should be amiss in any of these which is more than I either know or believe they were the Council's Orders not mine And shall that be urged as Treason against me which is not Imputed to them so much as a Misdemeanour Besides the Lords of the Council are in the ancient Constitution of this Kingdom one Body and whatsoever the Major Part of them concludes is reputed the Act of the whole not any one Man's And this I must often Inculcate because I see such Publick Acts like to be heaped upon my Particular 1. The first Witness about this Business of St. Pauls is Mich. Burton and 't is charged that his House was pulled down in King James's time That he was Promised relief but had none That hereupon he got a Reference from his Majesty that now is and came with it to the Council and was referred to the Committee That Sir Hen. Martin told him that the Arch-Bishop was his hinderance That he resorted to me and that I bid him go to King James for his Recompence To this my Answer was That this House which he says was his was as is confessed by himself taken down in King James's Time when an attempt was made about the Repair of this Cathedral but nothing done If he desired satisfaction he was to seek it of them who took down his House not of me If his Majesty that now is gave him a Reference he was by the Lords of the Council or by me if to me it were Referred to be sent to the Sub-Committee because Satisfaction for each House was to be Ordered by them Nor had I any Reason to take it on my Care which was done so long before He says that Sir Henry Martin told him that I hindred him But that 's no Proof that Sir Hen Martin told him so For 't is but his Report of Sir Henry Martin's Speech And I hope Sir Henry neither did nor would do me such apparent Wrong He was the third Man to whom I brake my Intentions touching the Repair and the Difficulties which I foresaw I was to meet with And he gave me all Encouragement And it may be when nothing would satisfie the eager Old Man I might bid him go to King James for Recompence but 't is more than I remember if I did so And this Man is single and in his own Case and where lyes the Treason that is in it Besides least Consideration was due to this House For not many Years before the Demolishing of it it was Built at the West End of St. Pauls for a Lottery it was said to be the House of one Wheatly and after the Lottery ended finished up into a Dwelling-House to the great annoyance of that Church The Bishop and Dean and Chapter being asleep while it was done 2. The next Charge about St. Pauls was Witnessed by Mary Berry That her Husband was fain to set up his Trade elsewhere and that every Man reported the Bishop was the Cause of it Her Husband was forced by this Remove to set up his Trade elsewhere so she says And perhaps in a better Place and with Satisfaction sufficient to make him a better Stock Where 's the Wrong Beside she is single and in her own Cause and no Proof but that every Man reported the Bishop was the means to remove him And it is Observable that in King James his Time when the Commission issued out for the demolishing of these very Houses the Work was highly applauded and yet no Care taken for Satisfaction of any Private Mans Interest That now great Care hath been taken and great Sums of Money Expended about it yet I must be a Traytor and no less for doing it This makes me think some Party of Men were heartily angry at the Repair it self though for very Shame it be turned off upon the demolishing of the Houses 3. The next that came in was Tho Wheeler He says that his House was pulled down by the Committee by my Direction above Eleven Years ago And that Word was brought him of it His House was pulled down but himself confesses it was by the Committee It was he says above eleven Years ago and the time limited in that Article is Six Years He says that Word was brought him that I was the Cause or gave the Direction Word was brought him but he Names not by whom nor from whom so all this Proof is a single Hearsay of he knows not whom Whereas I had the Broad-Seal of England for all that was done It was replyed here That for demolishing of these Houses the King's Commission was no full and legal Warrant I should have procured Authority from Parliament I replyed to this Interruption That Houses more remote from the Church of St. Pauls were pulled down by the King's Commission only in K. Ed. 3. time and humbly desired a Salvo might be entered for me till I might bring the † Record which was granted 4. The last Instance for this Charge of St. Pauls was the House of W Wakern who Witnessed that he had a Hundred Pound recompence for his House but then was after Fined in the High-Commission-Court 100 l. for Prophanation of which he paid 30 l. To this I gave this Answer That his Charge is true and that after he had received 100 l. Composition the Cry of the Prophanation brought him into the High-Commission It was thus The Skulls of Dead-Men perhaps better than himself were tumbled out of their Graves into his Draught and part of the Foundation of the
he is a Juror And according to this I gave Mr. Browne my Answer And howsoever the Attachment goes of Course out from the Commission and not from me The second Charge of this Day was about the Censure which fell on the Inhabitants of Beckington in Sommersetshire about their refusing to remove the Communion-Table according to the Order of their Diocesan About which were produced three Witnesses to whose Evidence I shall Answer in order 1. The first was William Longe who says he was Foreman of the Jury when these Men were Indicted for a Riot and that as he conceives the Parson spake with the Judge about it which caused a sudden Verdict The Parson of the Place spake with the Judge and he conceives that produced a sudden Verdict First he doth but conceive so and that can make no Proof If it did make Proof 't is only against the Parson not against me And if the Parson speaking of it did say as Mr. Longe affirms he did That this Riot was like a Waldensian or Swisserland Commotion He must answer for his own Distempered Language me it cannot concern 2. The second Witness was George Longe He says The Bishop of Bath Commanded the Communion-Table to be removed and set at the upper end of the Chancel that the Church-Wardens refusing were Excommunicated But he says withal that they Appealed to the Arches and had remedy Then he adds farther that the Bishop proceeded again but the Church-Wardens would not remove it saying it was an Innovation and against Law But my Lords 't is neither And therefore these Church-Wardens were in a great Contempt against their Bishop to the ill Example of all that Country And that it is no Innovation against Law appears by the Injunctions of Queen Elizabeth where it is Commanded Expresly to be set there The Words are The Holy Table in every Church not Cathedrals only shall be decently made and set in the place where the Altar stood Now all Men know that with us in England the Altar stood North and South at the upper end of the Chancel And to set it East and West had been cross the place where the Altar stood and not in it And this being Law in the beginning of the Reformation cannot now be an Innovation When they came to me again as they say they did if I then told them they deserved to be laid by the Heels for the Contempt of their Bishop under Favour my Lords I spake Truth And give me leave I beseech you to tell you this It began to be a General Complaint not of the Bishop of Bath only but of other Bishops also that they could do little or no Service in their several Countries by reason of the Inhibitions which issued out of my Courts to stay their Proceedings And I wanted no good Friends in Court to tell the King as much when any thing was complained of By this I was brought into great straights Deny Appeals I might not Frequent granting in my Courts destroyed in a manner the Bishops Jurisdictions In this difficulty seeing the wilfulness of these Men and knowing they had received full benefit by their Appeal once already in the same Case I did refuse to hear any more of it unless there were new Matter but yet left them free to Appeal to the Delegats For Mr. Hughes the Parson there if he gave ill Words or laid violent Hands on any of his Neighbours it concerns not me Let him answer for what he hath said or done 'T is farther said That Mr. Hughes was with me at Windsor and had Letters from me to the Lord Chief Justice Finch But this Witness delivers not this upon his own knowledge I sent no Letter by him nor did he see me send by any other So this is meerly a Report and he doth not so much as tell from whom Yea but then he says that Mr. Morgan a Man inward with the Judge told him that the Judge told him that the little Man had put a spoke in their Cart and thereupon as he conceives the Petty-Jury was Changed Here are if your Lordships mark them two great Proofs The one is the Witnesses Report of Mr. Morgan's Report that the Judge had said so of me But why is not Mr. Morgan produced to clear this The other is not the Knowledge but the Conceit only of the Witness He conceives which I am Confident cannot sway with your Lordships for a Proof Besides were Mr. Morgan never so inward with that Judge yet it follows not that he must know all And if that Judge did mean me for Name me he did not he did me the more wrong For I never desired any thing of any Judge him or other but what was according to Law Nay I so expressed my self as that if by mistake or misinformation I had desired any thing which was not according to Law I humbly desired my Motion might be as if it had never been made 3. The third Witness is Mr. Jo. Ash. That which this Gentleman says is That Sir John Lambe told that the Man which came about that Business could have no Appeal admitted without me and that if he would be so troublesome he should be laid by the Heels I have given your Lordships an Account why he could not have an Appeal without me He had had the benefit of an Appeal before in the same Cause And for this Witness he delivers no knowledge of his own but only he says the Man imployed related it to him So 't is a Relation no Proof He says the Penance was injoyned them in three Churches And truly my Lords their Disobedience to their Bishop was great but if the Penance injoyned were too heavy it was the Act of their own Bishop not mine Then he says that the Lord Finch told him another powerful Hand was upon him intimating me First this is no knowledge of the Witness but a Speech of the Lord Finch Secondly if the Lord Finch did say so of a powerful Hand he wronged me much but himself more to confess he could be drawn awry in Judgment Thirdly this Witness says not that he named me but that he Intimated me I pray your Lordships Judgment what a forward Witness this Man is that can upon Oath deliver what is Intimated and of whom He says farther That upon Petition to Sir William Portman for some Assistance the Bishop of Bath laid all upon me and that when himself came to me at the Tower since my Restraint I told him the Bishop of Bath did like an Obedient Bishop to his Metropolitan For this my Lords here is no Proof that the Bishop laid this Business upon me but Sir William Portman's Report Sir William is a worthy Gentleman why is not he produced Why is not the Bishop that is said to lay all upon me brought into the Court that he may clear himself and me if he said it not or that I may make him ashamed if he said it For 't is
confessed that in the first Business the Church-Wardens had Remedy by their Appeal to me but that then the Bishop began again as the former Witness declared Nor knew I any thing of this Business till the Appeal came As for my Answer to himself that under Favour is quite mistaken For I did not say That in this Particular but that in his General Proceedings in his Diocess the Bishop of Bath carried himself like an Obedient Bishop to his Metropolitan Nor can my Words be drawn to mean this Particular For how could I say that in this Particular he carried himself like an Obedient Bishop to me when after Remedy given to these Men by their first Appeal into my Court he began with them again upon the same Cause Besides my Lords this is not the first time Mr. Ash hath mistaken me Mr. Browne in summing up this Charge against me falls twice very heavily upon this Business of Beckington First for the point of Religion And there he Quoted a passage out of my Speech in the Star-Chamber where I do reserve the indifferency of the standing of the Communion-Table either way and yet saith he they were thus heavily Sentenced for that which I my self hold indifferent But first this Sentence was laid upon them by their own Bishop not by me Secondly the more indifferent the thing was the greater was their Contumacy to disobey their Ordinary And had it not been a thing so indifferent and without danger of advancing Popery would Queen Elizabeth who banished Popery out of the Kingdom have endured it in her own Chappel all her time Thirdly the heaviness of the Sentence so much complained of was but to confess their Contumacy in three Churches of the Diocess to Example other Men's Obedience Secondly for the same Point as it contained Matter against Law I answered Mr. Browne as I had before answered the Lords The third Charge was about certain Houses given to S. Edmunds Lumbard-street where old Mr. Pagett is Parson The Witnesses are Two 1. The first is Mr. Symms who says that after a Verdict Mr. Pagett the Incumbent upon a pretenc that these Tenements were Church-Land got a Reference to the Lord Bishop of London then Lord Treasurer and my self My Lords we procured not the Reference But when it was brought to us under the King's Hand we could not refuse to sit upon it Upon full Hearing we were satisfied that the Cause was not rightly stated and therefore we referred them to the Law again for another Tryal and for Costs to the Barons of that Court. And this was the Answer which I gave to Mr. Browne when he instanced in this Case He says the Houses were given to Superstitious Vses But Possessions are not to be carried away for saying so If Men may get Land from others by saying it was given to Superstitious Uses they may get an easie Purchase And Mr. Symms is here in his own Case But whether the Houses were given to Superstitious Uses or not is the thing to be tryed in Law and not to be Pleaded to us He complains that I would not hear his Petition alone And surely my Lords I had no reason since it was referred to another with me And yet I see though I was not in the Reference alone nor would hear it alone yet I must be alone in the Treason And here I desired that Mr. Pagett the Incumbent might be heard 2. The other Witness was Mr. Barnard He says he was present at the Hearing and that Mr. Symms said he was undone if he must go to a new Tryal But my Lords so many Men say that by their troublesomness in Law-Suits go about to undo others He says that Mr. Pagett named his own Referees If that be so 't is no fault of mine He says the Reference was made to us only to Certifie not to make any Order in it If this be so here 's no Proof so much as offer'd that we did not Certifie as we were required and then had Power given to order it which we did And he confesses the Councel on both sides had full Hearing before ought was done The Fourth Charge of this Day was concerning the Imprisonment of one Grafton an Upholster in London The Witnesses Three Of which 1. The first is Grafton in his own Cause and 't is much if he cannot tell a plausible Tale for himself He says first That twelve Years ago he was Committed and Fined Fifty Pounds by other Commissioners By others my Lords therefore not by me And an Act of the High Commission by his own Words it appears to be He says He was continued in Prison by my procurement as he verily believes First as he verily believes is no Proof And the ground of his Belief is as weak For he gives no reason of it but this That Dr. Ryves the King's Advocate spake with the Barons But he doth not say about what or from whom He adds farther that Mr. Ingram Keeper of the Fleet would not give way to his Release notwithstanding the Barons Orders till he heard from me Here 's no Man produced that heard Mr. Ingram say so Nor is Mr. Ingram himself brought to Testifie Lastly he says that he then made Means in Court and so repaired to the Barons again but all in vain And that Baron Trevor cryed out O the Bishop O the Bishop First here 's a Confession of Means in Court made to the Judges So belike they may have Means made to them so it be not by me For the Particular I did humbly desire the Baron being then present might be asked He was asked he blushed and fumbled the Lords laughed and I could not hear what he said 2. The second Witness was Mr. Lenthall But he said nothing but that there was an Order for Grafton's Liberty which is not denied 3. The third was Mr Rivett He says that Mr. Ingram said that Grafton was a Brownist and must be brought into the Fleet again because he did much hurt among the King's Subjects This is a bare Report of a Speech of Mr. Ingram it no way concerns me And a Separatist he is from the Church of England but whether a Brownist or no I cannot tell there are so many Sects God help us And much harm he hath done among weak People For most true it is which S. Cyril observes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That the Devil prepares these Schismatical Separations that so much the more easily the Enemy may be received As for this Man he was in his way cunning enough for under pretence that he suffer'd by me he got Madam Vantlett and other of the French to Negotiate with the Queens Majesty in his behalf And this I found that sometimes when her Majesty knew not of it they sent to the Barons for Favour for him And yet I never heard that Baron Trevor ever cryed out O the French O the French Nor can I tell what stopped his Mouth in this Cry and
opened it so wide in the other when we moved to defend our selves and our Proceedings Where I humbly desire this Passage of the Law may be considered In the Case of depraving the Common-Prayer Book so much Scorned and Vilified at this Day and for not coming to Church The Words of the Law are For due Execution hereof the Queens most Excellent Majesty the Lords Temporal and all the Commons in this present Parliament Assembled do in God's Name earnestly require and Charge all the Arch-Bishops and Bishops and other Ordinaries that they shall endeavour to the uttermost of their Knowledge that the due and true Execution hereof may be had throughout their Diocesses and Charges as they will answer before God c. Now if I do not this here 's an apparent Breach of the Law And if I do it against this common and great Depraver of this Book then the Judge who by this Law should assist me Cries O the Bishop and this Answer I gave Mr. Browne when he Summ'd his Charge against me The Fifth Charge of this Day was Mr. John Ward 's Case in a Suit about Symony in the High Commission He says for he also is in his own Cause That upon a pretence of a Lapse by Symony I procured a Presentation from the King to the Church of Dinnington His Majesty trusted me with the Titles which did accrew to him in that kind and because Symony had been so rife Commanded me to be careful I might not betray this Trust and therefore the Symony being offer'd to be proved I procured his Majesties Presentation for Tryal of the Title And this I conceive was no Offence Though this be that which he calls the heaviness of my Hand upon him He farther says That I sent to the Bishop of Norwich to admit the King's Clerk the Church being void 7. Junij 1638. Nor do I yet see my Lords what Crime it is in me trusted especially as before to send to the Bishop to admit when the Church is void Many Lay Patrons do that upon Allegation of Symony before Proof And Mr. Bland produced as a Witness also says that the Lord Goring prevailed with the Lord Bishop of Norwich not to admit And I hope an Arch-Bishop and trusted therein by his Majesty may as lawfully write to the Ordinary for Admission of the King's Clerk as any Lay-Lord may write against it But Mr. Ward says nothing to this of the Lord Goring but adds That Sir John Rowse prevented this Admission by a Ne admittas Junij 12. And that thereupon I said it was to no purpose for us to sit there if after a long Tryal and Judgment given all might be stopped If I did say so I think it is a manifest Truth that I spake For it were far better not to have Symony tryed at all in Ecclesiastical Courts than after a long Tryal to have it called off into Westminster-Hall to the double Charge and trouble of the Subject But if the Law will have it otherwise we cannot help that Nor is this Expression of mine any Violation of the Law Then he says a Letter was directed from the Court of the High Commission to the Judges to revoke the Ne admittas and that I was forward to have the Letter sent How forward soever I was yet it is confessed the Letter was sent by the Court not by me And let the Letter be produced it shall therein appear that it was not to revoke the Ne Admittas but to desire the Judges to consider whether it were not fit to be revoked considering the Church was not void till Junij 14. And it hath been usual in that Court to Write or send some of their Body to the Temporal Judges where they conceive there hath been a Misinformation or a mistake in the Cause the Judges being still free to judge according to Law both for the one and the other And here he confesses the Writ of Ne admittas was revoked by three Judges and therefore I think Legally But here he hopes he hath found me in a Contradiction For when I writ to the Bishop of Norwich Junij 7. 1638. I there said the Church was void whereas this Letter to the Judges says it was not void till Junij 14. But here is no Contradiction at all For after the Tryal past and the Symony proved the Church is void to so much as the Bishop's giving of Institution and so I writ Junij 7. But till the Sentence was pronounced in open Court and Read the Church was not void as touching those Legalities which as I humbly conceive do not till then take place in Westminster-Hall And the Reading of the Sentence was not till Junij 14. However if I were mistaken in my own private Letter to the Bishop yet that was better thought on in the Letter from the High Commission to the Judges He says lastly That upon a Quare Impedit after taken forth it was found that the King had no Right Why my Lords if different Courts judge differently of Symony I hope that shall not be imputed to me In the Court where I sate I judged according to my Conscience and the Law and the Proof as it appeared to me And for Dr. Ryve's his Letter which he says was sent to the Cursitor to stop the Ne admittas Let Dr. Ryves answer it The Witness himself confesses that Dr. Ryves says the Command to the Cursitor was from the Lord Keeper not from me And here ends the Treason against Mr. Ward and till now I did not think any could have been committed against a Minister Then follow'd the Case of Ferdinando Adams his Excommunication and the Suits which followed it As it will appear in the Witnesses following which were four 1. The first was Mr Hen. Dade the Commissary then before whom the Cause began And he confesses He did Excommunicate Adams for not blotting out a Sentence of Scripture which the said Adams had caused to be written upon the Church-Wall as in many Churches Sentences of 〈◊〉 are written But he tells your Lordships too that this Sentence was My House shall be called the House of Prayer but ye have made it a Den of Thieves The Commissary's Court was kept as usually it is at or toward the West-end of the Church And just over the Court Adams had written this Sentence upon the Wall meerly to put a scorn and a scandal though I hope an unjust one upon that Court He was commanded to blot it out He would not because it was Scripture as if a Man might not Revile and Slander nay speak Treason too if he will be so wicked and all in Scripture-Phrase Witness that lewd Speech lately utter'd To your Tents O Israel c. Upon this he was Excommunicated and I cannot but think he well deserved it For the Suit which followed against Mr. Dade in the Star-Chamber the Motion that Mr. Attorney would leave him to the common Prosecutor
I may write to any Judge for Information And there is nothing Peremptory in the Letter The Words are If things be rightly suggested But howsoever the Letter is Dell's and if he have done amiss in it he is here present to Answer And it will be a hard business with Men of Honour if when any Lord shall Command his Secretary to Write and give him Directions for the Matter he shall afterwards be answerable for every slip of his Secretary's Pen especially in so high a way as 't is Charged on me But the best is here 's nothing amiss that I know CAP. XXVII The Sixth Day of my Hearing THE First Charge of this Day concerned the Censure Deprivation and Imprisonment of Mr Huntly The Witnesses produced are Four 1. Mr. Merifield comes on first He says That himself was Committed by the Lords of the Council and that there I said that he the said Merifield deserved to be laid by the Heels and to be called into the Star-Chamber This Man was as I take it Mr Huntly's Attorney and if I did speak those Words concerning him surely his Words and Carriage deserved it Else I am confident the Lords would not have Committed him for a naked and an orderly following of his Clyent 's Cause especially in the presence of two Judges Justice Jones and Justice Crook who he says himself were present And this Answer I gave Mr Brown who in the Sum of his Charge against me omitted not this Case of Mr Merifield for so was this Attorney's Name 2. The next Witness is Mr Huntly himself He says That I said unto him that he being an Ecclesiastical Person and in an Ecclesiastical Cause ought not to decline the Church-Censure Then followed his Imprisonment and his Action for false Imprisonment and the rest of his proceedings In all which the High-Commission proceeded against him and he proceeded against the High-Commissioners nothing done by me or against me in particular So nothing of this Charge falls upon me but the Words and for them they are very far from offering to Exempt any Clergyman him or other from the Temporal Laws it things cognizable by them But I humbly conceive his Oath of Canonical Obedience considered that he ought not to decline the Ecclesiastical Judicature in things meerly Ecclesiastical And if in this my Judgment I do Err yet it is Error without Crime And surely my Lords no Treason 3. The Third Witness is John Dillingham He says That Mr Huntly moved before the Lord Chief Justice Richardson and that the Judge replyed By his Faith he durst not do him Justice To this my Lords I answer Here 's never a Word that he durst not do him Justice for fear of me that 's not said by the Witness and ought not by Conjectures be inforced against me But howsoever if he spake those Words the more shame for him He is Dead and I will not rake into his Grave but if he so spake it seems he was none of those Judges which Jethro advised Moses to make for the ease of himself and the good of the People Mr Brown in summing up of his Charge pressed this Speech of the Judge hard upon me which inforces me to add thus much more That this 〈◊〉 lays it hard upon the Judge not upon me For no Proof is offered that I did Solicit him in that Cause And if he wanted Courage to do Justice why sat he there 4. The Fourth Witness was Mr Pit a sworn Officer he says The Order concerning Mr Huntly was from the Council and that there was then a full Board So this was no single Act of mine He says farther That he was not simply Prohibited but only till he had acquainted the Lord Keeper with it or those Judges whose Courts it concerned And this was so Ordered as I concelve to remedy the tedious and troublesome Interpositions of Mr Huntly Where it is not unfit for me to inform your Lordships that this Cause of Mr Huntly's was in my Predecessor Arch-Bishop Abbot his time I had nothing to do in it but as any other ordinary Commissioner then present had And here at the entring upon my Answers this Day I did in general put the Lords in mind that nothing of late times was done either in Star-Chamber or at Council-Table which was not done in King James and Queen Elizabeth's Times before I was born and that many Parliaments have been since and no Man accused of Misdemeanour for things done there much less of Treason Nor is there any one Witness that hath charged me That that which I did was to overthrow the Laws or to introduce Arbitrary Government That 's only the Construction made on 't at the Bar which as it is without all Proof for any such Intention so I am confident they shall answer for it at another Bar and for something else in these Proceedings Then followed the Charge about Prohibitions In which are many Particulars which I shall take in Order as the several Witnesses Charge them upon me 1. The First is Mr Pryn. He says That An 4 Caroli he brought a Prohibition and that thereupon I should say Doth the King give us Power and then are we prohibited Let us go and Complain First If this were An 4 Caroli it was long before the Article so that I could neither expect the Charge nor provide the Answer Secondly I humbly conceive there 's no Offence in the Words For if a Prohibition be unjustly granted upon Misinformation or otherwise or if we do probably conceive it is ill grounded I hope 't is no Sin to complain of it to the King the Fountain of Justice in both Courts Yea but he says farther That I said I would lay him by the Heels that brought the next And this Mr Burton witnesses with him First if I did say so they were but a few hasty Words For upon second thoughts it was not done Next I desire your Lordships to consider what manner of Witness Mr Burton is who confesses here before your Lordships that he brought the next with a purpose to tempt me You know whose Office that is and so Mr Burton hath abundantly shewed himself and proclaimed his Religion 3. As for Mr Comes he says just the same with Mr Pryn and I give the same Answer Then about taking down of a Pew in a Church in London my Notes are uncertain for the Name which Pew was set above the Communion Table That I required to have it pulled down That they came to me to have an Order for it and that thereupon I should say You desire an Order of Court that you may have it to shew and get a Prohibition But I will break the Back of Prohibitions or they shall break mine And this is joyntly Witnessed by Mr Pocock and Mr Langham And this they say was Thirteen or Fourteen Years ago Excellent Memories that can punctually swear Words so long after But my Lords
I confess to your Lordships I could never like that Seats should be set above the Communion Table If that be any Error in me be it so For the Words I did not speak them of Prohibitions in general but of such as I did conceive very Illegal as for ought I yet know this must have been And this was the Answer wich I gave Mr Brown when in Summing up the Charge he instanced in this against me To these Rouland Tomson adds new Words That I wondered who durst grant a Prohibition the High-Commission Court being above all But he confesses he knows not the time when this was spoken Let him look to his Oath for I am as Confident he knows not the thing And I farther believe that neither he nor any the rest of my Accusers think me so Ignorant as to say the High-Commission Court was above all 7. Francis Nicolas says that about Four Years since he delivered a Prohibition and was committed for it To this Quaterman comes in and says more than Nicolas himself For he says he delivered it in upon a Stick and was Committed for it First if he were Committed it was not for bringing the Prohibition but for his unmannerly delivery of it and to reach it into the Court upon a Stick to call the People to see it was no Handsom way of Delivery And one that brought a Prohibition whether this Man or no I cannot certainly say threw it with that violent Scorn into the Court that it bounded on the Table and hit me on the Breast as I sat in Court. Howsoever his Commitment was the Act of the Court not mine And for Quaterman he is an Exasperated Man against me and that Court as hath appeared to the World many ways 9. Mr Edwards was called up next and he says it was a common thing to lay them by the Heels which brought Prohibitions And they were commonly brought by bold impudent Men picked out of purpose to affront the Court. And then if the Court made their Imprisonment as common as they their Rudeness where 's the Fault And I pray mark this is still the Act of the Court not mine 10. Mr. Welden says That there was a Command given to lay hold of a Man which brought a Prohibition But more he says not Nor did he offer to make himself Judge of the Justice of the Court in that behalf And considering what Affronts have been put upon the Court of High Commission by the bringers of Prohibitions I hope it shall not be accounted a Crime to stay him that brings it till the Prohibition be seen and considered 11. The next Witness is Mr. Ward And he is an angry Witness for his Cause before-mentioned about Symony That which he says is That An. 1638 He that brought a Prohibition in a Cause of Mr. Foetroughts was laid by the Heels But he himself confesses the Court then declared that they were affronted by him And then he was Punished for that Misdemeanour in his Carriage not for bringing the Prohibition He says farther that I directed some Commissioners to attend the Judges about it and that the Party had no benefit by his Prohibition For my directing Attendance upon the Judges I think I did what well became me For there came a Rule before the Prohibition which required the Court so to do And Mr. Pryn objected because this was not done and now I am Accused because I gave direction to do it And if the Party had no benefit by his Prohibition it must needs follow that either the Judges were satisfied by our Information of the Cause or if not that they did Mr. Foetrought the wrong and not we 12. The last Witness about Prohibitions was Mr. Wheeler He says that in a Sermon of mine long since I used these Words They which grant Prohibitions to the Disturbance of the Churches Right God will prohibit their entrance into the Kingdom of Heaven And he says he writ down the Words that he might remember them If this Gentleman will tell me what Text I then Preached on I will look upon my Sermon if that with my other Papers be not taken from me and shew the place In the mean time with that Limitation with which he confesses I spake them I conceive there is no fault at all in the Words For it will be found no small fault in Judges to grant Prohibitions to the Disturbance of the Rights of the Church which no Law of God or Man warrants them to do So the words I spake must needs be understood of illegal Prohibitions For they which are Legal do only stop the Church from doing wrong but do no wrong to the Church by disturbing her Rights Mr. Browne charged this Sermon Note upon me also and I gave him this Answer Nevertheless I cannot but be sorry to hear it from Mr. Wheeler's own Mouth that he was so careful to write this Passage and so ready to come to witness it against me considering how many Years I have known him and how freely he hath often come to my Table and been welcome to me yet never told me this Passage in my Sermon troubled him It seems some Malignity or other laid it up against this wet Day Here having thus answered all Particulars I humbly craved leave of their Lordships to inform them some few things concerning Prohibitions As first that there was a great Contestation about them between my Predecessor Arch-Bishop Bancroft and the then Judges and this before King James and the Lords of the Council and Mr. Atturney Hobart Pleaded for the Church against them Sir Henry Martin gave me Copies of all those Papers on both sides No final End made that I could ever hear of This calling them all in Question was far more than ever was done by me or in my time and yet no Accusation at all much less any of Treason put up against Arch-Bishop Bancroft for this Secondly I have here Papers Attested of all the Prohibitions which have been admitted in my Courts of Arches and Audience And I find there are as many if not more admitted in my Seven Years time as in any Seven Years of my Predecessor Arch-Bishop Abbot And these Papers I delivered into the Court. As for the High-Commission the Records are all taken from us else I make no doubt but it would soon appear by them that as many have been admitted there also Thirdly There is a great difference touching Prohibitions and the sending of them since the Times of Reformation and before For before the Bishops Courts were kept under a foreign Power and there were then weighty Reasons for Prohibitions both in regard of the King's Power and the Subjects Indempnity But since the Reformation all Power Exercised in the Spiritual Courts is from the King as well as the Temporal so that now there neither is nor can be so much Cause as formerly was And yet all that I did humbly and earnestly desire was that
see it Flourish in another Hundred Years 't is that which I cannot hope for now He says there was a Reference to the Councel on both sides and that under that Reference the Business dyed And if it dyed then what makes it here before the Resurrection Yea but says Mr. Nicolas here 's Agitation about the submitting of the Sword which is the Emblem of Temporal Power But neither to Foreign nor Home Power but only to God and that in the place and at the performance of his Holy Worship At which time and place Christian Kings submit themselves and therefore cannot stand upon the Emblems of their Power Nor would the Lords of the Council have made either Order or Reference had there been any thing of danger or against Law in this kind of submitting Mr. Yorke was produced as another Witness but said just the same with Marsh and so the same Answer served him Then followed a Charge about the Charter of York to be renewed and that I did labour to have the Arch-Bishop of York his Chancellor and some of the Residentiaries named in it to be Justices of Peace within the City To prove this Alderman Hoyle is produced Who says There was an Order of the Council about this but cannot say that I procured it So far then this Proof reaches not me For the Bishop his Chancellor and some of the Residentiaries to be Justices of Peace within the City If I were of this Opinion as then advised I am sure there 's no Treason in it and I believe no Crime And under your Lordships Favour I could not but think it would have made much Peace and done much Good in all the Cities of England where Cathedrals are Lastly he says There was a Debauched Man committed about breach of the Sabbath and being casually smother'd I should say they deserved to be Hanged that Killed him Concerning this Man he lost his Life that 's confessed His Debauchery what it was is not proved And were he never so disorderly I am sure he was not without Legal Tryal to be shut up into a House and smother'd That is against both Law and Conscience And the Officers then in being had reason to smother the Business as much as they could And it may be deserved somewhat if not that which this Alderman says I said to his best Remembrance For so and with no more certainty he expressed it This I am sure I said That if the Bishop 〈◊〉 any of the Church had been then in their Charter the Poor Man's Life had not been lost The Fourth Charge was just of the same Nature concerning the Charge of Shrewsbury For this there were produced two Witnesses Mr. Lee and Mr. Mackworth But they make up but one between them For Mr. Lee could say nothing but what he acknowledges he heard from Mr. Mackworth And Mr. Mackworth says first That the Schoolmaster 's Business was referred to other Lords and my self That 's no Crime and to my knowledge that has been a troublesom business for these Thirty Years He says I caused that there should go a Quo Warranto against the Town This is but as Mr. Owen informed him so no proof Beside 't is no Crime being a Referee if I gave legal Reason for it Nor is it any Crime that the Bishop and his Chancellor should be Justices within the Town As is aforesaid in the Case of York Considering especially that then many Clergy-Men bare that Office in divers Counties of England He adds that an Old Alderman gave Fifty Pound to St. Pauls But out of what Consideration I know not nor doth he speak And if every Alderman in the Town would have given me as much to that use I would have taken it and thanked them for it Then he says There was an Order from all the Lords Referees for setling all things about their Charter So by his own Confession the whole Business was transacted publickly and by Persons of great Honour and nothing charged upon my Particular If Mr. Owen sent me in a Butt of Sack and after put it upon the Town Account for so he also says Mr. Owen did ill in both but I knew of neither And this the Councel in their Reply said they urged not in that kind Lastly the Charter it self was Read to both Points of the Bishops and his Chancellors being Justices of Peace within the Town and the not bearing up of the Sword To both which I have answer'd already And I hope your Lordships cannot think his Majesty would have passed such a Charter Or that his Learned Councel durst have put it to him had this thing been such a Crime as 't is here made The next Charge was out of my Diary at March 5 1635. The words are William Juxon Lord Bishop of London made Lord High Treasurer of England No Church-Man had it since H 7 time I pray God bless him to carry it so that the Church may have Honour and the King and the State Service and Contentment by it And now if the Church will not hold up themselves under God I can do no more I can see no Treason in this nor Crime neither And though that which I did to help on this Business was very little yet Aim I had none in it but the Service of the King and the Good of the Church And I am confident it would have been both had not such troublesom Times followed as did Then they instanced in the Case of Mr. Newcomen But that Cause being handled before they did only refer the Lords to their Notes And so did I to my former Answers Then followed the Case of Thorn and Middleton which were Fined in the High Commission about some Clergy-Mens Business Thorne being Constable The Witnesses in this Case are Three 1. The first is Huntford if I took his Name right And for the Censure of these Men he confesses it was in and by the High Commission and so no Act of mine as I have often pleaded But then he says that I there spake these words That no Man of their Rank should meddle with Men in Holy Orders First he is in this part of the Charge single and neither of the other Witnesses comes in to him Secondly I humbly desire the Proceedings of the High Commission may be seen which are taken out of our hands For so far as I can remember any thing of this Cause the Minister Mr. Lewis had hard measure And perhaps thereupon I might say that Men of their Rank should not in such sort meddle with Men in Holy Orders But to tax the proceedings of a violent busie Constable was not to exempt the Clergy from Civil Magistracy Upon this he falls just upon the same words and says that I utter'd them about their offering to turn out a Corrector from the Printing-House This Corrector was a Minister and a well deserving Man The Trust of the Press was referred to the High-Commission Court And
there present p. 28 32 35 42. Nay more this proceeding tam in locis Exemptis quam non Exemptis is allowed to the Governours of the Church in the Exercise of their Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction by Act of Parliament in Queen Elizabeth's Time which would never have been allowed had it then been thought such a dangerous Business as 't is now made against me 2. The Second Clause was Power to Censure by Fine and Imprisonment This also I shewed in the old Commission Fol. 37. and is as I conceive in plain pursuance of the Act of Parliament upon which the High-Commission is grounded For the King says there Fol. 13. And so 't is in the new That he grants this Power by Vertue of his Supream Authority and Prerogative Royal and of the said Act. Nay farther 't is added in this latter Commission and by our Authority Ecclesiastical which is not expressed in the former And sure I would never have caused Authority Ecclesiastical to be added had I any Plot as 't is urged either to exalt the Clergy above the Laity or to usurp Papal Power which all Men know is far enough from ascribing Ecclesiastical Authority to the King And as for Fine and Imprisonment if that Power be not according to Law why was it first admitted and after continued in all former Commissions 3. The Third Clause was the Non Obstante which he said was against all Law and of such a boundless Extent as was never found in Commission or other Grant in England And he here desired the Lords that he might read it which he did with great Assurance of a Triumph But after all this Noise which Mr. Nicolas had made I shewed the same Non Obstante in the Old Commission 〈◊〉 62. Word for Word which I humbly desired might be read and compared It was so The Lords looked strangely upon it Mr. Nicolas was so startled that he had not Patience to stay till his Reply which he saw impossible to be made but interrupted me and had the Face to say in that Honourable Assembly that I need not stand upon that for he did but name that without much regarding it And yet at the giving of the Charge he insisted principally upon that Clause and in higher and louder Terms than are before expressed Had such an Advantage been found against me I should have been accounted extreamly Negligent if I compared not the Commissions together or Extreamly Impudent if I did 4. The Fourth Exception was That by this Commission I took greater Power than ever any Court had because both Temporal and Ecclesiastical First whatsoever Power the High-Commission had was not taken by them till given by his Majesty and that according to Use and Statue for ought hath been yet declared Secondly they have not Power of Life or Limb therefore not so great Power as other Courts have Thirdly they may have more various Power in some respects but that cannot make it greater As for the Expression in which 't is said I took this Power that is put most unworthily and unjustly too to derive the Envy as much as he could upon my Person only For he could not hold from comparing me to Pope Boniface 8. and saying that I took on me the Power of both Swords But this was only ad Faciendum Populum For he knows well enough that to take both the Swords as the Pope takes them is to challenge them Originally as due to him and his Place Not to take both as under the Prince and given by his Authority and so not I alone but all the Commissioners take theirs 5. Fifthly To prove that this vast Commission as it was called was put in execution Mr. Burton is produced He says that when he was called into the High-Commission he appealed to the King and pleaded his Appeal and that thereupon I and the Bishop of London Writ to the King to have him submit to the Court He confesses he was dismissed upon his Appeal till his Majesty's Pleasure was farther known And it was our Duty considering what a Breach this would make upon the Jurisdiction of the Court to inform his Majesty of it and we did so The King declared that he should submit to the Court as is confessed by himself Then he says because he would not submit to the Court he was Censured notwithstanding his Appeal And he well deserved it that would not be ruled by his Majesty to whom he had appealed And the Commission had Power to do what they did Besides himself confesses all this was done by the High-Commission not by me Nor doth he urge any Threat Promise or Solicitation of mine any way to particularize the Act upon me and farther he is single and in his own Cause Then followed the last Charge of this Day which was the Patent granted for the Fines in the High-Commission for Finishing the West End of St Pauls cryed out upon as Illegal and Extorted from the King and such as took all Power from him for the space of the Ten Years for which time it was granted This is the Fourth time that St Pauls is struck at My Lords let it come as often as it will my Project and Endeavour in that Work was Honest and Honourable to both Church and Kingdom of England No Man in all this Search and Pursuit hath been able to charge me with the turning of any one Penny or Pennyworth to other use than was limited to me I took a great deal of Care and Pains about the Work and cannot repent of any thing I did in that Service but of Humane Frailty And whereas 't is said this Patent was extorted from his Majesty as there is no Proof offered for it so is there no truth in it For his Majesty's Piety was so forward that nothing needed to be extorted from him Thus went I on Bonâ Fide and took the Prime Direction of the Kingdom for drawing the Patent The Lord Keeper Coventry Mr. Noy and Sir Henry Martin And therefore if any thing be found against Law in it it cannot be imputed to me who took all the care I could to have it beyond exception And I marvel what security any Man shall have that adventures upon any great and publick Work in this Kingdom if such Councel cannot be trusted for drawing up of his Warrant And whereas it was said this Patent for the Ten Years space took away both Justice and Mercy from the King That 's nothing so For whatever the Words be to enable me the better for that Work yet these being inseparable from him may be used by him notwithstanding this or any other Patent And if these be inseparable as 't is granted they are no inseparable thing can be taken away or if it be taken 't is void in Law and the King is where he was in the Exercise of his Right both for Justice and Mercy And so I answered Mr. Brown's summary Charge against me and as for that
think my Lord Arch-Bishop hath done no Good Work in all his Life but these Men will object it as a Crime against him before they have done With this Charge about the Statutes it was let fall and I well know why It was to heat a Noble Person then present That I procured my self to be chosen Chancellour of that Vniversity If I had so done it might have been a great Ambition in me but surely no Treason But my Lords I have Proof great store might I be enabled to fetch it from Oxford that I was so far from endeavouring to procure this Honour to my self as that I laboured by my Letters for another And 't is well known that when they had chosen me I went instantly to his Majesty so soon as ever I heard it and humbly besought him that I might refuse it as well foreseeing the Envy that would follow me for it and it did plentifully every way But this for some Reasons his Majesty would not suffer me to do Then were objected against me divers Particulars contained in those Statutes As First the making of new Oaths The Charters of the Vniversity are not new and they gave Power to make Statutes for themselves and they have ever been upon Oath The next Illegality is That Men are tied to obey the Proctors in Singing the Litany This is Ancient and in use long before ever I came to the Vniversity and it is according to the Liturgy of the Church of England established by Law Thirdly The Statute of Bannition from the Vniversity But there is nothing more ancient in the Vniversity Statutes than this Fourthly That nothing should be propased in Convocation but what was consented unto among the Heads of Colleges first which was said to be against the Liberty of the Students The young Masters of Arts void of Experience were grown so tumultuous that no Peace could be kept in the Vniversity till my worthy Predecessor the Right Honourable William Earl of Pembroke setled this Order among them As he did also upon the same Grounds settle the present way of the choice of their Proctors In both which I did but follow and confirm for so much as lay in me the Good and Peaceable Grounds which he had laid in those two Businesses And Mr. Brown who in the summing up of my Charge urged this against me mainly mistook in two things The one was that he said this Inhibition of Proposals was in Congregations Whereas it was only in Convocations where more weighty Businesses are handled The other was that this stay of Proposals was made till I might be first acquainted with them No it was but till the Heads of Colleges had met and considered of them for avoiding of tumultuary Proceedings And when my Honourable Predecessor made that Order it was highly commended every where and is it now degenerated into a Crime because it is made up into a Statute Fifthly That some things are referred to Arbitrary Penalties And that some things are so referred is usual in that Vniversity and many Colleges have a particular Statute for it Nor is this any more Power than Ordinary School-Masters have which have not a Statute-Law for every Punishment they use in Schools And in divers things the old known Statute is that the Vice-Chancellour shall proceed Grosso Modo that is without the regular Forms of Law for the more speedy ending of Differences among the Scholars Sixthly That the Statute made by me against Conventicles is very strict But for these that Statute is express De Illicitis Conventiculis and I hope such as are unlawful may be both forbid and punished Besides it is according to the Charter of Richard the Second to that Vniversity The Seventh was the Power of Discommoning But this also hath ever been in Power and in Usage in that Vniversity as is commonly known to all Oxford-Men And no longer since than King James his time Bishop King then Vice-Chancellor Discommuned Three or Four Towns-Men together Next That Students were bound to go to Prison upon the Vice-Chancellors or Proctors Command This also was Ancient and long before my coming to the Vniversity And your Lordships may be sure the Delegacy appointed by themselves would not have admitted it had it not been Ancient and Usual Lastly about the stay of granting Graces unless there were Testimony from the Bishop of the Diocess This was for no Graces but of such as Live not Resident in the Vniversity and so they could not judge of their Manners and Conversation And for their Conformity to the Church of England none as I conceive can be a fitter Witness than the Bishop of the Diocess in which they resided And my Lords for all these thus drawn up by some of their own Body I obtained of his Majesty his Broad Seal for Confirmation And therefore no one thing in them is by any Assumption of Papal Power as 't is urged but by the King's Power only Then followed the Seventh Charge about the Statutes of some Cathedral Churches First my Lords for this I did it by Letters-Patents from the King bearing Date Mar. 31. Decimo Caroli and is extant upon Record And all that was done was Per Juris Remedia and so nothing intended against Law nor done that I know They had extream need of Statutes for all lay loose for want of confirmation and Men did what they listed And I could not but observe it for I was Dean of Gloucester where I found it so In seeking to remedy this I had nothing but my Labour for my Pains and now this Accusation to Boot The Particulars urged are That I had Ordered that nothing should be done in these Statutes Me inconsulto And I had great Reason for it For since I was principally trusted in that work by his Majesty the King if any Complaint were made would expect the account from me And how could I give it if other Men might do all and I not be so much as consulted before they passed 2. That I made a Statute against letting Leases into three Lives But first my Lords the Statute which makes it lawful to let Leases for One and Twenty Years or three Lives hath this limitation in it that they shall not let for any more Years than are limited by the said Colleges or Churches Now in Winchester Church and some other the old local Statute is most plain that they shall let no Lease into Lives Let the Dean and Prebendaries Answer their own Acts and their Consciences as they can And in those Statutes which I did not find pregnant to that purpose I did not make the Statute absolute but left them free to renew all such Leases as were Anciently in Lives before And this give me leave to say to your Lordships without offence If but a few more Leases be granted into Lives no Bishop nor Cathedral Church shall be able to subsist And this is
considerable also that as the state of the Church yet stands the Laity have the benefit by the Leases which they hold of more than five parts of all the Bishops Deans and Chapters and College Revenues in England And shall it be yet an Eye-sore to serve themselves with the rest of their own This Evidence Mr. Browne whose part it was to summ up the Evidence against me at the end of the Charge wholly omitted For what Cause he best knows The next Charge was about my Injunctions in my Visitation of Winton and Sarum for the taking down of some Houses But they were such as were upon Consecrated Ground and ought not to have been built there and yet with caution sufficient to preserve the Lessees from over-much dammage For it appears apud Acta that they were not to be pulled down till their several Leases were expired And that they were Houses not built long since but by them and that all this was to be done to the end that the Church might suffer no dammage by them And that this demolition was to be made Juxta Decreta Regni according to the Statutes of the Kingdom Therefore nothing injoyned contrary to Law Or if any thing were the Injunction took not place by the very Tenor of that which was charged Mr. Browne omitted this Charge also though he hung heavily upon the like at St. Pauls though there was satisfaction given and not here The Ninth Charge was my intended Visitation of both the Vniversities Oxford and Cambridge For my Troubles began then to be foreseen by me and I Visited them not This was urged as a thing directly against Law But this I conceive cannot be so long as it was with the King's Knowledge and by his Warrant Secondly because all Power of the King's Visitations was saved in the Warrant and that with consent of all parts Thirdly because nothing in this was surreptitiously gotten from the King all being done at a most full Council-Table and great Councel at Law heard on both sides Fourthly because it did there appear that three of my Predecessors did actually Visit the Vniversities and that Jure Ecclesiae suae Metropoliticae Fifthly no Immunity pleaded why the Arch-Bishop should not Visit for the instance against Cardinal Poole is nothing For he attempted to Visit not only by the Right of his See but by his power Legatin from the Pope whereas the University Charters are Express that such power of Visitation cannot be granted per Bullas Papales And yet now 't is charged against me that I challenged this by Papal Power Mr. Browne wholly neglected this Charge also which making such a shew I think he would not have done had he found it well grounded The Tenth Charge was my Visitation of Merton College in Oxford The Witness Sir Nathaniel Brent the Warden of the College and principally concerned in that business He said First that no Visitation held so long But if he consult his own Office he may find one much longer held and continued at All-Souls College by my worthy Predecessor Arch-Bishop Whitgift Secondly he urged that I should say I would be Warden for Seven Years If I did so say there was much need I should make it good Thirdly That one Mr. Rich. Nevil Fellow of that College lay abroad in an Ale-House that a Wench was got with Child in that House and he accused of it and that this was complained of to me and Sir Nath. Brent accused for Conspiring with the Ale-Wife against Nevil I am not here to accuse the one or defend the other But the Case is this This Cause between them was publick and came to Hearing in the Vice-Chancellor's Court Witnesses Examined Mr. Nevil acquitted and the Ale-Wife punished In all this I had no Hand Then in my Visitation it was again complained of to me I liked not the business but forbare to do any thing in it because it had been Legally Censured upon the place This part of the Charge Mr. Browne urged against me in the House of Commons and I gave it the same Answer Lastly when I sate to hear the main Business of that College Sir Nathaniel Brent was beholding to me that he continued Warden For in Arch-Bishop Warham's time a Predecessor of his was expelled for less than was proved against him And I found that true which one of my Visitors had formerly told me namely That Sir Nathaniel Brent had so carried himself in that College as that if he were guilty of the like he would lay his Key under the Door and be gone rather than come to Answer it Yet I did not think it fit to proceed so rigidly But while I was going to open some of the Particulars against him Mr. Nicolas cut me off and told the Lords this was to scandalize their Witnesses So I forbare Then followed the last Charge of this day concerning a Book of Dr Bastwick's for which he was Censured in the High-Commission The Witnesses in this Charge were three Mr. Burton a Mortal Enemy of mine and so he hath shewed himself Mrs. Bastwick a Woman and a Wife and well Tutoured For she had a Paper and all written which she had to say though I saw it not till 't was too late And Mr. Hunscot a Man that comes in to serve all turns against me since the Sentence passed against the Printers for Thou shalt commit Adultery In the Particulars of this Charge 't is first said That this Book was written Contra Episcopos Latiales But how cunningly so-ever this was pretended 't is more than manifest it was purposely written and divulged against the Bishops and Church of England Secondly that I said that Christian Bishops were before Christian Kings So Burton and Mrs. Bastwick And with due Reverence to all Kingly Authority be it spoken who can doubt but that there were many Christian Bishops before any King was Christian Thirdly Mr. Burton says that I applied those words in the Psalm whom thou may'st make Princes in all Lands to the Bishops For this if I did err in it many of the Fathers of the Church mis-led me who Interpret that place so And if I be mistaken 't is no Treason But I shall ever follow their Comments before Mr. Burton's Fourthly Mrs. Bastwick says that I then said no Bishop and no King If I did say so I Learned it of a Wise and Experienced Author King James who spake it out and plainly in the Conference at Hampton-Court And I hope it cannot be Treason in me to repeat it Fifthly Mrs. Bastwick complained that I committed her Husband close Prisoner Not I but the High-Commission not close Prisoner to his Chamber but to the Prison not to go abroad with his Keeper Which is all the close Imprisonment which I ever knew that Court use Lastly the pinch of this Charge is that I said I received my Jurisdiction
from God and from Christ contrary to an Act of Parliament which says Bishops derive their Jurisdiction from the King This is Witnessed by all three and that Dr. Bastwick read the Statute That Statute speaks plainly of Jurisdiction in foro Contentioso and places of Judicature and no other And all this forinsecal Jurisdiction I and all Bishops in England derive from the Crown But my Order my Calling my Jurisdiction in foro Conscientiae that is from God and from Christ and by Divine and Apostolical Right And of this Jurisdiction it was that I then spake if I named Jurisdiction at all and not my Calling in general For I then sate in the High-Commission and did Exercise the former Jurisdiction under the Broad Seal and could not be so simple to deny the Power by which I then sate Beside the Canons of the Church of England to which I have Subscribed are plain for it Nay farther The Use and Exercise of my Jurisdiction in foro Conscientiae may not be but by the Leave and Power of the King within his Dominions And if Bishops and Presbyters be all one Order as these Men contend for then Bishops must be Jure Divino for so they maintain that Presbyters are This part of the Charge Mr. Browne pressed in his Report to the House of Commons And when I gave this same Answer he in his Reply said nothing but the same over and over again save that he said I fled to he knew not what inward Calling and Jurisdiction which point as I expressed it if he understood not he should not have undertaken to Judge me CAP. XXXII THE 16th of May I had an Order from the Lords for free access of four of my Servants to me On Friday May 17. I received a Note from the Committee that they intended to proceed upon part of the Sixth Original Article remaining and upon the Seventh which Seventh Article follows in haec Verba That he hath Trayterously indeavoured to alter and subvert God's True Religion by Law Established in this Realm and instead thereof to set up Popish Superstition and Idolatry And to that end hath Declared and Maintained in Speeches and Printed Books divers Popish Doctrins and Opinions contrary to the Articles of Religion Established He hath urged and injoyned divers Popish and Superstitious Ceremonies without any Warrant of Law and hath cruelly persecuted those who have opposed the same by Corporal Punishment and Imprisonment and most unjustly vexed others who refused to Conform thereunto by Ecclesiastical Censures of Excommunication Suspension Deprivation and Degradation contrary to the Law of this Kingdom The Tenth Day of my Hearing This day May 20. Mr. Serjeant Wild undertook the Business against me And at his Entrance he made a Speech being now to charge me with Matter of Religion In this Speech he spake of a Tide which came not in all at once And so he said it was in the intended alteration of Religion First a Connivence then a Toleration then a Subversion Nor this nor that But a Tide it seems he will have of Religion And I pray God his Truth the True Protestant Religion here Established sink not to so low an Ebb that Men may with ease wade over to that side which this Gentleman seems most to hate He fears both Ceremonies and Doctrine But in both he fears where no fear is which I hope shall appear He was pleased to begin with Ceremonies In this he Charged first my Chappel at Lambeth and Innovation in Ceremonies there 1. The First Witness for this was Dr. Featly he says there were Alterations since my Predecessor's time And I say so too or else my Chappel must lye more undecently than is fit to express He says I turned the Table North and South The Injunction says it shall be so And then the Innovation was theirs in going from not mine in returning to that way of placing it Here Mr. Browne in his last Reply in the House of Commons said that I cut the Injunction short because in the Words immediately following 't is Ordered That this Place of standing shall be altered when the Communion is Administred But first the Charge against me is only about the Place of it Of which that Injunction is so careful that it Commands That when the Communion is done it be placed where it stood before Secondly it was never Charged against me that I did not remove it at the Time of Communion nor doth the Reason expressed in the Injunction require it which is when the Number of Communicants is great and that the Minister may be the better heard of them Neither of which was necessary in my Chappel where my Number was not great and all might easily Hear 2 The second thing which Dr. Featly said was in down-right Terms That the Chappel lay nastily all the time he served in that House Was it one of my Faults too to cleanse it 3 Thirdly he says The Windows were not made up with Coloured Glass till my time The Truth is they were all shameful to look on all diversly patched like a Poor Beggars Coat Had they had all white Glass I had not stirred them And for the Crucifix he confesses it was standing in my Predecessors time though a little broken So I did but mend it I did not set it up as was urged against me And it was utterly mistaken by Mr. Brown that I did repair the Story of those Windows by their like in the Mass-Book No but I and my Secretary made out the Story as well as we could by the Remains that were unbroken Nor was any Proof at all offered that I did it by the Pictures in the Mass-Book but only Mr. Pryn Testified that such Pictures were there whereas this Argument is of no consequence There are such Pictures in the Missal therefore I repaired my Windows by them The Windows contain the whole Story from the Creation to the Day of Judgment Three Lights in a Window The two Side-Lights contain the Types in the Old Testament and the middle Light the Antitype and Verity of Christ in the New And I believe the Types are not in the Pictures in the Missal In the mean time I know no Crime or Superstition in this History And though Calvin do not approve Images in Churches yet he doth approve very well of them which contain a History and says plainly that these have their use in Docendo Admonendo in Teaching and Admonishing the People And if they have that use why they may not instruct in the Church as well as out I know not Nor do the Homilies in this particular differ much from Calvin But here the Statute of Ed. 6. was charged against me which requires the Destruction of all Images as well in Glass-Windows as elsewhere And this was also earnestly pressed by Mr. Brown when he repeated the Summ of the Charge against me in the House of Commons To
the Sacrament in my Chappel The Witnesses two The first was Dr. Haywood who had been my Chaplain in the House They had got from others the Ceremonies there used and then brought him upon Oath He confessed he Administred in a Cope And the Canon warranted it He confesses as it was urged that he fetched the Elements from the Credential a little Side-Table as they called it and set them Reverently upon the Communion Table Where 's the offence For first the Communion Table was little and there was hardly room for the Elements to stand conveniently there while the Service was in Administration And Secondly I did not this without Example for both Bishop Andrews and some other Bishops used it so all their time and no exception taken The Second Witness was Rob. Cornwall one of my Menial Servants A very forward Witness he shewed himself But said no more than is said and answered before Both of them confessing that I was sometimes present The Third Charge was about the Ceremonies at the Coronation of his Majesty And first out of my Diary Feb 2 1625. 'T is urged that I carried back the Regalia offer'd them on the Altar and then laid them up in their place of safety I bare the place at the Coronation of the Dean of Westminster and I was to look to all those things and their safe return into Custody by the place I then Executed And the offering of them could be no offence For the King himself offers upon solemn days And the Right Honourable the Knights of the Garter offer at their Solemnity And the Offertory is Established by Law in the Common Prayer Book of this Church And the Prebendaries assured me it was the Custom for the Dean so to do Secondly they charged a Marginal Note in the Book upon me That the Vnction was in formâ Crucis That Note doth not say that it ought so to be done but it only relates the Practice what was done And if any fault were in Anointing the King in that form it was my Predecessors fault not mine for he so Anointed him They say there was a Crucifix among the Regalia and that it stood upon the Altar at the Coronation and that I did not except against it My Predecessor Executed at that time And I believe would have excepted against the Crucifix had it stood there But I remember not any there Yet if there were if my Predecessor approved the standing of it or were content to connive at it it would have been made but a Scorn had I quarrell'd it They say one of the Prayers was taken out of the Pontifical And I say if it were it was not taken thence by me And the Prayers are the same that were used at King James his Coronation And so the Prayer be good and here 's no word in it that is excepted against 't is no matter whence 't is taken Then leaving the Ceremonies he charged me with two 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Body of the King's Oath One added namely these Words 〈◊〉 to the King's Prerogative The other omitted namely these words Quae Populus Elegerit which the People have chosen or shall choose For this latter the Clause omitted that suddenly vanished For it was omitted in the Oath of King James as is confessed by themselves in the Printed Votes of this present Parliament But the other highly insisted on as taking off the total assurance which the Subjects have by the Oath of their Prince for the performance of his Laws First I humbly conceive this Clause takes off none of the Peoples Assurance none at all For the King 's Just and Legal Prerogative and the Subjects Assurance for Liberty and Property may stand well together and have so stood for Hundreds of Years Secondly that Alteration what ever it be was not made by me nor is there any Interlining or Alteration so much as of a Letter found in that Book Thirdly if any thing be amiss therein my Predecessor gave that Oath to the King and not I. I was meerly Ministerial both in the Preparation and at the Coronation it self supplying the place of the Dean of Westminster After this days work was ended it instantly spread all over the City that I had altered the King's Oath at his Coronation and from thence into all parts of the Kingdom as if all must be true which was said at the Bar against me what Answer so-ever I made The People and some of the Synod now crying out that this one thing was enough to take away my Life And though this was all that was Charged this day concerning this Oath yet seeing how this fire took I thought fit the next day that I came to the Bar to desire that the Books of the Coronation of former Kings especially those of Queen Elizabeth and King James might be seen and compared and the Copies brought into the Court both from the Exchequer and such as were in my Study at Lambeth And a fuller Inquisition made into the Business In regard I was as Innocent from this Crime as when my Mother bare me into the World A Salvo was entred for me upon this And every day that I after came to the Bar I called upon this Business But somewhat or other was still pretended by them which managed the Evidence that I could not get the Books to be brought forth nor any thing to be done till almost the last day of my Hearing Then no Books could be found in the Exchequer nor in my Study but only that of King James whereas when the Keys were taken from me there were divers Books there as is confessed in the Printed Votes of this Parliament And one of them with a Watchet Sattin Cover now missing And whether this of King James had not my Secretary who knew the Book seen it drop out of Mr. Pryn's Bag would not have been concealed too I cannot tell At last the Book of King James his Coronation and the other urged against me concerning King Charles were seen and compared openly in the Lords House and found to be the same Oath in both and no Interlining or Alteration in the Book charged against me This Business was left by the Serjeant to Mr. Maynard who made the most that could be out of my Diary against me And so did Mr. Brown when he came to give the Summ of the Charge against me both before the Lords and after in the House of Commons And therefore for the avoiding of all tedious Repetition And for that the Arguments which both used are the same And because I hold it not fit to break a Charge of this moment into divers pieces or put them in different places I will 〈◊〉 set down the whole Business together and the Answer which I then gave Mr. Brown in the Summ of the Charge against me in the Commons-House when he came to this Article said he was now come to the Business so much
Secondly he confesses that when Dr. Bray made stay of them he never complained to me and I cannot remedy that which I do not know Thirdly he confesses that all the time he was in Lambeth-House my Predecessor ever left that care of the Press upon his Chaplains and why I might not do it as well as my Predecessor I do not yet know But he said that he complained to Sir Edmund Scott and desired to be advised by him what he should do And that he Answer'd he thought I would not meddle with that troublesome Business more than my Predecessors had done Be this so yet Sir Ed. Scott never told me this nor is there any the least Proof offer'd that he did But because this and the like passages about Expunging some things out of Books makes such a great Noise as if nothing concerning Popery might be Printed And because Mr. Brown in Summing up of the Charge in the House of Commons warmly insisted upon this Particular I thought it necessary to Answer as follows That what moved my Chaplain to Expunge that large passage against Images I knew not nor could I now know my Chaplain being Dead But that this I was sure of that else-where in those very Sermons there was as plain a passage and full against Images left in And in another place a whole Leaf together spent to prove them Idolaters and that as gross as the Baalists and so he terms them Yea and that the Pope is Antichrist too and not only called so but proved by divers Arguments And not so only but in plain Terms that he is the Whore of Babylon And these passages I then Read out of the Book it self in the House of Commons And many other-like to these there are So my Chaplain might see good Cause to leave out some passages Where so many upon as good Cause were left in But to the Business of leaving the Care of these Books and the overview of them to my Chaplains it was then urged That the Commissary of John Lord Arch-Bishop of York had Excommunicated the Lord Bishop of Durham being then in the King's Service And that the Arch-Bishop himself was deeply Fined for this Act of his Commissary And that therefore I ought much more to be answerable for my Chaplain's Act whom I might put away when I would than he for his Commissary who had a Patent and could not be put out at pleasure Mr. Brown also followed this Precedent close upon me But first there is a great deal of difference in the thing it self My Chaplain's Case being but the leaving out of a passage in a Book to be Printed But his Commissary's Case being the Excommunicating of a great Bishop and he in the King's Service of whose Honour the Laws of this Realm are very tender And Secondly the Bishop and his Official call him Chancellor or Commissary or what you will make but one Person in Law and therefore the Act of the Commissary to the full extent of his Patent is the Act of the Bishop in legal Construction and the Bishop may be answerable for it But the Bishop and his Chaplain are not one Person in any Construction of Law And say he may put away his Chaplain when he will yet that cannot help what is past if ought have been done amiss by him And this was the Answer I insisted on to Mr. Brown Upon my entrance on this days Defence I found my self aggrieved at the Diurnal and another Pamphlet of the Week wherein they Print whatsoever is Charged against me as if it were fully proved never so much as mentioning what or how I Answer'd And that it troubled me the more because as I conceived the passages as there expressed trenched deep upon the Justice and Proceedings of that Honourable House And could have no Aim but to incense the Multitude against me With some difficulty I got these Pamphlets received but there they dyed and the Weekly abuse of me continued to keep my Patience in Breath CAP. XXXV The Thirteenth Day of my Hearing THE First Charge of this Day was the Opinion which was held of me beyond the Seas The first Witness was Sir Henry Mildmaye who as is before related told me without asking That I was the most Hateful Man at Rome that ever sate in my See since the Reformation Now he denied not this but being helped on by good Preparation a Flexible Conscience and a fair leading Interrogatory by Mr. Nicolas Mr. Serjeant Wilde was Sick and came no more till the last day when I made my Recapitulation he minced it And now he says that there were two Factions at Rome and that one of them did indeed speak very ill of me because they thought I aimed at too great a Power here in England But the other Faction spake as well of me because they thought I endeavoured to bring us in England nearer to the Church of Rome But first my Lords this Gentleman's Words to me were Round and General That I was hated at Rome not of a Party or Faction there And my Servants heard him at the same time and are here ready to witness it that he then said the Pope was a goodly Gentleman and did use to ride two or three great Horses in a Morning and but that he was something taller he was as like Auditor Philips who was then at Dinner with me as could be But I pray mark what Wise Men he makes them at Rome One Faction hates me because I aim at too much Power And the other loves me because I would draw England nearer Rome Why if I went about to draw England nearer Rome can any among them be such Fools as to think my Power too great For if I used my Power for them why should any there Condemn me And if I used it against them why should any here Accuse me Non sunt haec benè divisa temporibus These things suit not with the Times or the Dispositions of Rome But the plain Truth is I do not think that ever he was at Rome I after heard a whisper that he only stepped into France for another Cure not to Rome for Curiosity which was the only cause he gave the Lords of his going thither 2. The second Witness was Mr. Challoner He says not much of his own knowledge but of Fame that tatling Gossip yet he told the Lords I was a very Obscure Man till within these Fifteen Years Be it so if he please Yet I have been a Bishop above Three and Twenty Years And 't is Eighteen Years since I was first Dean of his Majesty's Chappel Royal. He says that after this time there was a strong Opinion of Reconciliation to Rome A strong Opinion but a weak Proof For it was an Opinion of Enemies and such as could easily believe what they over-much desired He farther said that some of them were of Opinion that I was a good Roman-Catholick and that
I wrought cunningly to introduce that Religion by Inches And that they Prayed for me First my Lords the Opinion of Enemies is no Proof at all that I am such as they think me And secondly this is a Notable and no unusual piece of Cunning for an Enemy to destroy by commending For this was the ready way and I doubt not but it hath been Practised to raise a Jealousie against me at home thereby either to work the Ruin of my Person or utterly to weaken and disable me from doing harm to them or good for the Church of England Besides if the Commendation of Enemies may in this kind go for Proof it shall be in the power of two or three Practising Jesuits to destroy any Bishop or other Church-Man of England when they please At last he told a Story of one Father John a Benedictin that he asked him how Church-Livings were disposed in England and whether I had not the disposing of those which were in the King's Gift And concluded that he was not out of hope to see England reduced to Rome Why my Lords this is not Father John's hope alone for there is no Roman-Catholick but hath some hope alive in him to see this day And were it not for that hope there would not have been so many some desperate all dangerous Practices upon this Kingdom to Effect it both in Queen Elizabeth's time and since But if this I know not what Father John hope so what is that to me 3. The third Witness was Mr. Anthony Mildmaye A Man not thought on for a Witness till I called for his Brother Sir Henry But now he comes laden with his Brother's Language He says just as Sir Henry did before that there were two Factions in Rome the Jesuits and they abhorred me but the other the Secular Priests they wished me well as he was informed First this is so one and the same Testimony that any Man that will may see that either he informed his Brother or his Brother him Secondly here 's nothing affirmed for it is but as he was informed And he doth not tell you by whom It may be my Lords it was by his Brother Then he says This was to make my self Great and tells a Tale of Father Fitton as much to the purpose as that which Mr. Challoner told of Father John But whatsoever either of these Fathers said it was but their own Opinion of me or Hearsay neither of which can prove me guilty of any thing Thus much Mr. Anthony made a shift to say by Five of the Clock at Afternoon when I came to make my Answer And this as I have sufficient Cause to think only to help to shoar up his Brother's Testimony But in the Morning when he should have come as his Brother did he was by Nine in the Morning so Drunk that he was not able to come to the Bar nor to speak Common Sense had he been brought thither Nobile par Fratrum The Second Charge was the Consecration of two Churches in London St Catharin Cree-Church and St Giles in the Fields The Witnesses two 1. The first Witness was one Mr Willingham And he says 〈◊〉 I came to these Churches in a Pompous manner But all the Pomp that he mentions is that Sir Henry Martin Dr Duck and some other of the Arches attended me as they usually do their Diocesans in such Solemnities He says he did curiously observe what was done thinking it would one Day be called to an Account as now it is So this Man himself being Judge looked upon that Work with Malevolent Eye and God preserve him from being a malitious Witness He says That at my approach to the Church Door was read Lift up your Heads O ye Gates and be ye lift up ye everlasting Doors and the King of Glory shall come in Psal 24. And this was urged over and over as a jeer upon my Person But this Place of Scripture hath been anciently used in Consecrations And it relates not to the Bishop but to God Almighty the true King of Glory who at the Dedication enters by his Servant to take Possession of the House then to be made his He says that I kneeled down at my coming in and after used many Bowings and Cringings For my kneeling down at my entranee to begin with Prayer and after to proceed with Reverence I did but my Duty in that let him scoffingly call it Cringing or Ducking or what he please He says farther That at the beginning I took up Dust and threw it in the Air and after used divers Curses And here Mr Pryn put Mr Nicolas in mind to add that Spargere Cinerem is in the Form of Consecration used in the Pontifical And Mr Brown in his summary Account of my Charge laid the very Consecration of these Churches as a Crime upon me and insisted on this particular But here my answer to all was the same That this Witness had need look well to his Oath for there was no throwing up of Dust no Curses used throughout the whole Action Nor did I follow the Pontifical but a Copy of Learned and Reverend Bishop Andrews by which he Consecrated divers Churches in his time and that this is so I have the Copy by me to Witness and offered them to shew it Nor can this howsoever savour any way of Treason No said Mr Brown but the Treason is To seek by these Ceremonies to overthrow the Religion Established Nor was that ever sought by me And God of his Mercy Preserve the true Protestant Religion amongst us till the Consecration of Churches and Reverence in the Church can overthrow it and then I doubt not but by God's Blessing it shall continue safe to the Worlds End He says also That I did pronounce the Place Holy I did so And that was in the Solemn Act it self of the Consecration according to the usual Form in that behalf And no Man will deny but that there is a Derivative and a Relative Holiness in Places as well as in Vessels and other Things Dedicated to the Honour and Service of God Nor is any thing more common in the Old Testament and 't is express in the New both for Place and Things 1 Cor 9. Then it was urged at the Bar That a Prayer which I used was like one that is in the Pontifical So in the Missal are many Prayers like to the Collects used in our English Liturgy so like that some are the very same Translated only into English and yet these confirmed by Law And for that of Psal. 95. Venite Procidamus c. then also excepted against that hath been of very ancient use in the Liturgies of the Church From which Rejecimus Paleam numquid Grana We have separated the Chaff shall we cast away the Corn too If it come to that let us take heed we fall not upon the Devil 's Winnowing who labours to beat down the Corn 't is not the Chaff
And I humbly pray your Lordships cast your Eyes upon the Frontispiece of the Book of Martyrs Printed An 1642. since this Parliament began and when I was safe enough from having any Hand in the Business and there you shall see as dangerous Pictures as have been charged upon me or any my Chappel Windows Upon Occasion of Mr. Genebrand's Calendar Mr. Pryn took occasion to tell the Lords that I had made Notes upon the Calendar in the Missal I desired they might be read It was thought too tedious They were nothing but some Additions of my own reading to the Occurrences on some Days And because the Calendar in the Missal was open and large I thought fit to Write them there 5. The Fifth Instance is in Dr. Pocklinton his Censure of ....... and of Flaccius Illyricus And that this Book was Licensed by my Chaplain Dr. Bray And he was Censured in this Honourable House for that and like slips of his Then it was inferred at the Bar That it must be taken as my Act if it were done by my Chaplain But Inferences are no sworn Proof And I conceive no Man can by Law be punished criminally for his Servants Fact Unless there be Proof that he had a hand in it Then it was urged but without any Proof too that Dr. Pocklinton was preferred by me To which I shall answer when Proof is made And if I had 't is far enough from Treason 6. The next Instance was about the calling in of Thomas Beacons Disputation of the Mass. The Witness Mr. Pryn. He says the Book was Licensed and that a Papist thereupon said doth my Lord of Canterbury License such Books That I was informed of these Words and the Book called in the next Day First Mr. Pryn is single in this part of the Testimony for the Words Secondly if any Papist did say so it was not in my Power to stop his Mouth and they which License Books must indure many and various Censures as the Readers of them stand affected Thirdly if any Papist did so speak I have reason to think it was to do me a Mischief as much as in him lay Fourthly this is a very bold Oath For he swears that I was Informed of these Words He was not present to hear it and then he can have it but by Hearsay and no Religion teaches him to swear that for Truth which he doth but hear Lastly the Book was called in because it was slipt out contrary to the late Decree for Printing Yea but Mr. Pryn Swears and so doth Michael Sparks the other Witness that the Book was sent to the Printer before the Decree But first Sparks his Oath is uncertain for he says Mr. Pryn sent him the Book before the Decree and then by and by after says it was about that time Now the Book is somwhat large so that it might be sent him before the Decree and yet not be Printed till after and that a good space too And Secondly Mr. Pryn himself confesses the Book was sent when the Decree was in agitation 7. The Seventh Instance was about Arminianism as maintained by me against the Declarations of both Houses of Parliament and of King James concerning Vorstius and Bertius First I have nothing to do to defend Arminianism no Man having yet charged me with the abetting any point of it Secondly King James his Declaration is very Learned But under Favour he puts a great deal of difference between Vorstius and Bertius And his Majesty's Opinion is clear with the Article of the Church of England and so Expressed by himself And to which I ever Consented And the Passage in the Conference at Hampton-Court was then read to the Lords and yet for the Peace of Christendom and the strengthning of the Reformed Religion I do heartily wish these Differences were not pursued with such Heat and Animosity in regard that all the Lutheran Protestants are of the very same Opinions or with very little difference from those which are now called Arminianism And here comes in Michael Sparks who says He was called into the High-Commission about a Book of Bishop Carletons I cannot punctually remember all Particulars so long since But he confesses the Business was in the High-Commission And so not singly chargable against me Besides he is single in this Business He says he was Eleven Years in the High-Commission and never Sentenced This is more than I know But if it be so he had better luck than some Honester Men. For a bitterer Enemy to his power the Church-Government never had He was Mr. Pryn's Printer He says I was a Dean then and he thinks of Hereford I was never Dean of Hereford But howsoever this is a dangerous Oath let him think of it He Swears that I was a Dean then and a High-Commissioner or else what had I to do in the Business Now it is well known I was never a High-Commissioner till I had been a Bishop some Years For the Book it self Sparks says nothing what was the Argument of it But so far as I remember it was expresly against the King's Declaration And so I Answer'd Mr. Brown when he summed up the Evidence against me in the House of Commons And though in his Reply he seemed to deny this yet I remember no Proof he brought for it 8. The last Instance was pregnant and brought forth many Particulars As First Dr Featly's Parallels against Bishop Mountague But this was Still-born at least it says nothing of me Secondly Mr. Pryn's Perpetuity and against Dr Cosens both burnt But he doth not say absolutely burnt but as he is informed and he may be informed amiss And howsoever he says it was done by the High-Commission not by me Thirdly some Sheets of Dr. Succliff's Book Prohibited the Press at Oxford I hope Oxford is able to give an Account for it self And whereas it was here said at the Bar They hoped I would shew some repressing of the contrary part I would satisfie their Hopes abundantly could I bring Witnesses from Oxford how even and steddy a Hand I carried to both parts Fourthly Mr. Burton questioned about his Book called The seven Vials But himself confesses that upon Sir Henry Martin's Information that as that Cause was laid the High-Commission had no power in it he was dismissed Fifthly That about his Book Intituled Babel no Bethel he was questioned at a Court out of Term. This was very usual whensoever the Court was full of Business to hold one Court-day out of Term. This is Warranted by the Commission And warning of it was always publickly given the Court-day before that all whom it concerned might take notice of it and provide themselves Sixthly he says he was there railed at by Bishop Harsnet 'T is more than I know that Bishop Harsnet railed at him but if he did I hope I am not brought hither to Answer all Mens faults Seventhly he says he claimed the Petition of
Right yet was Committed This is more than I know or believe yet if it were so it was done by the High-Commission Court not by me He says next that he could never be quiet But I am sure my Lords the Church for divers Years could never be in quiet for him and his Associates Lastly they say some Passages against Arminianism were left out of two Letters one of Bishop Davenants and the other of Bishop Halls sent to be Printed First here is no Proof at all offer'd that I differ'd in any thing from the Doctrine expressed in those Letters And Secondly for the leaving out of those passages it was it seems done to avoid kindling of new flames in the Church of England And it appeared on the other side of the Paper which was produced against me and so Read to the Lords that these Passages were left out by the express Order from those Bishops themselves under Bishop Hall's own Hand and with Thanks to Dr Turner then my Chaplain for his Letter to them And here this days Business ended And I received Command to attend again the Twentieth of the same Month. CAP. XXXVII The Fifteenth Day of my Hearing THis day I came again to the House A day or two before as now also the Landing place at Westminster was not so full of People and they which were there much more civil towards me than formerly My Friends were willing to perswade me that my Answer had much abated the edge of the People saving from the violent and factious Leaders of the Multitude whom it seems nothing would satisfie but my Life for so I was after told in plain terms by a Man deeply interessed in them when I presently saw Quaterman coming towards me who so soon as he came fell to his wonted Railing and asked aloud what the Lords meant to be troubled so long and so often with such a base Fellow as I was they should do well to Hang me out of the way I heard the Words with grief enough and so left them and him in the Hands of God My Servants were earness to have me complain to the Lords I remembred my late Complaint about the Pamphlets had no redress and so forbare it They notwithstanding out of their Zeal complained to Mr. Lieutenant of the Tower who presently went forth and said he would school him But I hearkned no more after it When I came to the Bar Mr Nicolas began with great violence and told the Lords the business grew higher and higher against me What the Business did will after appear but I am sure he grew higher and higher and from this time forward besides the violence of Expression gave me such Language as no Christian would give a Jew But God I humbly thank him blessed me with Patience and so I made my Ears Obedient That which made him say the Business grew higher and higher was this Upon my often calling to have the Oaths at the Coronation of King James and King Charles compared some of them repaired again to my Study at Lambeth to search for all such Copies of Coronation-Books as could there be found In this diligent and curious search For Mr. Pryn's Malice made it they found some Papers concerning Parliaments no other I praise God for it than such as with indifferent construction might I hope well pass especially considering what occasion led me and what Command was upon me And as I have been told by Able and Experienced Men they would have been nothing had they been found in any but this troublesom and distracted time about the Rights of Parliaments as 't is said Howsoever I was most unfortunate they should be now found and I had not left them a Being but that I verily thought I had destroyed them long since But they were unhappily found among the heaps of my Papers And so An Answer to the Remonstrance made June 17 1628. which is Sixteen Years since was made the First Charge against me And the Second Charge was A Paper concerning a Declaration Jan 28 1628. To both which I then Answer'd but because these are urged more than once to help fill the People with new Clamour and because they are more closely pressed against me at the last day of my Hearing and because Mr. Brown in his Summary Charge laid and charged all these Papers together to avoid tedious repetition I will also make my whole and entire Answer together when that time comes The Third Charge of this day was A Letter of a Jesuit to his Superiour found in my Study dated Mar 1628. Let the Letter be dated when it will I hope the Arch-Bishop may get and keep the Letters of any Jesuits or others How shall I be able to know or prevent their Plots upon the Religion by Law Established if this may not be done Yet this I desire all Men to take notice of that this Letter was not directed to me I was then Bishop of London The Letter was found in a search But when by all possible care taken by the High-Commission the Author could not be found I had as I humbly conceive great Reason to keep it And I then humbly desired the whole Letter might be Read There was in it that Arminianism as 't was urged was their Drug and their Plot against us c. The Jesuit seeing a Fire kindling about these Opinions might write what he pleased to help on his Cause Yet this Drug which he says is theirs is the received Opinion of all the Lutherans and they too Learned Protestants to use their Drugs And if it be their Drug why do the Dominicans so Condemn it Nay why doth the Master of the Sentences and the School after him for the most determin rigidly against it And whereas 't is said That these Men had Instruments at the Duke's Chamber Door That belongs not to me I was not Porter there As for that Power which I had called by Mr. Nicolas the Command of his Ear I used it as much as I could to shut such Instruments thence Beside 't is barely said no Proof at all offer'd that such Instruments were about the Duke's Chamber-Door Other Papers were found in my Study above sixty at the least expressing my continued Labours for some Years together to Reconcile the divided Protestants in Germany that so they might go with united Forces against the Romanists Why are not these produced too Would not Christianity and Justice have my Innocence cleared as well as my Faults accused The Fourth Charge was Bishop Mountagues Preferment The Parliament they say called him in Question and the King called in his Book yet in Affront to the Parliament that he was preferr'd by me No It was then publickly known in Court whether now remembred or no I cannot tell that he was preferred by my Lord Duke but being a Church Business the King Commanded me to signifie his Pleasure to the Signet Office And the Docket which is
all the Proof here made mentions him only by whom the Kings Pleasure is signified not him that procures the Preferment So the Docket in this Case no Proof at all The Fifth Charge was a Paper Intituled Considerations for the Church Three Exceptions against them The Observation of the King's Declaration Art 3. The Lecturers Art 5. And the High-Commission and Prohibitions Art 10 11. The Paper I desired might be all Read Nothing in them against either Law or Religion And for Lecturers a better care taken and with more Ease to the People and more Peace to the Church by a Combination of Conformable Neighbouring Ministers in their turns and not by some one Humorous Man who too often mis-leads the People Secondly my Copy of Considerations came from Arch-Bishop Harsnet in which was some sour Expression concerning Emanuel and Sidney Colleges in Cambridge which the King in his Wisdom thought fit to leave out The King's Instructions upon these Considerations are under Mr. Baker's Hand who was Secretary to my Predecessor And they were sent to me to make Exceptions to them if I knew any in regard of the Ministers of London whereof I was then Bishop And by this that they were thus sent unto me by my Predecessor 't is manifest that this account from the several Dioceses to the Arch-Bishop and from him to his Majesty once a Year was begun before my time Howsoever if it had not I should have been glad of the Honour of it had it begun in mine For I humbly conceive there cannot be a better or a safer way to preserve Truth and Peace in the Church than that once a Year every Bishop should give an account of all greater Occurrences in the Church to his Metropolitan and he to the King Without which the King who is the Supream is like to be a great Stranger to all Church Proceedings The Sixth Charge was about Dr Sibthorp's Sermon that my Predecessor opposed the Printing of it and that I opposed him to Affront the Parliament Nothing so my Lords Nothing done by me to oppose or affront the One or the Other This Sermon came forth when the Loan was not yet settled in Parliament The Lords and the Judges and the Bishops were some for some against it And if my Judgment were Erroneous in that Point it was mis-led by Lords of great Honour and Experience and by Judges of great knowledge in the Law But I did nothing to affront any 'T is said that I inserted into the Sermon that the People may not refuse any Tax that is not unjustly laid I conceive nothing is justly laid in that kind but according to Law Gods and Mans. And I dare not say the People may refuse any thing so laid For Jus Regis the Right of a King which is urged against me too I never went farther than the Scriptures lead me Nor did I ever think that Jus Regis mentioned 1 Sam 8 is meant of the Ordinary and just Right of Kings but of that Power which such as Saul would be would assume unto themselves and make it right by Power Then they say I expunged some things out of it As first The Sabbath and put instead of it the Lords Day What 's my Offence Sabbath is the Jews Word and the Lords-Day the Christians Secondly about Evil Counseilors to be used as Haman The Passage as there Expressed was very Scandalous and without just Cause upon the Lords of the Council And they might justly have thought I had wanted Discretion should I have left it in Thirdly that I expunged this that Popery is against the first and the second Commandment If I did it it was because it is much doubted by Learned Men whether any thing in Popery is against the first Commandment or denies the Unity of the God-head And Mr. Perkins who Charges very home against Popery lays not the Breach of the first Commandment upon them And when I gave Mr. Brown this Answer In his last Reply he asked why I left out both Why I did it because its being against the second is common and obvious and I did not think it worthy the standing in such a Sermon when it could not be made good against the first But they demanded why I should make any Animadversions at all upon the Sermon It was thus The Sermon being presented to his Majesty and the Argument not common he committed the Care of Printing it to Bishop Mountain the Bishop of London and four other of which I was one And this was the Reason of the Animadversions now called mine As also of the Answer to my Predecessors Exceptions now Charged also and called mine But it was the Joint Answer of the Committee And so is that other Particular also In which the whole Business is left to the Learned in the Laws For though the Animadversions be in my Hand yet they were done at and by the Committee only I being puny Bishop was put to write them in my Hand The Seventh Charge was Dr Manwaring's Business and Preferment It was handled before only resumed here to make a Noise and so passed it over The Eighth Charge was concerning some Alterations in the Prayers made for the Fifth of November and in the Book for the Fast which was Published An 1636. And the Prayers on Coronation Day 1. First for the Fast-Book The Prayer mentioned was altered as is Expressed but it was by him that had the Ordering of that Book to the Press not by me Yet I cannot but approve the Reason given for it and that without any the least approbation of Merit For the Abuse of Fasting by thinking it Meritorious is the thing left out whereas in this Age and Kingdom when and where set Fastings of the Church are cryed down there can be little fear of that Erroneous Opinion of placing any Merit in Fasting 2 Secondly for the Prayers Published for the Fifth of November and Coronation Day The Alterations were made either by the King himself or some about him when I was not in Court And the Books sent me with a Command for the Printing as there altered I made stay till I might wait upon his Majesty I found him resolved upon the alterations nor in my judgment could I justly except against them His Majesty then gave Warrant to the Books themselves with the alterations in them and so by his Warrant I commanded the Printing And I then shewed both the Books to the Lords who Viewed them and acknowledged his Ma jesty ' Hand with which not his Name only but the whole Warrant was written And here I humbly desired three things might be observed and I still desire it First with what Conscience this passage out of my Speech in the Star Chamber was urged against me for so it was and fiercely by Mr. Nicolas to prove that I had altered the Oath at the King's Coronation because the Prayers appointed for the Anniversary of the Coronation were
Lecturers and that they had their Lectures Read by a Company of Learned and Orthodox Ministers by turns As appeared by the Munday Sermon at Burye during that Learned Bishop's time Nor were any forbid to Preach in the Afternoon so the Catechising were not omitted before it or with it And the Bishop is Living to Answer it if ought were then done amiss by him In all which he did nothing as any Deputy or Surrogate of mine but as Diocesan of the Place As for the Yearly Account to the King according to his Royal Instructions in that behalf though it were pressed here again to multiply noise yet nothing being new I gave my Answer as before and to that I refer my self 3. The Third Answer was concerning Mr. Lee of Wolverhampton The Evidence was a Letter of my Secretary Mr. Dell written by my Command to my Visitors there to this Effect That whether there were Cause or no they should either punish Mr. Lee or bring him into the High-Commission Had the Words or the Sense been thus they might well say It was hard for the Judge before whom the Party was to Answer to write thus But I called to have the Letter read again and the Words were these If there were found against him that which might justly be Censured then they should punish c. And the Reason why this strict care was taken was because the Dean of Windsor his Ordinary complained unto me that Mr. Lee's Carriage was so Factious there that he could contain him in no Order If he were a Man after this approved at Shrewsbury as Mr Walker witnesses I hope the Proceedings at Wolverhampton did him good But my Lords had it so fallen out that my Secretary had forgotten my Instructions and himself too and expressed himself amiss shall that slip of his had it been such be imputed to me I believe your Lordships would not willingly answer for every Phrase of your Secretaries Letters which yet you command them to write 4. The last Instance was the Sentence in the High-Commission against Mr Barnard for Words about Pelagian Errors and Popery First if he were Sentenced in the High-Commission it was the Act of the Court and not mine as has been often said Secondly no Proof is offer'd that he was Sentenced for those Words only Thirdly the Recantation howsoever refused by him as Mr. Pryn says it was makes mention of four Points for which he was Censured of which these words are one But not the words themselves but his Unjust and Scandalous Application of them to me which deserved them not And lastly Dr Cumber Master of Trinity College in Cambridge was Prosecutor against him which Office so Grave and Worthy a Man would not I suppose have undertaken had there not been great and just Cause for it Hence they proceeded to the Sixth Additional Article which follows in these Words That whereas divers Gifts and Dispositions of divers Summs of Money were heretofore made by divers Charitable and well disposed Persons for the buying in of divers Impropriations for the Maintenance of Preaching the Word of God in several Churches the said Arch-Bishop about Eight Years last past wilfully and maliciously caused the said Gifts Feoffments and Conveyances made to the uses aforesaid to be overthrown in his Majesty's Court of Exchequer contrary to Law as things dangerous to the Church and State under the specious pretence of buying in Appropriations whereby that Pious Work was suppressed and trodden down to the great Dishonour of God and Scandal of Religion This Article is only about the Feoffments That which I did was this I was as then advised upon such Information as was given me clearly of Opinion that this was a cunning way under a Glorious pretence to overthrow the Church-Government by getting into their power more dependency of the Clergy than the King and all the Peers and all the Bishops in all the Kingdom had And I did conceive the Plot the more dangerous for the fairness of the pretence and that to the State as well as the Church Hereupon not maliciously as 't is charged in the Article but Conscientiously I resolved to suppress it if by Law it might be done Upon this I acquainted his Majesty with the thing and the danger which I conceived would in few Years spring out of it The King referred me to his Attorney and the Law Mr. Attorney Noye after some pause upon it proceeded in the Exchequer and there it was by Judicial Proceeding and Sentence overthrown If this Sentence were according to Law and Justice then there 's no fault at all committed If it were against Law the fault what e're it be was the Judges not mine for I solicited none of them And here I humbly desired that the Lords would at their leisure read over the Sentence given in the Exchequer which I then delivered in but by Reason of the length it was not then read Whether after it were I cannot tell I desired likewise that my Councel might be heard in this and all other points of Law 1. The First Witness was Mr. Kendall He says that speaking with me about Presteen I thanked God that I had overthrown this Feoffment 2. The Second Witness Mr. Miller says he heard me say They would have undone the Church but I have overthrown their Feoffment These two Witnesses prove no more than I confess For in the manner aforesaid I deny not but I did my best in a Legal way to overthrow it And if I did Thank God for it it was my Duty to do so the thing being in my Judgment so pernicious as it was 3. The Third Witness was Mr. White one of the Feoffees He says that coming as Councel in a Cause before me when that Business was done I fell bitterly on him as an underminer of the Church I remember well his coming to me as Councel about a Benefice And 't is very likely I spake my Conscience to him as freely as he did his to me but the Particulars I remember not nor do I remember his coming afterwards to me to Fulham nor his offer to change the Men or the Course so the thing might stand For to this I should have been as willing as he was and if I remember right there was order taken for this in the Decree of the Exchequer And his Majesty's Pleasure declared that no Penny so given should be turned to other use And I have been and shall ever be as ready to get in Impropriations by any Good and Legal way as any Man as may appear by my Labours about the Impropriations in Ireland But this way did not stand either with my Judgment or Conscience 1. First because little or nothing was given by them to the present Incumbent to whom the Tythes were due if to any that the Parishioners which payed them might have the more cheerful Instruction the better Hospitality and more full Relief for their Poor 2. Secondly because most of the Men they
put in were Persons disaffected to the Discipline if not the Doctrine too of the Church of England 3. Thirdly because no small part was given to School-Masters to Season Youth ab Ovo for their Party And to Young Students in the Universities to purchase them and their Judgments to their side against their coming abroad into the Church 4. Fourthly because all this Power to breed and maintain a Faction was in the Hands of Twelve Men who were they never so Honest and free from Thoughts of abusing this Power to fill the Church with Schism yet who should be Successors and what use should be made of this Power was out of Humane reach to know 5. Because this Power was assumed by and to themselves without any Legal Authority as Mr. Attorney assured me He farther said that the Impropriation of Presteen in Radnorshire was specially given to St Antolins in London I say the more the pity considering the poorness of that Country and the little Preaching that was among that poor People and the plenty which is in London Yet because it was so given there was care taken after the Decree that they of St Antolins had consideration and I think to the full He says that indeed they did not give any thing to the present Incumbents till Good Men came to be in their Places Scarce one Incumbent was better'd by them And what then In so many places not one Good Man found Not one Factious enough against the Church for Mr White to account him Good Yet he thinks I disposed these things afterwards to Vnworthy Men. Truly had they been at my disposal I should not wittingly have given them to Mr. White 's Worthies But his Majesty laid his Command upon his Attorney and nothing was done or to be done in these things but by his direction For Dr. Heylin if he spake any thing amiss concerning this Feoffment in any Sermon of his he is Living to Answer it me it concerns not Mr. Brown in the Summ of the Charge omitted not this And I Answer'd as before And in his Reply he turned again upon it that it must be a Crime in me because I projected to overthrow it But under favour this follows not For to project though the word Projector sound ill in England is no more than to forecast and forelay any Business Now as 't is lawful for me by all good and fit Means to project the Settlement of any thing that is good so is it as lawful by good and Legal means to project the overthrow of any thing that is cunningly or apparently Evil. And such did this Feoffment appear to my Understanding and doth still As for reducing of Impropriations to their proper use they may see if they please in my Diary whence they had this another Project to buy them into the Churches use For given they will not be But Mr. Pryn would shew nothing nor Mr. Nicolas see any thing but what they thought would make against me Here this day ended and I was Commanded to Attend again July 15. But was then put off to July 17. which day held CAP. XL. The Eighteenth Day of my Hearing THis day they charged upon me the Twelfth Original Article which follows in these words He hath Trayterously endeavoured to cause Division and Discord between the Church of England and other Reformed Churches and to that end hath Suppressed and Abrogated the Priviledges and Immunities which have been by his Majesty and his Royal Ancestors granted to the French and Dutch Churches in this Kingdom and divers other ways hath expressed his Malice and Disaffection to those Churches that so by such dis-union the Papists might have more advantage for the overthrow and extirpation of both The First Charge is That I deny them to be a Church For they say that I say plainly in my Book against Fisher that No Bishop no Church Now 't is well known they have no Bishops and therefore no Church The Passage in my Book is an Inference of 〈◊〉 Jerom's Opinion no Declaration of my own And if they or any other be agrieved at St. Jerom for writing so they may Answer him Mr. Nicolas added that this was seconded by Bishop Mountague's Book which Mr. Pryn carefully witnessed was found in my Study and Licensed by Dr. Braye Is this Argument come again that Bishop Mountague's Book was in my Study Leave it for shame But they have now left me never a Book in my Study so I cannot make them any fuller Answer without viewing the place than themselves help me to by their own Confession Which is that he adds this Exception that none but a Bishop can Ordain but in Casu Necessitatis which is the Opinion of many Learned and Moderate Divines Yet this is very considerable in the Business whether an inevitable Necessity be cast upon them or they pluck a kind of Necessity upon themselves The Second Charge is out of a Letter of mine to Bishop Hall upon a Letter which he had formerly sent me In which it seems is something about the Case of Necessity in point of Ordination which they say I disliked And it seems I disliked upon good ground For he had given me power under his Hand to alter what I would in that which he sent unto me I would not take that power but writ back to him what passages I thought might be better expressed if it could agree with his Judgment also Hereupon he sent me another Letter of Jan. 18. 1639. In which he altered those things which I put to his farther Consideration Could any thing be more fairly carried And this Letter was read to the Lords Yea but they say I disliked the giving of this Title Antichrist to the Pope No I did not simply dislike it but I advised Bishop Hall if he thought it good not to affirm it so positively And the Reason I gave was this That King James being pressed upon a great occasion that he had maintained that the Pope was Antichrist which might much trouble if not quite cross some Proceedings much desired by that Prudent King His Majesty made Answer I maintain it not as a point of Faith but as a probable Opinion And for which I have more grounds than the Pope hath for his Challenge of Temporal Power over Princes Let him recall this Opinion and I 'll recall that This I writ to the Bishop but left him free to do what he pleased Here Mr. Nicolas fell extream foul upon me in so much that I could not but wonder at their patience which heard him Among other Titles bestowed upon me many and gross he called me over and over again Pander to the Whore of Babylon I was much moved and humbly desired the Lords that if my Crimes were such as that I might not be used like an Arch-Bishop yet I might be used like a Christian And that were it not for the Duty which I owe to God and my
own Innocency I would desert my Defence before I would indure such Language in such an Honourable Presence Hereupon some Lords shewed their dislike and wished him to leave and pursue the Evidence Mr. Brown in summing up the Charge made this a great matter The denial of the Pope to be Antichrist But I did not deny it nor declare any Opinion of my own And many Protestants and those very Learned are of Opinion that he is not 'T is true I did not I cannot approve foul Language in Controversies Nor do I think that the calling of the Pope Antichrist did ever yet Convert an Understanding Papist And sure I am Gabriel Powel's Peremptoriness to say no worse in this Point did the Church of England no Good no Honour in Foreign parts For there he affirms That he is as certain that the Pope is Antichrist as that Jesus Christ is the Son of God and Redeemer of the World As for the thing it self I left it free to all Men to think as their Judgment guided them As appears by the Licensing of Dr. Featly's Sermons where he proves the Pope in his Opinion to be Antichrist Where he calls him also the Whore of Babylon Which surely I should never have suffer'd to be Printed had I been her Pander And for Bishop Hall I only told him what King James had said and left him to make what use he pleased of it The Third Charge was out of a Paper which Bishop Hall about the time when he wrote his Book in defence of Episcopacy sent unto me containing divers Propositions concerning Episcopal Government In which either he or I or both say for that Circumstance I remember not That Church-Government by Bishops is not alterable by Humane Law To this I answer'd that Bishops might be regulated and limited by Human Laws in those things which are but Incidents to their Calling But their Calling so far as it is Jure Divino by Divine Right cannot be taken away They charge farther that I say this is the Doctrine of the Church of England And so I think it is For Bishop Bilson set out a Book in the Queen's time Intituled The Perpetual Government And if the Government by Bishops be Perpetual as he there very Learnedly proves thorough the whole Book it will be hard for any Christian Nation to out it Nor is this his Judgment alone but of the whole Church of England For in the Preface to the Book of Ordination are these words From the Apostles time there have been three Orders of Ministers in the Church of Christ Bishops Priests and Deacons Where 't is evident that in the Judgment of the Church of England Episcopacy is a different not Degree only but Order from Priesthood and so hath been reputed from the Apostles times And this was then Read to the Lords And the Law of England is as full for it as the Church For the Statute in the eighth of the Queen absolutely confirms all and every part of this Book of Ordination Where also the Law calls it The high Estate of Prelacy And Calvin if my old Memory do not fail me upon those words of St. John As my Father sent me so send I you c. says thus upon that place Eandem illis imponit Personam ac idem Juris assignat And if our Saviour Christ put the same Person upon the Apostles and assigned to them the same Right which his Father gave him it will prove a sour work to throw their Successors the Bishops out of the Church after Sixteen Hundred Years continuance And in the mean time cry out against Innovation For either Christ gave this Power to his Apostles only and that will make the Gospel a Thing Temporary and confined to the Apostles Times Or else he gave the same Power though not with such Eminent Gifts to their Successors also to propagate the same Gospel to the end of the World as St. Paul tells us he did Ephes. 4. Now all the Primitive Church all along gives Bishops to be the Apostles Successors and then it would be well thought on what Right any Christian State hath be their Absolute Power what it will to turn Bishops out of that Right in the Church which Christ hath given them The Fourth Charge was an Alteration made in a Brief for a third Collection for the distressed Ministers and others in the Palatinat The Queen of Bohemia was pleased to do me the Honour to write to me about this and because two Collections had been before her Majesty desired that this third might be only in London and some few Shires about it I out of my desire to relieve those distressed Protestants and to express my Duty to the Queen became an humble Suitor to his Majesty that this Collection also might go thorough England as the rest had done And 't is acknowledged by all that this I did Now the Witnesses which Accuse me for some Circumstances in this business are two 1. The First is Mr. Wakerly He says that Mr. Ruly who was employed by the Queen of Bohemia about this Collection was roughly used by me upon occasion of this Clause put into the Brief and which he says I caused to be altered This first is a bold Oath for Mr. Wakerly was not present but Swears upon Hearsay Secondly what kindness I shewed him and the Business is mentioned before and if for this kindness he had been practising with Mr. Wakerly about the Brief as I had probable Reason to suspect I cannot much be blamed if I altered my Countenance towards him and my Speech too which yet these Witnesses for the other agrees in this have no Reason to call rough Carriage only upon Mr. Ruly's unthankful Report He says That these words the Antichristian Yoak were 〈◊〉 out First this is more than I remember and the Briefs I had not to compare nor is there any necessity that two Briefs coming for the same thing with some Years distance between should agree in every Phrase or Circumstance Secondly if I did except against this passage it was partly because of the fore-recited Judgment of King James of which I thought his Son King Charles ought to be tender And partly because it could move nothing but Scorn in the common Adversary that we should offer to determine such a Controversie by a Broad Seal I remember well since I had the Honour to sit in this House the naming of Tithes to be due Jure Divino cast out the Bill A Prudent Lord asking the Peers whether they meant to determine that question by an Act of Parliament The other part of the Clause which they say was altered was the Religion which we with them profess Whence they infer because with them was left out that I would not acknowledge them of the same Religion which follows not For we may be and are of the same Religion and yet agree not with them in those Opinions in
I produced Mr. Dobson an ancient Servant to my Predecessors who witnessed that Arch-Bishop Bancroft had store of them and kept them all his Time Nor do I know how this Charge can fall upon me For there is no one Word in any of the Letters produced that Reflects upon me or any Plot of mine Nor indeed had I ever any such to Reflect upon The Fourth Charge is That I had a Hand in the Plot for sending the King when he was Prince into Spain to be perverted in his Religion They follow their Proof of this out of my Diary And they begin with my Friendship with the Lord Duke of Buckingham who waited on the Prince in this Journey And first they urged my Diary at June 9. 1622. where I mention that there were then Particulars which are not for Paper But the Words which lead these in were his entrance upon a near Respect to me the particular Expressions whereof were not for Paper Nor Word nor Thought of either Plot or Popery Then they urged June 15. 1622. where 't is said that I became C. that is Confessor to the Lord Duke First if my Lord Duke would Honour me so much as to make me his Confessor as I know no Sin in it so is it abundantly Proof that the Passages before mentioned were not for Paper Should I venture them so there 's never a Person of Honour present but would think me most unworthy of that Trust. Next they pressed June 13. 1623. where I confess that I received Letters from my Lord Duke out of Spain I did so and I then held it great Honour to me and do so still But then and long before it was known to all Men whither he was gone and with whom Nay it was commonly known to all Men of Quality hereabout within three or four Days And till it was so commonly known I knew it not Yea but then they inforced out of Feb. 17. 1622 3. That the Prince and the Marquess of Buckingham set forward very Secretly for Spain And Feb. 21. that I writ to his Lordship into Spain 'T is true they went away that Day and very secretly but I neither did nor could set it down till afterwards that I came to know it And then so soon as I came to know it which was about the 21th I did write To these was Cunningly how Honestly let all the World Judge pieced a Passage out of a Letter of mine to Bishop Hall But that Letter was read at my humble motion to the Lords and the Date of it was in 1634. So many Years after this Business of Spain And the Passage mentioned was only about King James his manner of defending the Pope to be Antichrist and how he salved it while the Prince was in Spain But King James related it after Nor could any Words of that Letter be drawn to the King 's going thither much less to any knowledge I had of it The Fifth Charge was concerning his Majesty's Match with France And here again they urge my Diary at Mar. 11. 1625. That the Duke of Buckingham was then and there employed And at May 19. and 29. that I then writ Letters to him First my Lords I hold it my great Honour that my Lord Duke would write to me and give me leave to write to him Secondly I have committed some Error in these Letters or none If none why are they Charged If any why are they not produced that I may see what it is and answer it The Sixth Charge was That I was an Instrument of the Queens This they endeavoured to prove by my Diary in Three Places First at Aug. 30. 1634. Vpon occasion of some Service done she was graciously pleased to give me leave to have immediate Access unto her when I had Occasion This is true and I most humbly Thanked her Majesty for it For I very well knew what belonged to Addresses at Second Hand in Court But what Crime is in this that the Queen was pleased to give me Access unto her when I had Occasion Here 's no Word of Religion Secondly at May 18. 1635. Where 't is said that I gave her Majesty an account of some thing committed to me If her Majesty sent or spake to me to do any thing as it seems she did shall I want so much Duty as to give her an Account of it So belike I must be unmannerly with her Majesty or lye open to no less than a Charge of high Treason Thirdly at April 3. 1639. 'T is made a great matter that I should then dispatch a great business for the Queen which I understood she would not move for her self And that for this her Majesty gave me great Thanks Mr. Nicolas his Inference upon this was that they conceive wherefore But his Conceit makes no Evidence He must not only conceive but prove wherefore before it can work any thing against me As for Religion as there is no Word of it in my Diary so neither was it at this time thought on Her Majesty would therein have moved for her self But it seems it must be a Crime if I be but Civil and Dutiful towards the Queen though it be but thrice mentioned in so many Years The Seventh Charge was that I forbad Ministers Praying for the Queens Conversion and punished others The First Witness Mr. Ratcliff says that Sir Nath. Brent gave it in Charge at Bow Church in my Visitation The more to blame he if so he did Yea but he says it was by my Command delivered unto him by Sir John Lambe Was it so How doth Mr. Ratcliff know that He doth not express He was not present when I spake with Sir John Lambe And if Sir Nath. Brent told him of it 't is but Hearsay And Sir Nath. having been so ready a Witness against me why is he not examined to this Particular And as for the Paper which was shewed it appears plainly there that it was no Paper of Instructions sent to my Visitors by me but of particular Informations to me Of which one was that the Queen was prayed for in a very Factious and Scandalous Way And this appeared when that Paper was read And this I referred to my Visitors as I not only might but ought Not forbidding the Prayers but the Scandalous manner of them The Second Witness was Mr. Pryn. Who says That one Mr. Jones was punished for praying for the Queen He was punished in the High-Commission for scandalous Abusing the Queen under a Form of Praying for her and for divers other Articles that were against him And this Answer I gave to Mr. Brown who forgot not this in summing up my Charge The Eighth Charge was That I punished Men for Praying to preserve the Prince No God forbid The High-Commission Book was shewed and that there in the Year 1634. one Mr. Howe was Censured for it I got this Act of the High-Commission to be read to the Lords His Prayer went
They produced a Letter written to me from Venice by one Mr Middleton Chaplain there to the Right Honourable the now Earl of Denbigh his Majesty's Ambassadour Therein he writes That S Clara was Homo nequissimus and that one Monsieur S Giles was the Author of that Book That Clara and S Giles were the same Person is but Mr Middleton's Opinion Such News as he there heard some true some false he thought fit to write unto me And he being absent here 's no Proof upon Oath that they are one and the same Person And I hope a young Man's Letter from Venice or any other place signifying only such things as he hears shall not stand for good Evidence in a Case of Life And he was mainly deceived in this Particular as appears First Because what Clara is I know not But Monsieur S. Giles is a great Scholar and a Sober Man and one that gave the late L. Brooke so good Content that he allow'd him One Hundred Pound a Year during his Life Secondly Because 't is commonly known that Clara is an English man and S. Giles a French man born and bred Thirdly Because their own Article upon which they bring this Charge acknowledges them two distinct Persons Fourthly Because both Mr. Pryn and Mr. Nicolas had Monsieur S. Giles before them in Examination and could not but know him to be a French man As appears by a Warrant given to him by Mr. Pryn to secure him after his Examination Which Warrant follows in these words These are to Certifie those whom it may concern That the Committee of the House of Commons appointed to prosecute the Archbishop of Canterbury have examined and received Satisfaction from Monsieur S. Giles a Domestick Servant to the Resident of Venice and therefore he is no farther to be examined or molested concerning the same This License came to my Hands since my Answering was past so I could not then shew it Monsieur S Giles was never the Man that gave me notice of any of this not so much as that he had been Examined But my Secretary Mr Dell came to hear of it by chance and went to him and had this Copy with some labour from him and will make Oath it is a true Copy This is not the thankfullest part at ever S. Giles played considering my Carriage towards him 4. Then they charged upon Monsieur S. Giles directly That I knew him to be a Priest and yet maintained him at Oxford The Case was this Mr S Giles was in good Place about the Queen's Majesty at her first coming Here he did so good Services to this State that he lost himself in France and durst not go thither when the French were sent away All this while the Man was unknown to me till his Majesty one day at St. James's told me this and that he was a Priest and that it lay upon him in Honour to allow him some Maintenance and prescribed me a way how to order it that he might receive One Hundred Marks a Year as from him And gave me Charge if the Pension were at any time behind I should acquaint him with it After this Mr. S Giles by his Friends Petition'd his Majesty that being a Stranger he might live in Oxford to have the use of the Library there being resolved to meddle no more with the Controversies of the Time but to apply himself to Metaphysical Learning His Majesty was desirous to have him plac'd in some College to save Charges But this I most humbly deprecated because it might be dangerous to the Youth there and scandalous to his Majesty the Church and the University and dangerous to my self being Chancellor To the rest I submitted So he was left to place himself in some Town-House as he could And for this his Majesty gave me his Warrant which Mr. Pryn in his Search took from me But here follows the true Copy of it Charles Rex CAnterbury Mr S Giles by serving us and this State hath lost all his hopes in France and desires to spend his time here at his private Studies I would have you think upon some way for his Maintenance and to place him in Oxford that he may have use of that Library which he much desires And you may so order it that his Profession in Religion may do no harm And according to this direction of his Majesty I did take Order but with assurance from himself and with Spies upon him there beside the special care of the Vice-Chancellor that he should not Converse with young Students nor Exercise his Priestly Office nor do any thing against the Laws Nor did I ever hear that he failed in any of these Assumptions 5. Then they produced one Mr. Broad who testified that while S Giles lived at Oxford some Doctors came to him Doctors were able to deal well enough with him but all resort of young Scholars was forbidden He says farther that Mr S Giles should say that the Bishops of England were Cordially of his Religion but that he feared their Rigidness would spoil all First this is but a Report of his Speech Secondly why was not S Giles at his Examination asked whether he said it or no And if he did what ground he had for it At the most 't was but his Opinion of the Bishops who were never the more Cordial to Popery for his thinking so And Thirdly I doubt it appears by this time that all is overthrown or near it not by the Rigidness but by the over-remisness of some Bishops who never would believe any danger could come from the Godly as they were called 6. Lastly What 's the Reason of this great Endeavour upon nothing but News in a Letter to make S Clara and Mr. S Giles to be one and the same Man Doubtless nothing but an Hydropical Thirst after my Blood For resort of Priests to Lambeth was usual in both my last Predecessors Times Bancroft's and Abbot's And some lay in the House and had Relief This was proved to the Lords by two Ancient Servants of that House Neither of which have been done in my Time Arch-Bishop Abbot made a Warrant this Warrant was shewed to secure Mr. Preston an English Priest upon a Command of King James Why may not I a French one by the Warrant of King Charles King James justified Bishop Bancroft for doing this when he was Bishop of London and no Privy Counsellor And may not I do it being Arch-Bishop and Privy Counsellor with as much Privity of the King and the State as he did But to let these pass why should I say here was a Thirst for Blood I 'll tell you why The Statute of 27 Eliz. makes it Felony without Benefit of Clergy to Maintain or Relieve any Romish Priest Born in England or any other of her Majesty's Dominions knowing him to be such Now they had laid their Article that I had given Maintenance to one Mounsieur S. Giles a Popish Priest
was nothing done against Law any Friend may privately assist another in his Difficulties And I am perswaded many Friends in either House do what they justly may when such sad Occasions happen And this Answer I gave to Mr. Brown when he Summed up my Charge in the House of Commons But Mr. Brown did not begin with this but with another here omitted by Mr. Nicolas though he had pressed it before in the Fifteenth day of my Hearing Dr. Potter writ unto me for my advice in some Passages of a Book writ by him as I remember against a Book Intituled Charity mistaken I did not think it fit to amend any thing with my own Pen but put some few things back to his Second Thoughts of which this was one That if he express himself so he will give as much Power to the Parliament in Matters of Doctrine as to the Church This Mr. Brown said took away all Authority from Parliaments in that kind But under Favour this takes away nor all nor any that is due unto them Not all for my Words are about giving so much Power Now he that would not have so much given to the one as the other doth not take away all from either Not any that is due to them For my Words not medling simply with Parliamentary Power as appears by the Comparative Words so much my Intention must needs be to have Dr. Potter so to consider of his Words as that that which is proper to the Church might not be ascribed to Parliaments And this I conceive is plain in the very Letter of the Law The Words of the Statute are Or such as shall hereafter be Ordered Judged or determined to be Heresy by the High Court of Parliament in this Realm with the Assent of the Clergy in their Convocation Where 't is manifest that the Judging and Determining Part for the Truth or Falshood of the Doctrin is in the Church For the Assent of the Church or Clergy cannot be given but in Convocation and so the Law requires it Now Assent in Convocation cannot be given but there must preceed a Debate a Judging a Voting and a Determining Therefore the Determining Power for the Truth or Falshood of the Doctrine Heresie or no Heresie is in the Church But the Judging and determining Power for binding to Obedience and for Punishment is in the Parliament with this Assent of the Clergy Therefore I humbly conceive the Parliament cannot by Law that is till this Law be first altered Determine the Truth of Doctrine without this Assent of the Church in Convocation And that such a Synod and Convocation as is Chosen and Assembled as the Laws and Customs of this Realm require To this Mr. Brown in his Reply upon me in the House of Commons said Two Things The one that this Branch of the Statute of one Eliz. was for Heresie only and the Adjudging of that but medled not with the Parliaments Power in other matters of Religion If it be for Heresie only that the Church alone shall not so Determine Heresie as to bring those grievous Punishments which the Law lays upon it upon the Neck of any Subject without Determination in Parliament then is the Church in Convocation left free also in other matters of Religion according to the First Clause in Magna Charta which establishes the Church in all her Rights And her main and constant Right when that Charter was made and confirmed was Power of Determining in matters of Doctrine and Discipline of the Church And this Right of the Clergy is not bounded or limited by any Law but this Clause of 1. Eliz. that ever I heard of The other was that if this were so that the Parliament might not meddle with Religion but with the Assent of the Clergy in Convocation we should have had no Reformation For the Bishops and the Clergy dissented First it is not as I conceive to be denyed that the King and his High Court of Parliament may make any Law what they please and by their Absolute Power may change Religion Christianity into Turcism if they please which God forbid And the Subjects whose Consciences cannot obey must flye or indure the Penalty of the Law But both King and Parliament are sub graviori Regno and must Answer God for all such abuse of Power But beside this Absolute there is a Limited Power Limited I say by Natural Justice and Equity by which no Man no Court can do more than what he can by Right And according to this Power the Church's Interest must be considered and that indifferently as well as the Parliaments To apply this to the Particular of the Reformation The Parliament in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth would not indure Popish Superstition and by Absolute Power Abolished it without any Assent of the Clergy in Convocation And then in her first Year An. 1559. She had a Visitation and set out her Injunctions to direct and order such of the Clergy as could conform their Judgments to the Reformation But then so soon as the Clergy was settled and that a Form of Doctrine was to be agreed upon to shew the difference from the Roman Superstition a Synod was called and in the Year 1562. the Articles of Religion were agreed upon and they were determined and confirmed by Parliament with the Assent of the Clergy in Convocation and that by a just and orderly Power Nor is the Absolute Power of King and Parliament any way unjust in it self but may many ways be made such by Misinformation or otherwise And this gives the King and the Parliament their full Power and yet preserves this Church in her just Right Just and acknowledged by some that loved her not over well For the Lord Brook tells us That what a Church will take for true Doctrine lies only in that Church Nay the very Heathen saw clearly the Justice of this For M. Lucullus was able to say in Tully That the Priests were Judges of Religion and the Senate of Law The Second Proof is That I made two Speeches for the King to be spoken or sent to the Parliament that then was and that they had some sour and ill Passages in them These Speeches were read to the Lords and had I now the Copies I would insert them here and make the World Judge of them First I might shuffle here and deny the making of them For no Proof is offer'd but that they are in my Hand and that is no necessary Proof For I had then many Papers by me written in my own Hand which were not my making though I transcribed them as not thinking it fit to trust them in other Hands But Secondly I did make them and I followed the Instructions which were given me as close as I could to the very Phrases and being commanded to the Service I hope it shall not now be made my Crime that I was trusted by my Soveraign Thirdly As I did never
all the Proof they brought for it is that it is written upon the Paper that there was an Intention to Print it but that I know not what hinder'd it But this Argument can never conclude John a Nokes knows not who hindred the Printing of a Jewish Catechism in England therefore he was displeased the Catechism was not Printed But I see every Foot can help trample him that is down Yea but they Instanced in three Particulars which they charged severally upon me The first Particular was That by this Remonstrance they sought to fill our Peoples Hearts more than our Ears A second was that they swelled to that bigness till they brake themselves But neither of these strike at any Right or Priviledge of Parliaments they only Tax some Abuses which were conceived to be in the Miscarriage of that one Parliament And both these Particulars were in my Instructions And though I have ever Honoured Parliaments and ever shall yet I cannot think them Infallible General Councils have greater Promises than they yet they may Err. And when a Parliament by what ill Accident so-ever comes to Err may not their King tell them of it Or must every Passage in his Answer be sour that pleases not And for that Remonstrance whither it tended let the World judge the Office is too dangerous for me The third Particular was the Excusing of Ireland and the growth of Popery there of which that Remonstrance An. 1628. complained This was in the Instructions too And I had Reason to think the King and his Council understood the State of Ireland for Religion and other Affairs as well as other Men. And I was the more easily led into the belief that Religion was much at one State in Ireland in Queen Elizabeth's and King James his time and now because ever since I understood any thing of those Irish Affairs I still heard the same Complaints that were now made For in all these times they had their Romish Hierarchy Submitted to their Government Payed them Tythes Came not to the Protestant Churches And Rebelled under Tyrone under pretence of Religion And I do not conceive they have gone beyond this now If they have let them Answer it who have occasioned it But to prove this great new growth of Popery there they produced first a Proclamation from the State in Ireland dated April 1. 1629. Then a Letter of the Bishop of Kilmore's to my self dated April 1. 1630. Thirdly a Complaint made to the State there An. 1633. of this growth so that I could not but know it Most true when these Informations came I could not but know it But look upon their Date and you shall find that all of them came after this Answer was made to the Remonstrance and therefore could not possibly be foreseen by me without the Gift of Prophesie Then they produced a Letter of the Earl of Straffords in which he Communicated to me Mar. 1633. that to mould the Lower House there and to rule them the better he had got them to be chosen of an equal number of Protestants and Papists And here Mr. Maynard who pressed this point of Religion hard upon me began to fall foul upon this Policy of the Earl of Strafford and himself yet brake off with this But he is gone Then he fell upon me as a Man likely to approve those ways because he desired the Letter might be communicated to me This Letter was not written to me as appears by the Charge it self For if it had no Man else needed to communicate it to me And I would fain know how I could help any of this If that Lord would write any thing to me himself or communicate any thing to another that should acquaint me with it was it in my power to hinder either of these And there were other Passages in this Letter for which I conceive his Lordship desired the Communication of that Letter to me much more than the Particular urged which could no way relate unto me And Mr. Brown in his Summ said very little if any thing to this Business of Ireland After this Mr. Nicolas who would have nothing forgotten that might help to multiply Clamour against me fell upon five Particulars which he did but name and left the Lords to their Notes Four of these Five were handled before As First the words If the Parliament prove peevish Secondly that the King might use his own Power Thirdly the violation of the Petition of Right Fourthly the Canons Fifthly that I set Spyes about the Election of Parliament-Men in Glocester-shire and for this last they produced a Letter of one Allibon to Dr. Heylin To the four first I referred the Lords to their Notes of my Answers as they did To this last that Mr. Allibon is a meer Stranger to me I know not the Man And 't is not likely I should employ a Stranger in such a Business The Letter was sent to Dr. Heylin and if there were any discovery in it of Juglings there in those Elections as too often there are and if Dr. Heylin sent me those Letters as desirous I should see what Practices are abroad what fault is there in him or me for this Then Mr. Nicolas would not omit that which he thought might disgrace and discontent me though it could no way be drawn to be any Accusation 'T was out of my Diary at Oct 27. 1640. this Parliament being then ready to begin The Passage there is That going into my upper Study to send away some Manuscripts to Oxford I found my Picture which hung there privately fallen down upon the Face and lying on the Floor I am almost every day threatned with my Ruin God grant this be no Omen of it The Accident is true and having so many Libels causelesly thrown out against me and hearing so many ways as I did that my Ruin was Plotted I had Reason to apprehend it But I apprehended it without Passion and with looking up to God that it might not be Ominous to me What is this Man Angry at Or why is this produced But though I cannot tell why this was produced yet the next was urged only to Incense your Lordships against me 'T is in my Diary again at Feb. 11. 1640. Where Mr. Nicolas says confidently I did Abuse your Lordships and Accuse you of Injustice My Lords what I said in my Diary appears not if it did appear whole and altogether I doubt not but it alone would abundantly satisfie your Lordships But that Passage is more than half burnt out as is to be seen whether of purpose by Mr. Pryn or casually I cannot tell yet the Passage as confidently made up and read to your Lordships as if nothing were wanting For the thing it self the close of my words is this So I see what Justice I may expect since here 's a Resolution taken not only before my Answer but before my Charge is brought up against me Which Words can
Book of Assize Killing the King's Messenger was Treason And in the Parliament Roll 21 Ed. 3. Numero 15. accroaching the Royal Power wherein every Excess was subject to a Construction of Treason was Treason for which divers having suffered the Commons in Parliament finding how mischievous and destructive it was to the Subject Petitioned it might be bounded and declared And this not to give any Liberty but to give Bounds to it one while it being construed an Accroachment of Royal Power as in the Case of the Earl of Lancaster temp Ed. 2. for being over Popular with the People and in the same King's Reign to Spencer for being over Gracious with the King The sense of these and other Mischiefs by the uncertainty of Treason brought on this Law of 25 Ed. 3. and the benefit of it to the Subject says Sir Ed. Coke upon his Collections of the Pleas of the Crown begot that Parliament the Name of Parliamentum Benedictum and that except Magna Charta no other Act of Parliament had more Honour given it by the King Lords and Commons And this Law hath been in all Times the Rule to Judge Treasons by even in Parliament and therefore in the Parliament Roll 1 H. 4. Num. 144. the Tryal and Judgment in Cases of Impeachment of Treason is prayed by the Commons might be according to the Ancient Laws and in the Parliament Roll 5 H. 4. Num. 12. in the Case of the then Earl of Northumberland this Statute of 25 Ed. 3. was the Guide and Rule by which the Lords Judged in a Case endeavoured to have been extended to be a Treason the same to be no Treason And it is as we conceive very observable That if at any time the Necessity or Excess of the Times produced any particular Laws in Parliament for making of Treasons not contained in that Law of 25 Ed. 3. yet they returned and fixed in that Law Witness the Statute of 1 H. 4. Cap. 10. whereby all those Facts which were made Treasons mean between in the divided time of R. 2. were reduced to this of Ed. 3. In the time of H. 8. wherein several Offences were Enacted to be Treasons not contained in the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. the same were all swept away by the Statute of 1. Ed. 6. Cap. 12. And again wherein the time of Ed. 6. several Treasons were Enacted they were all Repealed and by Act made 1 Mariae 1. none other Offence left to be Treason than what was contained and declared by the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. And from 1 H. 4. to Queen Mary and from thence downward we find not any Judgment hath been given in Parliament for any Treason not declared and contained in that Law but by Bill Thus in succession of all Times this Statute of 25 Ed. 3. in the Wisdom of former Parliaments hath stood and been the constant fixed Rule for all Judgments in Cases of Treason We shall now observe what Offences are in and by that Law declared to be Treasons whereby your Lordships will Examine whether you find any of them in the Charge of these Articles For which purpose we shall desire this Statute of 25. Ed. 3. be Read The Treasons by that Act declared are 1. Compassing and Imagining the Death of the King Queen or Prince and declaring the same by some Overt Act. 2. Murdering the Chancellor Treasurer c. 3. Violating the Queen the King 's Eldest Daughter or the Prince's Wife 4. Levying War against the King 5. Or Adhering to the King's Enemies within the Realm or without and declaring the same by some Overt Act. 6. Counterfeiting the Seals and Coin 7. Bringing in Counterfeit Coin Next we shall lay for a ground that this Act ought not be Construed by Equity or Inference 1. For that it is a declarative Law and no Declaration ought to be upon a Declaration 2. It was a Law provided to secure the Subject for his Life Liberty and Estate and to admit Constructions and Inferences upon it were to destroy the Security provided for by it 3. It hath been the constant Opinion in all Times both in Parliament and upon Judicial Debates that this Act must be literally construed and not by Inference or Illation Nor would it be admitted in a Particular declared by this Law to be Treason which a Man would have thought might have been consistent with it Counterfeiting the Coin of the Kingdom is by this Law declared Treason Washing Filing and Clipping the Coin is an abuse an abasing and not making it Currant Yet in 3 H. 5. when the Question was in Parliament whether that Offence was Treason within the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. It is declared by a special Act then made 3 H. 5. cap. 6. That forasmuch as before that time great doubt and ambiguity had been whether those Offences ought to be adjudged Treason or not in as much as mention is not thereof made in the Declaration of the Articles of Treason by that Statute of 25 Ed. 3. the same was by that particular Act made Treason which before was none and counterfeiting of Foreign Coin made Currant here an equal mischief with counterfeiting of the Coin of this Realm yet because the words of the Statute are his Mony this not Treason until the Act of 1 Mariae cap. 6. made it so And Sir Ed. Coke in his Book before mentioned saith a compassing to Levy War is not a Treason within that Law unless it proceed into Act but only to Compass the Death of the King Yet if a Constructive Treason should be admitted it might happily without any great straining be inferred that compassing to Levy War is in some sort a compassing of the King's Death and of this Kind many more Instances may be given So that the result of all this is that whatsoever is not declared to be a Treason within the Letter of this Law may not be adjudged a Treason by Inference Construction or otherwise Having done with this First we now shall come to our Second Question Whether any the Matters in all or any the Articles Charged contain any the Treasons declared by that Law or Enacted by any subsequent Law wherein although the Charges may appear to be Great and Enormous Crimes yet we shall endeavour and hope to satisfie your Lordships the same nor any of them are Treasons by any established Law of the Kingdom For clearing whereof we shall pursue the Order first proposed First that an Endeavour to subvert Fundamental Laws is not Treason by any Law in this Kingdom Established and particular Act to make it Treason there is none so as we must then return to apply those former general Observations of that Act of 25. Ed. 3. to this Particular and shall add for Reasons 1. That it is not comprized within any the Words of that Law nor may by any Construction or Inference be brought
entred into for his Appearance should be delivered up unto him Lastly that the said R. C. should for such his Mis-information and Abuse stand committed Prisoner to the Fleet. XVIII A Passage out of a Sermon Preached by Dr. Heylin at Oxford 1630. against the Feoffment for buying in Impropriations referred to in the preceding History Life of Arch-Bishop Laud pag. 199. Planting also many Pensionary Lecturers in so many places where it need not and upon days of common Labour will at the best bringing forth of Fruit appear to be a Tare indeed though now no Wheat be counted Tares c. We proceed a little on further in the proposal of some things to be considered The Corporation of Feoffees for buying in of Impropriations to the Church doth it not seem in the appearance to be an excellent piece of Wheat A Noble and Gracious point of Piety Is not this Templum Domini Templum Domini But blessed God that Men should thus draw near unto thee with their Mouths and yet be far from thee in their Hearts For what are those intrusted in the managing of this great Business Are they not the most of them the most Active and the best Affected Men in the whole Cause and Magna Partium Momenta chief Patrons of the Faction And what are those whom they prefer Are they not most of them such as must be serviceable to their dangerous Innovations And will they not in time have more Preferments to bestow and therefore more Dependencies than all the Prelates in the Kingdom c. yet all this while we sleep and slumber and fold our Hands in Sloth and see perhaps but dare not note it XIX A Passage out of the Statute of the 27th of Elizabeth against Jesuits and Seminary Priests referred to in the preceding History 27 Eliz. cap. 2. sect 3. And be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid that it shall not be Lawful to or for any Jesuit Seminary Priest or other such Priest Deacon or Religious Ecclesiastical Person whatsoever being born within this Realm or any other Her Highness Dominions and heretofore since the said Feast of the Nativity of St. John Baptist in the First Year of Her Majesty's Reign made ordained or professed or hereafter to be made ordained or professed by any Authority or Jurisdiction derived challenged or pretended from the See of Rome by or of what Name Title or Degree so-ever the same shall be called or known to come into be or remain in any part of this Realm or any other Her Highness Dominions after the end of the same forty days other than in such special Cases and upon such special Occasions only and for such time only as is expressed in this Act and if he do then every such Offence shall be taken and adjudged to be High Treason and every Person so offending shall for his Offence be adjudged a Traytor and shall suffer lose and forfeit as in Case of High Treason And every Person which after the end of the same forty days and after such time of departure as is before limited and appointed shall wittingly and willingly receive relieve comfort aid or maintain any such Jesuit Seminary Priest or other Priest Deacon or Religious or Ecclesiastical Person as is aforesaid being at Liberty or out of hold knowing him to be a Jesuit Seminary Priest or other such Priest Deacon or Religious or Ecclesiastical Person as is aforesaid shall also for such Offence be adjudged a Felon without Benefit of Clergy and suffer Death lose and forfeit as in Case of one Attainted of Felony XX. A Passage out of Sir Edward Coke's Institutes being his Judgment upon the said Statute referred to in the preceding History Lib. 3. cap. 37. The Cause of making this Statute of 27 Eliz. against Jesuits and Seminary Priests and their Receivers you may read at large lib. 5. fol. 38 39. in the Case De Jure Regis Ecclesiastico Sir Edward Coke's Words in the place referred to by himself are here subjoined And albeit many of Her Subjects after the said Bull of Pius Quintus adhering to the Pope did renounce their former Obedience to the Queen in respect of that Bull yet all this time no Law was either made or attempted against them for their Recusancy c. Then Jesuits and Romish Priests were sent over who in secret Corners whispered and infused into the Hearts of many of the Unlearned Subjects of this Realm that the Pope had Power to Excommunicate and Depose Kings and Princes that he had Excommunicated the late Queen Deprived Her of Her Kingdom and discharged all Her Subjects of their Oaths Duties and Allegiance to Her And thereupon Campian Sherwin and many other Romish Priests were Apprehended c. But all this time there was no Act of Parliament made either against Recusants or Jesuits or Priests c. But after these Jesuits and Romish Priests coming daily into and swarming within this Realm instilling still this Poison into the Subjects Hearts that by Reason of the said Bull of Pius Quintus Her Majesty was Excommunicated Deprived of Her Kingdom c. In the 27th Year of her Reign by Authority of Parliament Her Majesty made it Treason for any Jesuit or Romish Priest being Her Natural Born Subject and made a Romish Priest or Jesuit since the beginning of Her Reign to come into any of her Dominions Intending thereby to keep them out of the same to the end that they should not infect any other Subjects with such Treasonable and Damnable Persuasions and Practices as are aforesaid Which without Controversie were High Treason by the Ancient and Common Laws of England Neither would ever Magnanimous King of England sithence the first Establishment of this Monarchy have suffered any especially being his own Natural Born Subjects to live that persuaded his Subjects that he was no Lawful King and practised with them to withdraw them from their Allegiance c. XXI A Passage out of Bishop Montague's Origines 〈◊〉 referred to in the preceding History Tom. 1. par 2. pag. 464. Sanctè credimus accuratè tuemur defendimus hoc ipsum Officium munus in Ecclesiâ sive Apostolicum seu 〈◊〉 adeò esse de necessitate salutis ordinariâ ut sine altero alterum esse nequeat Non est Sacerdotium nisi in Ecclesiâ non est Ecclesia sine Sacerdotio Illud autem intelligo per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Episcopalem Ordinariam Neque enim admittendam censemus extraordinariam aliquam seu Vocationem seu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nisi miraculosam Oportet omnino miraculis agant suam confirment functionem signo aliquo qui non ab Episcopis derivata ab Apostolis per Successionem Institutione in Ecclesiam inducuntur sed vel orti à sese vel nescio unde intrusi sese ingerunt Nam quod praetendunt ordinariam Vocationem retinendam adhibendam eique adhaerescendum nisi in casu 〈◊〉 absurdum est suppositioni innititur
in their Cause and medled in decernendo in determining and that before-hand what the Prelats should do and sometimes in Commanding the Orthodox Prelats to Communicate with the Arrians This they refused to do as being against the Canons of the Council of Nice And then his Answer was Yea but that which I will shall go for Canon But then we must know withal that Athanasius reckn'd him for this as that Antichrist which Daniel Prophesied of Hosius also the Famous Confessor of those Times condemned in him that kind of medling in and with Religion And so doth St. Hilary of Poictiers Valentinian also the Younger took upon him to judge of Religion at the like presuasion of Auxentius the Arrian but he likewise was sharply reproved for it by St. Ambrose In like manner Maximus the Tyrant took upon him to judge in Matters of Religion as in the Case of Priscillian and his Associates But this also was checkt by St. Martin Bishop of Tours Where it is again to be observed that though these Emperours were too busie in venturing upon the determination of Points of Faith yet no one of them went so far as to take Power from the Synods and give it to the Senate And the Orthodox and Understanding Emperours did neither the one nor the other For Valentinian the Elder left this great Church-work to be done by Church-Men And though the Power to call Councils was in the Emperour And though the Emperours were sometimes personally present in the Councils and sometimes by their Deputies both to see Order kept and to inform themselves yet the decisive Voices were in the Clergy only And this will plainly appear in the Instructions given by the Emperor Theodosius to Condidianus whom he sent to supply his place in the Council of Ephesus which were That he should not meddle with Matters of Faith if any came to be debated And gives this Reason for it Because it is unlawful for any but Bishops to mingle himself with them in those Consultations And Basilius the Emperour long after this in the Eighth General Council held at Constantinople 〈◊〉 870. affirms it of the Laity in general That it is no way lawful for them to meddle with these things But that it is proper for the Patriarchs Bishops and Priests which have the Office of Government in the Church to enquire into these Things And more of this Argument might easily be added were that needful or I among my Books and my Thoughts at liberty And yet this crosses not the Supremacy which the King of England hath in Causes Ecclesiastical as it is acknowledged both by the Church and Law For that reaches not to the giving of him Power to determine Points of Faith either in Parliament or out or to the acknowledgment of any such Power residing in him or to give him Power to make Liturgies and publick Forms of Prayer or to Preach or Administer Sacraments or to do any thing which is meerly Spiritual But in all things which are of a mixed Cognizance such as are all those which are properly called Ecclesiastical and belong to the Bishops External Jurisdiction the Supremacy there and in all things of like Nature is the Kings And if at any time the Emperour or his Deputy sit Judge in a Point of Faith it is not because he hath any right to judge it or that the Church hath not Right but meerly in case of Contumacy where the Heretick is wilful and will not submit to the Church's Power And this the Hereticks sometimes did and then the Bishops were forced to Appeal thither also but not for any Resolution in the point of Faith but for Aid and Assistance to the just Power of the Church I cannot but remember a very Prudent Speech utter'd in the beginning of the late preceding Parliament and by that Lord who now made this The occasion was A Lord offer'd to deliver a Message from the King before he was formally brought into the House and his Patent shew'd This Lord who thinks Church-Ceremonies may so easily be alter'd stood up and said He would not be against the delivery of the Message he knew not how urgent it might be but desired withal that it might be enter'd that this was yielded unto by Special leave of the House For that saith he though this be but a Ceremony yet the Honour and Safety of the Priviledges of this Great House is preserved by nothing more than by keeping the Ancient Rights and Ceremonies thereof intire And this I think was very wisely spoken and with great Judgment And could my Lord see this in the Parliament and can he not see it in the Church Are Ancient Ceremonies the chief Props of Parliamentary Rights and have they no use in Religion to keep up her Dignity yea perhaps and Truth too The House of Parliament is I confess a Great and Honourable House But the whole Church of Christ is greater And it will not well beseem a Parliament to maintain their own Ceremonies and to kick down the Ceremonies of the National Church which under God made all their Members Christians Most sure I am they cannot do it without ossence both to State and Church and making both a Scorn to Neighbouring Nations Now in the close of all my Lord tells his Fellow Peers and all others in them That if they shall thus wound the Consciences of their Brethren the Separatists they will certainly offend and sin against Christ. Soft and fair But what shall these Lords do if to Humour the Consciences of those Brethren some weak and many wilful and the cunning misleading the simple they shall disgrace and weaken and perhaps overthrow the Religion they profess Shall they not then both wound their own Consciences and most certainly sin against Christ Yes out of all doubt they shall do both Now where it comes to the wounding of Consciences no question can be made but that every Man ought first to look to his own to his Brethrens after A Man must not do that which shall justly wound his Brother's Conscience though he be his Brother in a Separation and stand never so much a-loof from him But he must not wound his own to preserve his Brother from a wound especially such a one as happily may cure him and by a timely pinch make him sensible of the ill Condition in which he is As for these Men God of his Mercy give them that Light of his Truth which they want and forgive them the boasting of that Light which they presume they have And give them true Repentance and in that Sense a wounded Conscience for their breaking the Peace of this Church And forgive them all their Sins by which they still go on with more and more violence to distract this Church And God of his Infinite Goodness preserve this Church at all times and especially at this time while the Waves of this Sea of Separation
rage so horribly And as for this Lord God forgive him and I do and I hope this Church will Amen In Turri Lond Dec. 3. 1641. S. S. Trinitati sit Laus Gloria in AEternum Arch-Bishop LAUD's ANNUAL ACCOUNTS OF HIS PROVINCE PRESENTED TO THE KING IN The beginning of every Year With the KING 's Apostills or Marginal Notes Transcribed and Published from the Originals Together with the KING's INSTRUCTIONS TO THE arch-Arch-Bishops Abbot and Laud Upon which These ACCOUNTS were formed AND The last Account of Arch-Bishop Abbot to the King concerning his Province LONDON Printed for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at the Rose and Crown in St Paul's Church-Yard M DC XCV INSTRUCTIONS Sent from the King to Arch-Bishop Abbot in the Year 1629. Carolus Rex INstructions for the most Reverend Father in God our right Trusty and right intirely well beloved Councellor George Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury concerning certain Articles to be observed and put in execution by the several Bishops in his Province I That the Lords the Bishops be commanded to their several Sees to keep Residence excepting those which are in necessary Attendance at Court II That none of them Reside upon his Land or Lease that he hath Purchased no ron his Commendam if he should have any but in one of the Episcopal Houses if he have any And that he waste not the Woods where any are left III That they give charge in their Triennial Visitations and all other convenient times both by themselves and the Arch-Deacons that the Declaration for the setling all Questions in difference be chiefly observed by all Parties IV That there be a special care taken by them all that the Ordinations be Solemn and not of unworthy Persons V That they take great care concerning the Lecturers in these special Directions following 1 That in all Parishes the Afternoon Sermons may be turned into Catechizing by Questions and Answers when and wheresoever there is no great cause apparent to break this ancient and profitable Order 2 That every Bishop Ordain in his Diocess that every Lecturer do read Divine Service according to the Liturgy Printed by Authority in his Surplice and Hood before the Lecture 3 That where a Lecture is set up in a Market-Town it may be read by a company of Grave and Orthodox Divines near adjoyning and in the same Diocess and that they Preach in Gowns and not in Cloaks as too many do use 4 That if a Corporation maintain a single Lecturer he be not suffered to Preach till he profess his willingness to take upon him a Living with cure of Souls within that Corporation and that he actually take such Benefice or Cure as soon as it shall be fairly procured for him VI That the Bishops do countenance and encourage the Grave and Orthodox Divines of their Clergy and that they use means by some of their Clergy that they may have knowledge how both Lecturers and Preachers behave themselves in their Sermons within their Diocess That so they may take Order for any abuse accordingly VII That the Bishops suffer none but Noblemen and Men qualified by Learning to have any Private Chaplain in his House VIII That they take special Care that Divine Service be duly frequented as well for Prayers and Catechizing as for Sermons And take particular note of all such as absent themselves as Recusants or otherwise IX That every Bishop that by our Grace Favour and good Opinion of his Service shall be nominated by us to another Bishoprick shall from that Day of Nomination not presume to make any Lease for Three Lives or One and Twenty Years or concurrent Lease or any way make any Estate or cut any Woods or Timber but meerly receive the Rents due and so quit the place For we think it an hateful thing that any Man leaving the Bishoprick should almost undo the Successor And if any Man shall presume to break this Order we will refuse him at our Royal Assent and keep him at the Place which he had so abused X We Command you to give us an Account every Year the Second Day of January of the performance of these our Commands Dorchester Arch-Bishop Abbot's Account of his Province for the Year 1632. sent to the King May it it Please your most Excellent Majesty THE Year is at an end redit Orbis in Orbem moritura ruit perituri Machina Mundi But the Account of the Church Affairs for the last Year must not be forgotten To speak generally unto the Articles heretosore propounded by your Majesty it is enough to say that the Bishops for ought it appeareth unto me have lived at home and in their Episcopal-Houses Saving only my Lord of St. Davids who by his Wives Sickness but especially by a Law Suit which concerneth him for all that he hath as he informeth was constrained to keep here But now that vexatious Suit being ended he promiseth to repair home and there to reside that there shall be no just Occasion of Complaint against him Of Arminian Points there is no dispute And Ordinations of Ministers for ought that I can learn are Canonically observed The Rules for Lecturers are strictly kept Care is had that Divine Service is Religiously read and frequented saving by certain Separatists about London who for their Persons are contemptible but fit to be punished for their wilful Obstinacy which we do with Moderation Yet yielding them Means to confer with Learned Men which we hope will prevail with some of them And so it may be said of the rest of the Articles that I find no noted Transgression of them There is not in the Church of England left any inconformable Minister which appeareth And yet the Lord Bishops of London and Lincoln have been forced to deprive Two or Three whom no time can Tame nor Instruction conquer according to the rule Immedicabile Vulnus Ense recidendum est There was one Burges a Physician who opened his Mouth wide against the repairing of St Pauls Church but he hath been so castigated that as I trust very few others will be encouraged to walk in his ways and to Blaspheme so Holy a Work There hath been these Two last Years past mention made of Papists frequenting Holy-Well or St. Winifred's Well in Wales and the Bishop of St Asaph doth not forget to touch it again in these Words There hath been there all this Summer more than ordinary concourse of People and more bold and open practice of Superstition Where it is not to be forgotten that at that Well a great part of the Powder Treason was hatched And therefore my humble Opinion is that serious Letters should be directed from your Majesty or Privy Council to the Lord President of Wales and his Fellow Commissioners that at Summer next some course should be taken for the repressing of this Confluence being indeed no better than a Pilgrimage The Lady Wotton in Kent hath set up a bold Epitaph upon her Lord's Tomb and
His Lordship hath likewise sent up a List of Romish Recusants which were presented at his last Visitation which he saith are for the most part but of mean Condition and those not many considering the greatness of the County In this Diocess the Town of Mawling and that whole Deanery were very much out of Order but the Arch-Deacon by my Lord the Bishop's Command hath setled them My Lord likewise brought Mr Throgmorton the Vicar of Mawling into the High Commission where he submitted himself and received a Canonical Admonition I likewise certifie your Majesty that the Bishop complains that the Cathedral Church suffers much for want of Glass in the Windows and that the Church-Yard lies very undecently and the Gates down and that he hath no Power to remedy these things because the Dean and Chapter refuse to be visited by him upon pretence that their Statutes are not confirmed under the Broad Seal with some other circumstances with which I shall acquaint your Majesty more at large Concerning this Diocess whereas your Majesty's Instructions require that Lecturers should turn their Afternoon Sermons into Catechizing by way of Question and Answer some Persons and Vicars make a question whether they be bound to the like Order because Lecturers only be named as they pretend But your Majesty's Expression is clear for Catechizing generally and my Lord the Bishop will presently settle this doubt There is one Mr Elms in that Diocess who being not qualified by Law keeps a School-Master in his House and useth him as a Chaplain to preach a Lecture upon Sundays in the Afternoon in the Church of Warmington But by this time if the Bishop keep his promise that abuse is Rectified The Bishop complains that the Peculiars of his Diocess wherein he hath no Power are much out of Order and I easily believe it But the Remedy will be hard because I know not in whom the Peculiars are but shall inform my self His Lordship farther certifies that he hath suppressed a Seditious Lecture at Repon and divers Monthly-Lectures with a Fast and a Moderator like that which they called Prophesying in Queen Elizabeth's Time as also the Running Lecture so called because the Lecturer went from Village to Village and at the end of the Week Proclaimed where they should have him next that his Disciples might follow They say this Lecture was ordained to Illuminate the Dark Corners of that Diocess My Lord of St Davids is now Resident in his Diocess and hath so been ever since the last Spring and professes that he will take great care hereafter to whom he gives holy Orders His Lordship certifies That he hath Suspended a Lecturer for his Inconformity and that they have but few Romish Recusants The Bishop of St Asaph returns That all is exceeding well in his Diocess save only that the Number and Boldness of some Romish Recusants increaseth much in many Places and is incouraged by the Superstitious and frequent Concourse of some of that Party to Holy-Well otherwise called St Winifreds Well Whether this Concourse be by way of Pilgrimage or no I know not but I am sure it hath long been complained of without Remedy My Lord the Bishop certifies that he hath not one Refractory Nonconformist or 〈◊〉 Minister within his Diocess and that there are but two Lecturers and that they both are Licensed Preachers My Lord the Bishop of Lincoln signifies That the Company of Mercers in London trusted with the Gift of one Mr Fishburn set up a Lecturer in Huntingdon with the allowance of Forty Pounds per An. to Preach every Saturday Morning being Market-Day and Sunday in the Afternoon with a Proviso in his Grant from them that upon any dislike they may have of him he shall at a Month or a Fortnights Warning give over the Place without any relation to Bishop or Arch-Bishop My most humble Suit to your Majesty is that no Lay Man whatsoever and least of all Companies or Corporations may under any Pretence of giving to the Church or otherwise have Power to put in or put out any Lecturer or other Minister His Lordship likewise complains of some in Bedfordshire that use to wander from their own Parish-Churches to follow Preachers Affected by themselves of which he hath caused his Officers to take special care As for the placing of the Communion-Table in Parish-Churches his Lordship professes that he takes care of it according to the Canon These two last are no part of your Majesty's Instructions yet since his Lordship hath been so careful to report them to me I take it my Duty to express that his Lordship's care to your Majesty These two Diocesses are void and I had no Certificat before the Death of the Bishops All the Bishops above mentioned which are all that have yet certified do agree that all other things in your Sacred Majesty's Instructions contained are carefully observed and particularly that of avoiding factious medling with the prohibited Questions From any of the rest of the Bishops within my Province I have not as yet received any Certificat at all namely Salisbury Norwich Worcester Oxford Bristol Winchester Chichester Glocester Exeter So I humbly submit this my Certificat W. CANT The Lord Bishop of Ely certifies that he hath had special Care of your Majesty's Instructions and that he doth not know that they are broken in his Diocess in any point Jan. 2. 1633. W. CANT The Arch-Bishop's Account of his Province to the King for the Year 1634. May it please Your most Excellent Majesty I Am at this time in Obedience to your Sacred Majesty's Commands to give you an Account how your prudent and pious Instructions for the Good and Welfare of the Church of Christ in this your Kingdom have been obeyed and performed by the several Bishops within my Province of Canterbury which with all Humility and Obedience I here present as followeth And First I represent to your Majesty That I have this Year partly by my Vicar-General and partly by the Dean of the Arches visited seven Diocesses beginning as I am bound by the Ecclesiastical Laws at my own Metropolitical Church of Canterbury and that Diocess that I might first see what was done at Home before I did curiously look abroad into other Bishops Jurisdictions And not to conceal Truth from your Majesty I found in my own Diocess especially about Ashford-side divers professed Separatists with whom I shall take the best and most present Order that I can some of them and some of Maidstone where much Inconformity hath of late Years spread being already called into the High Commission where if they be proved as guilty as they are voiced to be I shall not fail to do Justice upon them I conceive under favour that the Dutch Churches in Canterbury and Sandwich are great Nurseries of Inconformity in those Parts Your Majesty may be pleased to remember I have complained to your self
about Catechizing in the Afternoon of which he will take great Care that it my be remedied And I find by his Lordship's return to me that there are divers obstinate Recusants in those parts which I presume are certified to your Majesty's Judges according to Law The Bishop of London visited his Diocess this Year the City and Middlesex in Person the rest by his Chancellour by reason of his necessary attendance upon your Majesty In this his Visitation he found divers complaints about Inconformity to the Church Discipline but the Proofs came home only against Four Three Curates and a Vicar The Vicar upon Submission hath time given him till the next Term to settle himself and reduce his Parishioners And two of the Three Curates did presently submit themselves and promise constancy in their Obedience to the Church The Third Curate one Philip Saunders of Hutton in Essex being Refractory was Suspended and hath since forsaken the Diocess It seems he means to settle himself where he may hope to find more Favour For Norwich the Bishop certifies that he hath put down some Lectures where Factious Men performed them and particularly that he hath Suspended one Bridges Curate of St Georges Parish in Norwich for transgressing your Majesty's Declaration in his Lectures but hath of late freed him from that Suspension upon humble submission made and promise not to offend hereafter And farther that he hath lately heard complaint of Mr Ward of Ipswich for some Words uttered in Sermons of his for which he is now called into the High-Commission He farther Certifies that he hath Suspended one Enoch Grey for unsound Doctrine Preached by him And that one Simon Jacob alias Bradshaw and Ralph Smith two Wanderers went up and down Preaching here and there without Place of Aboad or Authority And that upon his Summoning them to appear they are run out of that Diocess Your Majesty's Instructions in other things have as he certifieth been carefully observed both by himself and his Clergy The Bishop of Ely certifies that for any thing that hath been made appear to him all your Majesty's Royal Injunctions for the good of the Church have been carefully observed throughout his Diocess And he promises to carry a watchful Eye as he hath ever done concerning all such Lecturers as are or shall at any time be in his Diocess For St. Davids the Bishop is now gone and setled in his Diocess whence he hath not been absent two Months these two Years He promiseth to be very careful whom he Ordains The Lecturers in those parts are not many yet of late he hath been driven first to Suspend and afterwards to dismiss one Roberts a Welch Lecturer for Inconformity And one or two others that have with their giddiness offered to distemper the People he hath likewise driven out of his Diocess But his Lordship complains grievously and not without Cause that divers Impropriators in those parts have either pulled down the Chancels or suffered them to fall to the great debasing of their Churches and leaving them so open and cold as that the People in those mountainous parts must endure a great deal of hardness as well in the Churches as in their way to them The Bishop of St. Asaph professes he hath little to return And that it is a great part of his Comfort in that remote place that the whole Diocess in a manner is peaceable and obedient as well to your Majesty's Instructions as other things which concern the Church That they are not any where troubled with Inconformity But heartily wishes that they might be as well acquitted from Superstition and Prophaneness The Bishop of Landaff certifies That this last Year he Visited in Person and found that William Erbury Vicar of St. Maries in Cardiff and Walter Cradocke his Curate have been very disobedient to your Majesty's Instructions and have Preached very Schismatically and Dangerously to the People That for this he hath given the Vicar a Judicial Admonition and will further proceed if he do not submit And for his Curate being a bold ignorant young Fellow he hath Suspended him and taken away his License to serve the Cure Among other things he used this base and Unchristian passage in the Pulpit That God so loved the world that for it he sent his Son to live like a Slave and dye like a Beast He farther Certifies that one William Newport Rector of Langua in Monmouthshire hath pulled down the Partition betwixt the Chancel and the Church and sold part and disposed the rest to his own use with some other violences to the great prophanation of that place For which the Bishop desires leave to bring him into the High Commission The Bishop of Glocester Certifies That he is forced to Ordain some very mean Ministers in his Diocess to supply Cures as mean yet he professeth that to his knowledge he never gave Holy Orders to any unworthy Person And further he saith that he hath put down some Lecturers and set up othersome which he conceives he did without offence being done upon different occasions but saith that he doth neither know nor can probably conjecture that there is any one unconformable Man in all his Diocess Which if it be true is a great clearing of those parts which have of late been so much suspected This Bishoprick is void For the Diocess of Oxford I find the Bishop very careful and that he hath according to his Promise made to your Majesty built a House at Cuddesden a Vicarage in his own Diocess and Gift which he now holds in Commendam Which House he humbly desires by your Majesty's Favour may be annexed to the See of Oxford which never yet had any House belonging to it And for your Instructions they have all been observed within his Diocess save that he doubts some few Lecturers of whom he will make present Inquiry and hath already suppressed Two which were not performed as they ought viz. at Dadington and Woodstocke My Lord of Chichester Certifies all very well in his Diocess save only in the East part which is far from him he finds that some Puritan Justices of the Peace have awed some of the Clergy into like Opinions with themselves which yet of late have not broken out into any publick Inconformity The Bishop of Peterborough hath Visited his Diocess this last year and begun so well to look to all good Orders that I hope things will go very well there But I find he is beholding to his Predecessors who took very good care in former Years concerning your Majesties Instructions This is all the Return which I have this year to make to your Majesty having received no Accompt at all from these Bishops following viz. Worcester Coventry and Lichfield and Bangor So I humbly submit my Certificat W. Cant. The Arch-Bishop's Account of his Province to the King for the Year 1635. ACcording to your Royal Commands I
he hath made stay of that they may be reduced into Years for the good of that See which abundantly needs it My Lord Bishop of Winchester Certifies that there is all Peace and Order in his Diocess and that himself and his Clergy have duly Obeyed your Majesty's Instructions But he Informs that in the Parish of Avington in Hampshire one Vnguyon an Esquire is Presented for a new Recusant as also Three others whereof Two are in Southwark These Three Bishops for their several Diocesses respectively make return that all Obedience is yielded to every of your Majesty's Instructions The late Bishop of St Davids now of Hereford hath in his time of Residence taken a great deal of pains in that See and hath caused Two to be questioned in the High Commission and Suspended one Roberts a Lecturer for Inconformity Three or four others which were Suspended he hath released upon hope given of their Obedience to the Church and hath absolutely deprived Two for their exceeding Scandalous Life He complains much and surely with cause enough that there are few Ministers in those poor and remote places that are able to Preach and Instruct the People My Lord the Bishop informs that that County is very full of Impropriations which makes the Ministers poor and their Poverty makes them fall upon Popular and Factious courses I doubt this is too true but it is a Mischief hard to cure in this Kingdom yet I have taken all the care I can and shall continue so to do From the rest of the Bishops of my Province I have received no Certificat this Year viz. Covent and Litchfield Worcester Bangor So I humbly submit this my Certificat W. CANT The Arch-Bishop's Accounts of his Province to the King for the Year 1636. May it please your Sacred Majesty ACcording to your Royal Commands expressed in your late Instructions for the good of the Church I do here most humbly present my Yearly Account for my Diocess and Province of Canterbury for this last Year ending at Christmass 1636. And First for my own Diocess I have every Year acquainted your Majesty and so must do now that there are still about Ashford and Egerton divers Brownists and other Separatists But they are so very mean and poor People that we know not what to do with them They are said to be the Disciples of one Turner and Fennar who were long since apprehended and imprisoned by Order of your Majesty's High Commission Court But how this part came to be so infected with such a Humour of Separation I know not unless it were by too much connivence at their first beginning Neither do I see any Remedy like to be unless some of their chief Seducers be driven to Abjure the Kingdom which must be 〈◊〉 by the Judges at the Common Law but is not in our power I have received Information from my Officers that the Walloons and other Strangers in my Diocess especially at Canterbury do come orderly to their Parish Churches and there receive the Sacraments and Marry c. according to my Injunctions with that limitation which your Majesty allowed There have been heretofore many in Canterbury that were not conformable to Church Discipline and would not kneel at the Communion but they are all now very Conformable as I hear expresly by my Officers and that there is no falling away of any to Recusancy There hath been a Custom that some Ministers thereabouts have under divers pretences lived for the most part at Canterbury and gone seldom to their Benefices which hath given a double Scandal both by their absence from their several Cures and by keeping too much Company and that not in the best manner I have seen this remedied in all save only one Man and if he do not presently Conform I have taken order for his Suspension In the Diocess of London I find that my Lord the Bishop there now by your Majesty's Grace and Favour Lord High Treasurer of England hath very carefully observed those Instructions which belong to his own Person And for the Diocess his Lordship Informs me of three great Misdemeanours The one committed by Dr Cornelius Burges who in a Latin Sermon before the Clergy of London uttered divers insolent passages against the Bishops and Government of the Church and refused to give his Lordship a Copy of the Sermon so there was a necessity of calling him into the High Commission Court which is done The second Misdemeanour is of one Mr Wharton a Minister in Essex who in a Sermon at Chelmesford uttered many unfit and some scurrilous things But for this he hath been Convented and received a Canonical Admonition And upon his sorrow and submission any farther Censure is forborn The third Misdemeanour which my Lord complains of is the late spreading and dispersing of some Factious and Malicious Pamphlets against the Bishops and Government of the Church of England And my Lord farther Certifies that he hath reasonable ground to perswade him that those Libellous Pamphlets have been Contrived or Abetted and dispersed by some of the Clergy of his Diocess and therefore desires me to use the Authority of the High Commission for the further discovery of this Notorious practice to prevent the Mischiefs which will otherwise ensue upon the Government of the Church This God willing I shall see performed But if the High Commission shall not have Power enough because one of those Libels contains Seditious Matter in it and that which is very little 〈◊〉 of Treason if any thing at all then I humbly crave leave to add this to my Lord Treasurer's Motion and humbly to desire that your Majesty will call it into a higher Court if you find Cause since I see no likelyhood but that these Troubles in the Church if they be permitted will break out into some Sedition in the Common-wealth My Visitation is yet depending for this Diocess and by reason of the Sickness I could not with safety hold it nor think it fit to gather so much People together but God willing I shall perform that Duty so soon as conveniently I may and then Certifie your Majesty at the next return what shall come under mine own view In this Diocess I find by my Lord's Report from his Officers that there are divers Recusants in several parts of the Country and that some of them have been seduced away from the Church of England within these two or three Years For all things else I receive no complaint thence save only of three or four Ministers that are negligent in Catechising and observe it not at all or but in the Lent only But I shall call upon the Bishop to see this remedied and to be as vigilant as he can against any farther increase of Recusants From Bath and Wells I have received a very good and happy Certificat both that all your Majesty's Instructions have been exactly performed throughout that whole Diocess And
such Conditions and Rules as my Lord their Bishop hath prescribed them Only that at Bungay is inhibited for a time at the entreaty of some of their own Company and for Misdemeanours in it As for the single Lecturers my Lord hath had a special Eye over them Your Majesties Letters requiring the Mayor Sheriffs and Aldermen c. to repair on Sundays to Divine Service and Sermons at the Cathedral in Norwich are very well observed by the most of them But Complaint is brought to the Bishop against one Thomas King who is held a factious and a dangerous Man and he frequently absents himself from the Cathedral and it is doubted that his ill Example will make others neglect their Duties Divine Service both for Prayers Catechism and Sermons is diligently frequented and that beyond what could suddainly be hoped for in such a Diocess and in the midst of the humorousness of this Age. Of those which stood under Episcopal Censure or that fled to avoid Censure there are not above three or four which have submitted themselves Yet his Lordship hath had patience notwithstanding a peremptory Citation sent out hitherto to expect them But now must proceed to Deprivation or suffer Scorn and Contempt to follow upon all his Injunctions Nevertheless herein he humbly craves direction and so do I if it please your Majesty to give it His Lordship likewise very carefully and necessarily as I conceive craves direction for these Particulars following 1. Divers Towns are depopulated no Houses left standing but the Mannor House and the Church and that turned to the Lord's Barn or worse use and no Service done in it though the Parsonages or Vicarages be presentative 2. In other Towns the Church is ruined and the Inhabitants thrust upon Neighbouring Parishes where they fill the Church and pay few or no Duties 3. At Carrowe Close by Norwich there are twelve Houses some of them fair reputed to be of no Parish and so an ordinary receptacle for Recusant Papists and other Separatists to the great prejudice of that Neighbouring City 4. At Lanwood near New-Market and in Burwell the Mother Church stands but the Roof suffered to decay within the Memory of Man and the Bells sold and the Hamlet quite slipt out of all Jurisdiction 〈◊〉 That Church was an Impropriation to the Abby of Ramsey and is now in Sir William Russell's Hands 5. The Churchyards in many places are extreamly Annoyed and Profaned especially in Corporate Towns And at St. Edmonds-Bury the Assizes are Yearly kept in a remote side of the Churchyard and a common Ale-House stands in the middle of the Yard The like abuses by Ale-Houses Back-doors and throwing out of Filth with something else not fit to be related here are found at Bungay At St. Maries ad Turrim in Ipswich at Woodbridge and at Norwich the Sign-Posts of two or three Inns stand in the Church-yard Of remedy for these Abuses the Bishop is utterly in despair unless your Majesty be pleased to take some special Order for them Because they which have these Back-doors into Church-yards or common Passages will plead Prescription and then a Prohibition will be granted against the Ecclesiastical Proceedings 6 Lastly his Lordship Certifies that divers not only Churches but Town-ships themselves are in danger of utter ruin by a breach of the Sea And there was provision made by Act of Parliament in the Seventh Year of your Majesty's Royal Father of Blessed Memory for redress of it But nothing being since done it will now cost five times as much to remedy as then it would But the Bishop is in good hope great good may yet be done if your Majesty will be graciously pleased to appear in it upon such Humble Petition as he and I shall make to Your Majesty The Bishop of this Diocess assures me that all things are in very good Order there And indeed I think the Diocess is well amended within these few Years his Lordship having been very careful both in his Visitations and otherwise This Year by reason of the return of divers that were Captives in Morocco and having been Inhabitants of those Western Parts there arose in my Lord the Bishop a Doubt how they having renounced their Saviour and become Turks might be readmitted into the Church of Christ and under what Penitential Form His Lordship at his last being in London spake with me about it and we agreed on a Form which was afterwards drawn up and approved by the Right Reverend Fathers in God my Lords the Bishops of London Ely and Norwich and is now setled by your Majesty's Appointment and I shall take care to see it Registred here and have given Charge to my Lord of Exon to see it Registred below to remain as a President for future times if there should be any more sad Examples of Apostacy from the Faith Whereas your Majesty hath lately been graciously pleased to grant the ordering of the Woods of Shotover and Stowe by Lease to the Lord Bishop of Oxford his Lordship assures me that there is a great deal of Care taken and a great deal of Charge laid out by him and his Tenant for the Preservation and well ordering of the Woods there He hath likewise been very careful concerning Recusants within that Diocess But saith that divers of them pretend and shew their Exemptions that they should not be troubled for matters concerning their Religion in any Ecclesiastical Courts which hath made his Lordship forbear till your Majesty's Pleasure be farther known For Lectures there are none in that Diocess save one at Henly upon Thames Preached by the Incumbent an orderly Man and in the Peculiars at Tame and Banbury but they are out of the Bishop's Jurisdiction My Lord Bishop of this See hath taken great care in his first Visitation and if he continue that care as I doubt not but he will he will quickly settle that Diocess into better Order But he complains of the Dean and Chapter for whose Benefit he hath lately made many good Injunctions that they will not consent that Twenty Pounds per An. ordered by their Statute for the Repairing of High-Ways may be turned to the necessary supply of their Quire in regard that 100 l. per An. is lately given by Dr. White towards the Repair of the same High-Ways But this and other things if your Majesty thinks fit I can easily alter when I come to revise their Statutes or by a Command from your Majesty in the mean time He farther complains that his Predecessor Bishop Wright now Bishop of Lichfield detains in his custody all the Writings belonging to Cromhall the Lease which your Majesty by your Royal Letters commanded should expire and return to the Bishoprick And sure if this be so it is very fit he be commanded to restore them out of Hand Lastly he complains that they of the preciser Faction do every Day endeavour to disquiet the People and that by
strange Inventions And at present they give out that the Liturgy Printed for Scotland hath in it sundry Notorious Points of Popery c. Which troubles the People and doth much harm otherwise The like is certified me from the Bishop of Exon concerning Rumours raised in those Parts My Lord Bishop of Chichester is in a Quartan-Ague besides his old Diseases of the Stone and the Gout I pray God comfort him But I do not hear from him that there is much amiss in that Diocess The Bishop of this Diocess certifies me that your Majesty's Instructions are in all things carefully observed and he hath used the utmost Diligence he can in reclaiming of Recusants and such as will not conform themselves he hath taken a strict Course to have them proceeded withal and granted Significavits against divers In this Diocess my Lord's Words are That there is nothing but common Peace and universal Conformity My Lord of Landaff hath been very careful for the setling of the Rights and Profits of this Bishoprick and God hath Blessed his Endeavours therein And for the Government he professes that in his late Visitation he hath not found one Schismatical Minister or Non-Conformist in the Diocess The Bishop of this See was Consecrated but a little before Michaelmas last and by your Majesty's leave hath not been yet in his Diocess and so for this broken part of the Year is able to give no Account My Lord the Bishop Certifies that he is less troubled with Non-Conformists since Mr Wheatly of Banbury gave over his Lecture at Stratford within that Diocess And that during this heavy Visitation at Worcester he hath caused the Lectures to cease in that Town The Bishop of this See hath not had his Health of late and is now come to Town to seek to recover the same for wich he humbly craves your Majesty's Favourable Construction But he Certifies me that all your Majesty's Instructions are duly observed within that Diocess From the Bishops of Lichfield and Glocester I have not received any Certificates And so with my Prayers for your Majesty's long Life and Happy Reign I humbly submit this my Account for the Year last past 1637. W. CANT The Arch-Bishop's Account of his Province to the King for the Year 1638. May it please your Most Sacred Majesty ACcording to my bounden Duty and your Majesty's Commands expressed in your Instructions for the good of the Clergy I here present my Account for the Year last past 1638. And First to begin with my self and my own Diocess I have been careful to obey all your Majesty's particular Instructions both for the residing upon my Houses and preserving of my Woods c. There was one Bedle a Minister of Essex came into this Diocess and at Harbledown near Canterbury the Curate there being dead Preached very disorderly three hours together at a time and got himself many ignorant followers But so soon as ever he was enquired after by my Officers he fled the Country and I purpose God willing to speak with the Chancellor of London concerning him I do not find that there is either any increase or decrease of Papists or Puritans in the Diocess But the Separatists about Ashford are very busie miserable poor and out of that bold against all Church Censure so that without some Temporal Assistance from the Judges we know not what to do And this I have often and humbly represented Yet two notorious Separatists being call'd in question are fled the Country and one of them brake Prison At Tenterden some People are somewhat refractory but the Archdeacon assures me he hath great hope to reduce them which I shall be glad of The Strangers at Canterbury do reasonably well obey my Injunctions for coming to our Churches and I shall give them all Incouragement holding it fitting to keep a moderate Hand with them In the Diocess and City of London there was like to be some distraction both among the Ministers and the People occasioned at first by some over-nice Curiosities Preached by one Mr. Goodwin Vicar of St. Stephens in Coleman-street concerning the Imputation of Christ's Righteousness in the Justification of a Sinner But the differences arising about it were timely prevented by Convention of the Parties dissenting And so God be thanked that Business is at peace There is but one noted refractory Person that stands out in that Diocess and he is now under Suspension My Lord the Bishop's Certificate informs me that there are a great many Recusants within that Diocess and that in some 〈◊〉 their Children are not brought to be Baptized in the Church which I shall require the Bishop to take special care of This Diocess being now in my Charge I do humbly certifie your Majesty that one part of Buckinghamshire and some places in Lincoln and Leicestershires are somewhat disorderly But I do not find any Man presented unto me for any wilful Refractoriness save one whom Ih ave caused to be called into the High Commission Court There are in Lincolnshire many miserable poor Vicarages and Curateships Might your Majesty's Reign be so blest as that they might in time find some relief But this is quite beyond Episcopal Power In this Diocess my Lord hath taken care of all your Majesty's Instructions and assures me that there is no Lecture in any Market Town within his Diocess except at Henley which is performed by their own Minister a discreet Man As for that which was begun by private Persons in the Chappel of your Majesty's Mannor House at Woodstocke and might have been of very dangerous both Example and Consequence the Bishop hath carefully suppressed it by your Majesty's Gracious Command upon his Petition There is no Complaint in this Diocess but only of one Mr. Ephraim Hewet of Wraxhall in Warwickshire who hath taken upon him to keep Fasts in his Parish by his own appointment and hath contemned the decent Ceremonies commanded by the Church My Lord the Bishop proceeds against him and intends either to reform or punish him In this Diocess the Bishop assures me that all things go very orderly and well saving that divers Impropriators suffer willing Ruins as he conceives in the Churches which belong unto them wherein he humbly craves both Advice and Aid that it may be remedied There was one Mr. Workeman sometimes a Lecturer at Glocester and for Inconformity in a very high degree put from that place by Sentence of the High Commission Court Since that this Man hath been received into the House of one Mr. Kyrle of Wallford and lived there without any Cure or other known Imployment The Bishop hearing of him and resolving to call him in Question if he did not Conform himself he hath suddenly left that Diocess and is gone God knows whether There were some other Complaints put up which I certified to the Bishop But his Lordship hath given me a fair
subministrat 19. Secretarius Windebank Papista acerrimus Regi omnium infidelissimus qui non solum secretissima etiam quaeque Regia prodit revelat sed etiam Consilia quibus optime Negotio consuleretur communicat Ipse ad minimum ter in hebdomada per nocturna Conventicula cum Legato conversatur injungitque quae scitu digna cogitat Cujus causa aedes vicinas Legati Domo conduxit quem saepius per portam horti adit hac enim vicinitate facilitatur congressus Dictus Secretarius ad partem Societatis conjuratae muncribus emptus est quibus sustentatur ut magis seriò officium peragat Filium suum expresse Romam misit qui Romano Pontifici sese insinuare debebit 20. Cavalliero Digbi Cavalliero Winter Dominus Mountagu Jun. qui Romae fuit Mi-lord Sterling Cognatus Comitis d'Arondel Eques Comitissa de Neuport Ducissa Buckingham plerique alii qui in Conditionem hane jurarunt omnes in opere sunt vigilantissimi Horum alii Aulicorum alii Politicorum Officiorum spe inescantur alii ad sexdecim Pileos Cardinales vacantes attendunt qui ideo ab aliquot annis otioss detinentur ut spem vanam expectantibus imponant 21. Praeses nominatae Societatis erat Mi-lord Gage Sacerdos Jesuita ante triennium defunctus Habebat is Palatium lascivis Picturis exornatum quae prophanitatem in aedibus mentiebantur Palliabatur vero illis Monasterium quo quadraginta Moniales sustentabantur tanto Palatio occultatae Situm 〈◊〉 in Platea Reginae quam Statua Regina aurea decorat Istam Plateam totam Jesuitae Seculares emerunt redegeruntque in Quadratum ubi tacitae Collegium Jesuiticum exstruitur ea spe ut quam primum Reformatione universali incepta aperte elaborari possit Legatus Pontificius triplici Charactere sive Cifra utitur Uno quo cum omnibus Nunciis communicat altero cum solo Cardinale Barbarino Tertio quo secretioria nonnulla communicanda occultat Quaecunque per hebdomadam ab Societate aut aliis Exploratoribus excepit illa uno fasciculo consarcinat sub inscriptione Al Monsignor Stravio Archidiacono di Cambray dedicat ab quo tandem promoventur Romae His ita constitutis si singula ad trutinam ponantur satisfiet in specie omnibus Articulis propositis QUIBUS 1. COnjuratio in Regem Dominum Archiepiscopum detegitur Media quibus exitium utrique minatur demonstratur 2. Pericula Regno utrique imminentia recensentur 3. Exortus incendii illius Scotici progressus enarratur 4. Media quibus turbae istae Scoticae sedari possint suggeruntur postquam enim resciverint Scoti à quibus in quem finem animi ipsorum accendantur consulent sibi properè neque utriusque partis vires succumbere sinent ne medius sese interponat qui utramque quaerit 5. Quo ense Regis petatur jugulum etiam turbis istis sopitis Cunei Confessio oculataque demonstratio docet 6. Lous Congregationis in AEdibus Capitanei Redae nominatur 7. Dies expeditionis octiduae per Redam Legatum injungitur 8. Quomodo nomina Conjuratorum innotescere possent 9. Ubi tota ista Congregatio possit circumveniri 10. Infideles nonnulli ab parte Regis praecipuorum de nomine notificantur plures quorum nomina non occurrunt habitationes tamen notae sunt de nomine facile ab Reda extorqueri poterunt Si cautè in his procedetur nervus totius negotii in apricum prodibit ita Sagitta praevisa effugietur periculo quod ut succedat prospere Creator Omnipotens faxit A further Evidence and Confirmation of some things in the Relation concerning the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury THE Relation of this horrid Plot by a chief Actor in it with which the Arch-Bishop acquainted the King not many Days before this Parliament began lay concealed among the Arch-Bishop's Papers without any Prosecution of the Conspirators for ought appears who are since dispersed in part by the Parliament but neither Dissolved nor taken off this Plot but more active in it putting forth their last and utmost Endeavours in all Places to accomplish this their Design which they have almost brought to Maturity to our Shame and Grief by new raised Civil Wars both in Ireland and England Two things in this Plot which concern the Arch-Bishop may perchance seem strange to different sorts of Men. First That the Pope's Legat should presume to tempt the Arch-Bishop with the Offer of a Cardinal's Cap and that certainly no such Proffer was ever made unto him But to put this out of Question The Bishop himself under his own Hand among other Memorials in the Journal of his Life found in his Pocket hath these two remarkable Notes Anno 1633. August 4. Sunday News came to Court of the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury's Death and the King resolved presently to give it me That very Morning at Greenwich there came one to me SERIOUS-LY and THAT AVOWED ABILITY TO PERFORM IT and OFFERED ME TO BE A CARDINAL I went presently TO THE KING and ACQUAINTED HIM BOTH WITH THE THING and PERSON August 17. the same Month Saturday I had A SERIOUS OFFER MADE ME AGAIN TO BE A CAR-DINAL I was then from Court but so soon as I came thither which was Wednesday August 21. I ACQUAINTED HIS MAJESTY WITH IT But my Answer again was That somewhat dwelt within me that would not suffer that TILL ROME were other than it is So that by his own Notes it appears a Cardinal's Cap was twice proffered him very seriously and that he acquainted the King with it not by way of Complaint to crave Justice against the Party who durst presume to tempt him with such a Foreign Dignity to be the Pope's Sworn Instrument but by way of Advice and to sound his Majesty's Opinion hereof as his Answer imports Neither did he absolutely disclaim the Dignity it self as if he might in no case accept it but conditionally Till Rome should be other than it is now and then he would not refuse it Indeed the Arch-Bishop in his Reply to Fisher challengeth this Title Patriarch of another World as his Due being given to his Predecessor Anselme and therefore cannot brook any other Pope in point of Sovereignty to Lord it over him here and this made him refuse the Cap. But had he resisted the 〈◊〉 Landing or Continuance here which he never did for ought appears but entertained some Familiarity with him at first though they afterwards grew more strange or peremptorily refused the first Offer with Indignation thrust out the Legat or Offerer by Head and Shoulders prosecuted him as he did poor innocent Puritans upon the Statute of 23 Eliz. c. 1. as a Traytor for attempting to seduce and subject him to the See of Rome or brought him publickly into the Star-Chamber or High-Commission as he did some others for lesser pretended Crimes and Scandals he had discharged the part of a good zealous Prelate and Protestant But here was no
been lately made Secondly That to effect this Trayterous Design they have not only secretly erected some Monasteries of Monks Nuns in and about London but sent over hither whole Regiments of most active subtile Jesuits incorporated into a particular new Society whereof the Pope himself is Head and Cardinal Barbarino his Vicar which Society was first discovered and some of them apprehended in their private College at Clerkenwel together with their Books of Account Reliques and Massing Trinkets about the beginning of the Second Parliament of this King yet such Power Favour Friends they had then acquired that their Persons were speedily and most indirectly released out of Newgate without any Prosecution to prevent the Parliament's Proceedings against them Since which this conjured Society increasing in Strength and Number secretly replanted themselves in Queenstreet and Long-Acre and their Purses are now so strong their Hopes so elevated their Designs so ripened as they have there purchased and founded a new magnificent College of their own for their Habitation near the fairest Buildings of Nobles Knights and Gentlemen the more commodiously to seduce them Thirdly That these Jesuits and Conspirators hold weekly constant uninterrupted Intelligence with the Pope and Romish Cardinals and have many Spies or Intelligencers of all sorts about the King Court City Noblemen Ladies Gentlemen and in all Quarters of the Kingdom to promote this their Damnable Plot. Fourthly That the Pope for divers late Years hath had a known avowed Legat Con by Name openly residing even in London near the Court of purpose to reduce the King and his Kingdoms to the Obedience of the Church of Rome and the Queen at least another Leger at Rome trading with the Pope to facilitate the Design to wit one Hamilton a Scot who receives a large Pension out of the Exchequer granted to another Protestant of that Name who payeth it over unto him to palliate the business from the People's knowledge by which means there hath been a constant allowed Negotiation held between Rome and England without any open interruption Fifthly That the Pope's Legat came over into England to effect this Project and kept his Residence here in London for the better Prosecution thereof by the King 's own Privity and Consent And whereas by the ancient Law and Custom of the Realm yet in force even in Times of Popery no Legat whatsoever coming from Rome ought to cross the Seas or land in England or any the King's Dominions without the King's Petition Calling and Request and before he had taken a Solemn Oath or Protestation to bring and attempt nothing in Word or Deed to the Prejudice of the Rights Priviledges Laws and Customs of the King and Realm This Legat for ought appears was here admitted without any such cautionary Oath which would have crossed the chief End of his Legation to prejudice all of them and our Religion too Yea whereas by the Statutes of the Realm it is made no less than High Treason for any Priests Jesuits or others receiving Orders or Authority from the Pope of Rome to set footing in England or any the King's Dominions to seduce any of his Subjects to Popery And no Popish Recusant much less then Priests Jesuits and Legats ought to remain within Ten Miles of the City of London nor come into the King's or Prince's Courts the better to avoid such traiterous and most dangerous Conspiracies Treasons and Attempts as are daily devised and practised by them against the King and Commonweal Yet notwithstanding this Pope's Legat and his Confederates have not only kept Residence for divers Years in or near London and the Court and enjoyed free Liberty without Disturbance or any Prosecution of the Laws against them to seduce his Majesty's Nobles Courtiers Servants Subjects every where to their Grief and Prejudice but likewise have had familiar Access to and Conference with the King himself under the very Name and Authority of the Pope's Legat by all Arts Policies and Arguments to pervert and draw him with his three Kingdoms into a new Subjection to the See of Rome as Cardinal 〈◊〉 the last Pope's Legat extant in England before this in Queen Mary's Reign reconciled her and the Realm to Rome to their intolerable Prejudice An Act so inconsistent with the Laws of the Realm with his Majesty's many ancient and late Remonstrances Oaths Protestations to maintain the Protestant Religion without giving way to any back-sliding to Popery in such sort as it was maintained and professed in the purest Times of Queen Elizabeth c. as may well amaze the World which ever looks more at real Actions than verbal Protestations Sixthly That the Popish Party and Conspirators have lately usurped a Sovereign Power not only above the Laws and Magistrates of the Realm which take no hold of Papists but by the Parliament's late Care against them here but even over the King himself who either cannot or dares not for fear perchance of Poysoning or other Assassination oppose or banish these horrid Conspirators from his Dominions and Court but hath a long time permitted them to prosecute this Plot without any publick Opposition or Dislike by whose Powerful Authority and Mediation all may easily divine Alas What will become of the poor Sheep when the Shepherd himself not only neglects to chase and keep out these Romish Wolves but permits them free Access into and Harbour in the Sheepfold to assault if not devour not only his Flock but Person too Either St. John was much mistaken in the Character of a good Shepherd and in prescribing this Injunction against such Seducers If there come any unto you and bring not this Doctrine receive him not into your House neither bid him God speed for he that biddeth him God speed is Partaker of his evil Deeds And the Fathers and Canonists deceived in this Maxim Qui non prohibet malum quod potest jubet Or else the Premises cannot be tolerated or defended by any who profess themselves Enemies or Opposites to the Pope Priests or Church of Rome Seventhly That these Conspirators are so potent as to remove from Court and Publick Offices all such as dare strenuously oppose their Plots as the Example of Secretary Cook with other Officers lately removed in Ireland evidence and plant others of their own Party and Confederacy both in his Majesty's Court Privy Council Closet Bed-chamber if not Bed and about the Prince to corrupt them And how those who are thus environed with so many industrious potent Seducers of all sorts who have so many Snares to entrap so many Enticements to withdraw them both in their Beds Bed-Chambers Closets Councils Courts where-ever they go or come should possibly continue long untainted unseduced without an omnipotent Protection of which none can be assured who permits or connives at such dangerous Temptations is a thing scarce credible in Divine or Humane Reason if Adam's Solomon's and others Apostacies by such means be duly pondered
Ear-witness of his Destiny from the Legat's own Vaunt will inform his Majesty and all his Protestant Subjects who will tremble at the very apprehension of it that they have an Indian poisoned Nut reserved for him amongst this Jesuitical Society or if it be lost a poisoned Knife perchance or some other Instrument to dispatch him out of the World and to get the possession and protection of the Prince whom they will educate in their Antichristian Religion which how possible how probable it is for them considering their present Power and Endeavours to effect it their poisoning of the Emperour Henry the Seventh in the sacred Host of King John in the Chalice their stabbing of Henry the Third of France with a Knife in the Belly of Henry the Fourth his Successor first in the Mouth next in the Heart-strings though all of their own Religion because they would not humour the Pope in every unreasonable Demand though Henry the Fourth turned an Apostate from the Protestant Religion wherein he was bred restored the Jesuits formerly banished out of France rased the Pillar erected in Paris as a standing Monument of their Treasons against their Sovereigns and built them a stately College to secure his Life from their Assassination which yet would not save him from their Butchery Together with their pistolling of the Prince of Orange and poisoning of King James himself as the Legat boasted may inform his Majesty and all his faithful Protestant Subjects especially such as by their confederating with them in these their Wars have done nought but executed their fore-named Designs whom it concerns now very nearly to prevent if possible such a sad Catastrophe of that bloody Tragedy which hath been acted over-long in Ireland and England by these Conspirators fore-plotted Treasons The execrable Horrridness and Reality whereof made the very Discoverer of the Plot out of remorse of Conscience to desert the Conspirators Conspiracy and that bloody Religion which begot it and therefore should much more incite all such in his Majesty's Army who are cordially faithful to their Sovereign Religion Country Posterity and have hitherto ignorantly acted these Conspirators Treasonable Designs under colour of serving the King to consider with remorse of Conscience whose Instruments they have thus long been whose Treasons they have ripened what Protestant Blood they have shed how much they have weakened impoverished betrayed their own Protestant Party who have really stood for God Religion King Country Parliament against these Romish Conspirators and what Hopes what Advantages they have given these Confederates both in England and Ireland to over-top suppress and ere long utterly to extirpate the Protestant Religion themselves and all others who cordially profess it as they have done many thousands of them already And then upon all these sad most serious Considerations the very Thoughts whereof should cause their Souls to bleed and tremble speedily to desert these traiterous Papists ere they get all into their Power and unite all their Heads Hearts Hands Forces to the Parliament's Party who had so good cause to take up defensive Arms to prevent the imminent ruin which otherwise is like to befal both King Kingdom Religion Parliament Liberty Property Posterity ere we be aware especially since the most cowardly unworthy yielding up of Bristol a fit Inlet for the Irish Rebels who have conspired to come over hither with all expedition and Welsh Papists to cut all our Throats Eleventhly That those Protestants who now side with Popish Conspirators when they have accomplished their Designs whatsoever they may now fancy to themselves shall find no more Mercy or Favour from them than the greatest Roundheads if they comply not with them in all things and even in Popery it self For if they will not spare the King 's own Person and Life after so many Favours Graces extended to them as they will not if we believe this Relation or the late Story of King Henry the Fourth of France yet fresh in memory what inferiour Person can think to be secure to fare better than the King himself And if Con the Legat to insinuate himself into the King's and Palatine's Favours at the first when he had no interest in them would not so much as advise the Legat of Cologne to mediate for the Palsgrave lest peradventure the King of Spain should report that the Pope had Patroniz'd an Heretical Prince as the Relation attests though he promised the King effectually to do it How can Prince Rupert Maurice or any other Commanders in the King's Army when they have fully accomplished the Pope's and these his Instruments Designs under whose Banner they ignorantly yet really militate and promote his Cause instead of the King 's and Kingdoms to whom they and others have been so much engaged hope to receive the least Dram of Favour Pity much less any Recompence from the Pope and Popish Party if they continue Hereticks still notwithstanding all their present goodly Promises Will they part with any other Inheritances to them then who will not so much as now mediate for them to regain their own Will these who have butchered so many thousands of innocent Protestants in Ireland in England even before they were sure of the Day without any provocation given spare any Mother's Son of them alive if they once erect their Trophies over them Certainly the Experience of all former Ages compared with the present may fully resolve all That the very tender Mercies of these wicked ones will be nought but extream Cruelty and if they prevail we all must perish without distinction sooner or later unless we will turn Apostates and lose our Religion God Heaven Souls to save our transitory Lives Finally Therefore let the serious Consideration of all the Premises instruct us to learn Wisdom from these our Adversaries let their indefatigable Industry subtil Policy sincere Fidelity chearful Constancy bountiful Liberality fraternal Unanimity undaunted Magnanimity indissolvable Confederacy and uninterrupted Pertinacy in prosecuting establishing propagating their Antichristian Religions Treasons Designs excite all Protestants according to their several late Covenants and Protestations much forgotten to equalize if not transcend them in all these in defending securing propagating our true Christian Religion protecting our King Kingdoms Parliament Laws Liberties Posterities all we yet have or hereafter hope for from that imminent ruin which these Popish Conspirators threaten to them Fore-warn'd fore-arm'd If now we perish through our own private Dissentions Folly Cowardise Covetousness Treachery or Security or monstrous Credulity that these Conspirators and Papists now in Arms fight only for the King and establishment of the Protestant Religion as it was in Queen Elizabeth's days against whom they plotted so many Treasons even for her very Religion and the Powder-Plot since against King James and the whole Parliament our Blood shall rest upon our own Heads who would not take timely notice of our incumbent Dangers nor suddenly prevent them whiles we might THE EXAMINATION OF HENRY
b Can. 118. c Can. 103. d Can. 127. * Made December 14. 1640. and extant in Rushworth par 3. vol. 1. p. 105. Et Art 2. 〈◊〉 † Apud Aug Epist. 88. 98. b Aug. Ep. 102. c Aug. Ep. 103. d Greg. Eulogio Episcopo Alexandrino Apud H. Spelman in Concil p. 80. Et Episc Arelatensi Ibid. p. 95. The Managers against the Arch-Bishop in another place pretend that this Title was never given to any English Bishop at least But herein they are much mistaken For 〈◊〉 was often given to them To produce but one Instance Pope Leo III. gave this Title to Ethelard Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and that in a Letter wrote to Kenulphus King of Mercia Angl. Sacr. par 1. pag. 460. H. W. 1 Tim. 6. 16. S. Aug. 16. Civ Dei c. 21. Cont. Fisher. §. 25. p. 171. S. Hieron 〈◊〉 Aug. Epist. 11. 13. 14. 17. 18. c. * These six Lines are inserted out of place and belong clearly to his Defence of making new 〈◊〉 for the Vniversity which followeth afterwards W. S. A. C. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII VIII IX April 22. April 25. April 30. Maij 4. 1644. Saturday Die Octavo Paterc L. 2. 〈◊〉 I. II. Can. 88. 〈◊〉 Aug. 25 Hen. 8. 〈◊〉 19. §. ult III. IV. V. VI. VII 1. Diary in fine 〈◊〉 21. VIII Diary fine 〈◊〉 8. IX 25 Hen. 8. cap. 19. 〈◊〉 ult X. 1 Eliz. c. 2. 1 Eliz. c. 1 §. 8. * The Words of the Statute are By Vertue of this Act. XI Maii 6. Maii 9. Maii 13. Maii 16. 1644. Die Nono I. II. III. IV. V. 1 Eliz c. 〈◊〉 13 Ed. 1. 1 Eliz. c. 1. 〈◊〉 8. 1 Eliz. c. 2. VI. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Perjuri 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 69. 1. 〈◊〉 3. 4. 5. 6. 〈◊〉 15. §. 12. 7. 8. 9. 〈◊〉 9. §. 2. VII 1. 13 Eliz. c. 10. §. Penult VIII IX 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. The Arch-Bishop had collected many Papers Decrees and Precedents to assert his Priviledge of Visiting the Vniversities in Right of 〈◊〉 See about the Year 1635. Which being 〈◊〉 on by Pryn among his other Papers at Lambeth were by him after the Arch-Bishop's Death published in his own Name with this title The Plea of the University of Oxford 〈◊〉 c. London 1647. eight sheets in 410. 〈◊〉 W. X. 1. 2. 3. 4. XI 1. 2. 3. Psal. 45. 17. 4. Conf. at Hamps Court p. 84. 5. 6. 37 H. 8. c. 17. Can. 1. Maij 16. Maij 17. Maij 20. 1644. Munday Die Decimo I. Injunct of Q. Eliz. fine In his reply Calv. 1. Inflit. c. 11. §. 12. Hom. of Idol par 2. To. 2. p. 27. Fine † 3 4 Ed. 6. c. 10. * l. was Commended or Commanded Art 35. 1 〈◊〉 3. 1 2. 2 Chron. 29. 28 B. Rhenani 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 de Coron Mil. p. 40. Bp. 〈◊〉 de Missa L. 6. c. 5. Can. Eccles. Aug. 24. * Tho. p. 3. 9. 63. A. 6. 〈◊〉 1 Cor. 9. 13. 〈◊〉 Mat. 23. 19. Injunct of Q. Eliz. in 〈◊〉 Rom. 2. 22. II. 1. 2. 3. 〈◊〉 Psal. 119. 2. 3. III. 〈◊〉 2. Cont. Fisher. §. 33. p. 279. L. 1. 〈◊〉 c. 11. §. 12. S. Job 1. 32 33. S. 〈◊〉 19. 〈◊〉 3. S. Joh. 10. 1 2. All these Pictures were placed in the Gallery by Cardinal Pole when he built it and continue there still having not been defaced by the Godly Party in the time of the Rebellion at were the Windows of the Chappel and the Chappel it self converted to a Dancing-Room by them having first beat down Arch-Bishop Parker's Tomb in the middle of it and cast his Bones upon the Dunghil H. W. IV. 〈◊〉 S. 〈◊〉 Adversus Vigilantium Tom. 2. Hom. 1. Princip 2 In 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 65. 'T is commonly called the Black Book 3. * 〈◊〉 observabatur ab 〈◊〉 Vedelius and he no way Superstitious in Igna. Epistola ad Philip. Exercit 16. c. 3. 1. 2. 3. 4. Maij 22. Maij 27. Maij 25. I. Maij 27. 1644. Munday Die Undecimo 1. 2. 3. II. 1. Can. Eccles. 〈◊〉 24. III. 1. 2. 3. Heylin affirmeth that the old Crucifix being found among the Regalia 〈◊〉 then placed upon the Altar Life of Laud p. 144. 4. 5. * p. 706. p. 706. p. 706. p. 706. IV. 〈◊〉 11. † 〈◊〉 Cheynell * And the third Witness agrees in this Can. 〈◊〉 V. VI. Can. 24. VII Q. Eliz. Injunct Fine VIII Junii 1. Junii 6. Thursday 〈◊〉 6. 1644. Die Duodecimo I. II. III. IV. 1. 〈◊〉 against the Peril of Idola p. 3. p. 92. V. 1. Calv. 1. 〈◊〉 c. 11. §. 12. Deut. 4. 15 16. 〈◊〉 20. 21. St. Aug. Deut. 7. 5. 12. 2. * Euseb. 3. de vita Constan. c. 54. VP 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. p. 11. VII Dr. Featly's Sermons * p. 477. † p. 791. | p. 808. * p. 810. This was done long before the Reformation when the Patents of Chancellors and Commissaries were revocable at the pleasure of the Bishop H. W. I. 〈◊〉 11. 1644. Whitson-Tuesday Die Decimotertio * The Arch-Bishop calls the English Papists Roman-Catholicks not as allowing them to be such but referring to that Name which some of them were before said to have affixed to him H W II. Psal. 24. 7. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Jo. Prideaux Concie in S. Luc. 19. 46 1 〈◊〉 9. 13. Psal. 95. 6. S. Lue. 22. 31. In Antiq. 〈◊〉 p. 85. III. Here in England both before and since the Reformation Chappels 〈◊〉 erected were always solemnly Consecrated as well as Churches I could produce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Time preceding many of the 〈◊〉 succeeding the 〈◊〉 H. W. 〈◊〉 L. 10. Hist. c. 3. 2. 3. 〈◊〉 The. 2. 2ae q. 85. A. 2. ad 3. 〈◊〉 3. IV. Tertio Servis ijs qui sub aliorum degerent Imperio quietis Diem indulgendum censuit 〈◊〉 aliquam haberent à labore remissionem Gal. L. 2. Inst. c. 8. 〈◊〉 28. S. John 10. 22. V. This Mr Culmer not only Pissed in the Church of Canterbury but also demolished the Noble Glass-Windows of it with his own Hands The like he did in the Parish-Church of Minster in Thanet which Benefice he usurped during the Rebellion I have had more particular Opportunities to be informed concerning him from many yet alive who knew him well and upon the whole think him to have been one of the greatest Villains in the Three Kingdoms H Antidatum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 11. Ibid p 35. que Sabbatismi 〈◊〉 ter 〈◊〉 superant Cal. 2. Inst. c. 8. 〈◊〉 34. VI. VII VIII My Speech in the Star-Chamber Praefat. versus 〈◊〉 Divine and Politick Observations upon my Speech p. 78. Speed in Hen. 7. 5. 16. 〈◊〉 14. 1644. 〈◊〉 17. 1644. 〈◊〉 I. Die 〈◊〉 II. III. Confer at Ham. 〈◊〉 p. 47. 〈◊〉 dictum W. S. A. C. * His Name was Gellibrand W. S. A. C. * I believe 〈◊〉 Name here 〈◊〉 is Mr. Fox the 〈◊〉 W. S. A. C. 1. 2. 〈◊〉 at Ham. Court p. 29 30. 1. 2. 3. 〈◊〉 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. Junij 〈◊〉 1644.
Legat should be so familiar with the King and the King make much of him instead of banishing him is a Riddle * The Archbishop therefore and he had some familiarity and acquaintance at first * This offer appears under the Arch Bishop's own hand in the 〈◊〉 of his Life The Papacy of Cant. and this otherWorld is of greater value than an Italian Cardinalship But he kept not him from the Court. Jesuits are both diligent and able to remove their 〈◊〉 at Court from out of Place and Favour too It is admirable this Faction should be so powerfully predominant as to displace the greatest and faithfulest Officers Jesuit I will be sure to move Hell when they cannot prevail with Heaven Jesuits cannot indure neuters If a man may be saved in any Religion be may safely imbrace any and cleave close to none * The Bishop's Tyranny against Puritans the best advantage and greatest advancement of Popes designs * He means the Scottish Prayer-book the alterations whereof from the English were found in the Original Copy under the Arch-Bishop's own hand when his Chamber was 〈◊〉 The Jesuits love to Fish when the Bishops trouble the Streams with their Innovations and Popish Ceremonies The Jesuits the plotters and chief directors of the Scottish War * The King tied to Conditions by Papists before they aided him † Now practised in Oxford Wales and the Northern parts by open toleration * The more shame and pity and a good Caveat for the Parliament henceforth to look to it † The King then must needs be in great danger among Papists now * Jesuits make but a vaunt of poysoning Kings † The Jesuits it seems know very well King James was poysoned belike by some of their Instruments * It seems some Noblemens Chaplains are but the Popes and Jesuits Intelligencers if not their Confederates All foreign Popish States contribute their best assistance to reduce England to Rome * A meet Guerdon for such a Service Jesuits will not give over acting till they 〈◊〉 their Designs Bishops Sons oft-times the Pope's greatest Agents 〈◊〉 industrious Activity should shame our Slothfulness The Protestants want of such mutual correspondency and intelligence is a great weakning to their cause Let them learn Wisdom by their Enemies * A 〈◊〉 place for their intelligence and correspondency with Ireland lying in the midst between both The Jesuits 〈◊〉 make 〈◊〉 use of all Nations and 〈◊〉 * O that such Romish Seducers should obtain such Power and Rewards for being seducing Instiuments The Jesuits it seems are very powerful at 〈◊〉 The Pope's weekly intelligence at Rome from hence can 〈◊〉 no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 England Jesuits 〈◊〉 how to 〈◊〉 their Names and 〈◊〉 There are more Popish Chapel in and about London than are 〈◊〉 known Jesuits can 〈◊〉 any 〈◊〉 or Part to delude the 〈◊〉 Papists large Contributions to undermine our Religion should make us liberal to defend it Jesuits are as wise as Serpents though not so innocent as Doves The Jesuits 〈◊〉 of the Serpent to seduce men by female 〈◊〉 to their ruin Her Voyage to Rome to visit the Pope made her frequently to visit his Legat The Countess belike was his forerunner 〈◊〉 No wonder theEarls Debts be so great A School of Nunns Is not the King in gre it danger who hath such a Person in his Bed-chamber now keeper of the great Seal Both King and Prince have Jesuitical 〈◊〉 in their Bed-chambers All businesses and imployments must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aside to 〈◊〉 this Plot. A Jesuitical Secretary his 〈◊〉 and Articles in Parliament confirm 〈◊〉 this and more Papists spare no cost The other Conspirators Names A sit Cover for such a Dish It seems their Purses were strong and their hopes great A good Caveat for England now † Jesuits know well how to equivocate thus * Ij Popes must not favour Protestant Princes it s a Miracle that they should favour them or harbour any of their Agents now neer them a I did all I could and the whole Business was examined at a Committee of Lords his Majesty being present And Sir William Roswell's last Answer to these Lords Committees came after I was committed when it lay not in my Power to follow it any farther * This must needs be the 〈◊〉 or one employed from him b Yet by 〈◊〉 c Most false d This is added * Page 171. e 'T is no Challenge neither f Most false g I could not prosecute him Nor the Author of this Tract had he been in my place h The slanderous Tongues of your Faction made him presume if any thing i These Words are not mine Besides take the whole Sentence and then c. * See the General Hist. of France in the Life of H. 3. 4. ‖ See the English Pope k I had 〈◊〉 with either of them And have received Blame from some Great Men that I would not make use of them as my Predecessor 〈◊〉 have done k I had 〈◊〉 with either of them And have received Blame from some Great Men that I would not make use of them as my Predecessor 〈◊〉 have done l I had good reason to write them in my own Hand Yet shall they never be proved to be all 〈◊〉 And if they were yet c. m This is according to the First Book of Edw 6. * With which his Speech in Star-chamber agrees There it is Hoc est corpus meum c. n This is no greater Proof of Corporal Presence than the retaining of it is only to make a bare remembrance c. * To elevate the Hostia as Papists do o It was never meant of Dr. 〈◊〉 p I hope I shall not answer for other Men if they prove not as they should * See the Articles against him in Parliament q He was 〈◊〉 inward with another Bishop and who laboured his Preferment more 〈◊〉 I. r Go Potlids s My Chaplains have answered their Faults or may when 〈◊〉 t Who told you so u Vtterly False x I helped on that Parliament And Sir Henry Vane was the Man that brake it for ought I know y When 't is prepared it shall be welcome to me to have any end * 〈◊〉 Eccles. 〈◊〉 p. 322. Ead. lib. 1. and 〈◊〉 Acts and Mon. Vol. 1. Edit ult p. 926. * 23 Eliz. c. 1. 35 Eliz. c. 2. 3 〈◊〉 c. 3 4 5. * See 1 2 Phil. Mary c. 8. * Joh. 10. 10 11 12 13. † 2 Joh. 10 11. * Gratian. caus 23. a Sir Henry Vane wrought him out * Gen. 3. † 1 King 11. ‖ Qui amat 〈◊〉 peribit in co * Chamberlain Cardinal Richelieu his Agent * Now a Prisoner in the Tower and taken in the Field in actual Rebellion in Ireland * Grimston in his Life Fox Speed † General History of France * 〈◊〉 Grimston † See Dr. 〈◊〉 Book and the Commons Charge against the Duke of 〈◊〉 * It should seem that this Popish 〈◊〉 had assumed a wrong Name and made use of that of a much 〈◊〉 Person then a Member of the Vniversity who perhaps being absent at that time might have unadvisedly left a Commission with this Emissary to receive the Letters directed to him at Oxford For from Dr Bayly's Answer to the Arch-Bishop it appears that after all the enquiry he could make into the matter he could not find any reason to fasten any Suspicion upon Mr. Pully or that he was in the least inclined to Popery * His Name is Weale Ethic. l. 1.
King and acquainted him both with the Thing and the Person Aug. 7. Wednesday An absolute Settlement between me and K. B. after I had made known my Cause at large God bless me in it Aug. 14. Wednesday A Report brought to me that I was Poisoned Aug. 17. Saturday I had a serious offer made me again to be a Cardinal I was then from Court but so soon as I came thither which was Wednesday Aug. 21. I acquainted his Majesty with it But my answer again was that somewhat dwelt within me which would not suffer that till Rome were other than it is Aug. 25. Sunday My Election to the Arch-Bishoprick was returned to the King then being at Woodstock Septemb. 19. Thursday I was translated to the Arch-Bishoprick of Canterbury The Lord make me able c. The Day before viz. Sept. 18. When I first went to Lambeth my Coach Horses and Men sunk to the bottom of the Thames in the Ferry-Boat which was over-laden but I Praise God for it I lost neither Man nor Horse A wet Summer and by it a Casual Harvest The Rainy Weather continuing till Novemb 14. which made a marvellous ill Seed-time There was Barley abroad this Year within 30 Miles of London at the end of October Novemb. 13. Wednesday Richard Boyer who had formerly named himself Lodowick was brought into the Star-Chamber for most grosly Misusing me and Accusing me of no less than Treason c. He had broke Prison for Felony when he did this His Censure is upon Record And God forgive him About the beginning of this Month the Lady Davis Prophesied against me that I should very few Days out-live the Fifth of November And a little after that one Green came into the Court at St. James's with a great Sword by his Side swearing the King should do him Justice against me or he wou'd take another course with me All the wrong I ever did this Man was that being a poor Printer I procured him of the Company of the Stationers 5 l. a Year during his Life God preserve me and forgive him He was committed to Newgate Novemb. 24. Sunday in the After-noon I Christened King Charles his Second Son James Duke of York at St. James's Decemb. 10. and 29. Twice or Thrice in the Interim I advertised his Majesty of the Falsehood and Practice that was against me by L. T. c. This brake out then Jan. 1. The way to do the Town of Reading good for their Poor which may be compassed by God's Blessing upon me though my Wealth be small And I hope God will bless me in it because it was his own Motion in me For this way never came into my Thoughts though I had much beaten them about it till this Night as I was at my Prayers Amen Lord. Anno 1634. March 30. Palm-Sunday I Preached to the King at White-Hall Maij 13. I received the Seals of my being chose Chancellor of the University of Dublin in Ireland To which Office I was chosen Sept. 14. 1633. There were now and somewhat before great Fractions in Court And I doubt many private ends followed to the prejudice of Publick Service Good Lord preserve me Junij 11. Mr. Prynne sent me a very Libellous Letter about his Censure in the Star-Chamber for his Histriomastix and what I said at that Censure in which he hath many ways mistaken me and spoken untruth of me Junij 16. I shewed this Letter to the King and by his command sent it to Mr. Atturney Noye Junij 17. Mr. Atturney sent for Mr. Prynn to his Chamber shewed him the Letter asked him whether it were his hand Mr. Prynn said he could not tell unless he might read it The Letter being given into his hand he tore it into small pieces threw it out at the Window and said that should never rise in Judgment against him Fearing it seems an Ore tenus for this Junij 18. Mr. Atturney brought him for this into the Star-Chamber where all this appear'd with shame enough to Mr. Prynn I there forgave him c. Julij 26. I received word from Oxford that the Statutes were accepted and published according to my Letters in the Convocation-House that Week Aug. 9. Saturday Mr. William Noye his Majesties Atturney General dyed at Brainford circa Horam Noctis Decimam And Sunday Morning August 10. His Servant brought me word of it to Croydon before I was out of my Bed I have lost a dear Friend of him and the Church the greatest she had of his Condition since she needed any such Aug. 11. One Rob Seal of St Albans came to me to Croydon told me somewhat wildly about a Vision he had at Shrovetide last about not Preaching the Word sincerely to the People And a Hand appeared unto him and Death and a Voice bid him go tell it the Metropolitan of Lambeth and made him swear he would do so and I believe the poor Man was over-grown with Phansie So I troubled not my self further with him or it Aug. 30. Saturday At Oatlands the Queen sent for me and gave me thanks for a Business with which she trusted me her Promise then that she would be my Friend and that I should have immediate address to her when I had Occasion Septemb. 30. I had almost fallen into a Fever with a Cold I took and it held me above three weeks Octob. 20. The extream hot and faint October and November save three days frost the dryest and fairest time The Leaves not all off the Trees at the beginning of December The Waters so low that the Barges could not pass God bless us in the Spring after this green Winter Decemb. 1. Munday My Antient Friend E. R. came to me and performed great Kindness which I may not forget Decemb. 4. I Visited the Arches it was Thursday Decemb. 10. Wednesday That Night the Frost began the Thames almost frozen and it continued until the Sunday Sevennight after Dec. 15. X. E. R. Januar. 8. Thursday I Married the Lord Charles Herbert and the Lady Mary Daughter to the Duke of Buckingham in the Closet at White-Hall Januar. 5. Munday-night being Twelfth-Eve the Frost began again the Thames was frozen over and continued so till February 3. 1634. A mighty Flood at the Thaw Feb. 5. Thursday I was put into the great Committee of Trade and the King's Revenue c. March 1. Sunday The great business which the King commanded me to think on and give him account and L. T. March 14. Saturday I was Named one of the Commissioners for the Exchequer upon the death of Richard Lord Weston Lord High Treasurer of England That Evening K. B. sent to speak with me at White-Hall a great deal of free and clear expression if it will continue March 16. Munday I was called against the next day into the Forrain Committee by the King March 22. Palm-Sunday I Preached to the King at White-Hall Anno 1635. April 9. Wednesday and from thence-forward all in firm Kindness between K.