English Clergy and that almost all his Nobility would fall from him having contrary to their Allegiance ingaged so to do And therefore perswaded him to submit himself to the Pope to hinder those inconveniences and thereby to keep himself a King The King mâ—inly troubled at these treacherous dealings of his own Subjects not knowing where to turn himself was I know not how terrified and overperswaded into an Ignominious condescention to the Pope by admitting of Stephen Langton to be Aâ—chbishop and the rest of his Rebellious Subjects to their former conditions and then unkingly to resign up the Kingdoms of England and Ireland to the Pope by taking off his Crown kneeling giving it to Pandolphus and laying the Royal Scepter Robe Sword and Ring at the Legates feet which Pandolf kept five days and then allow'd the King to have them again A thousand Marks â—â— Silver he also paid there for the Pope which the Legate as in a triumph trad upon for we must not think that he despi 〈…〉 â—nd left it behind him 〈…〉 so having thus gotten all that heart could wish takes off the 〈…〉 ict and lets England turn Christian once again Though 〈…〉 us that King John's submissions were of no force to 〈…〉 erity no King having power to give away his King 〈…〉 ake it tributary to a Forreigner no way akin to the 〈…〉 Nor could a Christian Bishop by following our Saviou 〈…〉 s whose Foundation lay onely on Spirituals thus make it hâ—â— business and wicked haughty design to make all Kings and Kingdoms Tributary or subject to his deposing and disposing of But for a farther nullity of King John's grant and concession I shall refer you to Mr. a Hist of Popes Usurp p. â—0â— â—91 2â—2 â—0 pag. â—20 Prynne And as for this Innocent III who thus domineer'd over Temporal Princes though these actions were enough to tell you what he was yet Matthew Paris in plain words will inform you that he was b Super omâ—es mortaâ—es 〈…〉 osus 〈…〉 suâ—â—â—bus pe 〈…〉 que sititor insatiaâ—ilis ad â—â—nia scelera pro praemüs datis vâ—l pâ—oâ—â—sis cerâ—um 〈…〉 Mâ—â— Paris pag. 245. the proudest and ambitious man in the world most greedy and covetous of Silver for which he was apt to do all manner of wickedness When the Pope had thus as he thought obtain'd King John to be his Vassal and so the Kingdom his he took his part after against his Enemies thereby the better to preserve what he had at last got in England And so passing by the several Rebellions against the King by his own Subjects their renouncing their Allegiance to him and declaring themselves subject to Lewes of France and suchlike King John dyed but the cause of his death is not agreed upon some saying a surfeit others grief and others that he was poysoned by the Monks of Swinsted-Abby in Lincolnshire who were of the Cistercian Order who thought themselves opprest by King John Father c Wâ—r◠〈…〉 pag. 〈…〉 â—20 Parsons is very furious against any that shall say this King was poysoned nor will he grant any Authority for it before Caxton and Trevisa though by his favour besides those ancient Authors mentioned by Speed and a Fox â—ryn pag. 366. others I my self have seen several old b Fol. F. â—2 fol. R. 67. Qâ—arto l. 35. Arch. Cant. in Bâ—bl Bodleian Oxon. Chron. Antique in English Verse Manuscript lib. Digb numb 196. Manuscript Digb numb 186. in Bibl. Bodl. Oxon. Manuscript-Histories of England writ before Caxton who expresly declare the manner of his poysoning But be it as it will 't is certain that it is no Protestant invention but first recorded by Romanists themselves Sect. 2. The Murther of Erick the Sixth and Erick the Seventh Kings of Denmark HAving entertain'd you somewhat long in England we shall be the shorter abroad and first looking Northward into Denmark Ericus VI Henry was murdered by the contrivance of his Brother Abel The story in short thus Abel longing for year 1250 the Crown took an occasion when the King once went to visit year 1251 him to entertain him with all manner of love and respect but while he was playing at Chess or Tables with a Nobleman Krantz Dan. lib. 7. some Souldiers appointed rush into the Chamber take out the King carry him on Ship-board cut off his head tye some weight to his body and throw it into the Sea not far from Sleswick And not long after this was King Erick VII of the same Kingdom year 1286 murdered in bed by his own Subjects receiving upon his body about LVI wounds Sect. 3. The deposing of Baldwin the Second Emperour of Constantinople I Have not troubled you a long while with the Eastern Empi e because they would object it not to be of the Fellowship with Rome but now a word or two will not be amiss Baldwin II being Emperour of Constantinople and a c Tho. Bozius de jure status pag. 287 288. lawful one too as they confess was by force without any pretence or right thrust out of it by Michael Palaeologus who to add wickedness to wickedness contrary to his Oath put out the eyes of John the young Heir yet because there is no villany without some sign and pretence of sanctity d An. 1259. § 6. Bzovius flyeth out in commendation of his Piety and Holiness because when he was about this Rebellion he had the Image of the Virgin Mary carryed before him into Constantinople Baldwin complains to other Princes and he is like to have assistance Pope e Spond an 1261. § 10. Vrban IV being for him too against Michael Upon this Palaeologus is in a peck of troubles fearing to have more Enemies upon him than he can cope with and in this sad condition he findes no remedy like making the Pope his friend A strange attempt to fancie that the Infallible holy Father would have any friendship with such a Rebel but on he goeth cunningly pulls out his bait and sends to the Pope that a b Sâ—ond an 1263. § 6 7. Union might be made between the Graecian and Roman Churches and which must not but be brag'd of he gave him all the finest good morrows and glorious Titles of c Bzev an 1203. § 13. Holiness Father of Fathers Prince of all Priests Vniversal Doctor of the Church c. Pope Vrban at the receipt of this Letter is almost mad for joy d Id. anno 1264. § 2. writes back to Palaeologus adorning him with all the glorious Titles he can think of not a little proud that now there was hopes for inlargement of the Popes Dominions by his e Sub unus pasioris regimine sole governing the Eastern as well as the Western Churches a Sway and Authority which for many Ages the Popes had earnestly gaped after In the mean time Vrban IV dying Clement IV succeeds with whom the same League was driven
Revenue of Corpus Christi Church Here being now met one of them falls a railing against the Governour of the City for which rashness he was warily reprehended by one Melon which reproof was so ill taken by the people who also hated Melon for his Office being a Sergeant that in a fury they took the poor Catch-pole threw a Rope about his neck and dragg'd him out of the City with a designe to hang him but they bruis'd him with so many stripes that he was dead before they got him to the Gallows however they hung up his body there This done as they return'd they met with a Companion of Melon's called Roque Portalejo whom without farther ado they hal'd to the Gallows hanging him up by the feet till he dyed The next day being informed that their Alderman and Burgess Antonio de Tordesillas had granted the Emperour some monies and was then at the Town-Council thither they ran in an hurry climbing over the Doors breaking in at the Windows and violently laying hands on him they dragged him out of St. Michaels Church where the Council meets nor could all his intreaties and reasons satisfie them but they set him clad in crimson Velvet on a Mâ—le with an intent to carry him to prison yet they had not carryed him far but they knock'd him off again put a Rope about his neck dragged him along the streets punching him on the head with the pummels of their Swords nor would they allow him Confession or Sacrament but so trail'd him to the Gallows where they hung him with his head downwards betwixt the two other This done they turn'd out all the Kings Officers of Justice putting others in their places and ruled all having seised on the City Gates but the Forts were gallantly defended by Don Hernando de Bobadilla Earl of Chinchon and his brother Don Diego And the chiefest of the City endeavour'd to excuse themselves to the Cardinal and his Council At the same time with the former tumult the City of Zamora fell into the like fury against their Commissioners and Burgesses for granting the Emperour a Subsidy whereupon the Members fled and hid themselves in the Monastery of Marta a little days journey off which so inraged the people that they made Statues and Pictures resembling them which they dragged about the streets with many reproachful exclamations and threatned the Monastery to fire it if the Commissioners were not deliver'd whom they resolved to murther The people of Vall adolid had the same freaks in their noddles But those of Burgos could not be kept within any bounds assaulting the Lord Constables house invironed the house of the Dutchess Donna Maria de Tabar shooting down part of its Tower whereby they entred and sought for her but she saved her self by hiding They ran to Garci Ruiz de la Mota's house who had been Commissioner and was Brother to the Bishop of Badajos and Palencia resolving to kill him but he saved himself by flight yet they burn'd his house with a great number of Deeds Charters and other Papers belonging to the King and Kingdom Nor did they spare the consuming of his richest goods and moveables as fine Linnen rich Tapistry-hangings c. with all which they made a great Bonfire to satisfie their fury and make their worships sport And to continue the Frolick they burned down the House of Garci Jofre one of the Emperours Harbingers and not content with this they took the poor fellow clapt him in Prison where with blows and thrusts they soon dispatch'd him and being dead they tyed his feet together so drag'd him to his own door cutting and pinking his body with their swords all the way and thus drawing it through all the streets at last they hang'd it up with his head downwards Madrid was also possest with the same Devil of Rebellion seising upon all the Arms and setting Guards to maintain their own whims all the City over and in like manner rose up Siguenza Salamanca Murcia Illescas and as mad as the rest was Guadalajara who not being able to get their Commissioners into their Clutches rased down their houses the foundations of which they plowed up and sowed with salt saying that In regard they were traytors houses they must be salted lest they should infect the rest with their infidelity Cardinal Adrian and his Council having consider'd of these distempers resolved by punishing of Segovia to terrifie the rest to which purpose they sent as Judge Ronquillo a famous Lawyer in those times with a thousand horse for his security and if the City denyed him entrance and to be judged by him to make his way by sorce The Segovians upon this fortifie themselves and make resistance being assisted by those of Toledo Avila Madrid with other inferiour Towns whereby several skirmishes were performed The Cardinal upon this orders Antonio de Fonceca Captain-General of the Kingdom to go to the assistance of Ronquillo Fonceca marcheth first to Medina del Campo where the Emperours Artillery lay with them to strengthen himself but the people denying to deliver them they fell to blows in which exploit nine hundred houses with the Monastery and Library of St. Francis were accidentally burn'd to the ground and Fonceca beaten off The Citizens of Medina inraged at the burning of their houses flew to Arms elected one Bobadilla a furious Cloth-worker their Captain under whose conduct they presently destroy'd all they could meet with that had any familiarity or kindness with Fonceca against whom they sent their complaints to the other Cities At this the Citizens of Valladolid fell stark mad ran in a fury to Pedro de Portillo's house the chief and richest there which they plundred and pull'd down the like they did to General Fonceca's house and the habitation of Alonso Ninno de Castro their chief Judge and turn'd out of their City Don Alonso Enriquez Bishop of Osma and other Gentlemen whom they supposed would not be partakers with them the rest they made take an Ingagement or Covenant to their Holy Commonalty The City Cuenzâ— also declares for the people and suffers themselves to be govern'd by one Calahorra and a Bridle maker as Salamanca and Segovia were by two Skinners and of the same humours were Toro and Ciudad-Roderigo and other places insomuch that of eighteen Cities in Castile which had votes in Parliament a Toledo Madrid Guadalaxara Soria Murcia Cuenza Segovia Avila Salamanâ—a Toro Zamara Leon Valladolid Burgos Ciudad-Roderigo fifteen were risen for the Commonalty Besides the people of Murcia had risen and kill'd their Governour a Judge and one of the Sheriffs with other persons and threatned the same to any that should be sent to try or question them for so doing And Sevilla it self was running the same risk but that it seems the Nobility the b Veynte y Quatras the fouâ— and twenty or Aldermen four and twenty and other Justices at that time were too loyal to be perswaded to such wickedness and
of this Oath none like Father Parsons who to have the better pretence of Reviling will father King James his Apology upon Thomas Montague and through that supposed Name bespatter his Majesty He tells us that all the * The Judgmeâ—t oâ— a Catholick English-man §. 14. pag. 9. Learned men beyond Seas cry it down as unlawful as opposing matters of Faith and he himself assures us That none can take it * Id. pag. 14. § 22. without peril of everlasting Damnation At last Parsons coming to argue against it is driven to the Fanatical Argument Liberty of Conscience and thus boldly asserts it For saith he * Pag. 38. §. 20. neither Breathing nor the use of common Air is more due unto them i. e. good Subjects or common to all than ought to be Liberty of Conscience to Christian men whereby each one liveth to God and to himself and without which he strugleth with the torment of a continual lingring death And then a little after thus boasts * Id pag. 51. §. 37. Let them shew but one only Authority Sentence Example or Testimony out of any of these three kind of Witnesses Scriptures Fathers or Councils that we must obey Princes against our Conscience or Religion and I will grant he saith somewhat to the purpose Thus will they have all their Religion or Faith to hang upon the taking or not taking of this Oath But in this zeal for liberty he meets with a Rub and that is this Why then do the Romanists force Protestants by their Inquisitions to abjure their Opinions and if they refuse Id. pag. 23. §. 36. punish them with Death or as the Crime requireth To this Objection Parsons thinks he saith enough by telling you that the case is not the same because forsooth the Roman Church hath jus acquisitum ancient right over Hereticks but the Protestant Church of England hath no such thing upon Catholicks As Treasonable an Assertion as could be imagined seeing according to his Consequence and the thing in hand A Protestant King can have no right over Romanists and so Protestanism must ipso facto deprive Kings and render them uncapable of Dominion where the people are of the Roman Religion so that Henry IV. was not nor could be King of France till he was reconciled to Rome The truth is all of them who write against the Oath ground all their Exceptions upon this That they think it takes away the Pope's power of depriving Kings and absolving Subjects from their Allegiance so that we may see what it is that pincheth them and how much they look upon Loyalty and true Obedience to be an Enemy to their Interest and Church But to render this Oath more odious and terrible they amaze the simple people with strange stories of God's Judgments against the takers of it and this with the Vulgar they make one of their best Arguments They alledg That the Captain of them viz. Father Blackwell dyed Vid. Rog. Widdrington's Theolog. Disput cap. 10. Sect. 4. suddenly To which the other Party reply That 't is granted that Blackwell on Saturday in the afternoon viz. 25 of January 1612 fell into a swoun being well before upon which he was had to bed whither some Priests came to him to whom he affirmed he had done nothing contrary to his Conscience in taking the said Oath and that it was a lawful Oath and so dyed a little after but his death was five years after he had taken the Oath That if sudden-deaths be Arguments they could retort and tell them of some Priests Enemies of the Oath who dyed by the same Judgments as of one in the North who otherwise very healthy was so suddenly strucken with a deadly Disease that he dyed within sixteen hours Of another that fell down a pair of Stairs whereby he was so bruised that he lived not long after Of a third who leaping hastily over an Hedg fell into a pit on the other side of the Hedg and so was cast away To all these might be added that one of the greatest Champions the Oath had was Mr. Thomas or Rowland Preston a learned Benedictan Monk who lived many a fair year after his taking and defending the said Oath though the Pope and his Party might have wish'd that he had dyed sooner or writ less Yet he disguised his Writings under the Name of Roger Widdrington who indeed was another Romanist living in the North under which Name he opposed Suarez baffled Bellarmine confuted Gretzer Becanus and the rest of their Party whereupon some began to call it Widdrington's Doctrine i. e. to defend the lawfulness of the Oath of Allegiance The Jesuits had several designs against him once they plotted to seize upon him in a Boat upon the River Thames and so to hurry him beyond Seas where they would have claw'd him for his defending Loyalty and Allegiance but he suspected that the beyond-sea Air would hasten his death therefore for some years he secured himself in the Clink where he lived with freedom followed his Studies and had an excellent Library of his own Again the other Party object That Mr. Jackson who took the Oath dyed of the Plague But this is nothing to the unwarrantableness of the Oath unless we will argue that it was unlawful to regain the Holy-land from the Saracens because S. Lewis ix King of France and one that is Canonized is said to dye of the Plague in that Expedition or that we must not read Sanders his Book de Schismate because Edward Rishton a rebellious ungrateful Priest published it and made Continuations to it and dyed of the Plague in Lorrain Nay the Anti-Loyalists flye so low that rather than have nothing to say they would object as a fault the living or breathing at a Bishops House and all this a-do because Mr. William Warmington lived in the Bishop of Winchester's House whereas the Objection was occasioned by their own uncharitableness For Warmington having taken and engaged himself as a Champion of the Oath his own Roman Friends and Kindred became his Enemies withdrawing from him all the Benevolence they used to allow him Warmington put to this stress of Livelihood only for his Loyalty and Obedience petitions the King for some Allowance The King graciously accepts it commends him to Dr. Bilson the Bishop of Winchester with order to take him to himself to his own House there to provide for him The Bishop obeys Warmington lives with him wants nothing hath liberty at pleasure and freedom of his Religion And is not this a notable Argument to prove the Oath of Allegiance unlawful But if these should fail they can flye to their old trick of Miracles and bring Heaven it self to confute the Oath and this they doubt not but will work much with the honest Romanist One of their Stories take as followeth Mr. Thomas Newton of Pickworth in Lincolnshire a Roman Catholick meeting at Standford with one Mr. Edward Sutton of Kellam in
Gravitie Learning Pietie Devotion Peace Concord Vnitie and Charitie was carryed away And in the new Gospelling Ship came in all the contrary vices namely of Sedition Division Pride Temerity Curiosity Novelties Sensuality Impiety and Atheism But Quis tulerit Gracehos de seditione querentes Juv. Sat. 2. Who can with patience hear A Guizard blame a Scotish Covenanteer The Ostrich with great pains and ostentation of his Feathers endeavours to make a great flight yet cannot get an inch higher from the ground like the lying Hypocrite whose goodly shews and cheats will little avail him The Jesuits tell us that the Founder of their Order Ignatius Loyola imitated the Devil using all his tricks sleights cheats and cunning to convert Souls Jo. Pet. Maffeius in vita Ignat. l. 3. c. 11 as the other did in perverting of them And I wish some of his Disciples had not made use of Falsities to inveigle and abuse their Proselytes All is not Gold that glisters nor all good Ware that is commended by a fair-Tongued Sales-man and when you see a Religious face suspect a knavish heart Our English Fugitives made the people at Rome believe that in Queen Elizabeths days there Sir Geo. Paul's life of Archbishop Whitgift p. 79. § 116. was no Church or Bishop standing in England but that the people heard their Ministers in Woods and Fields amongst Trees and Brute Beasts The Spaniards were made believe that here they worshipt the Devil When 1623. 5 of November according to the Roman account the Chamber fell at Black fryers killing by its fall almost an hundred with Father Drury the Jesuit their Preacher some had the impudence to print beyond Seas as if the story had been a judgement of God upon some Protestant Hereticks in Holborn How oft have they printed the lye about the Nags-head Consecration and belyed Bishop Morton as if he acknowledged the truth of it in a Speech in Parliament We need not tell what Tales they have publish'd of the Deaths of Beza Calvin Luther Henry VIII Queen Elizabeth nay some had the confidence to give out that King a Vid Purchas Pilgrimage l. 9. c. 3. pag. 831. Edit 1614. James was turn'd Romanist and had sent to the Pope about it And to conclude this no less man then Monsieur de la Milletiere hath without question truely placed King Charles the Martyr in Heaven but had a great deal of Assurance when he could hint and insinuate to us as if the said King dyed in the b La victoire de la verité Epist au Roy de la Gr. Brit. p. 78 79 80. Roman Religion And as for his affirming that none can go to c Second Discourse Politick p. 37. Heaven but of the Roman Church I believe it like the former stories and so joyn it with them and so he might have spared his pains in dedicating them to King Charles II. But Gentlemen to take off these slanders from my Mother the Church of England the freest from establish'd blemishes of any in the World and as we say to set the Saddle upon the right Horse was this Treatise by way of a retort undertaken And for my so doing I need no other Apology then the words of your own d Protestants Apol. Preface to the Reader § 7. Mr. John Brerely or as some think Anderton thus Being therefore thus provoked or rather urged it will not I hope seem offensive to the Discreet and Sober Romanist against whose confess'd loyalty I hereby intend nothing if I but a little examine not what I can or am provoked to object but what is by our Learned Adversaries themselves confess'd and reported on the contrary part Wherein courteous Reader if much contrary to my disposition and thy liking I do somewhat enlarge my self in more fully opening those things I am not without all hope of Pardon especially considering that the foresaid Occasion which compelleth me so unwilling thereof is in it self so provoking uncharitable and exceeding But here it may be objected by some Roman Catholicks that in the following Assertions and Histories of King-deposing I do but belye and slander them falsifie and corrupt mine Authors and so cheat and abuse my Readers For the Romanists forsooth never taught disobedience to Magistrates never allowed Kings to be deposed nor could the Pope and Cardinals the true a Mar. de Alteriis de Censuris Eccles Tom 1. lib. 5. disp 14. cap. 1. pag. 655. Representives of the Roman Church being infallible especially in such solemn things as Bulls and Breves publish such destructive Doctrines In Answer to this Charge I hope I shall return enough to clear my self by affirming first that the Doctrine or words are none of mine but their own as appeareth by the Quotations of their Authors Secondly If in the multitude of these Citations I have by haste or chance not by designe mistaken some it no way contradicts the Doctrine it self which is held so Universally by them as will appear presently hereafter by the Testimonies and Confessions of the Romanists themselves Thirdly That herein I do not intend all that pretend to be the sons of the Roman Religion there being both in England and France many Noble and worthy Persons of that Perswasion who do detest and abhor this King-deposing Principle But whether in so doing the Pope doth look upon them as true sons to him and his Church I shall leave to the determination of the Romanists themselves And if in this there be any doubt or dispute we may suppose the Pope Cardinals and their chiefest Doctors about them may best understand the meaning of their Roman Church and so more capable to decide the Question which is one reason that I all along use the word Romanists as those adhering to the Church at Rome or that which is taught there by the Pope as true Doctrine Fourthly For the better Confirmation of this Assertion I have shew'd and proved these Treasonable Positions from above two hundred of their own approved Authors But if this number be not sufficient b Sexcentae doctorum Pontificum Myâ—â—ades omnibus Eloquentiae nervis â—nixissimè laborant persuadere à summis pendere Pontificibus usum Imperialis Gladii Regios sasces dare adimi Romani Praesulis arbitratu Jul. Taboet Ephemerid Hist Tom. 2. pag. 30. Julianus Taboetius a French Civilian doth assure us long ago that there had been six hundred thousand famous Writers in behalf of the Pope's Authority to Depose Kings and Emperors at his pleasure Fifthly You shall plainly see that it is not I that lay these King-deposing Principles to your Charge but your own selves or Brethren the Chieftains of your Church So if you deny the Point do not say that I have slander'd you but rather say that your Popes as Gregory VII Boniface VIII Sixtus V Pius V c. rather say that your Cardinals as Bellarmine Baronius Allen Rather say that your Saints as
Erfordt who was so zealous in Oth. Meland pag. 521. § 428. his commendations of Boniface Dorneman the little Priest of Hallandorp that he told his Auditors that he was more learned then St. Paul more holy then the Angels and more chaste then the Virgin Mary Or like the German Boor who at Marpurg in Hessia thus saluted and desired the assistance and favour of Judge Burckhard O Eternal and Omnipotent Lord Vicegerent I have heard Id. § 572. that you are the very Devil and all in this Court therefore for Gods sake put an end to my Tryal But now some Princes begin to see their own Rights and Prerogatives are sensible how unworthy their Predecessors have been abused and begin to understand that their Power is Independent neither receiving their Rights from Rome or her Popes but that their Crowns were given them from Heaven and that rather the Popes have been like that Bird in the Fable and made use of of old by the Franciscan Fryar Jehan de Rochetaillade by some Jehan Froissard Chron. Tom. 2. fol. 182 183. Edit 1530. call'd de Rupescissa which Bird being born without Feathers was through Charity relieved and made gay by other Birds and thus perk'd up despis'd her Benefactors who at last not able any longer to suffer her pride and tyranny every Bird pluckt back again their own Feathers leaving her as naked as she was at first And the truth is the Popes have done with the Empire as the Snake in the Fable did with the Husbandman who finding it almost frozen to death in pitty brought it to the fire-side where by the warmth having recover'd strength and vigor all the thanks it return'd was the stinging of the Goodmans Children And for these ungrateful actions many have undertaken to foretel strange Judgements and Calamities to happen upon the Popes But though for mine own part I am no great admirer of our later Prophets and trouble my self with their odd Predictions no farther then for recreation yet seeing the Romanists have put such a strange confidence in those Relations of their Swedish St. Brigit or Birgit as to declare that they were all immediately inspired by God himself and not onely canoniz'd the Lady but by several Bulls and Authorities so confirm'd the truth of her Book that it must not be contradicted yet if they will but seriously look into her Revelations they will finde little reason to boast so much of them seeing they will finde few so Revelat. S. Brigit lib. 1. cap. 41. Zealous as this Saint against the Pope and his Assistants prophesying with bitterness their ruine and destruction That his assumed grand Authority hath of late sensibly decay'd and lost ground is manifest and this Conquest hath been not so much by the Sword as the Pen so that as Adeodate Seba formerly Delit. Poet. Gall. Tom. 3. pag. 678. writ of Luther one against whom many lyes have been publish'd as other men having his passions and failings may also be said of many other learned Pen-men Roma Orbem domuit Romam sibi Papa subegit Viribus illa suis fraudibus iste suis Quantò isto major Lutherus major illa Illum illamque uno qui domuit calamo I nunc Alcidem memorato Graecia mendax Lutheri ad Calamum ferrea clava nihil Rome tam'd the World the Pope Rome Conquer'd tyes She by her force He by deceipts and lyes How greater far then they was Luther when Both him and her he conquer'd with one Pen Go lying Greece vaunt thine Alcides tho' His Club compared with Luthers Pen's a straw But amongst these Learned Worthies I have nothing to do And am apt to think that all this time hath been bestow'd to little purpose either because of mine own insufficiencie or the too much resoluteness of some other people However I might have made better use of my time in regar'd of mine own advantage had I soon enough call'd to minde Juvenal's observation Vester porro labor foecundior Historiarum Sâ—t 7. Scriptores petit hic plus temporis atque olei plus ***** Quae tamen inde seges terrae quis fructus apertae Quis dabit Historico quantum daret act a legenti Do you Historians more then Poets get Although more time and charge your works befit No no what gain you by your toyl where 's he Will give th' Historians an Atturnie Fee In the compiling of this History such as it is I have not dealt with the Romanists as the Hot-headed Puritans us'd to do whose strength of Arguments lye chiefly in canting misapplying Scripture confidence and railing and if they can but make a noise with the Whore of Babylon Antichrist the Beasts Horns c. they suppose the Pope is confuted sure enough at least the good Wives and Children are frighted out of their little wits and take him to be the strangest Monster in the World with so many Heads and Horns insomuch that Pope Vrban VIII did not amiss when he desired some English Gentlemen to do him onely one courtesie viz. to assure their Country-men that he was a man as much as themselves And had he said a better Christian then the Puritan I should not therein have troubled my self to contradict his Infallibility for I think them to be the worst people of all mankinde A Sect that will agree with you in the Fundamentals of Religion but will take miâ—â— and destroy all for a trifle and rather then submit to an innocenâ— Ceremony though impos'd by lawful Authority will ruine Kingdoms Murther Bishops Rebel against their Soveraigâ—â— Banish Queens declare them Traytors Imprison and depose then Kings and make the way as plain as can be for their murâ—â—â— A Sect that will cry down Bishops to possess their lands 〈◊〉 the Kings Great-seal imprison him renounce his Authority and murther his best Subjects and yet cry out they cannot commit Treason In short a Sect that would hate Christ but that he said he came not to bring peace but war As for the Roman Catholick I must needs have a greater kindeness for him then the former fire-brands as being an Adversary more Learned and so to be expected more Civil and Gentile and wherein they differ from us they look upon as Fundamental and so have a greater reason for their dissent then our Phanatical Presbyterians a people not capable of a Commendation nor to be obliged by any Favours their very Constitution being ingratitude as Histories do testifie and King James himself doth acknowledge as much In this Treatise I hope I have behaved my self civilly with the Romanists having forborn all bitterness and railing though the many bloudy and unwarrantable actions that I here meet with might prompt a milder man then my self to some indignation which may somewhat Apologize for me if by chance any do either meet with or fancie a stricture or retort tending to dislike And yet I dare boldly say that they shall not finde any such heavy Censures
that which was none of his own Yet they may suppose that the Inca spake this not like a Romanist but an Heathen as he was for their Writers anon will tell us another Doctrine and yet all parties smile at the Fool in Athens for thinking all other mens ships to be his own Whether the Pope hath any real Reason for the exercising of this his suppos'd Prerogative is nothing to the Purpose as Thomas Bozius affirm'd to Pope Clement the Eighth and all people else * Sitque aliquis Rex juâ—e solers industrius Poâ—ens Catholicus pius tamen Pontifex Episcopique Pontifice approhante uâ—e naturali Divino in Divinis Scriptis expresso ac tradito per Christum Apostolos valent huic auferre Imperia Regna alterique nullum jus alioque habenti adjudicare ubi judicaveâ—int id esse non modo necessarium sed expediens Tho. Bozius de jure status lib. 3 cap. 4. For although said he that the King be lawful and not onely so but understanding careful powerful one of the Popes Religion and godly too yet can the Pope take his Empire or Kingdoms from him and give it to another although there be no necessity for so doing it being enough if he think it onely convenient Nor is this all for he attributes the same Authority to the Bishops which is of sufficient validity if the Pope do but approve of their actions This Eugubian in other places of his Writings harps much upon De Italiae statu p. 300. 311. the Popes power in deposing of Kings and dividing the World amongst them as if they were his Sons and he the Father of all And then would seem to thrust Dante aut auferente Imperia Regnaque opulentissima omnium Maxima Orbem rerrarum distribuens ac partiens inter maximos omnium Principes veluti inter filios Ib. pag 301. into the World an Opinion of bad consequence of none being held for Kings but those who were anoynted and Crown'd but the Priests Watson and Clark 1603 found that this Plea would neither Id. pag. 305. quit them from Treason nor save their live Amongst other things to Buoy or bolster up this his Opinion of the Popes Spiritual and â—emporal Power he a Id. pag 430. brings the Authority of one Roderigo Zanchez Bishop of Zamora and the truth of it is that where wording is all this Spaniard may carry the Bell away boldly affirming * Est vero naturaliter moraliter Divino jure cum recta fide tenendum Principatum Romani Pont. esse verum unicum immediatum Principatum totius Oâ—bis nedum quoad Spiritualia sed quoad Temporalia Principatum Impeâ—iaâ—em esse ab ipso dependentem mediatum ministerialem instrumentalem eidem subministrantem deservientem foreque ab eo ordinatum institutum ad jussum Principatus Papalis mobilem â—evocabilem corâ—igibilem punibilem That by Natural Moral and divine Law we must believe that the Pope hath the immediate and onely Rule of the whole World in Temporals as well is in Spirituals all imperial Authority depending so much upon him that it is alterable punishable or null'd as he shall command The small esteem which this Bishop thus declared to the World by his Pen he had of Temporal Greatness Another of the same Sea viz. Antonio de Acunna by his Sword declar'd his approbation to it Prud. de Sandoval Anno 1520. though upon different accounts by his turbulent spirit adding fresh Fuel to the Treasonous humours then raging in Spain this old Don still charging in the head of above four hundred Priests which he had under his Command well armed his Word being Here my Priests But at last by a strangling he paid for his Rebellions against his Soveraign Charles the Fifth Emperour of Germany Laelius Zecchus a great man with them both for Law and Dignity is earnest for this jurisdiction of the Popes affirming Papa enim Caesares deponit jura Impeâ—ia transfert Reges Regnis privat c. Lael Zecch Tract Theolog p 82 83. that he can depose both Emperours and Kings being absolute Lord of the Christian World And another Italian Lawyer viz. a De poâ—est Rom. Pont. l. 2. c 3. Sect 18. Adversus impios Politicos hujus temporis Hereticâ—s Alexander Clericus is much of the same opinion and declares that he writ this Book against the wicked Polititians and Hereticks of his time amongst the rest whether he intended Cardinal Bellarmine let others judge since he hath several whole Chapters against him But a greater Lawyer than the former and one of more Learning and Modesty viz. b De Testament cap. 6. Sect. 19. Didacus Covarruvas is willing to let himself be perswaded by the Canon-Law to imbrace this King-deposing Opinion And his Country-man though of an ancienter Cut c De planctu Ecclesiae l. 1. cap. 13 37 56. Alvarus Pelagius out of the same Box swallows down the like Poyson Gaspar Scioppius that unruly German though of the same wicked judgement yet he will pretend to give you some pretty Reasons for it as that because the Pope is the Head as he saith and the Emperour and Kings but Arms or Hands to the same monstrous Body therefore if these do not their Itaque si Reges non nutriant neque vestiant Corpus certe manus aut brachia munere non funguntur itaque velut membâ—um inutile capitis Imperio amputantur Gasp Sciop Ecclesiasticus c. 141. p. 511 512. duty in being careful to preserve the Body the Head as Lord and Master may cut them off A pretty simile to make the supposed wise Head cause of its own ruine But if this do not please you he will give you another as good from the great benefit forsooth that some Countries have received by this Temporal Power of the Popes As by this France had their Antient Family of the Meroveens thrust out from being Kings and the Carlovingiens popt into the Throne That Germany by this hath got the Western Empire but not a word of the Emperours wanting Italy And as for Spain it 's obliged to hug and defend this unlimited Prerogative of St. Peter since it gain'd the Kingdom of Navarre by a Hispania Navarrae Regnum nullo alio titulo nisi quia capiti Ecclesiae Pontifici sui visum fuerit obtinuit Ib. no other Right nor Title but onely because it so pleas'd the Pope In the mean time was not Don John of Albret and his Wife Catharina King and Queen of Navarre and their poor Subjects also much beholden to Pope Julius the Second for his thus ruining of them by the hands of their Enemies By this Argument Schoppius might maintain the knack of Plagiery he gaining at first the name of some Learning by his slie transcribing of his Masters Notes but never the more honesty or right stuck by him nor had he mended his manners had he
Countries And to have this done he thinks this the best way he would have the Pope to work about by the people or the Parliaments but if these will not fadge either because they cannot or will not then his Holiness may do it himself by giving that Kingdom to another Prince or let them have it that can get it It may be it was for these pretty Doctrines that Clement the Eighth was so taken with this mans Writings that he would have his Books read to him whilst he was at Victuals and besides other large liberalities had once a minde to make him Cardinal We have formerly seen the Opinion of Thomas and now let us see what his Brother Franciscus Bozzius saith and we shall presently perceive them to be Birds of a Feather this fobbing up the same Pope Clement the Eighth with the same Language that the other had telling him that though a Justis de causis posse deponi Imperatores transferri Imperia Fr. Boz de Temporal Eccles Monarch lib 3. cap. 16. pag. 553. Possunt ab Ecclesia leges temporales condi novi creati Reges justis de causis au ferre Regna quod saepe actum esse constat à summis Pontificibus Id. lib. 5. cap. ult pag. 823. he should not take away lawful Rule yet upon just grounds he might depose Emperours and this he saith hath been several times done by Popes as in another b Id. lib. 1. cap. 21. pag. 225. c. place he endeavours to shew by several Examples And to this purpose was Gregory the Fourteenth claw'd by his Protonotary Anastasius Germonius by affirming what great power he had over the world he could c Imperatores enim Reges aliosque magnos Principes Principatu Regno atque imperio privat necnon alios cum libet in eorum locum sufficit subrogat nemo sanae mentis dubitare debet quin facere valeat faceatque cum opus sit An stas Germon de Sacrorum immunitat lib. 3. cap. 3. Sect. 38 39. Hujus est Imperium ex uno in alium locum transferre electionem aut admittere aut rejicere electum ac confirmatum ex justis de causis deponere subditos à fidelitatis juramento absolvere alia id genus facere Id. lib. 3. proem Sect. 9 10. throw down Emperours and Kings and put others in their places and if any man doubt of this Authority in the Pope he plainly calls him a Madman and that he can alter the place of Election allow or throw by him that is elected quit Subjects from their Oath of Allegiance and several suchlike tricks as these can he do And as for d De Pontif. potestate Sect. 19. Petrus Albinianus Tretius do but compare the Contents with the Text of the next Section and you will see him fairly grant the Pope to have power e Papa potest deponeâ—e Imperatorem sine concensu Cardinalium Id. Sect. 20. without the consent of his Cardinals to depose the Emperor And another Italian Lawyer f Solus Papa etiam sine Concilio potest deponere Imperatorem Lud. Bolo addit ad Cataldinum de Boncompagnis de translatione Concilii Basil Sect. 5. Ludovicus Bologninus from the Canon-Law tells the world that he may do it clearly of himself And I think that g Quaest Mercuriales Q. 25. Sect. 3. Johannes Andraeas doth not much vary from him when from the same Authority he saith That he can take away any mans Right and give it to another But Julius Caesar Madius doth not mutter in his Teeth but speaks boldly out that upon some Reasons the Pope hath Authority h Eos à Regnis Principatibus eorum deponere posse Mad. de Sacris Ordinibus cap. 9. Sect. 17. to turn the best of them out of their Kingdoms and Soveraignty And the same doth another Italian Antonius Sanctarellus one that hath made some noise in the World not onely by his confident Assertion of the Popes Power in i Potest non solum eos excommunicare sed etiam Regno privare eorumque subditos ab illorum obedientâ—a liberare Sanctarel de Haeresi c. 30. p. 293. deposing Kings and quitting their Subjects from their Obedience but by the story which hapned at Paris upon its being censured there For the Court of Parliament perceiving the Book to be printed at Rome by permission of the Superiors and approbation of Vitelescus General of the Jesuits the Fathers of that Order in Paris were sent for by the Court and demanded Whether they believed as their General did concerning this Book They answered That their General living in Rome could not but approve that which was agreeable to the Court of Rome But being demanded then what they believed Answered That they believed the clean contrary Being again askt And what would you do if you were at Rome Answered As they do at Rome Which made some of the Court say Have these men one Conscience at Rome and another at Paris God keep us from such Confessors Johan Baptista Vivianus agreeth very well with the former and their Canon-Law and Court of Rome by maintaining their Article that the a Papa Imperatorem deponere potest ex causis legitimis Jo. B. Vivian Rationale l. 2. p. 283. Pope for some Reasons may depose the Emperour his Imperial Majesty and all others being subject to him and to be punish'd by him according to their faults And to him we may joyn a great Cardinal Johannes Hieronymus of Alba who tell us b Lucubrat in Barthol Tom. 1. fol. 83 84 that the Pope being Judge of all things nothing in the world can quit themselves from his jurisdiction and that Dante that famous Italian Poet was in a manner condemn'd as an Heretick because he did not think that the Empire held its being from the Church and in another of his c De potestate Papae part 1. Sect. 67. Books gives us the names of some Kings depos'd by the Pope Petrus Hurtadus de Mendoza might by the rudeness and incivility of his Country Biscay suck in with his Milk some Principles of Rebellion that Country having an Antipathy against Bishops and good Government But these might somewhat be corrected by his severer Studies were it not a Principle amongst them that * Merito quidem Haeretici Regno privantur Hurt de Mendoz. Scholiasticae disp 21. Sect. â—04 Heretical Kings against their Church are deservedly deposed and others put in their places Yet methinks 't was somewhat of boldness of him to present this Doctrine to his Soveraign the Present King of Spain Philip the Fourth yet this wonder will scarce last nine days when we see d Decisiones qâ—aest 58â— Guido and e De jure publico lib. 3. Tit. 13. Sect. â— Leander Galganettus those famous Lawyers affirm the same by their own Canons and the latter to dedicate this falsity to no less than to God himself and the Virgin Mary And Bartholomaeus
Nardius saith We have no reason to look upon this Authority as a strange thing since f Constituit namque dominus vicarium suum super gentes Regna potestatenque ei dedit amplâ—ssimam ut evellat distâ—uat desâ—eâ—â—at aed ficet plantet B. Nard Expunctiones cap. 4. pag. 172 173. God set the Pope over the whole World not onely to establish and plaint but also to abolish and destroy And no less man than Johannes de Capistrano tell us that of this power we need not doubt it being now as g Clarum est hodie quod ex justa causa Papa potest Imperatorem deponere privare Jo. à Caâ—ist de Papae sive Ecclesiae â—â—torit fol. 61. â— clear as the Noon-day that the Pope may sometimes depose the Emperour And at this positive Doctrine none must so much as smile or seem offended for of this Book thus sings his Country-man Antonius Amicius Quis te Docte liber vel subsannare cachinno Audeat aut saevo rodere dente queat Cum graviter reseres decus sublimia sceptra Pontificis summi Conciliique simul And a great deal of ado and some money hath been spent by the Franciscans and others to get this man Sainted but how it thrives I know not As h Qâ—aest Criminale p. 173. Sect 9. Didacus Cantera from the Canon-Law so i De Beneâ—â—â—â—is lib â— cap. 4. Franciscus Duarenus by few Examples and as little Reason assert the Popes Authority in deposing Kings And I think k 〈◊〉 sâ—lâ—ct lib. 1. cap. â— paâ— 17. Antonius Possevinus will not be displeased with the Prerogative since he tells us that the Scepters of Kings humble themselves to the Popes feet and that Christian Kings are not so positively of Gods apppointment but they must have his Holiness to confirm their Crowns And l In 2. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aâ—â—◠〈◊〉 â—1 Sect. â—d â—â—â—â—â—m Franciscus Sylvius Doctor and Professor at Doway though he will not allow the Pope to depose Kings upon every toy yet he denyeth not but that there may be Reason sometimes for thus pulling down of Kings And if we consult m Loca ple 〈…〉 67. pag. â—â—6 31â— 3â—◠〈◊〉 Gregorius Polydorius we shall finde him rather to outstrip than come short of the former And this he thought would not be unpleasing to Vrban the Eighth And to this Italian we may add Antonius Cordubensis who in this cause speaks out freely that the n 〈…〉 pâ—â—â—ciâ—â—◠〈…〉 alios tollere 〈…〉 Qâ—â—st Thâ—â—lâ—g 〈…〉 Pope cannot onely do every thing that secular Princes can but also make New Princes and pull down the Old And to this Spaniard may be joyned a Theolog. Moral Tom. 2. v. Papa Sect 10. Franciscus Ghetius of Corno being of the same Opinion moved thereto by pretty Reasons viz. Example as if Emperours had not formerly done the same to Popes and because as the soul rules the body so may the Spiritual Popes triumph over Temporal Monarchs If these Arguments of this Milanois do not sufficiently convince you Rutilius Benzonius a trusty Roman will think to do it with his thrid-bare Allusion of Heretical Kings to Wolves and so they may be b Jus deponeâ—di abdicandi è solio Reges ac Principes non solum Ecclesiae sed interdum populis competere ratione exemplis osâ—â—enditâ—r Potest i. e. the Pope ipso Principes ac Reges si ex ove aut ariete evadant lupi i. e. ex Christiani fiant Haeretici privare dominio c. Rut. Benzon Com. in Canticum Magnificat lib. 3. cap. 27. dub 6. p. 134. turned from their Kingdoms not onely by the Pope but also by the people forsooth yet he would have them to take advice of his Holiness before they began their Rebellion and then I warrant you they are as surely free from that Crime we call Treason as the Chappel of Loretto of which this Author was Bishop was dapperly carryed by Angels through the Air. And in the Popes great Power in Temporals in another of his c Disput de Immunitate Eccles contra Venetos pag. 68. Books he gives us some hint And yet if after all these thwacking Arguments you do not finde your self convinced and will not believe the truth and honesty of this King-deposing Article you may assure your self to be no less than an Heretick for Johannes de Solarzano tells us plainly that not to believe that the Pope can depose Kings is and that deservedly Haec opinio merito ut Haeretica jampâ—idem damnata est Jo. de Solarz de Indiarum jure lib. 2. cap. 22. Sect. 4. too declared and damn'd for an Heresie This may be good Doctrine to preach amongst the Indians the Spaniard pleading most of his Right from the Popes Gift And so whether the Author by his Office relating to those places might be encouraged to propagate such Principles let others conclude yet probably he might have spared his dedicating of them to the present King of Spain who two to one if the State came in Question would scarce consent to the Canon let the Heresie lye where it would From the same Root doth his Country-man d In 2. 2. Tho. pag. 224. Petrus de Aragon draw his Authority that Princes may sometimes lawfully loose their Rule over their Subjects and so doth the great Portugal Lawyer e Pastoral Sollicitud part 1. p. 250. Sect. 90 91. Augustinus Barboza that the Pope can depose the Emperour f Disputat l. 3. c. 5. p. 371. Marius Alterius runs upon the same account and so doth Bishop Johan Maria Bellettus but that he thrusts up the Authority a little higher than the former affirming that this deposing of the King may not g Et non solum propter Haeresim aut Schisma sed etiam propter aliud crimen intolerabile ac etiam propter insufficientiam Jo. Mar. Bellet Disquisitio Clericalis part 1. pag. 282. Sect. 109 100. onely be for his Heresie or Schism but for any other intolerable Crime or if he be not sufficient and not fit to Rule To which there needs no Reply but what if the Lyon do judge the Fox's Ears to be Horns With all this doth agree Raymundus de Pennafuerte telling us that if he be h Non solum propter Haeresim sed etiam propter negligentiam contra Haeresim extirpandam potest non solum excommunicari ab Ecclesia sed etiam deponi suerit inutilis dissolutus negligens circa Regimen justitiam observandam S. Raym. Summa lib 1. Tit. de Haereticis Sect. 7. pag. 41. negligent to extripate Heresie to do Justice in his Government unprofitable or loose the Pope may then take his Kingdom from him Whether this Doctrine was any motive not long ago to Clement the Eighth for Canonizing this man for a Saint or those vast sums of money gather'd in Catalonia where this Raymond was born for the
at last falls into a fury and rails pertly against those who think that the d Id. Numb 145. Pope hath no jurisdiction this way in France nor can depose Haeretical Kings This is good stuff but of a far older date than this Spanish print for above three hundred years ago Augustinus Triumphus de Ancona being desired by John XXII to vindicate the Papal jurisdiction amongst other grand Prerogatives which he attributes to his Holiness are these two the e Unde puto quod Papa justa rationabili causa existente per seipsum possit Imperatorem eligere Aug. Tâ—i. de potest Eccles Quaest election of Emperours and Kings and the f 35. Art 1. Quest 37. Art 5. Quest 46. Art 3. Id. Quest 4. Art 1. Potest ergo teâ— renum Imperatorem deponere Id. Art 2. Merito Imperator est deponendus Id. Quest 46. Art 2. Papa potest Reges deponere dubium non est deposing of them again and of this latter he saith there is no doubt This Poysonous Principle is also maintained by the Venetian g De Imperat Magist Orig. Quaero 4. Numb 7. Petrus à Monte Bishop of Brescia and the Methodical Dominican h Summa v. Papa Numb 10 11. Sylvester de Prierio and therefore might well expect a golden Rose from Pope Leo the Tenth And to him we shall joyn a learned Spaniard of the same Order i In quartum sentent dist 25. quaest 2. art 1 Numb Tertio Ad horum tamen secundâ—â— ad eandem Dominicus Soto who though Confessor to Charles the Fifth yet probably never troubled him about this point And next to this shall follow another of the same Country and Relation to Charles the Fifth k Hoc dominium etiam a mittitur per haer esim manifestum ita quod Rex factus Haereficus ipso jure Regâ—o suo privatus nec mirari debet aliquis quod Papa propter Haeresis crimen Regem a Regia dignitate deponar Regno privet Alph. à Castro de justa Haereticorum punit lib. 2. c. 7. col 1245 1246. Alphonsus a Castro who affirms it to be without dispute That if a King turn Heretick he hath no right to his Kingdom and so no man ought to think it strange if the Pope depose him But Ploydon when he saw himself concern'd could say The case is altered and there is never a Ruler amongst them but would think it odd to loose a Kingdom by a Fiat from Rome yet they go on to propagate this doctrine and amongst the rest Cunerus Bishop of Leweerden thinks it very fitting for an a Si Princeps haeâ—eticus sit obstinate vel peâ—â—inaciter intolerabilis deponi potest Cuner de Offic. Princip c. 8. p. 76 77. heretical King to be deposed and another appointed in his place And next to him shall follow one though no Bishop yet of such noted learning that Vittoria the chief Town of Alava in Old Castile doth think it no small honour to have brought forth and given a Name to such a famous Dominican as Franciscus a Victoria yet for all his parts he dotes too much upon this Papal Authority affirming that he cannot onely b Potest non solum omnia quae Principes seculares possunt sed sacere novos Principes tollere alios Imperia divideâ—e pleraque alia Fr. à Victor Relect. Theolog. Relect. 1. Sect. 6. Numb 12. do what our secular Monarchs can do but also turn them from their Thrones and set up new Potentates And from the Canon-Law doth the Lawyer c De successione Regum dub 1. Numb 30. Guiliclmus de Monserrat suck in the same Doctrine And though another of the same Profession d In Mo'inaeum pag. 106. Remondus Rufus seem unwilling either to meddle with the Popes power in this case or when he took upon him such Authority yet by his signs and hints one may have some reason to suppose his agreement with the rest But some other Lawyers of a far greater account leave off hinting and speak more boldly to the purpose as e Repet in C. canon Statuta de Constitur Numb 9. Petrus de Ancharano the famous Italian f Cod. de legibus l. Si Imperialis Numb 4. Bartolus de Saxaferrato and his no less learned Pupil and Scholar g Cod. de precibus Imperat. offeren l. Rescripta Numb 8. Baldus the noted Frenchman h Repet in C. Novit de judic Numb 127. Johannes Quintinus i Speculum lib. 1. Partiâ— 1. Tit. de legato Numb Nunc ostendendum Numb 17. Guillielmus Durandus commonly known by the name of Speculator Bishop of Mande and Scholar to Hostiensis and k In Cod. lib. 1. de sum Trinit fid Cath. Numb 13. Johannes Faber nor doth l Practica Criminialis quaest 35. Numb 6. Julius Clarus permit the Pope to part with this jurisdiction And if you any way doubt of the meaning of the last Vrbanus Cancellarius a Spoleto will refer you to an Expositor in this quibling Distick Clarior ut fiat Clarus sua Clara Johannes Baptista his jungit Lumina luminibus That Clarus might be more clear Don John Baptista Adds his clear lights to take away the mist-a And in obedience to his Poetry let us consult the Annotations of Johannes Baptista Baiardus and the case will be as plain then as a Pike-staff there he telling us that the m Adde quod Imperator à Papa potest deponi excommunicati propter haeresim Sacrilegium Perjurium exinanitionem seudi quod ab Ecclesia tenet c. Jo. Bap. Baiard Additiones ad Julii Clari Practicam Criminalem Quaest 35. Numb 6. Pope may depose the Emperour for several Reasons amongst which he puts Perjury and Sacriledge two notable pretences for the Pope ever to take hold on at a dead lift Our Country-man n In lib. Sapient Numb 300. Robert Holaote saith it belongs to the Bishop of Rome to make the Emperour and to see that fit Kings be chosen but Alphonsus Alvarez Guerrero concerns himself most with the Popes power in pulling down Monarchs and therefore he tells us that a Nonne igitur justè Julius II. Johannem Regem Navarra schismaticum haereticum Apostolicae sedis hostem publicum atque reum lesae Majestatis declaravit Reghumque omnia ejus bona publicavit primo occupanti atque nominatim Catholico Regi Hispaniarum concessit Potestque ita Papa Principes Apostantes à fide privare dominio temporali quod habent super fideles Alph. Alvar. Speculum vel Thesaurus cap. 16. Numb 8. cap. 31 Numb 17. Julius the Second did very well and justly to declare John Albret King of Navarre to be a Schismatick Haeretick an enemy to the Church nay and a Traytor too and so to give his Kingdom away from him to the Spanish King for he forsooth hath power to depose Kings And much about the same Opinion
been supposed o â—losculus de Clericorum excellâ—â—â—â—â— Part. 2. Numb 77. Donysius Paulus Lopiz with the Canon-law affirms this power in the Pope and as if perswaded by the same authority and practice a La Politica lib. 2. cap. 17. Numb 5. Abad y otros dizen que en los graves y arduos negocios y en las muy grandes dificultades que causan Ycandalo en la Christiandad podra el Papa usar contra legos de la potestad temporal que tiene de Deos y no de otra manera y muder el solo Imperio y los Regnos con justa causa de Oriente à Occidente y de una unotra Gente y el Papa Zacharias privo à Chulderino del Regno de Francia Castillo de Bovadillo steers the same course though with as much truth and right as when at the same time he joyns to our Queen Elizabeth the name of Stuart And to him we shall put a Catalonian Lawyer b Speculum Visitationis cap. 22. Numb 46. Gabriel Berart one I warrant you of no small esteem Ludovicus de Cassanate looking upon him as the honour of his Country Franciscus de los Herreros tells us that if we have a minde to know in a manner all things we must get his Books in which he assures us there is not one fault though I cannot say so of his Verse Accipiat ' Speculum quod dat sine mendo Berardus and to make up the Distick we will allow you the Pentameter of Antonius de loredo Coronos who thus rants it out in the Authors praise Berart suus liber sapiens leo est yet for all this you may acknowledge the Authors Doctrine to be as false as his friends Verses are Another Spanish Doctor Johannes Blasius at large assures us of the Popes authority not onely in c Reges ac temporalis Principes Regnis spoliate illorumque subditos à fidelitatis sacramento quo suis Principibus erant astricti absolvere Jo. Blas de sacro Eccles Principatu lib. 2. c. 12. fol. 63. depriving Bishops but also Kings and absolving their Subjects from the Obedience due to them Another of the same Nation but of greater repute than the former viz. Rodericus de Arriaga a learned Jesuit and no less man than Chancellor of the University of Prague exactly followeth in this Unde necessum fuit ut Ecclesia posset eos excessus fremare si non posset rationibus monitionibus saltem Censuris si vero neque his privando illos sua potestate dandoque aliis saecularibus licentiam ut possint etiam vi eos privare jurisdictione Regno Rod. de Arriag disput Theolog. in 1. 2. S. Tho. Tom. 2. disp 18. Numb 74. case those who went before him teaching how Kings may be deposed and their Kingdoms given to others And to these I think I may add another of their Country and of a greater sway than either of them d Index nover librorum Probibit 849. Antonio Zapata Cardinal Protector and Inquisitor-General of Spain because amongst other instances in his late Index of prohibited Books he is so expresly earnest against that which supposeth the Pope to have no such Authority over Princes witten by Roger Widrington though his true name was Preston a Benedict an Monck And now that we have entred into Spain before we leave it let 's consult a noted Scholar of Toledo Alphonsus Salmeron the fifth Jesuit in the world in some places he tells us That the e Potest eos imperio Regno privare vel eorum ditiones alteri Principi tradere Alph. Salm. Tom. 4. Part. 3. Tract 4. Numb Tertiam potestatem P. 410. Tom 13. in Epist ad Rom. lib. 4. disp 4. Numb ad objecta vero P. 679. in Epist B. Pauli lib. 1. Part. 3. disp 12. Numb jam de postre mo Pag. 251. Pope hath power to punish Kings by deposing them and giving their Kingdoms to others and not onely that this Authority lyeth in the Pope but that other f Ergo per Episcoporum sententiam possunt deponi debent etiamsi Pauperes Piscopi inermes Id. Tom. 13. Pag. 251. Bishops though never so poor and weak may throw down Kings Though in some places he is a good Expositor yet here I fear he uttereth Doctrine that St. Paul was never used to And if at Ingolstad in his Sermons upon these Epistles he taught his Auditors these Principles the Duke of Bavaria was too liberal of his Reward who instead of punishment built a famous Colledge for him and his Brethren Johannes Paulus Windeck though he speak nothing of our inferior Bishops yet he declares that he of a Hinc firmiter deducimus Papam posse Principes deponere alios instituere P. Wind. de Theolog. juresconsultoâ—um Pag. 23. Rome hath power to kick down Kings and put others in their Thrones And of the same Opinion is that voluminous Lawyer of Pavia b Jure potest summus Pont. Regno privare non modo Regem ipsum haereticum sed etiam ejus discendentes Menoch Concil 808. Numb 76. Jacobus Menochius and this he saith can not onely be done to the King but also to all of his Line or Race And a Country-man of ours a Doctor in Divinity but of what certain name I know not lurking under the Visard of L. C. in a Letter of his against the foresaid Roger Widdrington or Preston is so furious for this King-deposing Authority to rely in the Pope that he saith to think otherways is not onely c Fidei Catholicae veritati aperte repugnare expresly against the Catholick Faith but doth also savour of d Ethnicismum mihi videntur sapere Numb 4. See the letter it self in Respons Apologetica Rog. Widdringtoni Pag. 153. Heathenism Though another of our Country-men viz. e Cas Conscient lib. 5. cap. 10. Numb 14. p. 442. Gregorius Sayes of the same Order with Preston be not so furious as his enemy L. C. yet he seems to comply with this Papal jurisdiction over Kings and Kingdoms And I believe I shall not any way displease a learned Roman Doctor f Comment in D. Thom. in 2. 2. quaest 10. art 10 disp 1. quaest 11. art 4. disp 1. Alexander Pesantius if I bring him in amongst the Champions against absolute Monarchy for besides that he makes it his business to prove that the Pope can deprive Infidels of their Rule over Christians and by the interpretation of his Margin assures us that Pope Zacharias turn'd out the King of France in the next Question he takes a step farther and affirms that for heresie a man doth not onely loose as a Father the Rule over his Children as an Husband the same over his Wife and so she not obliged in any thing to be obedient to him and the same as a Master over his Servants but also though a Prince and Ruler yet by this
Et sera ce premier Article leu par chacun an tant â—s Cours Souveraines qu' es Bailliages Seneschaucees du dit Royaume a l'ouverture des audiences pour estre garde observe avec toute severite rigueur To hinder the spreading of the pernicious Doctrine lately taught and maintain'd by some seditious spirits enemies to good Government against Kings and Soveraign Powers His Majesty shall be humbly desired that there shall be establish'd by the three Estates for a Fundamental Law of the Land to be kept and known by all men That the King being acknowledged head in his Dominions holding his Crown and Authority onely from God there is no power on Earth whatever spiritual or Temporal that hath any right over his Kingdom either to depose our Kings or dispence with or absolve their Subjects from the fidelity and obedience which they owe to their Soveraign for any cause or pretence whatever That all his Subjects of what quality or Condition soever shall keep this Law as holy true and agreeable to Gods Word without any distinction equivocation or limitation whatsoever which shall be sworn and signed by all the Deputies of the Estates and henceforward by all who have any Benefice or Office in the Kingdom before they enter upon such Benefice or Office and that all Tutors Masters Regents Doctors and Preachers shall teach and publish that the contrary Opinion viz. that it is lawful to kill and depose our Kings to rebel and rise up against them and shake off our Obedience to them upon any occasion whatever is impious detestable quite contrary to Truth and the establishment of the State of France which immediately depends upon God onely That all Books teaching these false and wicked Opinions shall be held as seditious and damnable All strangers who write and publish them as sworn Enemies to the Crown and that all Subjects of his Majesty of what Quality and Condition whatever who favour them as Rebels violators of the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom and Traytors against the King And if there be a Book or discourse writ by any forraign Church-man or any other that then the Clergy of the same Orders establish'd in France shall be obliged continually to answer oppose and confute them without any respect ambiguity or equivocation upon pain to be punish'd as abovesaid as a favourer of the Enemies of the State And this Article shall be read every year in the Soveraign Courts Bayliwicks and Seneschalships of the said Kingdom and at the opening of their Courts of Audience that they may be the better preserved and observed with all rigor and severity This startles the Clergy who with the Noblesse presently set themselves against the third Estate somewhat like our House of Commons with a resolution to expunge this honest and loyal Proposition yet declared their continuable obedience to their King And as a main Engine to carry this their design about they desired Jaque Davie the famous Cardinal of Perron to endeavour to work over to them the third Estate knowing that his voluble Tongue used to be carryed on with so much Learning Judgement and Sweetness that it seldom mist of that it spoke for Accordingly attended with some Lords and Bishops as Representatives of their respective Estates and so to shew to the Commons that both the other did agree so in judgement in this case with the learned Cardinal that he spoke not onely his own but their Opinions too He though at that time somewhat indisposed went accordingly where he made a very long Speech to shew the unreasonableness and absurdity of the foresaid proposition endeavouring to prove by Reason that sometimes Kings should and by Example that they had been deposed their Subjects being justly quit from their Oaths of Allegiance and so not bound to obey them The Harangue it self being large I refer you to it in his Diverses Oeuvres Yet this Oration wrought little upon the third Estate which hugely troubled all their Cergy and the Popes Nuntio then at Paris and a Hist de Louis XIII pag. 49. Scipion Dupleix one of the Kings Historiographers can accuse the Article with manifest absurdity by which he shews his compliance with the rest in this Doctrine But the Pope Paul the Fifth shew'd himself most troubled in his Letter to Perron dated from Rome Febr. 1615. he call'd it a Detestable Decree and the voters of it Enemies to the Common good and quietness and mortal adversaries to the Chair of Rome But at the same time gives the Cardinal all the commendations and thanks that can be But our King James was not so complemental nor had he Reason For the Cardinal in his Speech having several reflections against the Government of England the cruelty of her Laws the persecution of the Roman Catholicks and shew'd himself mainly concern'd against our Oath of Allegiance which did not a little reflect upon the King himself upon which his Majesty looking upon this Cardinal as somewhat too busie in putting his Oar in another mans Boat and so concern'd to have somewhat of justice done him by his Ambassador publickly complain'd of this affront to the young King the Queen-mother and others and himself publickly answered the Speech But this was no trouble to the Cardinal who was hugely complemented and magnified from several Bishops and other great persons for this his Speech and valiantly defending the right of the Church But how to end this grand Controversie amongst the Estates was the cause of some Consultations at last the King was cunningly perswaded to take it to himself which he did affirming he understood his own Right and Possession and so forbad them to determine any thing about it However the two Estates were gallantly caressed by two Breves from the Pope stufft with Commendations and thanks for their Doctrine and valour for the Church But enough of Perron and the French Estates now in a manner neglected in that Kingdom And should we look upon our own Oath of Allegiance made onely upon a politick account for the prevention of Treason we might see it as strongly opposed and girded at as that of France For no sooner was it made that horrid Gunpowder-plot being a main Motive but Paul the Fifth absolutely forbad it to be taken by two Breves sent into England and presently began a Paper-scuffle on all sides Bellarmine Gretzer Parsons Coquaeus Scioppius and many others by might and main opposing its taking but they were instantly answered not onely by King James himself but several of his learned Subjects as Bishop Andrews Dr. Abbot Carleton Donne Prideaux Burbill Widdrington or Preston a Benedictan Monk for which there were Rods laid in piss for him by the Romanists and several others Amongst those who zealously opposed it was one Adolphus Schulckenius but whether a true name or no I know not yet he is very furious in behalf of the Popes deposing of Kings and this he tells us the Pope may do by the
some cases as if the Prince should force his People to be a a Allow one or two Exceptions and twenty will follow if the Romanists be Judges Prateo lus Elench Haeret. § Mahometes compares the Protestants to the Turks Gifford Prâ—f in lib. D. Reinald Calvino-Turcismus saâ—th that the Protestants belief is worse than the Alcoran Mahometans Jewes Pagans or Infidels the Pope may discharge his Subjects of their Allegiance and Obedience otherwise due to him III. That the King Bishops Peers and Commons in Parliament cannot declare or censure the opinion which alloweth the Popes power to excommunicate and deprive Kings to be Impious and Heretical IV. That it is gross Ignorance and False not to believe that the Pope or any other have power to absolve Subjects of their Oaths of Obedience and Allegiance V. That this Oath of Allegiance though taken is not obligatory nor hath any power to binde Thus we see the foundation of Government shaken Oaths and Obedience brought to be but trifles and Supream Authority and Rule upon the common-canting whining pretence of Religion consumed to nothing Leonardus Lessius a Jesuite of great repute under the false name Discussio Decreti Mag. Concil Lateran of Guilielmus Singletonus is very zealous for this Authority to be in the Pope Tells us in one place that if the Pope b Si sam Pont. non haberet illam potestatem in Tâ—mporalia Ecclesia errarâ—t in Doctrina morum quidem circa res gravissimas Docet enim Principe per sententiam summi Pont. abdicato omnes subditos ab ejus obedientia esse solutos ditionem ejus ab alio posse occupari ut ex Conciliis constat Discuss Decret Concil Lat. pag 46. have not this power then the Church of necessity must err because it teacheth such jurisdiction to lye in the Pope but to affirm so of the Church viz. that she erreth is Heretical nay that this error viz. that the Pope cannot depose Kings c Id. Pag. 90. Hic enim error longe perniciosior erit magisque intolerabilis quam error circa aliquod Sacramentum is more pernicious and intolerable than an error concerning some of the Sacraments for 't is a d Id. Pag. 100. certain and undoubted received Opinion of the Church and therefore he e Id Pag. 123. conjures all Catholicks as they love the salvation of their Souls to have a care of doubting of it or believing the contrary for it f Ad sidem pertinere sive ita cum rebus fidei Religionis esse conjunctam ut absque sanae Doctrinae injuria non videatur posse negaâ—i belongs to faith or agrees so neer with it that it cannot be denyed without great injury to sound Doctrine And whether this Lessius in another of his Books concerning the a De potestate summi Pontifici Popes power maintains any Tenents more dangerous than these I know not no more than I do the reasons that made them suppress it though many years ago printed The Lawyer b De sindicatu Summar 4. § 56 57 58 59. Paris de Puteo from the Canon-law and other such-like authorities gathers that the Pope may depose Kings or Emperours and the old c Dist 40 Si Papa Gloss Glassator upon Gratian standing upon the same sandy Foundation maintains the same proposition against the latter and with these agree another Lawyer d Et Imperator debet confirmari à Papa tanquam superiore ab eo examinare approbari ac incongi consecraâ—i coronari si est dignus vel rejici si est indignus puta si esset sacrilegus excommunicatus licet esset electus ab Electoribus Imperii Jo. Bapt. Plot. Consilium § 64. Johannes Baptista Plotus In the year 1619. Frederick Elector Palatine of Rhine being over-perswaded by the Bohemians who had then denyed Ferdinand the Emperour to be their King to take upon him the Government over them was after some Wars overcome by the Imperialists and bereft not onely of that Kingdom but the rest of his Territories Upon this great consultation is had privately at Rome to get another Elector into his place and for the person they need not study long The Duke of Bavaria having his great expence in this War against the Bohemians and the Jesuits to whom he was a great Benefactor had a particular Devotion and was in all things sway'd by them to speak loud in his behalf and besides which was no small mover his Zeal for the cause of Rome Frederick being a Protestant and thus laid by would thus over-sway the reformed Electors in number whereby the Empire probably would still be ruled by that Religion These and other like reasons made Pope Gregory the Fifteenth and his Nephew and Favourite Cardinal Ludovisio who was also made Protector of the Irish to be earnest with the Emperour about it which at last though the Spaniard at its first motion seem'd not to like took effect and Maximilian Duke of Bavaria obtain'd that honour 1623. But that which I most aim at in this story is the Paper of advice or reasons to perswade to this action presented to the Pope and Cardinals by Michel Lonigo da Esle belonging to his Holiness in which is strongly pleaded for Bavaria ranting and boasting in a whole beadrole what pretty pranks and tricks the Popes have formerly acted over Kings and Emperours by interdicting excommunicating and deposing them altering and changing of Empires and Kingdoms and in one place speaks boldly and plainly thus It is in the Popes hands as appeareth by all Histories to renew the Emperours in their Empire to translate the authority of one Nation to another and utterly to abolish the right of Election And that Rome did think her power over Kings by way of punishment to be just and really her own you may partly guess from this following story No sooner came forth our Oath of Allegiance for the preservation Ro. Widdrington's Theological Disputation cap. 10. Sect. 2. § 52 53. c. of the King and security of his Kingdoms but Father Parsons at Rome sollicited the Pope for his Breves against it which were obtain'd but before they were sent into England this Jesuite wrote a Letter hither to intimate though falsly that he was for mitigation but that true enough the rest were for the Popes power against the King but take his own words as they are delivered to us by an honest Benedictine About some four or five Months ago it was consulted by seven or eight of the Learned'st Divines that could be chosen who gave their judgement of it Their Reasons are many but all deduced to this that the Popes Authority in chastising Princes upon a just account is de fide and consequently cannot be deny'd when it is call'd into Controversie without denying of our Faith nor that the Pope or any other Authority can dispense in this For if the Question were de facto and
What was the Opinion of that great-read Cardinal Baronius you may guess by this which followeth Henry the Sixth by the Italian Writers call'd Henry the Fifth the eldest son of the famous Frederick Barbarossa Emperour of Germany being at Rome with his Empress Constance Daughter to William King of Sicily and being Jo. Trevisa translat of Ranulph of Chesters Polyoron l. 7. c. 26. willing to be both Crowned there Accordingly Pope Caelestinus the Third being set in his Bontifical Chair in St. Peters Church held the Imperial Crown between his Feet whence both of them humbling themselves by bowing down their heads received the Crown but the Pope presently with his Foot kickt the Crown from the Emperours head to the ground Upon this Rogerus in short tells us that the Pope did it to shew that he had power to depose the Emperour And this is hint enough to a wise man But Baronius liketh the action so well that he must make a discant too it being his design all along to magnifie the greatness of the Pope and his Comment is this a Uâ— autem id fixum menti ejus haereret nempe dare custodire conservare auferre si causa exigeret Imperium esse in voluntate Romani Pontificis ejusmodi voluâ— commonuisse exemplo Baron Annal. Tom. 12. anno 1191. § 12. That the Emperour might remember that it is in the pleasure of the Pope to give keep preserve and take away the Empire if there be cause and that this Example might put him in minde of it And this he in b An. 1157. § 13. another place makes no doubt of I cannot but wonder at c Vindiciae Concilii Lateranens p. 4 5. Dr. Thomas Vane if he be the Author for some think that by agreement he fathers other mens writings to be so strangely in passion as to call Dr. Cozens now Bishop of Durham Beast Forrainer and Runagate and suchlike unhandsome language since both were English-men and both then living in France one as freely as the other though their going over upon different accounts the Bishop for his loyalty being persecuted over and probably in this reviling Dr. Vane forgot himself to be an Englishman considering the King himself took Asylum abroad upon the same account and a prudent man would not cast it as a Reproach upon Dr. Cozens for not chopping and changing Religions as Dr. Vane did But do but view over a few d Vindic. Concil Later pag. 69 70 71. pages of his little Book and then tell me if he do not allow that the Pope in some cases may deprive Kings e Comment in D. Tho. Tom. 1. col 145. Michael Bartholomeus Salon amongst other priviledges which in some cases he grants to the Pope is that of deposing Kings And the Lawyer f Papa potest deponere principes si nimis gravant subditos De Principibus Quest 7. Id. Imperator non debet deponi à Papa nisi subsit maxima gravissima causa ultra quam dici potest periculosa Imperator alii Principes non possunt deponi sine maximis periculis Id. Quest 35. Martinus de Caraziis Laudensis is of the same Opinion though he seems to desire that good reason should be given for so doing And this is also agreeable to the Learned and one of the best Casuists of the Jesuits Johannes Azorius who in several places of his g Tom. 2. lib. 10. cap. 8. lib. 11. cap. 5. Institutions confirms the same h De Privileg Eccles Art 16. § â— Johannes Philippus Maynardus in his zeal against the Venetians not onely with the rest of his Followers in that Quarrel exempts the Clergy from the secular jurisdiction but also alloweth the Pope Authority to depose the Emperour and a Nullus possit esse Monarcha nisi dependeat à Papa De Monarch Hispan c. 5. Thomas Campanella throweth his Politicks upon the same Pontifical Priviledge And with him agreeth b Enchirid. Eccles Tit. de Salario vasall fol. 140. Gregorius Capuccinus Nor need we marvel to finde c Chron. Tom. 2. pag. 882. pag. 899. Edit 1581. Gilbertus Genebrard of the same Opinion when many times his choler and zeal was some discredit to his great learning Of the same extravagancy and passion was the Helvetian Jesuit Laurentius Forerus one who thought to procure to himself no small name by his multiplicity of Pamphlets and Zeal for his Order yet when he makes it his whole design to clear them from any thoughts of treasonable or bad Principles even then he confidently affirmeth that himself and the rest of his Order do and did always maintain that the d Mantissa Ant-Anatomiae Sect. 1. pag. 21 22 23 25. Pope hath power to depose Princes and for this he saith the Jesuits ought not to be slandred or thought bad subjects because they affirm no more e Quaeque alii Theologi communiter ante ipsum viz. Greg. de Valentia docuerunt apertissimum sit à plurimorum saeculorum decursu eandem à maximis Doctoribus Ecclesiae traditam defensam fuisse pag. 23. Dudum ab aliis Catholicis Doctoribus communissime tradita recepta pag. 25. than all other Catholick Doctors do Nay the famous Piedmontois Geographer f L'altra sorte di corruttione si ó lo scandolo de i Principi che ò per malignita depravano el ben publico é l'edificatione della chiesa di Dio ò per neligenza lasciano ruinare la Religione ne gli stati loro per l'uno e per l'altro capo li Pontifici se il male è incorrigibile si vagliono della scommunica e dell ' Interdetto E si queste arme fanno poco effetâ—o li dichtarano in capaci de gli stati e indegni del grado nel qual Dio gli ha posti assolvanâ— dal giuramento della fedeltai subditi e trasferiscano i Regni e gli Imperii all'altri E la ragione si è perche nella Chiesa di Dio la potesta secolare e quasi corpo la spirituale quasi anima onde quella deve ubbere questa commendate in tutto ciò che si appartiene al ben publico di essa Chiesa E i Principi scandalosi sono come membri putridi ò pecore scabbiose che si debbono trancare dalle parti sincere ò cacciare fuora del gregge Et è cosa ridicola quella che in questi tempi dicono e scrivono alcuni Politici Francesi che il Re loro depende immediatamente da Dio cosâ— per la sua vanità indegna di esser refutata conciosia che tutti i Regni legitimi hanno hanuto origine dall ' Electione de i Popoli e per questo nella loro incoronatione li Re giurano di osservar i Privilegi à i Popoli e i Popoli d'esser fedeli a loro e Dio hà dato ogniauttorita di legare e di
his Rebellion hath too much of Atheism in him to be a true Christian Thus would these men make the condition of Kings to be like that of Damocles with a drawn Sword hanging over their heads by a slender thred His and the Kingdoms settlement to lye at the mercy and alteration of every hot-brain'd Zealot For let him be of whatsoever Religion yet we see he shall not please and that which should have no Arms but Prayers and Tears must be made a pretence to prove the Devil a Saint and Treason an Article of Faith We have formerly seen how the Romish Favorites do hugely contend in behalf of their a Extra Com. l. 1. Tit. â— c. 1. Unam Sanctam Canon-law that the Pope is b Jer. 1. 10. set over the Nations and over Kingdoms to root out and to pull down and to destroy and to throw down But as if this were not enough to overcloud the Authority of Kings they will allow the people also the power to trample upon their Princes by deposing them and this in few words is acknowledged by c Jus deponendi abdicandi e solio Reges ac Principes non solum Ecclesiae sed interdum populis competere ratione exemplis ostenditur Rut. Benz. Comment in Canticum Magnificat lib. 3. cap. 27. dub 6. pag. 134. Rutilius Benzonius Bishop of their Miraculous Loretto Leonardus Coquaeus endeavouring to prove that the Pope hath power to depose Kings in one place brings his Argument by way of comparison that if d Examen Praefat. monit p. 102. Parliaments do sometimes depose Kings why may not the Pope much more do it And in another place speaks more plain That e Imo judicarem quod non expectata sententia Summi Pontificis posset talem Principem a subditis deponi Id. Pag. 49. without the Pope the subjects themselves may pull their Kings from their Thrones But I warrant you that King James against whom he wrote would never be converted by this French-man Here we have the Brabantine Jesuite Martinus Becanus keep a great deal of clutter about the old worne-out Argument of a mutual compact between King and People and so he would conclude that if Kings do not keep their Promises to their Subjects then the Controvers Angl. p. 133 134 135. people may slip their necks out of Coller and throw by their King and something to this purpose he affords you an old Rime Frangenti fidem fides frangatur eidem But this in this case is a false rule with us being no compact nor the parties equals so that do but translate his Riming Proverb to agree with the cause in hand and we shall see the consequence to be false Don breaks his Troth burns my poor house what then May I his slave go and burn his agen This used to be common Logick to the borderers or Moss-troopers but we see ours if held affirmatively cannot prosper in a setled Kingdom But he goeth farther yet to extol the power of the People affirming that when a King is deposed though there Plus dicam in haec re voluit concensus populi ut etiamsi superesset legitimus haeres cui Regnum deberetur hoc palam omnibus constaret tamen si populus praetermitto legitimo haerede alium delegisset ille alius fuisset verus Rex Mart. Becan Controv. Angl. pag. 120. remaineth a lawful Heir to whom the Kingdom of right doth belong and this too apparently known to all yet if the people do chuse another and throw this Heir aside the other so chosen is the true King Almost an hundred years ago an English-man who calls himself John Rastell Master of Arts and Student of Divinity then living at Lovan a A brief shew of the false wares packâ— together in the named Apologie of the Church of England fol. 9â— wrote against Dr. Jewel in behalf of Dr. Harding or rather as himself saith gathered out of Dr. Hardings Book and if so about this cause take both their Opinions For whereas every Common-wealth is greater than the Prince which governeth it and may depose the same upon lawful cause and whereas Riot and doltishness are causes sufficient so to do as making the Prince unable to govern it well it followeth consequently that if the whole Estate of France deposed Chilperick and erected Pipine there was NO FAULT committed in so doing Now certainly you would think that this Chilperick was a strange Tyrant or that his wickedness must be so great that 't was no fault to take the Crown from him and give it to one of his Subjects that had no right to it nor is this all but the Kingdom by this means changed from one Family to another But we shall finde his enormities not to deserve such punishment that he wanted discretion I believe but then they might have given him an assistant and as for his inclination b Hist de' personaggi illustri Religiosi lib. 3. cap. 18. Essenda di natura piâ— Egli menò vita Angelica Paolo Morigi tells us that he was Godly and peaceful and when he was put into a Monastery that he led an Angelical life Whether there was such an English-man or no as this John Rastell I know not because Pitseus maketh no mention of any such and doth tell us besides that c Pag. 764. William Rastell amongst other things wrote several Books against Bishop Jewel whosoever be the man 't is not much to our purpose though William the Lawyer would have given more credit to the cause though for so doing would somewhat have encreas'd the wonder those who are so much addicted to our Common-law not troubling themselves so much with the Romish Politicks or the niceties of the Schools And so much for Rastell and his friends Doctrine d Recognit lib. de laicis cap. 6. Bellarmine tells us that Martinus ab Azpilcueta the famous Spanish Lawyer was of Opinion that the people never transferr'd their power so much upon and into the Prince but that in some cases they might resume it again from him And of the same judgement doth the Cardinal shew himself in one place that if e Videmus in â—ebus publicis temporalibus si Rex degeneret in Tyranâ—um â—icet sit Caput Regni tamen a populo deponi eligi alium Bellar. de Concil l. 2. c 19. the King turns Tyrant the people may depose him and chuse another And again that f Pendet a consensâ— multitudinis constituere super se Regem vel Consules vel alios Magistratus ut patet si causa legitima adsit potest multitudo mutare Regnum in Aristocratiam aut Democratiam e contrariâ— Bellarm. de laicis lib. 3. cap. 6. 't is the consent of the people that constitutes Kings or other Governments over them and so if cause be given they may turn â—he Kingdom into an Aristocracy or Democracy or the contrary g Defens fid
depose him and declare him an Enemy nay and act against his very Person too he then ceasing to be a Prince Franciscus Fenardentius one of the most furious of all the Franciscan Orders doth somewhat agree with the former as you will easily judge when you hear him speak b Conventus legitimus Ordinum tâ—â—us Regni qui ex Eccleâ—asticis Nobilibus populi selectis viris coalescit cum universi Regni Majestatem potestatem faciem referat sicut Concilium Generale Episcoporum universam representat Ecclesiam Regem Religioni populo perniciosum Tyrannum infestum potest exauthorare alium ejus loco substituere Franc. Fenard Com. in Esther pag. 87. The Parliament composed of the Clergy Nobility and Commons representing the Majesty and power of the whole Kingdom as a general Council of Bishops doth the whole Church may depose their King being a Tyrant and hurtful to Religion and the People and then may chuse another into his place To these Divines we may add an old noted Lawyer Andraeus de Isernia who tells us that to whom the Government of the Kingdom is given to the same person is also committed all things that belong to the Government whereby the people deprive themselves of all Relations to such authority c Non remansit apud Populum qui non potest revocare nisi Rex male se gereret tunc expelleret Regem Tyrannizantem sicut Tarquinium Romani Andr. de Isern Comment in usus Feudorum Tit. Quae sint Regalia V. Monetae pag. 743. Vnless the King do not govern well for then forsooth they may expel him the Nation as the Romans of old did Tarquinius Adamus Tannerus a German Jesuit of great repute in his Country both with the Emperour and other Princes yet for all the many favours received from them he must not contradict the Principles of his Order and Church and therefore he positively maintains that Kings may lawfully sometimes be deposed and because he would not seem to do any thing without Reason he thus tells you upon what goodly foundation this bad Principle stands because forsooth d Ratio est tum quia Respub uti in Principem suam potestatem contulit ita ab eodem potest ex justa causa auferre Tum quia quaeque Respub habet potestatem sibi prospiciendi de legitimo Câ—pite quale non est hic quâ— ex Pastore populi in Lupum degeneravit Ad. Tanner Theolog. Scholast Tom. 3. disp 4. Quest 8. dub 3. Num. 32 33. as the people do deliver their power up to the King so upon just account they can take it from him again and also because every Common-wealth hath the Authority to see that they have a lawful head and he who from the Pastor of the people turns to be a Wolf is no lawful Governour But now let us see the Opinion of a Scotch-man and that held one of the learnedst of his time his Divinity he got from Sorbonne but where he got his Politicks I know not unless from the practice of his Church of Rome however take it as it is a Totus populus est supra Regem in aliquo eventu potest eum exauthorare quemadmodum Romani Tarquinium superbum imperio exuerunt sed non potest de jure sine maxima evidentissima causa Jo. Major in quartum sententiarum Dist 11. Quaest 10. The people are above their King and in some cases may depose him as the Romans did Tarquin yet this they cannot do lawfully but upon urgent occasions This was a fit man to be Buchanan's Master who trod his steps to an hair in these Principles as appears by his ungrateful b De jure Regni apud Scotos Dialogue presented to King James But the Scholar had not so good esteem of his Masters skill in History as appears by the Satyrical Epigram against him though Major deserved better Cum scateat nugis solo cognomine Major G. Buchan Epigram lib. 1. pag. 337. Nec sit in immenso pagina sana libro Non mirum titulis quod se veracibus ornat Nec semper Mendax fingere Creta solet Since as he saith he 's onely Great in name And with false trifles doth his story frame No wonder that he calls himself so right Since greatest lyars sometimes truth may write But that we might not at this time think our Neighbours worse A conference about the next succession of the Crown of England Imprinted at N. with License 1594. Part. 1. cap. 2. pag. 32. Id. Pag. 36. than ourselves let 's hear an English-man speak to this case and this shall be the noted Jesuit Robert Parsons under the Visard of R. Doleman Yea not onely in this point saith he hath the Commonwealth authority to put back the next Inheritors upon lawful considerations but also to dispossess them that have been lawfully put in possession if they fulfill not the Laws and Conditions by which and for which their dignity was given them And again So yet retaineth still the Common-wealth her Authority not onely to restrain the same Prince if he be exorbitant but also to chasten and remove him upon weighty considerations In one place he seems to vapour with his Compact though I would gladly know when where by whom and how in England for that 's his drift this Agreement was and made conditional and by what Laws the people are made Judges and Punishers but let us hear the Jesuit himself speak Yea with such plain Exceptions Promises and Oaths of both Id. Cap. 4. p. 73. Parties I mean between the King and Common-wealth at the day of his admission or Coronation as if the same be not kept but wilfully broken on either part then is the other not bound to observe his Promise neither though never so solemnly made or sworn for that in all Bargains Agreements and Contracts where one Party is bound mutually and reciprocally to the other by Oath Vow or Condition there if one side go from his promise the other standeth not obliged to perform his In another place he turns the Condition into an Obligation affirming that the people not onely may but that they ought depose their Kings thus Then is the Common-wealth not onely free from all Oaths made by Id. Pag. 77 78. her of Obedience or Allegiance to such unworthy Princes but is bound moreover for saving the whole body to resist chasten and remove such evil heads if she be able And then again to weaken the succession by blood and to make an Heir-apparent but a trifle and to make the outward Ceremonies too much essential to the Office he thus in his fury gives you his Infallible Decree I must needs affirm to be most absurd base and impious that flattery Id. Cap. 5. pag. 120. before mentioned of Belloy and his Companions where he holdeth that onely succession of blood is the thing without farther approbation which maketh a King and that
printed in several Nations And if you think that these Spaniards speak not plain enough yet we shall shew you another Jesuit but of another Country viz. Brabant yet under the subjection of Spain And this is Martinus Becanus of great esteem amongst the learned honoured by the Emperour Matthias and Confessor to Ferdinand the Second but let us hear him speak and then we shall scarce think him fit to be imploy'd so neer the Conscience of so great a Monarch as Caesar since he attributes too much power to one who thinks himself a better man in Temporals one way or another than the Emperour Sometimes Aliquando factum est ut etiam Reges essent leprosi ergâ— poterat pontifex mandaâ—e ut feorsim habitarent si nollent obedire ut VITA PRIVARENTUR NIHIL CERTIUS Hâ—nc colligimus Pontificem duplici titulo potuisse Reges privare suo Regno primo quia poterat eos si â—ONTUMAâ—ES esâ—ent PRIVARE VITA Ergo Regno de hoc nemo DUBITAT Becan Controvers Angl. pag. 115. saith he it so falls out that Kings become wicked or Hereticks then the Pope may command that they be removed which if they disobey they may be kill'd and then this nothing is MORE CERTAIN And again The Pope may deprive Kings of their Kingdoms upon a double account for if they be CONTUMACIOUS he may have them Kill'd and so they are also deprived of their Kingdom and that this may be done no man doth doubt But yet if you think that this is not plain enough we will afford you another Jesuit and a Spaniard â—â—z Franciscus Suarez a man that seemed to excel Abulensis by thâ— multitude of his writings and one of the greatest esteem of all his Order Pope Paul the Fifth himself having honoured him with several Letters That Kings may be kill'd Suarez affirms no less than three times in one a Defens fid lib. 6. cap. 4. § 18. Paragraph but a little before this he speaks more plain by endeavouring to prove it by reason after this manner b Id. Lib 6. c. 4. § 14. Postquam Rex legâ—time depositus est jam non est Rex neque Princeps legitimus consequenter non potest in illo subsistere assertio quae de legitimo Rege loquitur Imo si Rex talis post depositionem legitimam in sua pertinacia perseverans Regnum per vim retineat incipit esse Tyrannus in Titulo quia non est legitimus Rex nec justo titulo Regnum possidet declaratur hoc amplius in Rege Haeretico nam statim per haeresim ipso facto privatur aliquo modo dominio proprietate sui Regni Post sentenâ—am latam omnino privatur Regno ita ut non possit justo titulo illud possidere Ergo ex tunc poterit tanquam omnino Tyrannus tractari Consequenter a QUOCUNQUE PRIVATO POTERIT INTERFICI When a King is deposed then he is neither lawful King nor Prince And if therefore he endeavour to keep the Kingdom under him by strength then he is an Vsurper because he is no lawful King having no true title to the Crown For that after the Decree of deposition gone out against him he is altogether deprived of his Kingdom so that he cannot with a just title possess it and so he may be used as a Tyrant or Vsurper and by consequence MAY BE SLAIN BY ANY PRIVATE MAN And this he saith if he be an Heretick And is not this as clear as the noon-day and as plain as a Pike-staff is not this down-right to call a spade a spade and to say that Kings may be deprived and then kill'd by any body Nor was this Principle set down without great consideration and firmly believed to be true not onely by Suarez but the chief of Portugal and others As for himself so far was he ever from recanting or thinking this Doctrine to be amiss but agreeable to the Church of Rome that the Jesuits tell us that when he was told how his book had been burnt in England he declared his consent so freely to his Principles contain'd Phil. Alegambe p. 138. therein that he said that nothing would be more pleasant and desirable to him than to have been burnt in the same flames with his book And he was so assured that his principles were agreeable to all of his Church that he had the confidence to dedicate such stuff to all Kings and Princes who were Roman Catholicks That it was held in great veneration with others cannot be denyed for we shall scarce see a book honour'd with such censures of approbation Alphonso à Castello Branco Bishop of Coimbria and Privy Councellor to the King of Spain Philip the Third declares that he hath read it exactly over and findes all things in it to agree to the holy Scriptures Apostolical Traditions General Councils and Papal Decrees Fernando Martiner Mascaregnus Bishop of Sylvis saith that he hath also read it over and findes nothing in it but what is Orthodox And Martiner Alonso à Mello another Privy Councellor and Bishop of Lamego saith also that he hath read it over and thinks it worthy to be publisht for the publick good of Christendom And the Provincial Jesuits of Portugal and Germany allow it the same priviledges and so doth the Inquisition Nor is this all but the University of Alcala de Henarez after a serious view and consideration of it declare that there is nothing in it contrary to the Roman Catholick faith nor any thing in it but what ought to be approved of and commended every thing being according to their own opinions and judgements All this put together is enough to blot out the bad reception it received by the Senators of Paris the Kings Murther then fresh in their memories and their hatred to the Jesuits being strong motives As for the Sorbone an Association really to be honour'd in many things its Doctors as most of other Convocations are oft so carryed on with interest and faction that many times in the most considerable things we shall finde their Decrees to clash one with another 'T is true this ancient Colledge of Sorbone built about 1250 by Robert de Sorbone hath for several ages kept up a great reputation and splendour but they have somewhat been troubled by the springing up of the Jesuits with whom I may say they and the University have had a continual bickering for this hundred years and of late have something lost ground especially at Rome where the Fathers carry the bell away clearly from the Doctors both in repute authority and preferments which are such considerable Arguments that of late times viz. since 1650 the interest of the Jesuits hath got in a manner the upper hand in the very Colledge of Sorbone and Paris the latter of which hath onely a company of Curates too weak to oppose against the subtile Loyolists and if the secular Authority do not intervene they will all in
56. that he would rather loose his head than not acknowledge this Authority to lye in the Roman Chair And Pope Sixtus the Fifth could make a f See Will. Warmingtons moderate defence of the Oath of Allegiance pag. 127 128 c. Speech in a full Consistory of Cardinals in commendation of the horrid murther of Henry the Third King of France CHAP. VI. For how many causes according to the Romanists a King may be deposed THey say 't is good to have many strings for a bow if one fail another may hold and others think they can do any thing by a distinction though it signifie nothing he that divided himself between the Arch-bishop of Colen and the Prince Elector was well retorted upon by the Boor If the Prince go to the Devil what will become of the Bishop And the Scotch Presbyterian g Hist Reformat of Scotland p. 392 393. John Knox used this art when he would not have the King but the Offender suffer Our English Covenanters thought they clear'd themselves of Rebellion by declaring that they fought not against the King but his evil Council and that h Ex. coll p. 727. Treason is not against the Kings person as he is a man but in relation to his Office And the Independant when the Presbyterian had i Declar. for Non-address 1647. declared that they could not repose any more trust in the King and made it Treason for any to address to him and so had laid him by as useless supposed they vindicated themselves sufficiently by affirming that they onely beheaded a private man the Presbyterians having formerly kill'd the King And these quirks to further Rebellion and to make the murthering of Kings more plausible are used by a De justitia lib. 2. c 9. dub 4. § 10 12. Lessius b Tom. 3. disp 5. Q. 8. punct 3. Valentia c Institut Sacerdot lib. 5. cap. 6. § 10. Tolet d Defens sid Cathol lib 6. cap. 4. § 14 18. Suarez e De justa abdicat Hen. III. Boucher Father f Qu'et and sober reckâ—ning pag. 321. Parsons g De justitia lib. 5. Q. 1. Art 3. Soto h Refutat Aphorism pag. 158. § 94. Heissius i De justitia Tom. 4. Tract 3. disp 6. § 2. Molina k Controveâ—s Anglic. pag. 115. Becanus and several others of the chief writers amongst the Romanists so that these and our Covenanters need not be so earnest in upbraiding one another with Treason When people are resolved for mischief 't is not difficult to pretend reasons and sinde out means to carry on the design plausible enough to blinde the giddy multitude To ruine the innocent many and strange Articles and accusations shall be framed against him and though not one of them can make him an Offender rather than their malice should fail of its purpose they will jumble them all together to make him a Traytor as the wicked-long-Parliament did with the Earl of Strafford and l Prynns Canterbâ—ry's doom pag. 51. Maynard used the same plea and means to hasten the murther of Arch bishop Land O the strength of a Covenanâ—ing Reason as if though one Elders Maid alone could not make a Dog an hundred of them could make a Mastiff could number thus aâ—â—er its being Prâ—teus would be out-vapour'd by this Argument and irrational and poysonous Creatures might once again ascend to be Classical Assembly-men for thus forty or fifty Asses together would be a Presbyterian though one by it self could not be a man But it may be they will thus prove their Assertion though one Assembly mans m Especially the first Edition notes will not make a Diodate or a Dutch Comment all the Assembly together will because it may be they will say that they stole all their Annotations out of them if this be their Argument I shall neither trouble my self to see whether they confess truth or no nor give them any reply to it What various Arts and devices with impertinent and poor pretences have been used by some Popes and their Part-takers not onely to lessen the authority but ruine the being of some Kings History can best inform us And some of their several causes and reasons they bring to prove the legality of proceeding against Kings shall be briesly hinted at in this place I. n Com. in Esther pag. 95. Feuardentius the Franciscan affirms that a King may be deposed if he be too prodigal in lavishing away the publick Revenues either by scattering them amongst his cringing Courtiers or some other spend-thrift-way That this is a fault no man can deny but how either to judge of it or hinder it belongs not to us and 't is too obscure either for our eyes or brains But we might retort upon the Chair of Rome the excessive extortion that some of them make to enrich their Kindred And the extravagancy of Sixtus the Fourth cannot be excused bestowing such excessive sums amongst his Whores II. Others say that a King may be deposed if he be a breaker of his Mart. Becanus Controv Angl. pag. 135. R. Parsons conference about succession pag. 32 36 73 77. Feuardent com in Esther pag. 94. promise to his Subjects or a violator of his publick Faith And if so why may not Popes run the same Exit who think it not lawful to keep Faith with Hereticks and are as apt as any to break them upon every advantage III. Another way to have a King deposed is this if he either study Feuard pag. 91. make use or approve of the Art of Magick or acquaint himself with those who do so This accusation would serve the Vulgar and the better because they are not competent Judges In former time 't was almost dangerous to have above a common stile in the Mathematicks so that our Roger Bacon Albertus Magnus and other famous Scholars can at this day scarce quit themselves from being thought Conjurers by the multitude and some have been too bold in throwing such wicked opinions upon Joseph Salomon and some others for whom Monsieur Naudé hath composed an Apology As for the Popes their own Platina affirms Sylvester the Second to have dealt with the Devil Card. Benno and some others think that Benedict the Ninth and Gregory the Seventh were too familiar that way though the former a Naudé Apol cap. 19. French-man endeavours to clear them of that crime and so I leave every man to his own judgement IV. If a King be guilty of b Jo. Azorius Instit Tom. 2. lib. 10. cap. 8. Jo. Bapt. Boiardus Addit ad Julii Clari practic criminalem Qu. 35. § 6. Feuard 91. Perjury some of them say he may be deposed for that fault If they think Perjury to be such an horrid sin as who can deny its heinousness they should not encourage Subjects to run so easily into this crime by making them break their Oaths of Allegiance to their respective Princes by
which wicked means their Popes make themselves also guilty and other ways they have been sufficiently infamous for this Gregory the Twelfth is in this case noted in story for having taken a solemn Oath that if he were chosen Pope he would lay down the Title and Authority again if Pedro de Luna an Anti-pope would do so too the better to quell the Schism but having thus obtained the Papacy I shall refer you to c De schismate lib. 3. Theodore à Niem to see how he cheated and jugled against his former Oath not onely in this but also in creating Cardinals and the Perjury of Paschal the Morney pag. 287. Second against the Emperour Henry the Fourth is as notorious V. Feuardentius saith that if a King be guilty of Murther he may Com in Est pag. 92. justly be deposed though he do nothing with his own hands but consent to other Instruments Though the crime be great yet Interest will oft judge amiss Boucher and Verone look upon those as Murtherers who caus'd the deaths of Clement and Chastel though the first stab'd Henry the Third and the other indeavoured to kill Henry the Fourth of France And the Jesuite Garnet hath been several times publish'd a Martyr though he worthily suffer'd for high Treason in not discovering the Powder-treason though he knew of the design But if these may go for Martyrs I know no reason but Pope Paul the Third may pass for a Saint for poysoning his Mother and Nephew that the Palâ—us lib. 5. whole Inheritance of the Fernese of which Family he was might come to him and for destroying by the same means his own Sister because she was as kinde to others imbraces as his own And upon the same account might Alexander the Sixth be canoniz'd for poysoning a Gâ—â—ccâ—ardin lib. 2. Gemes brother to the great Turk for filthy Avarice as he also did several b Id. lâ—b 6. Cardinals upon the same account VI. The same Franciscan assures the world that if a King be guilty Com. in Fâ—â—h pag. 96 of Simony by selling Ecclesiastical Benefits he may be deposed This fault I suppose to be below Monarchs who have several lawful means to fill their Coffers but I wish it were not practised so much as it is by those who are but fellow-subjects with the buyers And the worldly gallant who useth it may probably have his purchasing Parson a roaring Chaplain to his wicked Patronship in a world fitted for the covetous but we shall not at this time follow Truth too neer the heels But were not this Vice beneficial Pope Paul Platina the Second would not have been so given to it who basely sold all the Benefits both Civil and Ecclesiastical And Alexander the Sixth Gâ—â—ccâ—ardin lib. 1. got the Popedom more by Simony than any desert in himself VII c Bannes in 2. 2. q. 12. art 3. col 478. Valent. Tom. 3. disp 1. quaest 12. punct 2. Pâ—tr de Aragon in 2. 2. D. Tho. pag. 229. Hieron de Medicis in 2. 2. q. 12. art 2. conclus 2. Baleus Act. Pont. Estienne Apol pour Herodot pag. 292. Others of them say that a King may be deposed for Apostacie And I warrant you they will make the interpretation of the word submit to their pleasures Yet in the mean time we are told how true I know not that Pope Leo the Tenth should call the History of Christ a fable and that Paul the Third in anger once said that he would renounce Christ if the Procession went not faster on VIII If a King be guilty of d Jo. Bapt. Plotus Consilium § 64. Jo. Bapt. Bolard addit ad Julii Clari pract Crim. q. 35. § 6. Feuard pag. 93. Sacriledge they say he may justly be deprived and yet who hath been more criminal in this than some of their Popes Alexander the Sixth was so noted for it that this Distick was made of him Vendit Alexander Cruces Altaria Christum Emerit ipse prius vendere jure potest Alexander sold his Altars Christ and Crosses He bought so sold them men live not by losses And upon Leo the Tenth Sannazarius the famous Neapolitan Poet made this smart Sarcasm Sacra sub extrema si forte requiritis hora Cur Leo non potuit sumere vendiderat Leo could have the Sacrament no more Though dying ' cause he 'd sold it long before And e Ann. 1229. pag. 362. Matthew Paris assures us that Pope Gregory the Ninth was such a gaper after Church-moneys that the Bishops in England were forced to sell and pawn all their Plate and Furniture belonging to the Altar to satisfie him And whether Authority doth commit Sacriledge in commanding Images to be taken out of Churches let the busie Bigots determine yet History will tell us that Pope Gregory the Third proceeded against the Emperour Leo for the same account IX If a King be a a Azorius Institut lib. 10. cap. 8. lib. 11. cap. 6. Suarez defens fid lib. 6. c. 4. § 22. Feuard p. 91. Jo. Mar. Bellettus disquisit Clericalis pag. 282. § 209 210. Alph. Alvarez Speculum cap. 16. § 8. Petr. de Palude Art 4. Lud. a Paramo de origine S. Inquisit lib. 1. cap. 1. Greg. Nunnius Coronel de optimo Reipub statu pag. 545. Jo. Anton. Delphinus de potestate Eccles pag. 154. Schismatick or a favourer of Schismaticks they say he may then be deposed And yet no Church hath been so much rent with Schisms as that of Rome having sometimes at the same time several men declaring themselves to be the true Popes and justly elected and every one of them having some Prince or other to stand by them and at last 't was sometimes carried by strong hand And that which began in Pope Vrban the Sixth's time was so long and violent that it lasted fifty years X. We are told that for violence done to Cardinals the King guilty Feuardent pag. 94. of that crime may be deposed A people at first but of common repute being but Priests or Deacons belonging to this or that Church and so far inferiour to Bishops though since that the Popes have rais'd them to be next to themselves and equal to Kings and Princes and now carry such a sway in that all-ruling Court at Rome that happy is that Monarch that can get a friend by much begging and greazing to be honour'd with that title and sometimes a red Hat covers both youth and ignorance Many of these have imploy'd themselves in secular affairs and if L'Homme d'estat pag. 257 c. either in this or the other they become faulty there is no reason but that they are lyable to punishment as well as their Neighbours if Queen Elizabeth had got Cardinal Allen into her custody she might with more reason have punish'd him for his many Treasons against her and his Country by declaring her to be no true Queen and in assisting the Spaniards against
sometimes is not onely tyrannical wicked and debauched but a simple Boy too and some think also a whorish b See Alexand Cook 's Pope Joan and les sieur Congnard traite contre Bâ—ondel Woman to boot So that it is no wonder that there is such striving canvassing bribery and underhand-dealing to be made Pope if their so being instantly invest them with such an unlimited Authority over all the world and that by Divine right too but of such a Nature that none can see into this Milstone but themselves or favourites And that there may not be any objection against this Authority of the Pope Bozius undertakes to demonstrate it by Examples which you shall have as he gives us them and then judge either of the Heresie or Authority of the Popes Thus he tells us that Baldwin II was lawful Successor to the Eastern Empire yet Michael Palaeologus by force of Arms and wickedness took the Empire from him However for all this injury as he saith did Pope Gregory X allow so much of it that he gave the Empire to the Invador and excluded the lawful Inheritor Another instance he giveth concerning the Western Empire viz. that Richard Duke of Cornwal Son to King John and Brother to Henry III of England being by one part of the Electors of Germany viz. by the Bishops of Mentz Colen and the Palsgrave chosen Emperour And Alonso X King of Castile being by another part viz. Archbishop of Trevers King of Bohemia Duke of Saxony and Marquiss of Brandeburg also chosen Emperour And so by consequence as he saith it must of necessity belong to one of these two Yet such was the pleasure of the aforesaid Gregory X that he threw them both by and commanded the Electors to pitch upon another by which means Rodulph Earl of Habspurgh and Hessia came to be Emperour And the same power Bozius saith the Pope hath over Infidels and to prove this by Example he hints to us the Donation of America by Alexander VI and his huge Authority divided between the Castilian and Portugal And I wonder that before this time he hath not given the World in the Moon to some of his Favourites And as Pope a H. Estiene Apol. pour Herodot p. 465 466. Clement VI commanded the Angels to carry such Souls into Paradise so might some of his Successors command some pretty vehicles or other to carry his friends beyond the Earths attraction and so into the Dominions of the Lunary World where by a zealous Croisade and a furious Inquisition those pretty people might be taught Rebellion THE REBELLIOUS AND Treasonable Practises Of the ROMANISTS From the Year DC to the Year M. With a Blow at Constantines Donation The Popes absolute Temporal Authority and Legality of his Being BOOK III. CHAP. I. The Tale of Constantines Donation proved a meer Cheat and Forgery I Shall not here ingage my self in the Dispute whether S. Peter was ever Bishop of Rome or no nor with the time of his presiding there a De Rom. Pont. l. 1. c. 6. Bellarmine their famous b Addit ad Platin. viz. S. Petri. Onuphrius and some others not agreeing about the manner and several Learned Men have imployed themselves on both parties in this Controversie Nor by what means the Popes came to that greatness they are now in and pretend of right to have Christ said c Joh. 18. 36. his Kingdom was not of this world nor did S. Peter or any of the rest of the Apostles endeavour to obtain either any such Temporal Government or upon the account of their Spiritual to lord it with a coercive Power over Secular Authority And if any of their Successors plead such Prerogatives they can draw no Arguments either from the Precept or Example of the Apostles Not but that the Clergy are as capable of Temporal Imployments as any if the Supreme Magistrate so order it without whose appointment the Lay-man himself cannot pretend to Office What jurisdiction the Bishops of Rome exercised over Princes for the first Ages as History is altogether silent so cannot we imagine that they did considering in what Persecutions they themselves lived being for their own preservation forced to sculk and lurk about here and there and that in poverty too insomuch that if we consult their own Histories we shall finde that the first XXXIII Bishops of Rome suffer'd Martyrdom till a An. 314. Sylvester in the days of Constantine the Great In whose time by the Emperours declaring himself a Christian Christianity began to appear more publick being thus countenanced by Authority whereby those who formerly lurk'd in Caves and Forrests wandred about Mountains and dissembled their Profession for fear of persecution now boldly shewed and declared themselves and had places of Trust and Authority conferred upon them whereby they became more formidable to the Pagans and Religion daily gained more Proselytes Splendour and Jurisdiction By this Emperour Constantine they say that the Popes of Rome had not onely many Priviledges but God knows how much Land too given them viz. not onely Rome it self but also all the Provinces Places and Cities of all Italy and the Western Region and that he might be more glorious and powerful in all the World than the Emperour himself And thus we see them set on Cock horse and whence many of them plead a Prerogative And for proof of this they not onely say that they can shew you the Decree it self but from it and other Authors tell the Reason of such a Donation which because the Storie is pretty and miraculous take as followeth in short Constance they say being a wicked Tyrant and an Heathen murthering his own Son Crispus the Consul c. at last was sorry Baron anno 324. § 16 17. for his own wickedness and desired to be clensed therefrom but his Pagan Priests told him That they had no means of purging such heinous Offences In the mean time one Aegyptius supposed by b Anno 324. § 27. Baronius to be Osius Bishop of Corduba a Christian told the Emperour That the Christians had a way to clense a man from any guilt To which Constantine lent a willing ear though upon that did not forsake his Idolatry but persecuted the Christians insomuch that Pope Slyvester with some others for their own safety stole from Rome and hid themselvs in the Mountain Soractes now call'd c Or M. St. Oresto Baron § 33. Monte S. Tresto corrupted as they say from Monte di S. Silvestro North from Rome upon the Westside of Tiber. For these crimes and oppressions they say he was as by a judgement strangely infected with the Leprosie or Meselry according to the old Translation of d Translat of Ranulphus of Chesters Polycron fol. 212. John Trevisa Vicar of Barckley almost CCC years ago to be cured of this disease he applyeth himself to his Physitians but with no benefit then the Pagan Priests of the Capitol advised him
French CCC years As for Childerick I believe he was easie-natured-enough apt to be cheated by every knave being none of the wisest but yet it will not follow that he should therefore be deposed but on the contrary upheld by good assistants and councsels himself being tainted with no vice or wickedness but on the contrary as b Chilperico non si mosse punto dell ' ingiuria fattagli per haverlo privato del Regno anzi essendo di natura pia è pacifica si arreccò à gloria l'esse fatto Monaco Perche tutto il tempo che visse nel Monasterio egli menò vita Angelica Paolo Morigi Hist de Personaggi illustri Religiosi lib. 3. cap. 18. pag. 138. Paolo Morigi will assure us very religious good-natured and peaceful and all the time to his dying day in the Monastery led a very heavenly life Here some raise an objection concerning the anoynting of Pepin sirnamed the c Le bref short for his littleness for some will have him onely anoynted by S. Boniface Archbishop of Mentz others onely by Pope Stephanus the Third But d Hist Mogunt lib. 3. not 38. pag. 522 523 524. Serarius thinks it no great wonder to have them both true it being not the first time as he sheweth that a King hath been twice anoynted as amongst the Israelites and that Pepin was also Crowned by Pope Stephanus the Third they with joy confess and thus tell the story The Lombards being rampant in Italy the Pope for his security and to beg assistance fled to Pepin at his coming into France P. Mexia vite di gl' Imperadori vit Constantin V. fol. 306. b. Jo. de Bussieres Tom. 1. pag. 249 250. Grimston's Imp. Hist pag. 371. Fulrad the Abbot and Duke Rotaldus were sent to congratulate him in the Kings name and moving forward in his journey Charles his Eldest Son waited upon him and three miles off Paris Pepin himself met him alighted off his Horse prostrated himself before him kiss'd his feet and the more to curry-favour with that See whence he had his Crown and was now to desire another courtesie very humbly play'd the part of a Lackey himself refusing to ride but on foot very dapperly leading by the Bridle the Horse on which Pope Stephanus rode Whilst this Pope stay'd in France he anoynted at S. Denis Pepin for King Bertrad his Wife for Queen and his two Sons Charles afterwards Emperour and call'd Charlemaign and Caroloman as Princes to succeed their Father whom he publickly declared to be the true and lawful King and that it should be unlawful hereafter for the French to have any King but of the Race of Pepin The Pope having done this good turn to Pepin he in requital beats the Lombards and the Towns taken from them bestows upon St. Peter for the good of his soul and having thus resetled the Bishop of Rome returneth to France And this Pepin as a Hist de France Tom. 1. Scipion Dupleix saith was the first Christian King that ever was anoynted I shall not trouble my self with the dispute of this b Id. pag. 338. § 4. Dupleix against dâ— Haillan and Hotoman whether the Kingdom of France be Hereditary or Elective for if these great French Lawyers and Historians cannot agree they will never grant a stranger to be Umpire though I shall willingly grant that Monarchy absolute and Hereditary And again though some will have this deposition done onely by the Authority remaining in the French yet I finde most of the c Bellarm. de Rom. Pont. l. 2. c. 17. l. 5. c. 8. Gasp Sciop Ecclesiast pag. 511 512. Diâ—nys Carthus de Author Pap. l. 1. art 6. Celsmancinus de jur Principat l. 3. c. 3. Fran. Duarenus de Benefic l. 1. c. 4. Fran. Ghetius Theol. Moral v. Papa § 10. S. Raymond Sum. l. 1. tit de Haeret. § 7. pag. 41. Jo. de Turrecrem Sum. de Eccles c. 14 propos 4. Lud. â— Param l. 1. Q. 1. Opin 4. § 55. Sylvest de Priero Sum. v. Papa § 11. Dom. â— Soto dist 25. Q. 2. Art 1. Alphoâ—s d Castro de Haeret. punit lib. 2. c. 7. Guil. de Monserrat de success Regum dub 1. § 30. Jo. Quintinus Repet in C. Novit de judic § 127. Jo. de Selva de Benefic part 4. Q. 8. § 25. Fran. Duarenus de sacris Eccles Minist lib. 1. cap. 4. Romanists affirm it acted onely by the Popes authority and so vapour with this story as an example of the Popes power to depose Kings And so I leave it as I found it CHAP. V. 1. The Murther of Constantine the Fifth Emperour of Constantinople by his Mother Irene 2. The miserable and troublesome Raign of the Emperour Lewes le Debonnaire by the many Rebellions against him 3. The Murther of Michael Emperour of Constantinople with Pope Adrian the Second his opinion of the Murtherer 4. Several Insolencies and Murders committed by the Venetians against some of their Dukes about this time Sect. 1. The Murther of Constantine the Fifth Emperour of Constantinople by his Mother Irene WE have formerly seen a quarrel between the Emperour and Pope about the worshipping of Images and now we shall perceive a giddy zeal make a Mother monstrously unnatural Leo the Fourth Emperor of Constantinople being dead his Son Constantine the Fifth succeeded but being then young his Mother Irene governed all she was very earnest for the worshipping of Images and which hugely gratified the Pope of Rome she had the use of them confirm'd by a Council at Nice and though she was a woman and the handsomest of her time yet she wanted neither policie nor courage to sway the Imperial Scepter and for that time she governed she was esteemed by most But Constantine being now come to years takes the Government upon himself hath his Mother Irene to live by her self shews himself as his Father and Grand-father had done before zealous against Images and willing that Priests should marry and commands Stauratius an Infant of his Mothers not to meddle any more with State-Affairs though at last he let Irene have a great hand in the Empire But she not content unless she had all conspires against her Son and with the assistance of Stauratius won the Army over to their Faction and so violently seised upon the Emperour who endeavoured an escape but could not whose eyes she unnaturally ordered to be pluck'd out which was acted with such violence upon him that he dyed presently after And some Historians tell us which must be left to every mans belief that the a Christ Besold Synopsis Hist Univers p. 307. Sun as disdaining to shine upon those who had wickedly pluck'd out the eyes of their Soveraign vail'd himself up in blackness and mourning that for seventeen days together there was no light upon the Earth As for Irene there were some Overtures of a Marriage between her and Charles the Great so to unite the Empires But
Salomon and son of a valiant David Basilius and his friend Adrian the Second agree to have a Council at Constantinople in which Photius is turn'd out and curs'd and Ignatius restored and here things were so carryed that the Pope by the Power of Basilius had what he could desire c Can. 3. aequo honore cum libro sanctorum Evangeliorum Images which the former Emperours of the East always withstood are now declared to be held in equal honour with the Gospel or Word of God d Can. 21. That the Church of Rome is above other Patriarchships that none might speak or write against the Pope under pain of Anathema That e Can. 14. Bishops should not go forth to meet Princes and if chance to meet not to alight from their Mules or Horses or kneel before them upon the score of reverence That Bishops may be equal to Kings or Emperours That these f Can. 22. secular Monarchs should not interest themselves in the promotion or election of Bishops Nor is it fitting that they should be present in their g Can. 17. Synods unless they be General Councils And thus Basilius and Pope Adrian gratifie one another And this they call the h An. 869. Eighth General Council though the Greeks since that will scarce acknowledge it so but rather that held some hundred years since this at i An. 1435. Florence Other Histories might here be inlarged upon which hapned about these times as that of Donald the Fifth King of Scotland one vicious enough who was close imprisoned by his own Subjects which so troubled him that as most Writers confess he became his own Executioner and a An. 859. kill'd himself And here I might speak also of Ethus King of the same Nation who was also put in prison by his Subjects and within three days b An. 875. dyed of grief This Ethus is sirnamed the Swift or Light-foot for that they say he could run as fast as a Buck or Hare Sect. 4. Several Insolencies and Murders committed by the Venetians against some of their Dukes about this time ANd from these might I turn to a people held in those times more Petr. Marcel de vit Princip Venet. Tho. de Fougasses Ja. Howel Hist of Venice Will. Thomas Hist of Italy civilized and whose Government and Prudence hath been held not onely the wonder of the World but by some the Bulwark of Christendom viz. the Venetians of whom I might at large relate they being weary of their popular Government declared themselves a Bastard Monarchy by their c An. 697. Ducal And here I might tell how they slew their third Duke d An. 737. Orso Hypato and so changed their Government again to an annual Master or Consulship the first being Dominico Leone 2. Felix Cornicula or Cornacchino 3. Deodato Son to the former Orso 4. Juliano Ypato or Copario And the fifth and last Zianus Fabritius or Giovanni Fabritiaco whose eyes the people put out and so turned him out of his Office and agreed to be govern'd by Dukes again e An. 742. electing to that purpose the fore-named Deodato Son to their former Duke Orso and having ruled thirteen years they put out his f An. 755. eyes too Then was Galla the Fifth Duke whose eyes they also g An. 756. put out After him they appointed to be Duke Dominico Monegario or Menicaccio whose eyes they also h An. 764. put out After succeeded Mauritio then his Son Giovanni whom they i An. 804. banish'd To him succeeded Obelerio whom the people k An. 809. cut in pieces drew his guts about the streets and slew his Wife of the Bloud-royal of France The next Duke was Angelo Partitiato then Justinian then his Brother Giovanni Partitiatio who going to prayers to St. Peters Church was seis'd upon disrobed and his beard and head being shaven was l An. 836. thrust into a Monastery in Grada And after him was elected Duke Pietro Tradenico or Gradenico who was m An. 864. murther'd as he came from St. Zacharies Church And so for this time I take my leave of the City Venice Chap. VI. 1. The deposing of the Emperour Charles the Third sirnamed the Gross 2. The jumbling of Emperours by the obstinacie of the Pope all which are made more plain by an exact Chronology 3. The hurly-burly amongst the Popes themselves whereby their personal Succession is shaken Sect. 1. The deposing of the Emperour Charles the Third sirnamed the Gross NOw began the Popes Authority to increase to a wonder and every man thought himself cock-sure if he had but that Bishop of his party who now in all Countries and over the greatest Monarchs held himself an Infallible Judge and if not submitted to had the strength of his Coercive Power and the terrible vertue of his Censures and Paper-thunder-bolts vapor'd and prattl'd up by his Hirelings to affright an ignorant and poor deluded people And to make this his Prerogative more formidable and so to gain an easier passage and firmer settlement into peoples belief their Priests daily made use of pretty stories of Gods Miracles and Judgements imitated by our late Puritans and Phanaticks sometimes in Purgatory and sometimes God knows where and this staple-cheat of reverence and aw was had up on every occasion Are Images to be worship'd then what strange a Goâ—onus sec 7 8. Dauroult c. 3. Tit. 67. stories have they against those who reject them Is the Roman Church to be Supreme then they have pretty b Dauroult c. 4. Tit. 17. Tales to confirm it Must not Kings and Emperours meddle with Church-affairs they will tell you strange c Id. ib. Tit. 18 wonders to prove it And if any man question the Popes going to Heaven they will assure you how Pope d Id. cap. 8. Tit. 22. § 3. Pius the Second flew up thither not onely cloath'd in white but with his triple Crown on his head too and with suchlike fopperies as used the ancient Monks and Fryars to stuff their Preachments to the terrifying of old women and seducement of the wiser And well might those ignorant times give credit to such fancies when of late days the chief of their Writers such as Baronius Nieremburgius Gononus Dauroultius Waddingus Surius c. fill up their voluminous Pages with such lying trifles And that which made the way more easie for the Popes now to rise to their greatness and over-top all secular jurisdiction was the gross ignorance of the times of which we now speak insomuch that the Ninth Age is ignominiously branded by all parties for the unhappy and ignorant Century in which we can scarce finde any thoughts of good Literature learning being in a manner quite forgot Thus stagger'd the Temporal Jurisdiction the greatest Monarchs themselves either by easiness or bad counsellors neglecting their own Authority and sometimes led by a zealous fear other times by policie or
of his seat took from him all his Royal Robes The grieved old Emperour fetching a deep sigh spake to this purpose The God of vengeance behold and revenge this iniquity you commit against me I suffer ignominy the like whereof was never heard of But it is God that justly punisheth me for the sins of my youth Yet for all this are not you free from this offence having broken your Oaths and so shall not avoid the revenge of a just Judge Let God never prosper you upon earth but let your portion be with him who betray'd Christ I know some hint so slightly on this story as if they were willing to pass it by in silence And others to mitigate the crime would gladly perswade us that the Emperour did willingly on his own head depose himself But 't is a poor excuse to conquer a man by force beat him soundly with an intent to make him deliver and then to say that he gave his purse freely when he was not able to keep it and you were resolved to have it And that the Father had really no minde to part with his Authority and Dominion his former battles against his Son for keeping them may testifie and his after-actions may sufficiently confirm it for getting liberty as conveniently as he could he withdrew himself to Colen thence to Liege and by his Letters declares to all Christian Princes and People how basely he had been used for a taste of which hard usage you may peruse his complaining Letter to Philip King of France it being somewhat long I shall refer you to the reading of it in a An. 1106. Sigebert And that he indeavour'd to restore himself by Arms by the assistance of the Duke of Lorraine History will tell at large And are all these signs of a willing and free resignation But at last young Henry gets his old Father again into his clutches where we cannot but suppose that the ancient Emperour was brought into excessive misery for proof of which take this one story testified by their own Historians This Henry amongst other buildings of Devotion had built at Spire a Monastery dedicated to the Virgin Mary and seeing thus all means of a free livelyhood taken from him applyed himself to Gebhard Bishop of Spire one to whom he had been a special Friend having not onely indowed the Church well but also advanced him to his honours Of this Bishop he desires one favour and that but a poor one too viz. that he would grant him the courtesie to live as an assistant in that Church which he himself had built and indowed telling of him withal that he was somewhat qualified for such an imployment because he had been brought up at his book and had some skill to assist in the Chair To which small request the ungrateful Bishop tartly replies with an b Per Matrem Domini non faceam tibi quod petis Helmold Hist Sclav cap. 33. Oath that he should not there be entertain'd though according to their c 16. q. 7. Quincunque fidelium Et Lancelot Inst Can. f. 1. Tib. 28. § defertur autem Canon-law he should not have been denyed being the Founder Which uncharitable denyal so afflicted the ancient Emperour that he could not refrain from tears and sighing onely saying to the people then about him in the phrase of the patient man d Job 19 21. Have pity upon me have pity upon me at least you my friends for the hand of God hath touched me And thus overwhelmed with grief and poverty he presently after dyed at Liege having sway'd the Scepter above fifty years Now may we suppose that the living friends of the old Emperour went all to wrack when the dead could not escape the tyranny of their Popish Enemies Clement the Third his body after it had laid in the Grave five years at Ravenna was dig'd up again as unworthy of that holy Earth and so were the Bishops of his Consecrating served Nor did the Corps of the deceased Emperour fare any better for though at first it was buryed at Liege by the Bishop of that City but these men being under Church-Censures for their affection to old Henry they were not permitted to be received into Absolution and Church-Communion again till they had dug up the Imperial Corps and without any Ceremony laid it on unconsecrated ground and to this their Archbishops and Bishops gave their consents This being done with the approbation of young Henry it was convey'd to Spire and there laid by the a Ant. Dauroult Flor. Exempl cap 7. Tit. 16. § 8. Baron an 1110. § 4. Popes command without the Church and Church-yard in a Sepulcher without any form of buryal where it remain'd five years At the end of which time it pleas'd his Holiness Paschal to consent that it might have Christian buryal yet to this Christianity he was forced being then a b Baron an 1111. § 20. Prisoner to Henry the Son As for Henry he is much commended in History for his Nobleness and Valour having fought bravely in sixty two battles more than Caesar himself had done And his good benefaction to Churches makes him no enemy to Devotion yet would the Popelings from him raise up a new name of Heresie with which they severely brand him and this they call'd in those times Henrician and some Guibertine or Clementine from Clement the Third Heresie which they would make to be the same with Simony and what great Monster this Henrician Heresie is one of their great Rabbies and enemy to all good Government viz. c Ex ejus nomine quod ipse jus Investiturae mordicus sibi vendicaâ—et simonia dicta est Henriciana heresiâ— Cron. p. 898. Genebrard shall inform you onely this to chalenge to himself the power of giving Investitures to Bishops which now all Christian Kings do And yet about this did the Pope then keep such a clutter as if Religion it self were singing her Requiem But this puny supposed Heresie d Lib. 8. Prâ—teolus passeth by without any notice though he affords us an Henrician Heresie but from another man and upon different Principles which are nothing to my purpose here A man might think that young Henry the Fifth having thus got the Empire should be great friend to the Pope and they two be hand and glove But storie tells us the quite contrarie insomuch that now he thinks he is obliged to vindicate the rights of the Empire though against the Pope himself which he formerly looked upon really or was perswaded by the flattering Romanists to fancie so to be no less than abominable Heresie He being Emperour Pope Paschal declares his intent to meet him at Ausburg in Germany but upon some jealousie he turns into France and at Troyes holds a Synod where they fell to taking away the Emperours power of Investitures but against this Henry by his Ambassadors protested alledging that the Bishops of another Country were not to be judges of his
jurisdiction Upon this the business is here laid aside and put off till a Synod at Rome and so the Pope returns for Italy Henry the Fifth intended to be Crown'd by the Pope marcheth for Italy and at last gets to Rome where to be short he kisseth Paschals Toe desireth Coronation and the right of Investitures The Pope is puzzled the Citizens and Souldiers fall out and the Italian and German Writers here are in as great contradictions as their Country-men fighters all which I pass by yet the Pope and some of his Cardinals are seised upon by the Imperialists and imprisoned nor restored till Henry was satisfied in his requests So he is Crown'd and Investitures given him part of which form is this following Paschalis Episcopus servus servorum Dei charissimo in Christo filio Henrico glorioso Teutonicorum Regi per Dei omnipotentis gratiam Rom. Imperatori Augusto salutem Apostolicam Benedictionem ********* Illam ergo dignitatis praerogativam quam Praedecessores nostri vestris Praedecessoribus Catholici Imperatoribus concessere privilegiorum paginis confirmavere nos quoque dilectioni tuae concedimus presentis privilegii pagina confirmamus ut viz. Regni tui Episcopis Abbatibus libere praeter violentiam Simoniam electis Investituram virga annulo conferas post Investituram canonice consecrationem accipiant ab Episcopo ad quem pertinuerint Si quis à Clero vel à populo praeter assensum tuum electus fuerit nisi à te investitiatur à nemine consecretur a Exceptis illis qui vel in Archiepiscoporum vel in Romani Pontificis solent Investitura consistere sane Archiepiscopi vel Episcopi libertatem habeant à te investitos Abbates Episcopos canonice consecrare ********* Si quis vero inflato spiritu ad periculum animae suae contra hujusmodi authoritatis nostrae decretum agere praesumpserit sciat se vinculo Apostolicae maledictionis Anathematis in hoc seculo in futuro nisi resipiscat esse alligatum atque submersum Paschal the Bishop servant of the servants of God to my dear Jo. N. ucler Gen. 38. p. 738. Son in Christ Henry the renowned King of the Germans and by the Grace of God Emperour of the Romans greeting and Apostolical Benediction ********* Wherefore the same prerogative which our Predecessors did grant and confirm as a priviledge to your Predecessors the Catholick Emperours We do also grant and do hereby confirm to you viz. that you may bestow Investiture by a Staff and Ring to the Bishops and Abbots in your Dominions freely elected without force and Simony and that after such Investiture they may according to the Canons receive Consecration from their respective Bishops And if any either Clergy or Laymen be elected without your approbation or Investiture let none dare Consecrate him a Baronius hath not this Exception in his Copy an 1111. § 25. but still excepting those as some Priviledge-places who by custom are to receive Investitures from their Archbishops or the Bishops of Rome and undoubtedly Archbishops or Bishops may have liberty to Consecrate canonically those whom the Emperour hath Invested ********* But if any to the danger of his soul shall presume to act against this our Decree let him know himself to be bound and ruined in the Chain of the Apostolical Malediction and Curse not onely in this world but in that to come unless he repent Besides this confession of the Pope all the Citizens in Italy sware this following Oath of Allegiance to the Emperour Ab hac die in antea fidelis ero Domino in Regi Henrico non ero in Concilio vel in facto quo ipse perdat vitam vel membrum vel quo capiatur vel assiliatur contra suum velle adjutorio ero ei retinere Civitatem nostram Burgas suburbia Episcopatum comitatum omnem usum honorem Regni Imperii quem Praedecessores sui Reges Imperatores habuerunt in praedictis locis contra omnes homines qui voluerint auferre vel minuer◠nulli mortalium in praedict a Civitate vel locis obediam pro Episcopo immo pro posse eum prosequor nisi illi soli quem praedictus Dominus Rex eidem Civitati concesserit Episcopum dono Investitura sua haec omnia observabo it a me Deus adjuvet From this day forward I will be faithful to our Lord King Henry I will do nothing by advice or action whereby he may loose life or limb or be taken or set upon against his own will I will be assistant to keep to him our City the Towns and Suburbs the Bishoprick and County with the benefit and honour of the Kingdom and Empire which his Predecessors Kings and Emperours had in the said places against all those who would take away or lessen them I will obey no man as Bishop in the said City or Places but on the contrary according to my power withstand him but him onely whom our Lord and King shall grant to be Bishop by his Gift and Investiture all these things will I keep and perform as God me help Yet for all this no sooner was the Emperour gone out of Italy but the Pope calls a Council in the Lateran where he nulls the former grant of Investiture as being a ' Quod est contra Spiritum Sanctum against the holy Ghost and obtain'd by force though he had formerly damn'd b Divises sit à Regno Christi Domini qui pactum istud rumpere aut violare tentaverit Baron anno 1110. § 26. those who should break it In Germany Albert Archbishop of Mentz bandies against Henry and is by Order imprisoned but the Emperour going to that City to hold a Diet or Parliament is assaulted by the Citizens and in danger of his life they threatning to kill him if Albert be not set at liberty and other favours granted him Yet was he further troubled some Bishops and others at Colen seeking to deprive him because Excommunicated by the Pope but having blown away these he marcheth to Italy where he had himself Crown'd again by Maurice Archbishop of Braga in Portugal whom afterwards Paschal being dead he nominated Pope and was call'd Gregory the Eighth in opposition to Gelasius the Second whom Henry said could not be Pope because elected without his consent But at last Henry was so pester'd in Italy and Germany that to save himself he was forced to be reconciled to Pope Calistus the Second who succeeded Gelasius and to grant to him the Investitures of Bishops and so was absolved from his Excommunication So much mischief had the Popes stubbornness to keep Investitures made in the World though now all Catholick Kings keep the same Priviledge either by Conge d'eslires or suchlike nominations Some Historians tell us that formerly the Popes used to date their Bulls Epistles c. from the years of the Emperours Raign but Paschal the Second first alter'd this
ridiculous shadow without life or soul but as it received a being from Rome But leaving these we might tell you how a little after the English had got the Whim of a conditional Covenant and which is as bad Perjury For though they had sworn Allegiance to Maude Speed § 1 4 30. the Empress yet her they reject and swear a broken conditional subjection to Stephen Yet when they saw him a little downward then they cast him off and play the same conditional knack to the Empress Maude Sect. 2. The troubles of England by the arrogancie and obstinacie of Thomas à Becket against his Soveraign King Henry the Second HOwever waving these though treasonable enough we shall come to the next viz. King Henry the Second of part of whose Reign it will not be amiss to give some hints seeing so great a man as Thomas Becket is concerned in it whom some call Saint and Martyr whilst others allow him no better title than a Traytor But of this with all brevity This Thomas Becket was Son to one Gilbert Becket a Citizen of London and by the favour of Theobald Archbishop of Canterbury was made an Archdeacon in that See and was placed about the person of Henry then but Duke who coming to be King advanced him to be Lord High Chancellor of England and upon the death of the former Theobald made him Archbishop of Canterbury Having thus seen the great rise of Thomas by the Kings love grace and favour let 's now see how he lost the affection of King Henry For some time he thus lived in great repute with the King though Henry was a little troubled at the humour or design of Thomas to throw up his Chancellorship without acquainting him with it After this the Pope call'd a Council at Tours whither went the two Archbishops and several Bishops of England having first procured the Kings a Per missione Regis Matt. Paris an 1164 leave for going thither Where an ancient b Guil. Neubrig lib. 2. c. 16. Historian tells us that Thomas privately surrendred up his Archbishoprick to the Pope as if the Kings Nomination or Investiture had not been sufficient which was restored again by the Pope and so Thomas was cocksure of both Presentations and Authorities And probably this underhand-dealing and nulling of his jurisdiction might somewhat alienate the affection of Henry although c Baronius d An. 1163. § 29. will not allow of any such surrender at this time though for his dissent we must not be content onely with his word neither producing Reason or Authority for his so doing since 't is probable enough being thus back'd with the Testimony of Neubrigensis that Thomas might yeild it up now in his Prosperity for a farther confirmation and in his low condition do it also to procure pity and so make his party there the stronger against his King and Soveraign which was then his main design Add to these the strange Priviledges the Clergy boasted of by exempting themselves from all secular jurisdiction were the crime never so villanous insomuch that a Priest of the Diocess of Sarum having murder'd one Thomas had him deprived and placed in an Abbey that so he might not fall under greater punishment according to his desert by the Kings Justiciaries lest forsooth he should suffer twice for one fault And upon this last pretended Priviledge may we lay the Foundation of the following troubles For the King perceiving no signs of Peace and Tranquillity amongst his Subjects if this exception of the Clergy was permitted the people of that Coat having committed above an hundred Murthers in the short time he had yet Reigned was resolved that all the Clergy who were taken in any Robbery Murder Felony burning of Houses and the like should be tryed in Temporal Courts and suffer as well as Laymen Against this wholesome Law the Archbishop opposeth himself and will onely grant that Speed § 14. all Clergy-men so offending should be tryed in the Spiritual Courts and by men in Orders who if they were found guilty should for the first time onely be deprived of their Office and Benefice yet he granted that for the second time they might lye at the Kings pleasure as some think though d Baron an 1163. § 31. others confess that he would not allow them at any time to be delivered over to the Temporal Authority And for these irrational Priviledges Thomas was so resolute that at Westminster he openly opposed the King and got others to do so too which mightily incensed his Majesty but pleased Pope Alexander the Third to the purpose yet fearing their hearts might fail them he sends his incouraging lines into England commanding them by vertue of their obedience to stand firm for the Exemption of the Clergy nor at all to consent to the King and that if he or Baron an 1163. § 39 40. any of the rest had in these times promised obedience to the King not to keep such promises but all this did not much prevail For the King was resolved to have the Laws and Customs of his Ancestors kept up in full force and carryed his business so well that at last he had not onely the other Bishops of his opinion but Thomas also consenting who faithfully promised and sware to observe them And for their farther ratification and authority the King calls an Assembly at Clarendon in Wiltshire where the Bishops and Nobility meet him and John of Oxford sat as President But here Thomas for all his former promise at first absolutely falls off and denyeth consent to the Constitutions though at last he was so far worked upon one way or another that he there publickly sware that in the word of a Priest and sincerely he would observe them to the King and his Heirs for ever But when the King would have him to Subscribe and Seal to them as the other Bishops had done he absolutely refused and retracted what he had formerly sworn The Constitutions in all were sixteen but those which Thomas opposed were such as these That Priests guilty of Felony Murther c. should be tryed before the Secular Judges That it should not be lawful for any Archbishop or Bishops to depart the Kingdom and go to the Pope upon his summons without the Kings License That no Bishops should Excommunicate any holding of the King in Capite or put any other of his Officers under interdict without the Kings License or information to the Judge That if the Archdeacon cannot decide the Controversie they may go to the Bishop and from him to the Archbishop and lastly â—â— the King so that none shall appeal to the Pope of Rome for any cause whatsoever without the Kings License c. These and suchlike were approved of at Clarendon by all onely Thomas excepted who thought himself to have sinn'd so grievously for the former consenting to them that by way of Penance he suspended himself from his Priestly Function but
the Pope presently a Matt. Paris anno 1164. restored him to that and absolved him The King we may suppose was more and more incensed against Thomas for his obstinacie and for to close up all a Parliament was held at Northampton where Thomas was to appear though he had indeavoured to flee beyond Seas but being beat back by cross windes he conceal'd that purpose and looked as if he had intended no such thing All being met at Northampton Thomas is accused of several things and whilst they are consulting concerning him he caused to be sung before him at the Altar The Princes sit and speak against me and the ungodly persecute me c. Thus would he have the Office for St. Stephen though it was not then his day and against the Custom he wore the Pall. This being finished he took up his Silver Crosier in his hands an action not heard of before as they say and so enters into the Court though several of his well-wishers perswaded him from such a defying posture as if thereby he carryed his Protection Exemption or Appeal The Bishops advised him to submit but he refusing they adjudged him guilty of a Aliquando noster fuisti Archiepiscopus tenebamur tibi obedire sed quia Domino Regi fidelitarem jurasti hoc est vitam membra terrenam dignitatem sibi perte fore salvam consuetudines quas ipse repetit conservandas tu eas interis destruere praecipue cum spectent ad terrenam suam dignitatem honorem idcirco te reum perjuâ—iis dicimus perjuto Archiepiscopo dâ—caetero non habemus obedire Bar. § 29. Perjury which they declared to him by Hilarius Bishop of Chichester and so disclaimed from that time forward all obedience to him as a perjured man The Nobility also pronounce him a Traytor but he slighting them all as no competent Judges over him holding up his Crosier appeal'd to the Pope of Rome and so withdrawing himself with what speed and secresie he could he wafted himself over into Flanders and so to go to the Pope to whom he resigned his Archbishoprick but had it presently confirmed to him again Thus was Thomas caress'd by the Pope and King of France let the King perswade what he will to the contrary yet the King thought it was good policie and security to shew his disdain and resolution against him and his Whereupon he Orders the Sheriffs and Judges of England to seise upon all those who appeal'd to the Pope or Matt. Paris an 1164. Thomas with the neer Relations of all such men as were with Thomas had also Thomas's Revenues seis'd upon and the livings of those who went with him sequester'd and St. Peters Pence to be gather'd but not pay'd to the Pope till farther Order However there were some means used towards a settlement to which purpose Messengers were sent to and fro between the King and Pope and at last a meeting agreed on between them the better to decide the business But this design was spoil'd by Thomas who perswaded the Pope to have a care of the Kings cunning and not to treat with him unless he were also present intimating Baron anno 1165. § 10. to â—â—e Pope as if the King were a jugler or dissembler Thus did Thomas gain so much upon the Pope that this meeting vanished the Pope over-perswaded not to treat but in the presence of Thomas though against the former Agreement And so Henry was resolved not to confer any thing with the Pope in the presence or competition of Thomas his Subject This meeting or half-agreement thus broke off not long after Thomas writes to the King beginning Expecting we have expected Baron anno 1166. § 45. that the Lord would look upon you and that being converted you would do penance departing from your perverse ways And then tells him how Bishops used to Excommunicate Kings and also writes to the Bishops of England commanding them to issue out Censures against those who hinder Appeals to the Pope c. absolves Id. § 54. all from the Oaths they made to keep any contrary Constitution And to carry up Thomas against all opposition and to make his Authority more glorious and formidable to his Enemies the Pope creates him Legat in England Alexander servus servorum Anno 1167. Bar. § 21. Dei Dilecto fratri Tho. Archiepiscopo Cant. salutem Apostol Benedictionem Sacro-Sancta Rom. Eccles digniores personas eas maxime quas honestate prudentia literatura eminentia virtutum praefulgere cognoscit ampliori consuevit charitate amplecti gloria honore praevenire Inde est quod nos tibi Legationem totius Angliae excepto Episcopatu Eboracensi benigno favore concedimus ut ibi vice nostra corrigas quae inveniri corrigenda ad honorem Dei Sacrosanctae Romana Ecclesiae salutem animorum statuas aedifices plantes quae statuenda fuerint plantanda Dat. Anagniae Alexander servant of the servants of God to our beloved Brother Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury greeting and Apostolical Benediction The most Holy Church of Rome always used to embrace with great chariry and prefer in glory and honour persons of eminent worth and them especially whom she knoweth to be most famous for honesty wisdom learning and excellencie of vertues This is the cause that with Our loving favour We grant and bestow on you the Legantine Authority over all England excepting onely the Archbishop of York to the end that within your jurisdiction in Our place and authority you correct what you finde worthy amendment and that to the honour of God the holy Church of Rome and for the salvation of Souls you do constitute build and plant whatsoever is to be setled and planted Given at Anagni Being thus rais'd above himself countenanced and upheld against all opposition he hurries into England to the Bishops a threatning Letter against the King and the Constitutions confirm'd at Clarendon telling the Bishops That We have too long and too much forborn the King of England Baron § 26. nor hath the Church of God gain'd any benefit by this Our induring It seemeth dangerous and intollerable for us to leave any longer unpunished as hitherto We have done so great excesses of Him and his Officers against the Church of God and Ecclesiastical persons especially since We have very often endeavoured by Messengers Letters and all manner of means as became Vs to recal him from his perverse purpose Because therefore he will hardly afford Vs the hearing much less attentively listen unto Vs We have with Invocation of the Grace of the holy Ghost publickly condemned and declared as void that Deed of Writing with the Authority of that Indenture wherein are contain'd not the Customs but rather the wicked divices whereby the Church of England is disturb'd and confounded And have hereby also Excommunicated all the Observers Exactors Counsellors Assistants and Defenders of the same And do
also absolve by the Authority of God and Vs all you Bishops from that promise whereby you were bound contrary to the Constitution of the Church for the observation of them And then he rehearseth the said six Constitutions in controversie between the King and Him and then nameth several persons of Quality whom he did thereby Excommunicate Of these things he also giveth the Pope notice repeating in a manner the same reproaches against the King with an additional Id. § 34. commendation that he grows worse and worse whom he was also resolved to Excommunicate Upon this the English Bishops write to Thomas how they had once some hopes of a peace hearing how he gave himself to prayer fasting c. The way to recover the Id. § 43. benefits of a peaceable reconciliation hereby was conceived an hope that you might from above bring into his Majesties heart such favour that he would out of Kingly mercy relent in his wrath towards us and never recall to minde the injuries offer'd by reason of your departure Your friends and well-wishers regain'd some access unto his Majesty whilst these things were thus divulged of you insomuch as he graciously admitted all such as were suitors for restoring you into his former favour But now by the relation of some we understand which we cannot but with grief remember that you published against him a severer Commination wherein you let pass all salutation wherein you practice no Counsel or Petition for Grace wherein you neither advise nor write any thing that savoureth favourably but with all extremity do rigorously menace Interdiction or Excommunication against him Which were it as sharply executed as it is bitterly spoken we should not then hope for peace but should fear to be inflamed with an irrevocable and eternal hatred Thus whilst as it were with a drawn sword you joyn battle you have not left for your self any place for Petition Wherefore O Father we charitably advise you not to heap labours upon labours and injuries upon injuries but setting threatning aside you would rather imbrace patience and humility Commend your cause to Divine Clemencie and your self to the grace and mercy of your Soveraign and in so doing you shall heap and cast together coals of fire upon the heads of many It is better to be highly commended for voluntary poverty than to be openly taxed by all men for ingratitude for a received Benefit It is deeply rooted into the mindes of all men how gracious our Lord the King hath been unto you unto how great dignity he hath rais'd you from poor degree and received you into his favour so freely and frankly as the ample bounds of his Dominions reaching from the Northern Sea to the Pyrenean Mountains were by him so absolutely subject unto your power as through all those Principalities they were onely accounted happy who could finde but favour in your sight And that no worldly mutability might overthrow your prosperity and glory he laid your foundation most firm in the possession belonging to God And notwithstanding his Mother disswaded the Kingdom cryed out against it and the Church of God so far as she could sighed and groan'd thereat he indeavoured by all means possibly to raise you unto the dignity of your present preferment hoping he should hereafter Reign blessedly and enjoy your assistance and counsel with exceeding security If therefore where he expected security to defend him he shall finde a sword to offend What rumour will be spread of you by all men what a reward what a remembrance will this be of a requital never heard of before Forbear therefore if you please to wrong your fame forbear to injure your Renown and indeavour to overcome with humility your King and your son with charity c. And at the end tells him of his preposterous and rash Excommunication of the a â—ocelin Bishop and b John of Oxford Dean of Salisbury before the offence was examin'd A new order of Judgement and hitherto in the Laws and Canons as we hope unknown first to condemn and then to examine the offence The English Bishops write also to the Pope giving great commendations of their King and telling the Pope the occasion and story of these troubles between Henry and Thomas viz. How that the King finding sometimes the peace of his Kingdoms not a little molested with the outragious excesses of some insolent Clerks with due reverence to the Clergy referred their offences to the Bishops Judges of the Church that one sword might assist another and that the Spiritual Power might confirm and establish in the Clergy that peace which he maintain'd in the people Wherein the zeal of each party appear'd more plainly the Bishops affirming that murther or any other like crime should onely be punished in the Clergy by degradation The King on the contrary being of opinion that this punishment did not sufficiently answer the offence neither was it provision enough for maintenance of peace if a a Lector aut Acolythus Reader or sub-Deacon killing some famous man renowned for Religion or Dignity should escape free with loss onely of this Order The Clergy therefore upholding the b i. e. of holy Orders or Clergy Order established from Heaven and our Lord the King persecuting onely the offence as we hope with a just haetred and intending to plant his peace more deeply a certain holy contention arose amongst us which we trust the plain and honest intention of both parties may excuse Hereupon not with any ambition of inlarging his Dominions not with any conceit of oppressing the Churches Liberties but with a desire of setling and confirming peace it went so far that the King would produce to light the Customs of his Kingdom and Dignities anciently observed and quietly and reverently yeilded by persons Ecclesiastical to former Kings in the Kingdom of England and to the end that hereafter no longer the thred of contention might be spun he would have the same openly known Wherefore the most ancient Bishops and great Peers of the Realm being first sworn by their faith and the hope which they had in Almighty God and then making search into the state of fore-passed times the Dignities of the Crown being sought were laid open and by the testimonies of men of the greatest accompt in the Kingdom were published Loe here the cruelty of our Lord the King against the Church of God which fame hath so spread over the whole world Behold here his persecution And these are the works so divulged for wicked both here and every where And then they tell him how willing the King is to be advised by the Church that peace might be And truly Father our sollicitation had long since as we hope obtain'd the desir'd end of this wished peace had not our Father the Lord of Canterburies bitter provocations stir'd up afresh this discord now laid asleep and almost absolutely extinguished For he from whose patience we hitherto expected peace
from whose modesty the recovery of the Kings favour assailed him afresh and without respect of his Majesty at such time as he led his Armies lately against the Peace-breakers with severe and terrible Letters nothing savoring of fatherly Devotion or Pastoral Patience but most bitterly threatning him with sentence of Excommunication and his Kingdom with an Interdict whereas on the otherside he rather ought with admonition to have mollified him and with merits and meekness overcome him If the Kings humility be so requited what will be determin'd against the stubborn If the ready devotion of obedience be esteem'd so slightly in what manner shall wilful obstiuacie be revenged Nay father to these so grievous threats are added yet matters far more grievous for he Excommunicated some of his Majesties Liegemen most inward with our Lord the King the Principal of his Privy Council who managed the counsels of the King and the affairs of his Kingdom and all this being neither cited nor impleaded neither as they say or call it guilty of any crime nor convicted nor confessing any thing Yea he went farther yet insomuch as he suspended from his Priestly and Episcopal Office our reverend Brother the Bishop of Salisbury being absent undefended neither confest nor convict before ever the cause of his suspension was approved of by the advice of those of the same Province or any others If therefore this course of proceedings in judgements so preposterous we spare to say inordinate be followed concerning the King and Kingdom what will be the end considering the time is evil and yeildeth great occasion of malice but that the band of grace and favour whereby the Kingdom and Priesthood have hitherto been united will be rent asunder c And so they appeal against the Archbishop Thomas The Church being somewhat troubled with these divisions it was the earnest desire of several to procure a peace and this the Pope himself wish'd having work enough to do with the Emperour Frederick To accomplish this upon the desire also of Henry An. 1168. he sends two Legates a Latere viz. Cardinal William and Cardinal Otto and accordingly impowered them with instructions to manage that accommodation in France He writes also to a Bar. anno 1168. § 3 4. Thomas desiring him by all means to give himself to peace and rather than not to have concord to wink at some things and yeild for a while Yet as if Thomas were not great enough before he intended to raise him above all in France to which purpose he resolved to make him Legat also over all those Churches but before he could bestow upon him that Legantine Authority he was to desire the King of France his leave which accordingly he did by b § 7 8 9. Letter As for the manner of the Treaty of Peace between the King and Thomas take the story of it from the Legates themselves to the Pope § 33. To our most blessed Father and Lord Alexander c. William and Oddo by the same Grace Cardinals c. Coming to the c c i. e. in France Dominions of the renowned King of England we found the controversie between him and Canterbury aggravated in far worse sort believe us than willingly we could have wished For the King with the greatest part of his followers affirmed how the Archbishop with great vehemencie d d Speed § 29. This Accusation Thomas denyed incensed the most worthy King of France against him and in like sort induced his Cosin the Earl of Flanders who before did bear him no malice to fall out with him and raise the most powerful war he could against him and this he knew of a certainty and it appear'd so by several evident demonstrations For whereas the said Earl departed from the King very friendly the Archbishop coming into his Province to the very seat of the War incited as much as in him lay as well the King of France as the said Earl to Arms The King affirm'd also that the Informations concerning the ancient Customs of England deliver'd to you were false and not true which also the Bishops there present did witness The King offer'd also that if any Customs since his time were devised contrary to the Ecclesiastical Laws he would submit them to your judgement Calling therefore to us the Archbishops Bishops and Abbots of the Kings Dominions that the King might not deprive us of all hopes of peace but rather suffer himself to be drawn to have a Conference with the Archbishop as well concerning the peace as the judgement Sending therefore Letters unto a a i. e. Thomas him by our Chaplains we appointed a certain and safe place where we might have conference with him on the Feast of St. Martin he nevertheless pretending excuses put off this Conference until the Octaves of that Saint which truely vexed the King more than could be imagined But when we saw that the Archbishop although we offer'd him safe conduct would nevertheless give us no meetings in any part of the Kings Dominions next the French we being willing to yeild to him that there might be nothing wanting in us which might redound to his profit came to a place in the Realm of France which himself appointed Being come to the Conference we began most earnestly to perswade him that he would behave himself to the King who had been his singular Benefactor with such humility as might afford us sufficient matter on which to ground our Petition for peace At which retiring himself aside with his friends after some consultation with them he answer'd that He had sufficiently humbled himself to the King without impeaching the honour of God the liberty of the Church the reputation of his own Person the possessions of the Church and farther the justice due to him and his friends These things so numbred up we seriously perswaded him as it was necessary to descend to particulars but when he would alledge nothing either certain or particular we demanded of him if in the matters specified in your Letters he would submit himself to our judgement as the King and Bishops had already promised to do to which he presently replyed that he had received no Mandat from you to this purpose But if he and all his might first be fully restored he would then proceed according as the Apostolick See should direct him So returning from the Conference since his words neither tended to judgement nor agreement nor yet would he by any means enter into the matter We manifested unto the King some things but concealing other passages as it was convenient and tempering other things what we heard c. Thomas b Bar. § 38 39 c. writes also to the Pope and informs him of the same conference and in a manner confesseth all here set down expecting his instigating the French against King Henry And another c § 53 54. Letter he writes to the Cardinals at Rome pitifully complaining that King
Henry is not punished against whom he rants to the purpose The Legats again endeavour a peace and therefore they try Henry to see how far he would yeild To whom the King replyed That for his part for the love he bore to the Pope and Cardinals he would permit the Archbishop Thomas to return in peace § 67. to his See and dispose of his Church and all things thereunto belonging and because there had been long contention about the Customs he said That he and his Children would be content with those which his Ancestors had enjoy'd And yet if this condition of peace did not satisfie Archbishop Thomas he affirmed he was ready to stand to the determination as well of the Bishops of England as those beyond Seas as of Roan Baieux and Le Mans And if this were not yet enough he would submit himself to the judgement of the Pope with this Salvo that he would not impeach his Childrens right for during his own life he was content that the Pope should abrogate what he pleas'd But yet could not these condescentions do any good All these indeavours failing Lewes the Seventh King of France undertook the business he and Henry being now made friends and in this he behaved himself so wisely that he had wrought pretty well upon Thomas and so having procured a meeting Thomas § 85 86 humbled himself at the feet of Henry saying I commit to your determination the whole controversie which hath been the cause of dissention between us still excepting the honour of God Which last reservation greatly troubled Henry Thomas always making use of such Salvo's that render'd all but conditional and so void when himself fancied Henry at this turns to the King of France saying See my Lord if it please you let any thing not fit this mans humour and he presently condemneth it as contrary to the honour of God whereby he challength not onely his own but also whatsoever belongeth to me But that it may appear that I withstand not the honour of God nor yet of him i. e. Canterbury I make this offer There have been many Kings of England my Predecessors of greater or less Authority than I am and there have been many Archbishops of Canterbury before him of great worth and holiness what therefore the more eminent and virtuous of his Predecessors have done to the least of my Predecessors let him allow the same unto me and the Controversie shall be ended Upon which followed great Acclamations that the King had humbled himself enough Thomas holding his peace the King of France said My Lord Archbishop will you be greater than other holy men will you be greater or better than Peter what do you doubt loe peace is even at the door At last Thomas fell a commending his Predecessors but that they had left something for him to do and then extol'd Peter for resisting the Tyrant Nero with the loss of his life c. Thus the Peers of both Kingdoms England and France seeing no good to be done with him turn'd all against him imputing the want of peace to his a Imputantes arrogantiae Archiepiscopi impedimentum pacis Bar. an 1168. § 87. Arrogancie one Earl protesting he ought to be cast out of France as he had been out of England nay the very Courtiers who had been Mediators for his peace did now in his presence deeply charge him that he was b Semper superbus elatus sapiens in oculis suis propriae semper sectator volunta sentencia c. § 88. always proud high-minded wise in his own conceipt a follower of his private fancie and opinion Adding moreover that it was an exceeding mischief and great damage and danger to the Church that he was ever made a Governour thereof and that the same being already partly ruinated by him would now be quite overthrown Yet they tell us that the King of France presently alter'd his opinion and countenanced Thomas as much as ever All these indeavours failing the Pope once again undertook the year 1169 business and so sent two Nontio's Gratian an Vivian to take up the Controversie but when it came neer the conclusion they could not agree about the formality of the words and so returned as wise as they came Yet did not the Pope give over but sent two other Simon and Bernard who earnestly perswaded Thomas to humble himself to his King and so to please him with prayers Baron an 1169. § 39 40 43. and ready service And to work more upon him the King of France the Archbishops Bishops and other Lords there present earnestly advised him to the same Thomas seeing no remedy and all against him condescended to their desires went to King Henry and kneeling down submitted himself to God and the King but still with this reservation of the honour of God and his holy Order But this Henry rejects as imperfect alledging that Thomas by that Salvo would upon any occasion exclude the honour of his King However Henry declared that he required nothing of him but that he as a Priest and Bishop should before them all truely promise without any deceipt to observe the Customs which the holy Archbishops of Canterbury had observed to their Kings and which Thomas himself had once promised him to do But Thomas would consent to nothing without such Salvo's as formerly mentioned which conditional obedience so vext the King that he affirmed Thomas should never enter England till he had done to him as he ought to do and had undertaken to observe what others had observed and what himself had formerly promised And thus broke off this business And the truth is the King might have some reason to be more and more incensed against Thomas who instead of seeking the favour and friendship of his Soveraign had excommunicated his chief Friends and went so far against others that there was Speed § 32. scarce found in the Kings own Chappel and presence such as might perform the wonted Ceremonies And besides did daily threaten an Interdict against his whole Dominions and had done it but that some more prudent over-perswaded him to the contrary and the Pope himself thought it best to lay his commands on him not to do it till farther Order But this was not all for they proceed yet more and more to vex his Majesty For he being now about fifty years old and seeing the uncertainty of obedience and not knowing what the pretence of Church-authority might do to his Children if he should dye excommunicated as it was daily threatned him or not in favour with the Pope as he might suspect upon Thomas his account Upon these and other reasons he rosolved to settle his Succession by the Coronation of his Son Henry now fourteen years old This resolution being made known the Pope thought that now year 1170 he might compel the King to admit of Thomas or neglect the Coronation under the pretence that that Ceremony belong'd of right to
the Archbishop of Canterbury and so to hinder any other from performing it he wrote an a Bar. anno 1170. § 3. Express to the Archbishop of York and the other Bishops of England not to anoynt him or meddle in the business thereby to necessitate the recalling of Thomas But this design wrought otherwise than intended for the King inraged at this Prohibition forthwith caused all his Subjects from twelve years old to sixty b Stow. pag. 151. col 1. Speed § 35. to abjure the Popes Obedience or take an Oath not to obey the Popes Constitutions And then had his Son Crown'd at Westminster by Roger Archbishop of York the other Bishops assisting where the young King was c Speed § 36. Bar. § 16. sworn to observe the ancient Customs of the Nation without any mention of the Churches liberties This resolution of the King or something else did a little cool the Pope and having put on his considering cap he seem'd not so violent against the Coronation as formerly though Thomas cryed out that he and his authority was undone by it but to pacifie him the Pope sent him a Paper-remedy viz. that that action should not for the future be any a Bar. § 14. prejudice to his rights and priviledges And to give Thomas more content he b Id. § 17. suspended Roger Archbishop of York and this terrible sentence he sent to Thomas himself to make the best use of it Now had the world for almost seven years been troubled with this quarrel between a King and his Subject insomuch that all parties grew almost weary of it And now once more to try if any good could be done a treaty was brought about again For this the Pope sends his Legats and some threats against Henry if peace not presently made and Thomas also used his humour to procure an Agreement viz. threatning to c Id. § 24. Interdict the Kings Dominions and ranting against his Soveraign to the Legats declaring him to be no other than a d Id. § 25. Deceiver Jugler and Corrupter And are these words savouring of an obedient and peaceful subject But in brief a Conference was had between the King and Thomas in a place call'd by the Inhabitants e Pratum Proditorum Traytors-Meddow where though Thomas took upon him to upbraid the King for opposing him and the Church and resolved not to yeild to him about the Customs his Sons Coronation or the loss of his own liberty and honour as he call'd it yet the King shew'd himself so plyable that a peace was struck up between them Thomas himself confessing to the Pope That f Ille verbum acceptans annuit nos nostros qui aderant recepit in gratiam suam Baron anno 1170. § 30. the King accepted all in good part yeilded us our request and received us with all ours there present into his favour In this Treaty the King twice held Thomas his Horse g Matt. Paris an 1170. pag. 122. bridle whilst he mounted on Horse-back was not Thomas proud to permit it or not dislike it Now might we suppose all to be calme and quiet but we shall finde nothing less for Agreement thus made Thomas hastes for England where being come he having desired the h Pol. Virg. l. 13. p. 212. Popes Authority suspends or Excommunicates the Bishops for i Speed § 40. Crowning the young King And thus instead of being peaceable and patient he reneweth the old broyl and provokes again to displeasure by Censuring those who had been the Kings friends and by so doing râ—flected upon his Majesty Upon this the King would have Thomas to absolve them again but that he refused unless they would swear absolute Obedience to the Pope which they said they would not do without the Kings consent whose dignity it did most touch upon The Father-King then in France being informed of these extravagant actions of Thomas against the peace and tranquillity of his Subjects fell into such a displeasure that in a sudden rage and passion he wonder'd revenge was not done upon Thomas which four of his Courtiers hearing interpreting the words to a wrong sence without any Warrant or Authority thought they could not do the King better service than by killing the Archbishop For which purpose they haste into England so to Canterbury where they cruelly murder'd Thomas in the Cathedral Church at a place yet call'd the Martyrdom But the k Barth Gavant Thesour Sacrorum Rituum tom 2. pag. 140. certain day on which he suffer'd they cannot positively tell yet they confidently appoint a day in the Calendar as they do many others upon uncertainties The names of these four Courtiers were Sir Richard or Hugh Breton or Brito the name of a Family yet Tho. Fuller's Church-Hist l. 3. § 66. extant in Northamptonshire Sir Hugh Morvill of Kirk-Oswald in Cumberland where his Sword wherewith he slew Becket was kept a long time in memory of that fact his Family at this day extinct Sir William Tracy * Stow p. 152. col 2. Baron of Brains and Morton whose heirs yet flourish at Todington in Glocestershire Sir Reginald or Reynold some say Richard Fitz-Vrse or Bears son his Postery was afterwards men of great Lands and Commands in the County of Monaghan in Ireland being there call'd Mac-Mahon which in Irish signifieth the son of a Bear To these was assisting one Hugh call'd the Ill-clerk an Officer of the Church But though these kill'd him never so surely yet are we told a pretty a Bar. anno 1170. § 59 story how that the next morning prayers being ended he lifted up his hand and gave the Monks his Benediction and well he might when b Pet. de Natal lib. 2. cap. 13. Angels in the Choire appear'd and helped to sing his Requiem These four having slain Thomas fled into the North and for some time hid themselves in Knaresbrough Castle in York-shire whence they went to Rome where though at first the Pope had Excommunicated them they obtain'd their c Bar. anno 1172. § 22. Absolution and Pardon from Alexander the Third being enjoyn'd by way of penance to visit the Holy-land And we are told that the Clergy having thus exempted themselves from the temporal Laws so the d Speed § 44. punishment of a Priest-killer was not then Death but Excommunication till about the year 1176 it was declared by this King Henry that such Murderers should suffer loss of life We are also told that whilst these men remain'd under Excommunication that e Bar. an 1172. § 22. Dogs though never so hungry would not take bread from their hands as true as many other old-wives tales in Baronius befitting the credit of a learned Cardinal However that the memory of the men and their bloudy action might not be forgot their f Will. Somner's Antiq. of Cant. p. 164. Statues of Stone were set up in the Cathedral Churches Porch
at Canterbury as a premonition that no man for the future should lay violent hands on Bishops or their Possessions But if the Statues of all such sacrilegious people were now to be erected neither the Porches nor Churches themselves in all England and Scotland could contain them Old King Henry was now at Argentan in Normandy when news came to him of the Murther which so afflicted him that he was over-whelm'd Bar. anno 1171. § 4. with tears and lamentations changing his Royalty into Hair cloths and Ashes almost for three days together retiring into his private Chamber not receiving either meat or comfort insomuch that the people about him fear'd he would pine away with grief though for the clearing of his innocency he protested a Omnipotentem Deum se testem invocare in animam suam quod opus nefandum nec sua voluntate nec Conscientia commissum est nec artificio perquisitum Baron As Almighty God should judge his soul that that accursed deed was neither acted by his will or consent nor done by any device of his Neither was this any counterfeit or dissembling grief but real and true and that so great that as a b Sa Penitence fut si grande qu'on nec lit point es Histoires que auâ—un Prince Christien ayt faict Penitence avec plus grande humilité Guil. Gazet Hist des Saincts tom 2. pag 980. Romanist confesseth never could any History afford such an Example of Penance and Humility in a Christian Prince For the King did not onely submit himself to the Papal Censures and as they say reject the ancient and wholesome Constitutions which we are told were not long after c Spelman Consil tom 2. pag. 111. confirmed again in the presence of the Popes Nuntios but also the Pope d Bar. an 1173. § 6 7. having Canonized Thomas for a Saint in Heaven Henry to compleat the rest of the Penance e Speed § 75. Bar. an 1174. § 6. injoyn'd him by the Legats went into England and being come within f Speed ib. three or g Fullers Ch. Hist l. 3. four miles of Canterbury clad onely in one woollen Coat went all that long way bare-footed to the Church the bloud running from his tender feet by the piercing and cutting of the sharp stones and in the Church bestow'd a whole day and night in fasting watching and prayer and the next day return'd without eating and drinking all the while bare-footed as he came Nor was this all for he also received on his bare back from the Monks above fourscore lashes with Rods. To such an height of Extravagancie had the awe of Papal Censures and Absolutions flown over the greatest Monarchs though really no way subject either to them or their brutish-Thunderbolts The Kings purse paid for it also by maintaining a great number of Souldiers by the Popes Order in the Holy-Land And what good-will he really had for Thomas may appear by his charity and care for his Relations one of his Sisters call'd Mary she not intending Fullers Ch. Hist l. 3. § 6â— to marry he made Abbess of Berking-Nunnery and another of his Sisters being married to one of the Botelers or Butlers he transplanted with her Husband and Children into Ireland conferring upon them high Honours and rich Revenues from whom the Dukes of Ormond are descended Nor was this all for he founded an Abbey call'd Thomas-Court in Dublin in memory of our Thomas Becket indowing it with large Revenues Thus have we seen the story of Thomas Becket which we have taken out of the Histories writ by his friends and admirers and followed that which hath most probability of Truth And we cannot but suppose that where a man is declared a Martyr for the Church and a Saint in Heaven but that Church-History will be crouded with his commendations by which we can expect but a partial relation at least little or nothing against him it being held an unpardonable crime not to believe with the Pope or to hint any thing against him whom his Holiness hath thrust into Heaven Yet enough may be gathered not onely from those who most commend but also from some ancient Historians whereby we may justly lay the fault rather upon him than his Soveraign For the King looked upon his cause to be so just having all the other Bishops of his Dominions approving of him that he freely offer'd the Controversie to the Tryal even of the a Speed § â—4 Parisian Divines and the Church of France though their King shew'd himself a great friend to Becket But Thomas was so cunning that he would stand to no mans judgement but his own and the Popes for then he was sure to come off Conqueror And if Thomas durst not stand to the determination of those Churches who in all probability understood the business best and to oppose all his own Country Bishops as if none of them were as wise or honest as himself And farther seeing presently after Thomas his death nay and Canonization too it was a strong dispute amongst the Divines beyond Sea whether Thomas was b Caesarius Hist Memorab l. 8. c. 69. damn'd for his Treason or a true Martyr I see no reason why we should be so confident of his Saintship and merits however as to use his bloud for a means to our Salvation as those do who pray c Horae B. Virg. secundum usum Sarum Paris 1534. fol. 53. b. Tu per Thomae Sanguinem quem pro te impendit Fac nos Christe scandere quo Thomas ascendit For Thomas his bloud sake which he for thee did spend Let us O Christ where Thomas is ascend Again when we consider the malapert humour of Thomas with his betters as because the King would not agree to his humour he must accuse him of d Bar. an 1166. § 45. perverse ways as e Id. anno 1167. § 26. criminous that he f § 34. grows worse and worse that he is a g Id. anno 1170. § 25. jugler a corrupt man and a deceiver Again when we consider how all the other Bishops declared him guilty of h Id. anno 1164. § 29. Perjury of i An. 1167. § 45. injuring the King of ingratitude of his rash and preposterous Excommunications that he by k Ib. § 61. his bitter provocations stir'd up the discord that his actions savour nothing of fatherly devotion or pastoral patience and that to the Pope himself they all l Ibid. vindicate the Kings actions And farther when we see the Peers not onely of England but also of France impute the want of peace to his m An. 1168. § 88. arrogancy and those who had been the very Mediators for his peace yet could not but tell him that he was n Ibid. always proud high-minded wise in his own conceipt a follower of his private fancie and opinion and that it was a mischief to the Church that ever he was
made Archbishop Nay more when we see the Popes Legates and the Archbishops and Bishops of France earnestly perswade him to humble himself to his King And again the Legates to accuse him even to the Pope of his o An. 1168. § 33. provoking the King of France and Earl of Flanders against his own Soveraign of writing lyes to his Holiness against his own King and that his words neither tended to judgement nor peace And lastly when he hears the Nobility and others of his own Nation pronounce him a p Speed § 23. Bar. anno 1164. § 3â— 31. Traytor to his face And John Harding a zealous Romanist and one that bestow'd most of his time in search into our English History above two hundred years ago could boldly thus pronounce him a Rebel He exiled then Thomas of Canterbury Chron. Chap. 1â—1 Out of England and a Feel of his liance so a Manuscript many of his aliaunce b For cause of the Churches governaunce So have I read it in an old Manuscript Arch. Seld. in Bodleâ—an Oxon. But one may perceive that the Manuscript hath herein been abused by some bodies scraping out the first copy For cause of his rebellious governaunce And as he came fro Rome by Fraunce away With language fel he prayed the Kyng that day We might suspect that he was not so good and true a Subject as some would have him however not to deserve to be c Bar. anno 1173. § 2. yoak'd with St. Thomas the Apostle or to d Ib. § 7. exceed all other Saints or to be honoured with more Devotion and e Will. Somners Antiq. of Cant. p. 248. Offerings than Christ himself When again we consider that 't is the Cause that makes a Martyr and yet all the English Bishops declared to the Pope himself that this Controversie was meerly about f Ex levi minus utili occasione Bar. anno 1164. § 47. Trifles when also we know how strangely the word Martyrdom hath been mistaken by hasty Zealots as the g Pratâ—ol l. 4. § 14. Donatists who would seek their own deaths when others desired it not and would kill others unless they would h Parsons three convers part 3. pag. 168. kill them to make them forsooth Martyrs as if they were all of i Prateol l. 14. § 16. Petilians opinion who affirm'd him a Martyr that kill'd himself for his own sins or like the k Id. l. 3. § 19. Circum cellions who would kill themselves if others would not do it for them Why should Thomas Becket be a Martyr when he might have saved his own life as is very probable either by l Guil. Gazet. Hist des Saints pag. 999. tom 2. withdrawing himself as his Monks perswaded him or by making resistance which he forbad insomuch that he would not have the doors shut or defended against them But farther yet since m Vid. Andr. Rivet Jesuita vapul p. 127 2â—8 they tell us that the people did for a long time n Bellarm. de Purgat l. 1. c. 7. worship one for a Martyr who took the pains afterwards to tell them that he was damn'd And the o An. Dâ—urâ—â—â—t â—a 8. Tâ— 14. § 4. Parisian Doctor was held a vertuous and holy man till being dead he told them he was damned and Hyrcanus whom Albertus Magnus put into his Letany is declared by p Tâ—hâ—res lib. 2. cap. 28. Serarius to be an Heretick Why should we be so confident that Thomas Becket is in Heaven as to make him the q Wâ—ll Somner p. 250. Titular Saint of Canterbury or to flock in Pilgrimage to him to have the benefit of his merits in such numbers as at one time there was about an r Id. pag. 249. hundred thousand worshippers of him in Canterbury from several places And when they tell us that presently after his death they began to Å¿ Caesarius Hist Mem. liâ— 8. c. 70. counterfeit the Reliques and experience tells us that the t Jo. Polyand disput p. 4â— c. Teeth of Moles the Bones of Mice and Cats the Tails of Beasts and suchlike have been worshipt for Reliques of great Saints Why should they be so confident of having truely his body as to bestow so much good and precious Stones upon it as u Stow pag. 576. twelve or fourteen men could scarce carry And that the world was cheated with false ware will thus appear His x Bar. anno 1172. § 17. brains were sent to be kept in St. Maria Maggiore aâ— Rome His y Erasm Colloq perigrinat Relig. pag. 270. face was set in gold and shew'd in a little Chappel behind the high-Altar at Canterbury his z Ib. p. 269. Skull in another place of the Church a Foot of his in the Vestry and a great deal of his bloud and a piece of his Crown was convey'd to a Will. Somner p. 167. St. Augustins Abbey in the same City for which the Abbey gave to the Cathedral Church several houses and a piece of ground And yet when in Henry VIII's time the Shrine was defaced there was found in it b Will. Lambard's Peramb of Kent 337. a whole intire body head and all as of one but lately dead And much of the same truth was that c Erasm ib. p. 273. upper-leather of his old Shooe which they offer'd to Travellers to London to kiss but really to beg by And lastly if that be true which they tell us viz. d In Barth Fumus Summa Aurea verb. de Canonizat § 2. that those Reliques must not be worshipt if there be any doubt that they are not really of Saints then hath the world been cheated by the supposed Reliques of Thomas Becket And I know no reason by the same rule why they should so venerate Thomas since they cannot positively swear his being in Heaven unless they will subscribe to that fond Rule in e De Purgat l. 1. cap. 9. Bellarmine that the Pope is also infallible in Canonization so that whom he declares a Saint must of consequence be in Heaven though he were in Hell before As for my self I am superstitious and curious enough in things of Antiquity but seeing of Reliques there is scarce one true amongst five thousand I am less credulous and careful To conclude with Thomas as I have no power or authority to determine of his Saintship so I shall suspect his Martyrdom and Allegiance but freely grant that he was murthered The most memorable actions fell to him upon f Matt. Paris an 1169. pag. 116. Tuesdays as some observe Thursdays have been the worst days to the Kings of England CHAP. IV. 1. The murders and misfortunes of several Kings and Princes 2. The Imperial Authority despised by the Popes and made a meer slavery 3. King Lewes VII of France Interdicted 4. The troubles of the Emperour Frederick Barbarossa and the odd Coronation of the
Emperour Henry VI. by Pope Caelestine II's feet Sect. 1. The murders and misfortunes of several Kings and Princes HAving wearied our selves in England though I might have inlarged how King Henry II was also troubled by the rebellions of his own sons Let us take a short turn or two beyond Seas And here I shall not tell all the circumstances how King Suercherus year 1150 II of Swedland was murdered by his ignoble groom how St. Ericus IX Monarch of the same Dominions was made away by the Treachery of his own Nobility lying open to the corruption year 1160 of the Dane nor of the untimely death of Suercherus III as a Prologue to which the Swedish Historians will tell you an odd story Jo. Loccen p. 44. of a devilish Horse flying through the Air possibly wanting Shooes the hard ground might hurt his feet and the story in part confirms this conjecture Nor shall I here inlarge how Pope Callistus II had William the great Duke of Apulia as his foot-boy and Yeoman of his a Baron an 1120. § 12. Stirrop nor how the inconstant Neapolitans imprisoned their King William I and promoted his Son Ruggieri or Roger whom they also altering their humours presently besieged in his Palace and which was more shot to death and then restored his Father William Neither will I trouble my self to unriddle the doubt in the Polish Historians concerning the death of their good King Casimire year 1194 II though the general Opinions that he was poysoned at a Feast and these verses of their Chronologer testified as much Mista dedit domino scelerati aconita ministri Inter solennes perfida dextra dapes Alex. Guagnin Rerum Polon tom 1. p. 90. A wicked Varlet void of grace or fear Mixt deadly poyson ' mongst his Royal cheer And here I might also tell you how the furious Venetian murdered their innocent Duke Vitalis Michele II because the well-meaning man was not as successful against his deceitful enemies year 1194 as they would have had him as if ill Fortune were onely the companions of knavery Sect. 2. The Imperial Authority despised by the Popes and made a meer slavery BUt waving these let us see how the Popes lord it over the Emperours as if they had been their Vassals or Slaves but the others by I know not what whim the Infallible disposers of the world And so I warrant you they are not a little proud of Cardinal Gratianus his answer to King Henry II of England when he seemed somewhat angry at the Popes actions against him a Domine noli minari nos enim nullas minas timemus quia de talis curia sumus quae consuevit Imperare Imperatoribus Regibus Baron an 1169. § 12. Sir Threaten not we fear no menaces because we belong to that Court which useth to command both Emperours and Kings And the truth is by degrees they intended to sweep up all the Imperial Priviledges to themselves and as formerly they had made a good progress so they now continue for here we finde Pope Helvic Chron. an 1107. Paschal II to alter the date of the Papal writings for whereas formerly they used to be dated with the year of the Emperours Raign he rejects that form and subscribes the year of his own Popedom which custom hath been since continued by his successors But the chief of all was the pretty conceited custom of their Crowning the Emperours which as they had hitherto several times carryed on under pretty pretences and a specious awe of their Papercensures so would they not willingly leave off that design making thereby an Argument that none can be Emperour but of their Coronation or Approbation and from their making drawing out another of their power in nulling or disposing And thus had they awed or gull'd the greatest Monarchs to their Lure Thus the Emperour Lotharius II who succeeded Henry V meeting Pope Innocent II at Liege in Germany became the b Yeoman a Baron an 1131. § 9. to his Stirrop in one hand carrying a Switch as if it were to keep off the throng and with the other leading his Holyness his white Palfrey And thus did the Pope permit the Emperour to wait upon him in this servile posture on foot And two years after he guarding the said Pope into Italy was by him Crown'd in the Lateran upon whose walls he caused to be painted himself sitting in his Pontificial Chair and Lotharius on his knees receiving Sigon de Reg. Ital. Krantz Metrop l. 6. c. 35. the Crown of the Empire from his hands with these wise Verses Rex venit ante fores jurans prius urbis honores Post homo fit Papae sumit quo dante Coronam The King doth come before the Gates Swears th' Customs of the Town Then him the Pope his Liege-men makes And after doth him Crown Sect. 3. King Lewes VII of France Interdicted LEaving Germany I might step into France and tell you a story how Alberic the Archbishop of Bourges dying this Pope Innocent II taking upon him to be Lord of all Nations consecrated one Peter his dear friend as Prelate of that City against the Kings will which so inraged his Majesty viz. Lewes VII that he publickly Maâ—t Paris an 1146. and solemnly sware that the said Peter should never enter into that City Upon which as my Author saith the Pope Interdicted the King insomuch that into whatsoever City Town or place the King enter'd there was no Divine Service said And this Interdiction continued for three years time and then the King was forced to submit and not onely admit of the said Peter to be Archbishop but for a farther Pennance was to visit the Holy-Land Thus the Thief would steal Rushes to keep his hand in ure and the Pope will take any occasion to trample upon Temporal Princes so that the Vicar takes more upon him than either Christ or St. Peter would do And thus thanks to his Holyness for making the King infallibly forsworn the Oath though hasty being lawful he having for ought that I know as much power then in his Dominions as the French King hath at this time who will not let the Pope thrust Bishops into his Cities Sect. 4. The troubles of the Emperour Frederick Barbarossa and the odd Coronation of the Emperour Henry VI by Pope Caelestine II's feet BUt well may the Kings of France indure this when they see far greater Ignominies done to the Emperour of whom passing Conrade III let us see what was done to Frederick I sirnamed from his red beard by the Italians Barbarossa Being chosen in Germany he must trudge to Rome too to be Crown'd or else all the fat was in the fire And now was Pope Adrian or Hadrian IV born at Abbots-Langley neer Kings-Langley in Hartfordshire and was first call'd Nicholas Break-spear the onely Englishman that ever was Pope though a Apparat. ad Hist Scot. p. 48. Dempster would willingly hook him in to be
which you wrote to us you set your name before ours whereby you do incur the note of insolencâ—e not to say arrogancie Nor was this all for the b Bar. an 1158. § 11 12 13. Milanois and other Lombards having a little before yeilded themselves as Subjects to the Emperor and given him all their Regalia and Priviledges as their Soveraign Adrian sends several c Id. anno 1159. § 9. Naucler Gen. 39. pag 764. Letters amongst them to incite and perswade them to Rebellion and as another aggravation sends presently to Frederick then in Italy to demand a grant of him to several Articles which Eberard Bishop of Babenberg once greatly d § 14. commended for his Piety and knowledge doth confess were very e Capitula durissima § 16. hard and difficult to desire yet the Emperour offer'd to do the Pope justice in these if he would do the like to him in other matters but this was denyed for Adrian would receive a benefit but do none and all this forsooth because the Pope is not to be judged by any And whatsoever Overtures of Peace were proposed vanished to nothing for the Pope as f § 22. Frederick complains stood upon several new grievous and unheard-of businesses And we may well believe that he opposed the Emperour as much as possible he could seeing he was just now going to excommunicate him being thereto g Dota pecunia â—mmensa Domino Adriano Papae ut Imperatorem excommunicaret Naucler pag. 764. Bar. anno 1160. § 25 30 31. 1159. bribed and hired by moneys as Nauclerus confesseth But this trouble had a little stop by the death of Hadrian at Anagni but whether he was choaked by a Fly or the Squinsey is nothing to my purpose Yet before his death he had so carryed his design that he had brought his favourites to swear not to chuse any after him who wished well to the Emperour Upon this a Schism ariseth two pretending for the Popedom Roland who was one of the Legates that carryed the Popes offensive Letter to the Emperour in Germany was one and called himself Alexander III Octavian was the other who call'd himself Victor IV. Though 't is confest that Alexander had above four suffrages in the Conclave for the others one yet both of them having many followers they made a great hubbub in the World and Excommunicated curs'd and damn'd one another to the Pit of Hell Frederick to end this Controversie h Bar. anno 1159. § 64. anno 1160. § 2. according to the custom of other Emperours in the time of Schism calls a Council at Pavia whither he summous both the Popes Alexander refuseth Victor obeys the Council i Ib. § 2. meets where are from several Kingdoms fifty Archbishops and Bishops with an infinite company of Abbots besides the Ambassadors of many Countries The Emperour withdraws himself from the Council leaving the business wholly to the determination of the Clergy who after VII days consultation declared Victor to be the true Pope for which they declared many k Bar. an 1160. § 3 4 5 6. ad 18 20 21 22 23 c. 33. 35. Reasons too long here to be repeated and so having l Ib. 24. curs'd Alexander ador'd Victor and kiss'd his Toe which also the Emperour did with the addition of the holding his m Ib. 23. Stirrop and n Nauâ—ler pag. 76â— leading his Horse the Council broke up The Emperour by o Ib. § 44. Edict commanding all to acknowledge Victor for Pope yet Alexander again p Ib. § 44. Excommunicated Victor and all his Complices especially the Emperor whose subjects he also absolved from their Oaths of Allegiance But these thunder-bolts made no great noyse a little after another q An. 1161. § 21. Council at Lauden in Franconia confirming Victor Yet Alexander had the Kings of England and France as his favourers and so seeing no safety for him in Italy he sails to France And here give me leave to tell you one story of a queer come off upon the credit of a Gen. 39. p. 767. Mutius p. 169. Nauclerus and others Frederick having a mind to end the quarrel desired Lewes VII to give him a meeting and to bring with him Alexander and he would bring Victor that the business might again be examined the thing is agreed upon and by oath the place appointed was neer Dijon in Burgondy at the River Soane Alexander refuseth to meet though Lewes would to save his promise Yet having no mind to discredit Alexander for his refusal the trick was thus ordered Lewes goeth to the River at the first day appointed betimes washeth his hands in it and hath a Cryer to call the Emperour to the meeting and so saying he had kept his word away he hasts home again The Emperor presently comes with the Kings of Scotland and Bohemia but finding how he had been gul'd returns angry into Germany and sends Victor to Rome And that Alexander thought himself no small man in France we may guess by these following honours done to him where we have our Henry II. going to visit him b Bar. an 1162. 14. kissing his feet and a little after the same King of England and this Lewes of France meeting Alexander at Tossack upon the Loyre very prettily plaid the c Bâ—â— an 1162. § 15 16. â— Bussieres Hist Gal. Tom. 2 pag. 59. Genebrard Tom. 2. pag. 9â—1 Yoemen of his Stiâ—râ—p the one of one side and the other of the other tripping along on foot leading his Holinesses Rosonante by the bridle Baronius at this story is quite over-joy'd and out of his raptured zeale cannot refrain from running to his Bible as if he had a mind to prove it to be of divine right but much good may doe the cockles of his heart with this one story of two Kings since I believe he 's never like to have such another Though the very next year we find the King of France acting d Bar. an § 1. 1163. 1164. the same part of the Comedy and bussing his feet to the purpose The next year Victor dyeth in whose place is elected in opposition to Alexander one Guido who call'd himself Paschal III. But Alexander now began to gain ground whereupon he left France and returned to Italy and was kindly received at Rome year 1165 Though Paschal was acknowledged and confirm'd as a true Pope by a Council or Diet at e 1166. Wortzburg with Fredericks approbation But Alexander is quit with the Emperour not onely excommunicating but f An. 1168. § 69 70 71. depriving him by sentence of all his Dominions and absolving all men from his obedience At last Paschal dyeth and then the Romans chose one John who calls himself g 1170. Calixtus III. But to leave off these wranglings let us come once again to a peace Some say that Alexander by flight stole privately into Venice where under the disguise of
formerly chose and sworn King of the Romans at which Innocent greatly rejoyced though he Pet. Mexia fol. 423. could not but know that this reason was as valid when he was formerly so zealous for Otho and resolute against all others whatsoever Frederick comes into Germany is Crowned at Aix Otho makes what opposition he can but is overthrown and so forced to withdraw and neglect the Empire And thus being deposed again Frederick remain'd as Supreme and so had himself with the Popes consent the second time d Spon anno 1215. § 4. Crown'd at Aix In the mean time was held a Great Council at the Lateran whereby Transubstantiation got a good footing and Temporal Princes were to be by the Pope deposed and their Subjects absolved from their Allegiance if they neglected to extirpate out of their Dominions that which the Pope call'd Heresie Otho having been three years turned out dyed but they say so penitently that he made the a Bzov. an 128. § 19. Spondâ—n § 7 8. Skullions of his Kitchen tread upon his neck and though he remained a while in Purgatory yet at last he was help'd into Heaven Nor need we question his sanctity seeing as they tell us being sick and weak his side opened to let the Eucharist fly in and then closed again and I believe it was as true in him as it was in Bonaventure Sect. 3. The troubles and deposing of the Emperour Frederick the Second FRederick II being thus Emperour goeth to Rome where he â—220 was Crowned by Honorius III but this peace lasted not long Frederick having been abused by several in Italy pretended that the Pope took their parts On the other side Honorius would have the Emperour to go and reduce the Holy-land Frederick pretended to retreeve and regain the Territories that formerly had belonged to the Empire Honorius affirm'd they now belong'd to the Church and St. Peter And thus bandying to and fro some say that Honorius threw about his Excommucations Honorius dying Gregory IX succeeds and threatens Frederick year 1227 with Excommunication if he set not sail for the Holy-land by such a time The Emperour neglecting is Excommunicated and so seeing no remedy sails to Syria where he makes peace 122â— with the Sultan having Hierusalem and other places deliver'd to him And yet is Gregory b Pap Greg. â—â—nus moloâ—re ferens quod Rom. Imp. Excommunicatus Rebellis ad terram Sanctam transierat Mat. Paris anno 1229. angry that he went thither being Excommunicated and a Rebel against him and so intends to dethrone him sends into Asia to the c Nanâ—â—er pag. 818. Hospitallers and Templers that they should no way assist Frederick but look upon him as a publick Enemy who accordingly endeavour'd to d Matt. Pariâ— p 35â— betray him to the Saracen but the Souldan out of a Noble Spirit scorned Treachery and discovered it to the Emperour The Pope in the mean time having as he thought â—ut him out work enough to do in the Holy-land resolves to take opportunity in his absence so he sends into England e Mat. Paris p. 361. accusing of him of horrible-terrible Piccadiglio's that he being f Pag. 368. Excommunicated should enter the Church at Hierusalem and be Crowned and then go to his Palace before his Souldiers with his Crown on and then inviting several of the Noble Saracens to a Feast did for recreation-sake let some Christian women dance before them And to aggravate these how he had taken some Church-monies probably to pay his Army c. but the burden of the lamentation was that he might have some English moneys to help him in his Wars against the Emperour whom he thinks it g Justum esse fidei Christianae necessarium â—t tam valiâ—ius Ecclesiae persecutor a faâ—â—u Imporii depelleâ—etur Mat. Paris Ib. just and necessary to have deposed from the Empire And what vast sums these canting stories obtain'd is easily guess'd when in England Wales and Ireland the very Church-Ornaments and Plate were sold or pawn'd to satisfie the a Matt. Paris anno 1229. pag. 361. 362. anno 1234. p. 400 401 40â— 554 566 613. 622 623 641 645 655 658 659 660. 667 691 699 700 716 722 728 818 875 956. Nic. Harpsfield Hist Eccles pag. 477. Fox Tom. 1. pag. 369 370. avarice of Rome for if they gave not presently the Nuntio threatned Excommunications and Interdictions such a childish fear had the Papal Censures then possess'd men with and to such an height of tyranny and impudence to say no worse had the Bishops of Rome stuffed out and swell'd themselves to as if they had a Divine right over all the Moneys and Riches in the World and thus is the case alter'd Christ and St. Peter rather then not pay their dues and tribute to their Temporal Prince would be at the expence of a Miracle but now the Kings and Princes must beggar and ruine themselves and Subjects to satisfie the avarice of the Bishop of Rome who pretends to be but a Vicar to the former for if you deny this he hath an hobgobling in his Budget to boggle you to your ruine here or damnation hereafter though wise Kings should not regard such Censures upon such unjust grounds and from those who have no Authority over them Gregory having thus got Money enough falls upon those Lands which the Emperour pretended to in Italy making the people b Naucler pag 818. rebel and withdraw themselves from their b Allegiance whereby he took many places Frederick hearing of this Papal dealing having made peace with the Souldan resolves to return The Pope informed of this c Matt. Paris anno 1229. pag 364. way-lays him hoping to seize upon him when he little thought of it but Frederick having notice escaped all his snares and landed safely in Sicily and having strengthned himself regain'd some places again At last a d 1230. peace is made between him and the Pope Not not longer after the Pope and the Romans fell out insomuch that Gregory was glad to leave the City but here the Emperour e Matt. Paris anno 1â—34 pag. 408. 409. helps him at a dead lift joyning his Forces to the Pope's whereby the Romans were bang'd to the purpose But let us see how the Pope requites this good turn The Milanois a little after rebelling against the Emperour he resolves as it became him to reduce those Traitors to obedience Gregory perswades him from that design and would have him again forsooth to turn his Army into the Holy-land But Frederick wisely thought Matt. Par. an 1236. pag. 433. it was fitting to pacifie all at home first and did not a little marvail that the Pope should interest himself for such perfidious people But for all his wondering Gregory assists the Milanois sends them a great deal of money and for further incouragement promiseth them more the Milanois take courage but whilst the Emperour is engaged against them
take his ease Richard knowing that without these concessions he could not be able to conquer Conrade wisely replyed to Albert the Legat that the Pope might as well say Loe I sell or give to thee the Moon ascend and take her Whereupon this treaty fell But the Pope then falls to work with King Henry himself whom he knew to be * Ad damna propria pronum credulum Ib. credulous and apt to run into his own ruine Henry easily consents to this sending the Pope a great deal of Money and the Pope as if to requite him stays the Croisado-Forces designed for the Holy-land that they might serve the King of England against Conrade to the grief of the Christians in Palestine which must be a crime in him if it were any in Frederick And to make Conrade more odious he bespatters him with multitude of Accusations to all which Conrade a Vid. Will. Wats Additamenta Matt. Paris apud fiâ—em p 192 193 194. answered at large and at last dyed as most men say by Poyson Not long before him dyed at Bugden in Huntingtonshire Robert Grost head Capito or Great-head Bishop of Lincolne The Pope no sooner heard of the death of Conrade but with a cheerful heart a smiling countenance and a triumphing voice he cryes out b Matt. Paris p. 89â— Truly I rejoyce and let all us that belong to the Roman Church be glad because two of our greatest Enemies are taken away Robert Bishop of Lincolne and Conrade King of Sicily And yet for Robert of Lincolne I dare boldly say that he was the greatest Scholar and most knowing man in his days in the World And the c Nic. Harpsfield Hist Eccles p. 477. Jo. Pistreus p. 326 227. Romanists themselves will magnifie him for all manner of Vertues and Holiness and not stick to say that his many d Matt. Paris p. 876 880 88â— 903. Harâ—sfieâ—d p. 47â— Miracles were evident signs of his Saintship But to pass by these things Pope Innocent himself dyed presently after And if they will put now any credit in Visions of which they have formerly so much gloryed as to bring Arguments from them to prove their Religion as you may see at large in Daurovetius both a Pope and a Cardinal will assure them of the e Matt. Paris pag. 897 903 904. miserable condition of this Innocent in the other World for his bad living in this But this I leave to them onely who delight in and vindicate themselves by such ware Yet before I part with this Innocent IV give me leave to tell the Reader that this is him who once in a rant thus vapour'd out his Authority f Nonne Rex Anglorum noster est vassalus ut plus dicam mancipium qui potest eum nuta nostro incarâ—erate ignominiae manâ— pâ—â—e Matt. Paris anno 1â—53 pag. 872. What is not the King of England our Vassal nay and to say more our SLAVE whom at a beck I can cause to be imprisoned and exposed to all ignominy After Alexander IV Vrban IV then Clement IV sate in St. Peters Chair as they phrase it which Clement before his Popedome was g B. Carranza sum Concil pag. 814. Bzov. anno 1265. § 1. Spondan Io. Guil. Rishanger continuat Matt. Paris p. 999 Genebrard Con p 9â—5 1272. 〈◊〉 p. 975 976. marryed and had several Children After his death the See of Rome was void three years the Cardinals not agreeing but wrangling amongst themselves every one hoping to be the man These self-ended interests and designs and yet all pretending the Elections to be by the Infallible inspiration of the Holy Ghost made one of the Cardinals it seems of a more free humour than the rest thus jeeringly advise them Let us open the top of the Conclave for the Holy-Ghost cannot descend upon us through so many Roofs At last Theobald Archbishop of Liege is chosen who call'd himself Gregory X. Of this wrangling Election the former Cardinal of Porto made this riming Distick Papatus munus tulit Archidiaconus unus Quem Patrem Patrum fecit discordia fratrum An Archdeacon's made Pope and at Rome sits a vicaring Made Father of Fathers by the Cardinals bickering But returning to Germany William of Holland departing out of this World by violence some say the Prince Electors differ about a new Emperour Some stand for Richard Duke of Cornwall and him they say the Pope favoured the main reason being his Riches according to the Proverb Nummus ait pro me nubit Cornubia Romae For me the money speaks it self Rome Marries Cornwal for his pelf Other Electors chose Don Alphonso X King of Castile and Leon so famous for his love to Astronomy and other Sciences But Richard made more haste and was Crown'd at Aken yet some will account neither of these for Emperours though a De jure status l. 3. c. 4. p. 287 288. Bozius confesseth that of necessity one of them should and ought to be Emperour yet the same Romanist will easily dash away the necessity with his almighty Argument viz. because it was not the Popes pleasure to confirm either of them And yet they confess that Pope b Spondan anno 1259. § 8. Alexander IV earnestly desired our English Richard to go to Rome and receive the Imperial Crown And after Richards death Alonso of Spain could not obtain it But the Electors then went to a new Election and chose Rodulph Earl of Habsburg upon the Northern Coasts of Helvetia I shall not trouble my self here with the Original of this Family whether German or Italian but refer you to a late Tract said to be a Posthume of that busie-pated c Gasp Sciop de August Dom. Austria Origine Scioppius and a later and more large Volume by d Germania Part. 3. vid. Mâ—c Eyzinger Genealog Princ. Austâ—â—ae Spond anno 1273. § 8. Gabriel Bucelinus who will refer you to others Yet this we must grant that from this Family the famous House of Austria and almost all the German Emperours to this day have sprung This Emperour Rodulph the Pope would gladly have had gone into Italy to receive his Crown of him but Rodulf utterly refused it e Pet. Mâ—xia fol. 444. Spondâ— anno 1277. § 3. alledging for his reason Aesop's Fable how the Fox would not go to the Lyon because he observed no Foot-prints of any beasts returning safe out of those who had formerly goâ—e to visit him And this he took to be the case of the Emperours his Predecessors few of them but loosing by their journey and having cause to repent of their expensive and abused travails And this some others observing Italy in time fell off from the Empire The Pope by no means allowing of a Neighbour so neer and so potent Rodulph dying Adulph Earl of Nassaw was elected by the cunning year 1292 of Gerhard Archbishop of Mentz his Kinsman But having ruled VI years and Albert son to
bidding him remember how Becket dyed for the Church and writes to the Bishops of London Ely and Worcester to interdict the whole Kingdom if they found the King c Contumacem Rebellâ—m disobedient and rebellious They acquaint the King with this Mandate who is willing to condescend with the Salvo's d Prâ—ns Hist of Popes intol uâ—uâ—pat boâ—k 3. c. 1. p. 251. that his rights liberties and dignities may not be violated But the Bishops would allow none of these conditions and yet we must think it hard that Becket might not have the liberty of Salvo's which provoked the King so much thus to be trod upon by his own subjects that he swore per dentes Domini that if they or any other of his subjects should presume to interdict his Dominions he would send them with the rest of their fraternity to their friend the Pope and confiscate their goods and so warn'd them from his presence Stephen Langton had in England a Brother call'd Simon who also came in the presence of the Bishops to desire the admittance of his brother to Canterbury to whom the King proffer'd to do so e Pryn p. 252 saving only his right and dignity But no sooner began the King to mention this Salvo but Simon replyed in an insolent manner He would do nought for the King therein unless he would wholly refer himself into his hands without any such saving The Bishops seeing the King would not dance after their pipe without fear or wit interdict the whole Kingdom which continued almost six years by which means there was no use of divine service only Christening of Children and giving the Sacrament to the dying insomuch that the Church-doors were shut up some say wall'd up and the bodies of the dead carried out into the fields and thrown into ditches or high-ways like f Corpora defunctorum decivitatibus villis â—fferebantur mora canum in bivâ—is fossatis sine orationibus sacerâ—oâ—â—n ministerio sepeliebaâ—tur Paris p 226. Dogs without any prayers or Christian offices An excellent sign of the meekness and charity of him that glories to be Christs Vicar to unchristen as I may say a whole Kingdom for one mans fault supposing him an offender though the case being truly stated the contrary will appear or at least not meriting so grand a punishment For if the Pope hath power to nominate to all Bishopricks he must have it either by divine right and so unalterable and therefore the now Roman Catholick Kings who deny such power are guilty and the Popes too for allowing or winking at it or by the Kings concessions which is of no validity no Monarch having authority to transfer his Prerogatives to a forraign power and if they doe so of no force to bind their successors besides story tells us that a little before this the Bishops of England rejected the designs of the Bishop of St. Davids meerly because he was elected at g â—â—rus Hist of Popes usurpat l. â— c. 1. p. 236. Rome whereby we may judge Pope Innocent to have been more faulty and extravagant than King John The Bishops aforesaid perceiving to what inconveniency and danger being Subjects they had run themselves into by opposing their Soveraign in behalf of a Forreign Power stole out of the Kingdom Excommunicating those who obey'd the King The King seeing himself and Nation thus trampled upon seized upon all the Church-mens Lands that obey'd this Interdiction and refused to celebrate Divine-Service yet was so favourable as to allow the Dissenters and Rebels to sell their Corn for their better provisions And the white Monks in obedience to God the King and their Duty continuing to say Divine-Service for the benefit of Christian people were again suspended by the Pope and for their compliance to their duty they were not after allowed the same Priviledge as others who right or wrong obeyed the Pope and his Forreign Authority The King weary of these troubles was willing to comply with 121â— the admission of Langton and the restauration of others whom he had exiled for their disobedience But give a little take an Ell if he condescended so far they doubted not to make him grant more and therefore they would have him refund the Treasures of the vacant Churches by reason of the banishment of the turbulent spirits This he refus'd as an impossibility having imploy'd them for the security of his Dominions in these tulbulent times Being not satisfied in this trifle they scorn to agree with him which made many leave their Flocks here and go beyond Seas to the Kings Enemies Upon which the King wisely and bravely by Proclamation orders all to return to their respective Churches by such a day or to forfeit their incomes and that all should be seiz'd upon who brought any Order or Bull from the Pope into his Dominions for that time knowing such things could then bring no peace to him or his Kingdom The Pope seeing King John stand so resolutely for his Prerogative year 1212 and Freedom of his Subjects from Forreign yoaks goeth to his last refuge pulls out his Nut-cracker and Louse-trap by which he deprives the King of his Dominions absolves his Subjects from their Allegiance curseth all those who take the Kings part And because this of it self hath no more power then a Dogs barking over the Moon he sends to the King of France Pâ—â—is p. â—31 desiring him to seize upon the Kingdom of England for he liberal man had given it to him and his Heirs he might as well have given the Moon and to carry this the more clearly he commanded all the Nobles Knights and other Warriors in several Countries to assist the King of France and cross themselvâ—s a Military Badge appointed for those who went against the Infidels in the Holy-land for this enterprise and they need not doubt of a reward he having order'd that their souls in this warfare shall have the same benefit as those who visit the sacred Sepulchre which we may suppose to be no less than the a In remissionem suoâ—um peccaminum Pari p. 233 238. Paris p. 232. â—ryn p. 266. pardon of all their sins And the better to withdraw Englishmen observed to be apt to give credit to tatling Prophecies from their obedience they had thrust up one b Peter of Prontfract Stow. p. 169. Peter Wakefield of Poiz to Prophesie the death or downfal of the King by such a day to which a great many idle people gave too much credit but being found a false cheating knave according to his deserts he was hang'd The King to preserve himself and people from the French had year 1213 got to the Sea-Coasts a mighty Army and Navy but a composition hindred their action For Pandolphus who had been in England once before the Popes Legate landed at Dover tells King John with what a great force the French were coming against him with whom joyn'd many of the
made him affirm more than he was really able to prove for at the first step he boldly declares him one of the glories of the World for f Proem p. 31 32. Prudence Temperance Fortitude Holiness Justice Wisdom and suchlike Vertues And if this be not enough he will bring out Scripture too to prove that there was not g Pag. 265. his like amongst all the people But these things are sooner said than made good and with the judicious will go amongst the Paradoxes of Erasmus in commendation of Folly Cardan of Nero Dedekindus of Nastiness Opsopaeus of Drinking and suchlike pieces of Raillery seeing he hath so many of their own Writers and Historians to oppose him But I dare say the Romanist will think this Prologue too long and so let 's go to the story The Popes had for a long time made it their common and cunning practice when they saw any King great and powerful to perswade I and threaten too them to go to the Holy land and redeem it from the Saracens and so zealous or foolish for this laudable Enterprize was then the giddy world that all sorts and sexes without fear or wit conduct or discretion would gad and trudge thither never doubting of Heaven if they had but the happiness to be knockt on the head by an Infidel such a blessing was it to belong to the Crossado and so had the Popes deluded the world by their Indulgences and suchlike ware insomuch that at one time we find an Army of h Senar hist Mogunt p. 743. Bishops who deserved punishment for gadding from their Flocks at another time we meet with an Army of almost twenty thousand i Spondan an 121◠§ 2. boys onely fit for the rod nay k Fullers Holy-war Women Cripples c. all must be Martyrs in the Holy-land And when the Pope had got the Princes imployed there he knew how to make himself more formidable in Europe for those whom he could delude neerer hand he might easily abuse abroad Pope Boniface VIII of a stirring humour sends Bernard Bishop of a Apamiensis Some mistake and would have it to be the Bishop of Râ—mini in Italy Spond an 1300 § 9. Pamiers in the County of Foix then newly from an Abbacy rais'd to a Bishoprick to King Philip le Bel to exhort him to go to the Holy-land and there to bestow his men and treasury Philip excused himself as being ingaged in war against Flanders Bernard who must forsooth take no denyal coming from the Pope from this falls to threatning and that in no moderate way being no less then the loss of his Kingdom viz. a deposing if he obey'd not and marched to the holy war as they call'd it Philip troubled at this boldness but which was more Bernard Spond an 1301. § 5 6. being his subject and yet proved to be in actual Treason against him by plotting with the Aragonians and other his enemies against him by falsly aspersing the King as a Bastard a cheater of the people with false coyn c. b Accused of 32. Articles had Bernard seis'd upon and delivered to the security of Aegidius Ancellin Arch-bishop of Narbonne nor was this done in a passion but by the serious advice of his Parliament both Lords Spirituall and Temporall and Bernard himself took it for a favour to be delivered up to a Church-man The Pope informed of this sends Jaques de Normandis Arch-Deacon of Narbonne to King Philip to release the Bishop of Pamiers to go to the Holy-land to meddle with his Temporal businesses and let the Clergy alone if not that he should know that the Kingdom of France devolved to the Apostolick See and so he to be excommunicated and deprived and his subjects absolved from their Oaths to him and their Duty and Allegiance and farther that the Bishops and Doctors of France should come to Rome there to hold a Council how to dispose of their King and the affairs of the Kingdom The King was highly offended that the Arch-deacon of Narbonne his own Subject should offer to come upon such an errand especially to be the conveyer of such mad and insolent letters and threats which were so scandalous even to the French Nobility that the Earl of Artois snatch'd them from the Arch-Deacons hands and threw them into the fire where they were burn'd Yet for all these extravagancies the King releas'd Bishop Bernard but commanded him and Jaques de Normandis forthwith to depart the Kingdom Philip forthwith summons a Parliament where the Pope is accused as a busie-body or a troublesome fellow his strange actions against the King and his Prerogatives are censured the King declares that he holds his Kingdom immediately from God onely the layety defend the King the Bishops do so too and consent to all desire the Pope to use moderation in which c Vid. Bzov an 1302. § 6. and John Fox Acts and Mon. Tom. 1. pag. 453 454. Letter of theirs to him his faults are reckoned up and intreat the King that he would be pleas'd to give them liberty to wait upon the Pope but that is expresly deny'd them For the King doubting lest some of his Clergy according to the then seditious custome should upon this falling out leave their flocks and trudge to the Pope carrying with them vast treasuries to the impoverishing of his other faithful subjects and the enriching of his enemies and also suspecting that the Pope according to the vanity of these times would send out his interdicts and curses against him absolve his subjects of their Allegiance which the Fools and Knaves were apt to obey Upon these and other considerations the King wisely to provide for the security of himself and people by express order forbids any gadding to Rome and transportation of Gold Silver and suchlike riches out of his Dominions and upon the borders appointed several to take care that no Popish Bull or Censure be brought into his Kingdome The Pope angry at this nulls all the priviledges and favours formerly granted by the Popes to the French and what were those toys that the King and they would not enjoy without his concession prohibits all Clergy-men to assist the King with any aidmony or to part with any of their riches to be imploy'd in Temporal affairs and as some Historians say thus writes to the King Boniface Bishop Servant of Gods Servants to Caron Remonstr Hybernorum part 5. p. 13 14 Be lâ—forest les Chroniques de France 10. 178. Nic. Vigniâ—r Hist de l'Eglise p. 515. Idem Biblioth Historiale tom 3. p. 428. Premes de libertes de l'Eglise Gaâ—licane p. 124. Philip the French King Fear God and keep his Commandments We will thee to understand that thou art subject to us both in Spirituals and Temporals No collation of Benefices or Prebends belongs to thee and if you have the Vacation of any reserve the fruits thereof to the successors If you have made any Collation we judge
of Hungary what dissentions Bzov. 1327. Spond 1330 and broyls that Kingdom was troubled withal by the Popes intermedling with their affairs betwixt whom and the Natives there was no small strife whether they or he should nominate the King What great danger their King Charles I. was in by the treason of one Felicianus who entred the Presence-Chamber draweth his Sword wounds the King cuts off four of the Queens fingers and if he had not been slain by Johannes Palochus had designed to have murdred the King Queen and their Children And from him might I go to Charles II who Lewes I. dying and leaving his Eldest Daughter Mary for Queen by the instigation of some Nobles cometh from Naples and thrust her from the Throne Nor did his injoy this honour long for Elizabeth the Widow of Lewes and Mother to Mary takes her opportunity and invites him to a private meeting where he was slain or poysoned in revenge of which Johannes Banus de Horvath hath the Heads of the Assassinates cut off and Elizabeth drowned in the next River and had proceeded against Mary too but that he was terrified by the approach of Sigismond Marquess of Brandeberg her Husband with a great Army to her relief Which Sigismund was then made King of Hungary and was after that Emperour of Germany CHAP. V. 1. The deposing and Murther of Edward the Second King of England 2. The deposing and death of King Richard the Second 3. The grand dispute and troubles amongst the Cordeliers concerning the trifling and childish Questions of the largeness of their Capuchin or Hood and the usage and right of the Bread and meat which they eat Sect. 1. The Deposing and Murther of Edward the Second King of England BUt leaving these mischiefs abroad if we look at home we shall not finde England better or more Christian yet as much Roman Catholick as their Neighbours Here now ruleth Edward II sirnamed of Carnarvan in Wales the place of his birth and son to Edward I. A Prince too apt to be abused by his self-ended Courtiers and as the Nation thought too much complying to the Dictates of the Spencers by which means he obtain'd the displeasure of some of the people and which was more several of the Bishops turn'd his Enemies but which was most of all his own Queen Isabel Daughter to Philip le Bel King of France was his greatest Enemy and made it her whole business to procure his deposition and ruine And to make the way more easie for this their wicked design they had spread abroad that Pope John XXII had a Bzov. an 1326. § 10. Spond § 3. absolved all the English of their Allegiance to their King Edward A brave World and Faith that people should be so Antichristian as to think the Pope had really any such power but when the Bishops of Rome had the Impudence to affirm as much well might the simple people be gull'd and cheated by such Popes and such a faith to any Villany or Rebellion The Nation thus abused the King was not able to defend himself whereupon the Queen and the rest march boldly to Oxford where Adam de Orlton Bishop of Hereford preacheth to them a Comfortable but wicked Sermon taking this for his Text My head grieveth me From which words he declared to them that a bad King ought to be removed though by the same rule his head ought to be cut off for aking From thence they marched to London where they were joyfully received and a Parliament being held King Edward II is judged unfit for the rule and so declared deposed and his Eldest Son Edward III the Father being at last forced to consent made King the Archbishop of Canterbury making a Sermon as bad as the former from these words Vox Populi vox Dei When the King had thus been forced to resign being a close Prisoner some Lords and others being sent down to him at Kenilworth Castle to procure his resignation S. William Trussel Knight and Speaker to the Parliament thus bespake the King I William Trussel in name of all men of the Lond of Englond Trevâ—sa 17. cap. 43. and of alle the Parlement Procuratour I resigne to the Edwarde the homage that was made to the somtyme And from this time forthward I dyffye the and a Deprive pryve the of all Royal Power and I shall never be tendaunt to the as for Kynge ofter this time And then Sir Thomas Blunt Steward of the Kings Houshold brake his white Rod resigned his Office and thereby signified that the Kings Houshold had free liberty to depart and serve Edward no more King Edward II being thus deprived of his Dominions Isabel Tho. de la Moore Hist de vita Morâ—e Eaw II. Jo Stow's Chron. Galfrid le Bakâ—r de Swynabroke câ—er de vâ— a morte Regum Edwardorum I. II. fol. 107. Manuscript Cod. XL super A. B. Aâ—t in Bibl. Bodl. Oxon. his Queen who is thought to hate him mortally thinks he is too well used at Kenilworth Castle by Henry Earl of Leicester his Kinsman and therefore with the advice of the Bishop of Hereford he is thence removed and delivered to the custody of Sir Thomas Gurney and Sir John Maltravers his mortal Enemies who convey him to Corf-Castle thence to Bristol and so to Barkly Castle In which private journeys the King indured all manner of ignominy and scorn by these two villanous Knights as they made him ride bare-headed would scarce allow him any sleep or victuals and contradicted and cross'd him in every thing One time Gurney made him a Crown of Hay and put it on his Head and crying with the rest Tprut avant Syr King and Fare forth Syr King i e. go on Another time they would shave as well the hair of his head as his Beard for which purpose they made him light from his jaded Horse set him on a Mole-hill took water out of a Ditch close by saying that should serve for that time which so overwhelmed the King with grief that he told them That would they nould they he would have warm water for his head and so at their inhumanity began to weep and shed tears plentifully And when he was a Prisoner in Barkly Castle they used him much after the same way though Thomas Barkley then Lord of the place greatly pittyed his sad condition wishing it in his power to redress it At last Queen Isabel and her sure friend in mischief Adam de Orlton upon advice thought it best to have him taken out of the world whereupon they chid his keepers for keeping him so delicately and gave hints enough to discover their meaning but the most cunning of all was the direction which the crafty Bishop of Hereford sent down to them in these words Edwardum occidere nolite timere bonum est To kill Edward will not to fear it is good Or thus rendred into verse by Stow To seek to shed King
Edwards bloud Refuse to fear I think it good All which being written without any Point or Comma carries a double sence like the Pagan Oracles either to kill or save Edward by which means the knavish Bishop could interpret it for his own vindication if he were questioned for it Gurney and Maltravers receive the direction and interpret it according as it was desired and so they bend their studies to procure his Murther Once they indeavoured to stifle him by the stench of Carkasses and suchlike Carrion smell but that failing they went a sure way to work for one night they assisted with some fifteen other villains rush'd into his chamber he being in bed and with many Feather-beds and Tables laid upon him they smothered him and for more sure work and torment they thâ—ust an hot piece of Iron into his bowels through a certain instrument like a Glyster-pipe in at his fundament and that instrument they used that no wound might be found upon him As for the Murtherers they found contrary to their expectations Isabel and the Bishop of Hereford their mortall enemies construing their directions for the preservation of the King by which means they indeavoured to vindicate themselves to the people but Gurney and Maltravers being thus overpower'd by their own Patrons fled for it Such another like double-meaning sentence as this are we told of concerning Gertrude Queen of Hungary and Mother to S. Elizabeth Jo. Fox Mon. Tom. 1 pag. 348. so famous amongst the Germans Reginam interficere nolite timere bonum est si omnes consenserint non ego contradico To kill the Queen will ye not to fear it is good and if all men consent thereunto yet not I I my self doe stand against it And these devillish knaveries and double dealings possibly took their first thoughts from suchlike delusions as these of the Pagan Oracles let Satan or Man be the inventor and speaker Ibis redibis nunquam per bella peribis Thus Croesus that wealthy King of the Lydians was ruined by trusting to this Oracle Croesus Halyn penetrans magnam pervertit opum vim as Iyrrhus King of Epire was by this of Apollo Aio te Aeacide Romanos vincere posse But to leave Heathen Fables let us return to Romanish Rebellions Sect. 2. The deposing and death of King Richard the Second ANd here passing by King Edward III so famous in Wars and that impudent Rebellion of Wat Tylor Jack Straw and such-like beggerly Villains in King Richard II's time a Prince unfortunate to be left to rule very young and under bad counsel which brought him into some inconveniencies in his after-Reign which procured him the ill will of many whereby he was made more capable of loosing not onely his Kingdom but his life For having Reigned some twenty two years and whilst he was in Ireland in quelling the Rebellion there Henry Bullenbrook Duke of Hereford and Lancaster landed in York-shire whither most of the Nobility and Bishops flockt to him raiterously owning him as their Lord and to make his way more easie Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury preached to the people against King Richard and which Rebellion never can want shew'd a Bull procured Stow p. 3â—0 from Rome promising remission of sins to all those who should aid the said Henry against King Richard for which treason year 1339 they should be placed in Paradise Brave Papal Doctrine from the Infallible Tripos of the Romish Bishop who is priviledged with an unerring spirit By suchlike irreligious tricks as these the Duke increased to an hundred thousand strong seizeth upon the King who upon this news was return'd out of Ireland hath him up to London where a Parliament being call'd he is overperswaded to resign his Crown which the Duke claimeth and hath it The Archbishop J. Haywardes Hist Hen. IV. pag. 96. 1 Sam. 9. 17. Behold the man whom I spake to thee of this same shall reign over my people of Canterbury making a Sermon upon this Text Henry being Crown'd King Richard was removed to Pontfract in York-shire where he dyed some hint as if for grief he pined away others that every day he had good cheer set before him but not permitted taste of it but the common Opinion is that and by the desire and hints too of Henry he was murdered violently by b Spond an 1â—99 § 8. Wâ—ll â—â—xâ—on coâ—â—â—uat of Polycion lib. ult cap 9. Weapons the wicked Author of which they say to be Sir Pierâ— of Exton a Knight and favourite of Henries However it was for diversion sake take it thus from the Poems of Samuel Daniel one held to be very knowing in our English Histories and Antiquities c The Wars of York and Lancâ—â—ter Book II. § 99. And now the whilst d King Râ—chard II and his Queen Isabel meeting together and lameâ—ting their conditions these Princes sorrowed Forward ambition came so near her end Sleeps not nor slips th' occasion offered T' accomplish what he did before intend A Parliament is forthwith summoned In Richards name whereby they might pretend A form to grace disorders and to show Of holy right the right to overthrow 100. And could not Majesty be ruined But with the fearful power of her own name And must abus'd obedience thus be led With powerful Titles to consent to shame Could not Confusion be established But Form and Order must confirm the same Must they who his Authority did hate Yet use his stile to take away his State 101. Order how much predominant art thou That if but onely thou pretended art How soon deceiv'd mortality doth bow To follow thine as still the better part 'T is thought that reverent Form will not allow Iniquity or Sacred Right pervert Within our souls since then thou dwel'st so strong How ill do they that use thee to do wrong 102. So ill did they that in this formal course Sought to establish a deformed right Who might as well effected it by force But that men hold it wrong what 's wrought by might Offences urg'd in publick are made worse The shew of Justice aggravates despight The Multitude that look not to the Cause Rest satisfi'd so it be done by Laws 103. And now doth Envy Articles object Of Rigor Malice private favourings Exaction Riot Falshood and neglect Crimes done but not to b' answered by Kings Which Subjects may complain but not correct And all these faults which Lancaster now brings Against a King must be his own when he By urging others sins a King shall be 104. For all that was most odious was devis'd And publish'd in these a 32. or 38. Articles abroad All th' errors of his youth were here compriz'd Calamity with Obloquie to load And more to make him publickly despiz'd Libels Invectives Rayling Rimes were sow'd Among the Vulgar to prepare his fall With more applause and good consent of all § § § 107. Vpon these Articles in Parliament So heinous made inforc'd and urg'd so
reproaching to the Pope as a foul error his Decision touching the Poverty of Jesus Christ. In sum the Animosity of both these Antagonists came at last to that height that the Pope according to the stile of that Age b 1324. Excommunicated the Emperour declared him Heretick favourer of Hereticks deposed him from the Empire and caus'd all the poor Cordeliers to be burnt that he could lay hands on On the other side the Emperour c 1327. enters Italy with a puissant Army d 1328. seizes on Rome declares Pope John then at Avignion unworthy of the Pontificate creates a new Pope or rather Anti-pope namely a Cordelier call'd Peter e Raina iutius Ramuceus of Corbaria who chose the Title of Nicolas V and who for the first action of his Pontificate vacated the Bull of John XXII against the Cordeliers himself Excommunicating and deposing him And thus in short have we taken a view of this tedious and bloudy quarrel about a mouthful of Bread and Cheese a Controversie not worth a wise mans thought for let me but have my belly full and eat and drink when I please let his Holiness or any body else that hath such a longing humour take the Excrements I and if he please wrapt up or sawced in the Notions of Right or Vsage and twenty suchlike distinctions if by this means both parties are pleas'd for I am confident to be no looser and his worship hath an easie Stomack that is thus satisfied All which being as meer fopperies as he that was angry that his Hat was button'd up on the wrong side Though John XXII got the better of the Emperours New Pope Nicolas yet was he so much incensed against the Cordeliers that he was once thinking to a Spondan an 1322. § 14. extirpate the very Order for which and his strongly opposing them in this trifle he hath since been vilified by their pens to the purpose Of which b Annal. Minorum Tom. 3. an 1322 1323. Lucao Waddingus will afford you some instances But as simple and ridiculous as the dispute is yet even at this day cannot the School-men leave off troubling their mouldy Cobweb-heads and the world about it And thus much for this blockish Quarrel and dispute CHAP. VI. 1. The great Schism amongst the Popes with some Reflections on some of their Actions 2. The troubles of Naples and the wicked design against the Medici and Florentines with the murther of Juliano de Medici 3. The murther of James the First and James the Third Kings of Scotland 4. The deaths of Henry the Sixth and Edward the Fifth Kings of England 5. The troubles in Spain and the miseries of Don Henry the Fourth King of Castile and Leon by reason of his proud and rebellious Nobility Sect. 1. The great Schism amongst the Popes with some Reflections on some of their Actions WE have several times seen how the Popes of Rome have disturb'd the peace and happiness of other mens Dominions and have been the ruine and destruction of many Princes and now methinks it will not be amiss to take a sleight view of the destruction of Rome it self where many wise men through variety of pretenders could not discover the true Vicar and Infallible Bishop Part of this story belongs to the former Century yet 't is more convenient to place it all together here the greater portion of it belonging to this Clement V being a 1305. chosen Pope by his Simoniacal Promises to Philip le Bel King of France and being before his Election Archbishop of Burdeaux and also that Country-man being in France when he was chosen Pope by the Cardinals at Perugia would not for some reasons remove out of France but though the Cardinals earnestly perswaded him for Italy setled the Pontifical Seat at b 1308. Avignion By this removal into France Rome was deprived of the Popedom or Papal Seat above LXX years till what time Gregory XI c 1377. restored it again to Rome This Gregory dying the Cardinals chose Vrban VI but presently after declaring they were forced by the Romans to such an Election they declared this void and chose Clement VII by which means the Schism began the story of which being large and intricate take this following Chronologie to make it more plain and intelligible Gregory XI dyed 1378. Emperours A. C. Popes Popes  Wenceslaus 1378 a Vrban VI. b Clement VII a The ‖ Onuphrius Germans Hungarians English and part of Italy stood for Vrban Some say he was * Coquaeus Tom. 2. pag. 228. legally Elected others doubt it He created LIV Cardinals 2 1379 2 2  3 1380 3 3  4 1381 4 4  5 1382 5 5 b The ‖ Onuphr French and Spaniards stood for him He kept his Seat at Avignion and created XXXVI Cardinals 6 1383 6 6  7 1384 7 7  8 1385 8 8  9 1386 9 9  10 1387 10 10  11 1389 11 11  12 1390 c Boni face IX 12 c He was * Scribendi atque canendi imperitus Theod. d Niem de Schismat l. 2. c. 6. unskilful in singing then much look'd after in a Church-man and also in writing a great Seller of Indulgences and very guilty of Simony He created XI Cardinals 13 1391 2 13  14 1392 3 14  15 1393 4 15  16 1394 5 d Benedict XI or XIII d He promis'd to resign up his Popedom if Boniface would do so too so that another Pope might be chosen and the Schism ended but had no minde to do so so he held himself for Pope and created VIII Cardinals 17 1395 6 2  18 1396 7 3  19 1397 8 4  20 1398 9 5  21 1399 10 6  Rupertus 1400 11 7  2 1401 12 8  3 1402 13 9  4 1403 14 10  5 1404 e Innocent VII 11 e Before his Election he sware to resign the Popedom if Benedict would but neither of them had any stomack to it He created XI Cardinals 6 1405 2 12  7 1406 f Gregory XII 13 f He also before his Election sware to resign his Popedom for union-sake if Benedict would but how long in this he jugled Theodorick à Niem will tell you He created XIII Cardinals Emperours A. C. Popes Popes Popes  8 1407 2 14   9 1408 3 15 g Alexander V. g The Cardinals thinking to end this Schism call'd a Council at Pisa where they declared Gregory and Benedict guilty of many crimes and pronounce them deposed and so chose this Alexander V Though neither Gregory nor Benedict obey'd the Council but would be Popes still And Alexander dyed before he had sat a year 10 1409 4 16   Jodocus 1410 5 17 h John XXIII h Some say that by scrce he nominated and chose himself Pope Fel de Bargamo He created XVI Cardinals Signismond 141 6 18 2  2 1412 7 19 3  3 1413 8 20 4
out and thrown in also lastly his head was cut off and fixt upon the most eminent place of the City and his body divided and parts of it sent to the chief places in the Kingdom As for Robert Graham he was thus punished a Gallows was raised in a Cart then he had his right-hand nailed to it and so drawn along the streets whilst the Executioners with burning Pincers tâ—re pieces from his Shoulders Thighs and suchlike fleshy places which were farthest from his Vitals thereby to keep him the longer alive and in greater pain yet did these terrors bring little repentance to him as may be ghâ—st by his impious answer for being asked during all these tortures How he durst lay hands on his Prince made this Reply That if he had Heaven and Hell at his choice he durst leap out of Heaven and all the joys there into the flaming bottom of Hell At last having all his flesh almost pull'd off his Heart and Intrails were thrown into the fire his Head stuck up and his Quarters sent to several places for a terror to others And here I shall hastily pass by the unfortunate Raign of King James III how his own Subjects covenanted against him confined or forced him to Edinbourgh Castle and at last came to open Battel against him at Bannoch-Burn not far from Sterlin where his Army being beaten he was after in cold blood murdered in the Mill but whether this abominable murther was done by Patrick Lord Gray Robert Sterling of Keer or Andrew Borthwick a Priest or all of them must be left as their Histories hath it uncertain Sect. 4. The deaths of Henry the Sixth and Edward the Fifth Kings of England BUt leaving Scotland here might I treat of the miseries of England at the same time of the long but unfortunate Raign of good Henry VI of his dethronement and which was worst of his year 1471 murther in the Tower of London as the common opinion goeth by a Bacons Hist Hen. VII pag. 2. Richard Duke of Glocester afterwards call'd Richard the III. Though Mr. b Hist Rich. III. pag â—0 Spondan calls him a Martyr an 1471. § 6. Buck of late would deny the fact and clear the said Richard from this and all other imputations laid to him by all other Historians The body of this King Henry was carryed to Chertsey in Surrey and there buryed in the Monastery belonging to the Benedictines And 't is said that many Miracles have been done at his grave above two hundred of which was gather'd into one c Vâ—d Harâ—sfield Hist Eccles p. 595. Volume nor was there any disease but they say was cured by him Blind Lame Dumb Kings-evil and what not And as if these were not enough they make him cure another Miracle viz. a Woman that used to go with Childe above d Ib. p. 596. two years Richard III envying the fame of Henry if we may believe King * Spelman Concil tom 2. pag. 71â— Henry VII removed the Corps from Chertsey to the Chappel of Windsor where he was also worshipped by the name of Holy King Henry and here they say that his Red-velvet-Hat e Stow pag. 424. heal'd the Head-ach of such as put it on their heads there his body rested for a time but now his Tomb being taken thence it is not commonly known what is become of his body 'T is true King Henry VII had a desire to have it removed to Westminster to which purpose the Abbot desired the f Spelâ— Concil pag. 712 71â— consent of Pope Alexander VI. King Henry VII also desired to have this Henry VI Canonized to which purpose he wrote to the said Alexander who gave the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of Durham g Spelm. pag. 720. Authority to inquire into his Miracles and Life Nor did Henry VII cease here but Alexander dying he sollicited h Harpsfield pag. 594. Julius II very earnestly and some think that had the King lived a little longer he had obtain'd his request But this I shall leave with these words of Edward Hall These and other like Offices of Holiness Ed. Halâ—'s Châ—on fol. 223. b. caused God to work miracles for him in his life-time as old men said By reason whereof King Henry VII not without cause sued to July Bishop of Rome to have him Canonized as other Saints be but the fees of the Canonizing of a King were so great a quantity at Rome more then the Canonizing of a Bishop or a Prelate although he sate in St. Peters Chair that the said King thought it more necessary to keep his money at home for the profit of his Realm and Country rather then to impoverish his Kingdom for the gaining of a new Holy-day of St. Henry remitting to God the judgement of his will and intent And here passing by the cruel death of the young Innocent Prince Edward eldest Son to this King Henry VI in cold bloud after the fight at Tewkes-bury I might come to Edward V and shew how he was deposed by his Uncle Richard by means of his wicked Instruments Stafford Duke of Buckingham Dr. John Shaw Brother to Edmond Shaw Gold-smith then Lord Mayor of London and suchlike and from this I might lead you to the making away of the said young Innocent Prince Edward and his Brother by the means of the said Richard III but because all Histories will not exactly agree upon the manner how I shall refer you to the Chronicles themselves where the juggle if not the murthers may be seen at large Sect. 5. The troubles in Spain and the miseries of Don Henry the Fourth King of Castile and Leon by reason of his proud and rebellious Nobility IF we look into Spain we shall finde those Territories miserably wasted by Tumults and Rebellions we might see how the young King of Castile Henry III was so neglected by his proud and L. de Mayâ—â—â— Hist d' 〈◊〉 liâ— 18 19 20 21. greedy Nobility who pocketed up his Revenues that once he was forced to pawn one of his Robes for two Shoulders of Mutton to help out his Supper And we might see their Rebellions against his Son King John II whose troublesome Reign might be an Item to Kings to beware of confiding in and favouring too much one Subject by the neglect of the rest And the unhappy end of the Constable Don Alvaro de Luna may be a caution to the greatest favourites in their carriage for Kings at last in whose protection lyeth their greatest safety may be perswaded to leave them to Justice and then no mercy can be expected from the solong-abused Law and People But proceed we to greater troubles and misfortunes then these This King John II had by his First wife Maria of Arragon HENRY IV King of Castile and Leon. Leonora Catharine dyed young Second Wife Isabel of Portugal Daughter to D. Jean Master of S. Jago Son to John I. King of Portugal Alphonso whom
the people in opposition to Henry Crowned King ISABEL upon her Brother Henry's death Queen of Castile and Marryed Ferdinand of Arragon whereby those two Crowns were joyn'd This Henry IV succeeded in the Kingdoms of Castile and Leon year 1454 after the death of his Father John II. Henry was civil and courteous never Thou'd any body were he never so mean he was also liberal a lover of peace but that which spoil'd all he was too careless in his Government not desiring to trouble himself much with the affairs of his Kingdom which with his Clemency made his proud Nobles neglect and in the end despise him To tell all his misfortunes would be too tedious In short several of his Nobility made a League against him one of the chief of whom was Don Alphonso Carillo the Archbishop of Toledo They carryed their plot cunningly and secret and if a discovery should happen they had either fair pretensions or a jugling carriage with which they knew it was an easie matter to pacifie the King The King had notice of their League and desired to confer with the Marquess De Villena one of their Chieftains and some others they refuse to come to him At last De Villena upon Hostages given to his party and a safe-conduct meets the King but comes well provided and guarded with his Faction and Friends by whose assistance he was so strong that he resolved to seize upon the King and the Infanta's Isabel and Alphonso and once made year 1464 a violent attempt upon the Court but finding the King who had notice of the Plot too well provided turn'd all ofâ— with a fair excuse and the King was too apt to pardon and believe all to be for the best Another time they had laid a plot to be let in secretly into their Lodgings there to seize on the King the Queen the Infanta's and to dispatch their Enemies but this was by chance also discover'd and so prevented yet would not the King punish Villena because he had given him his word of security These failing they contrived to seize upon him under pretence of a Conference but of this also the King having intelligence he prevented their Treachery The Covenanters finding their plots discover'd flee to open Arms and draw up several Articles against the King and the better to countenance their Cause they pretended great care and friendship to the Kings Brother Alphonso At last a kinde of peace is struck up Alphonso declared Heir to the Crown and Commissioners on both sides appointed to end all differences and Alphonso is sent to the Confederates to render them more peaceable by his presence and their thus enjoying of what they desired Now the King hoped nothing more than an happy peace but he found himself betray'd on all hands For whilst the Commissioners were consulting the Archbishop of Toledo and Don Frederick the Admiral made shew as if they had fallen out with Marquess De Villena were weary of the League and so came over to the King to whom they profer'd their service His Majesty rejoyceth at this but was presently in troubles again by reason of the treachery of his Commissioners who being won over by the Confederates had consented to a dishonourable peace whereby nothing remain'd to the King save onely the name And this grief was doubled by another misfortune for he having sent to Don Gomes de Cacerez Master of Alcantara and Don Pedro Puertro Carero Earl of Medillino his trusty friends to come to him it fortuned that whilst they were upon their journey they met with Alvaro Gomes Secretary to the King and Ganzalo of Sahavedra one of the Kings Commissioners both now turn'd to the Confederates These two Traytors told the other two Nobles a smooth and sad story of the Kings displeasure against them how he had given order to have them seiz'd on and so it would not be safe for their Lordships to fall within the reach of the King These Lords thus falsely perswaded of the Kings displeasure forgot their honours and joyned themselves also with the Leaguers But yet the Kings misfortune grew worse and worse for the Archbishop of Toledo and the Admiral carryed themselves so cunningly that Henry ever put his greatest confidence in them And though he was secretly advised not to trust too much to them nor to commit any Forces to their charge assuring him that they waited but that opportunity and then would deliver them with themselves over again to the Leaguers yet to all these Informations would he give no credit but confer'd upon them several places of strength furnish'd them with money and gave them Commissions to raise Souldiers with an Order to meet him with their Forces at Arevalo which place he designed with their assistance to besiege To â—his Siege the King goeth and wondering the Archbishop came not he sent Fernand Badajos one of his Secretaries to hasten his March The Secretary meets him and his Troops marching towards Avila the Rendevouz of the Confederates delivereth his message but from the Archbishop gets nothing but this answer Tell your King from me that I am weary both of him and his affairs and that shortly the true King of Castile shall be known This was sad news At the same time cometh information that the Admiral also had play'd the knave seiz'd on Valladolid proclaimed young Alphonso King so joyned himself also with the Rebels At which the King full of grief and amazement kneel'd upon the ground lifting up his hands to Heaven thus humbly pray'd O Lord God! unto whom belongeth the defence and protection of Kings and by whom they reign I recommend my Cause unto thee and commit my life into thy hands I yeild thee infinite thanks that it hath pleas'd thee thus to punish me for mine offences which are worthy of a sharper scourge And I confess that the same which I suffer is very small in respect of my deserts May it please thee O Lord that these troubles may diminish the pains which are due to my soul in regard of my sins and if it be thy will that I shall pass through these miseries and afflictions I beseech thee from the bottom of my heart to give me patience to endure them and reason and understanding to guide my self in them In the mean time the Confederates meet before Avila before June 1465. which City in the plain fields they erect a great Scaffold on which was placed the Statue of King Henry in a Mourning Habit sitting in a Regal Throne the Crown on his head the Scepter in his hand and the Sword laid before it Upon the Scaffold the Archbishop of Toledo with some others ascended and a Paper was read by which Henry was degraded it contain'd four chief points I. As deserving to be deprived from the dignity of a King at which the Archbishop took the Royal Crown from its head II. That he was no more worthy to administer Justice at which the Earl of Placencia took
away the Sword III. That he was unfit to govern the Kingdom then the Earl of Benevent took the Scepter out of its hand IV. That therefore he was deprived justly of his Royal Throne then was the Statue thrown down from the Seat with many unworthy and outragious speeches by Diego Lopez brother to the Earl of Placencia This done the other Lords with Henries young brother Alphonso who had stood a little off as spectators mounted the Scaffold took and lifted Alphonso upon their Shoulders crying out Castile Castile for the King Don Alphonso so the Trumpets sounded and they all went to kiss his hand as their true King Poor King Henry received this news patiently saying with the Prophet Esay I have nourished and brought up children and they have despised me But although these treacherous and disloyal servants have so wrong'd and scorned me by the Statue which they have degraded and thrown away all respect and duty which they owe unto me yet they cannot keep me who am the true King from having strength and courage to chastise and disperse them For I hope in our Lord Jesus Christ who is the just Judge of Kings that their wickedness shall be destroyed and mine innocencie made known to the whole World And then considering how many Places and Nobles revolted from him and the powerfulness of his enemies he would oftentimes say Naked I came out of my Mothers Womb and the earth must receive me naked no man can become so poor as he was born And if God doth now chastise me for my sins he will comfort and preserve me hereafter for his infinite power killeth and giveth life hurteth and healeth giveth kingdoms and taketh them away lifteth up Kings and throweth them down again even as he pleaseth Yet did not the disconsolate King absolutely despair but sent to all places he had any hopes in to assist him against the Rebels and amongst the rest Don Garcia Alvares de Toledo Earl of Alva de Tormes was very active for his service In the mean time the Conâ—ederates lay siege to Simancas upon the River Duero in Leon which was valiantly defended by Don Juan Fernandes Galindo and other Royalists And here the very boyes and Lackeys shew'd their zeal against Rebellion for understanding that the Archbishop of Toledo was the chief of the Faction in deâ—ision of him and the League they made an Image representing him which they named the New Don Opas the Apostate The Reader may here understand by the by that about the years 712 713 714 Julian Governour of Ceuta in the Streights on the African shore falling out with his Lord Roderigo the last King of the Goths in Spain in revenge joyns himself with the Moores with them enters Spain routs his Prince and by this treachery the Moores became Masters of all that Continent excepting the mountanous parts in las Asturias Biscay and Navar and so retain'd it for many hundred years till by degrees they were beaten out And thus was the name and rule of the Gothick Government lost In this wicked treachery against their own Country and Christian Religion was as a principal Actor Opas or Oppa Archbishop of Toledo who joyned himself with unbelieving Moores to the shame of himself and the loss of Christianity in those parts And this is that Don Opas to whom these boys alluded The Image of the Archbishop being in all sort prepared one of the boys sat down as Judge and the Treason being palpable commanded the Image to be imprisoned and at last pronounced sentence against it thus Whereas Alphonso Carillo Archbishop of Toledo following the steps of the ancient Bishop Opas the ruine of Spain for that he had betray'd the King his Natural Lord rebelling against him and detaining his Money Towns and Fortresses which he had committed to him is therefore condemned to be drawn up and down the streets and publike places of Simancas a Trumpet to go before proclaiming that the King did command this justice to be done to the Traytor Opas as a recompence due for his Treacheries and Treasons and that then it should be burn'd This sentence pronounced aloud we need not question but the young Judge was obey'd in every thing Then was the Image carryed out of the Town attended on with above three hundred boyes and burned with a great deal of triumph in the very sight of the Confederates Army which at last despairing of taking the Place rais'd the siege King Henry we may well suppose was not idle having in a little time got an Army of near upon an hundred thousand men This vast strength terrified the Leaguers so they fell to private plots and instigated one Juan Carillo to kill the King but this Carillo being taken prisoner in a skirmish and perceiving he could not live long by reason of his wounds was sorry for what he had undertaken desired to speak with the King ask'd pardon of him had it confess'd how his life was sought after and revealed to him other wicked practices against him and the next day Carillo dyed of his wounds The King with his potent Army might have quel'd all before him but through his love to peace and carelesness he lost all opportunities allowed of a Conference where it was concluded that every man should lay down his Arms and return home a Truce to continue for five Months and that in the mean time Commissioners should treat of a Peace Thus the King lost his cause his Army by his negligence wasting and slipping away Nor did the Confederates disband according to promise De Villena watching all occasions to see if he could get the credulous King into his clutches In the mean time Don Alphonso led a miserable life with the Leaguers and suspecting either their bad intentions or the success of his cause would willingly have agreed with King Henry and go to him but they kept him strictly threatning to a Petiturum veneno nisi râ—â—aret Jo. â—arian l. â—3 cap. 9. poyson him if he receded from his Government Both parties now seem'd weary so another peace is clapt up but very dishonourable to the King considering what an Army he lately had But this quiet lasted but a while they flee to Arms both Armies meet by Olmedo in Old Castile where the Archbishop of Toledo appears in his Arms upon which he wore his white Stole poudred with red Crosses The Battel is fought and both parties year 1467 cry victory but the Kings party daily wasted insomuch that most forsook him and like a private Gentleman hew as content to skulk up and down accompanyed with some b Mariana cap. 11. ten horsemen At last after some trouble Alphonso dyeth about XVI years old upon this the Confederates consult about a new Head they generally year 1468 agree upon Donna Isabella his Sister send to her to accept of the Government and they would proclame and Crown her Queen She upon good advice refuseth all such profers declaring her obedience to
King hath not behaved himself according to his duty for he hath accommodated himself in his behaviour more of the affection of our a a Sâ—r Jâ—hn Maitland Chancellor who is of the faction of England and abuseth the credit he hath with the King then according to the instructions given him He hath not presented nor made mention to the King of Colonel Simpills letter whereof I have caused the Copy to be presented to his Majesty by the Earl Bothwell as if it had been sent to him with another of the said Colonels to himself which he received from Thomas Tyrie at his arrival who hath reported to the said Chancellor as that Seigneur Don b b Dâ—n Bernardino de Mendâ—za the Spanish Ambassador in France to carry on the Spanish interest and League against the French King Bernardino spake to him in Paris to the disadvantage of the Chancellor Also he hath reported to the King that my Lord c c He means Mr William Chesholme Uncle to Sir Jameâ— and Mr. John Bishop of Dumblane being returned thither spake to your Highness and to others many things to the great prejudice of his d d The King Highness And it is believed also that he is the cause of the suspition which was conceived of the coming of the said John Chesholme newly to the said Bishop However it be the other reports aforesaid which he hath made have not served to conciliate but to alienate the affection of the King of the Chancellor and many other Hereticks from the said Seigneur Don Bernardino the said Bishop and Catholicks here that have to do with them As for my self although I speak not willingly to the disadvantage of any whatsoever chiefly of them whom I have recommended as I did the said Thomas Tyrie to the said Don Bernardino yet I will prefer the love of the truth to men and would not by concealing thereof bring prejudice to the common good nor to the fidelity that the one oweth to the other and especialy to that we owe all to the King of Spain and your Highness to whom I am presently servant particularly addicted by the obligation of five hundred Crowns of e e The Scotch calls it 500 Crowns of â—eâ—il fee and forty for monthly entertainment which it hath pleas'd your Highness to give me freely in the name of the King of Spain not being required for my part nor other thing for my particular to this present By reason whereof I am the more bound to give your Highness most humble thanks and to endeavour my self to deserve by my most humble and faithfal service as well the said entertainment as the recompence it hath pleas'd your Highness to promise me of your grace and favour The said gift of your liberality came well for my purpose seeing by reason of the danger of my person it behooved me to augment my ordinary train for my greater surety which I was not able longer to have born out without help For from all the Lords of Scotland I have not retain'd but a part onely of the money which I spent travelling for the advancement of this Cause in Spain with his Catholick Majesty and with your Highness in the Low-Countries As for the four hundred Crowns imploy'd for the deliverance of Colonel Simpill out of prison I have put it in Count with the residue which I disbursed of the first sum according as it hath pleas'd your Highness to command me The Earl of Morton to whom I have given consolation by writing in prison hath instantly prayâ—d me also by writing to remember his most affectionate care to your Highness finding himself greatly honour'd by the care it pleas'd you to have of him By the grace of God he is no more in danger of his life by way of Justice it being impossible for his enemies to prove against him any thing which they had supposed in his accusation as also the Kings affection not so far alienate from him as it hath been heretofore And in case he were in danger or that it were requisite for the good of our Cause presently to deliver him we can at any time get him out of prison However in the mean time we wait the Kings pleasure towards his liberty oâ—â—ly to avoid all pursuit that they would make if we deliver him by extraordinary means When in the Kings Name they offer'd him his liberty if he would subscribe the Confession of the Hereticks faith he answered He would not do it for the Kings Crown nor for an hundred thousand lives if he had them to loose and hath offer'd to confound the Ministers by publick disputation I shall sollicite the Lords his friends to procure of the King his liberty very soon for he imports more to the good of our Cause then any of the rest by reason of his Forces which are near England and the principal Town of Scotland and the ordinary Residence of our King as also he is a Lord the most resolute constant and of greatest execution of any of the Catholicks It is no small marvel considering the means the Hereticks have to hurt us and their worldly wits so far passing ours and their evil will and intention against us that me subsist Truely we cannot but attribute the effect thereof to God who when the certain news of the returning of the a a The Spaenish Armado being beat a gâ—eat part of them fled Noâ—h wards round about Scotland and so â—eturn'd home by Ireland Army of Spain by the back of Ireland was dispersed through the Country and the Hereticks of the Faction of England triumphed and the constancie in the outward profession of the Earl of Huntley and others was alter'd caused the Earl of b b Archibald Deuglas Earl of Angâ—s dyed at Smeâ—â— near Dalkeith Jaly 1588 supposed by witchcraft or other evil means Angus to dye who was the chief of the English Faction And the same time grew some dissentions amongst the Hereticks by reason of some Offices which some pretended to usurp above others at Court And by the instant prayers and holyperswasions of two Fathers Jesuites converting to our holy faith two Heretick Earls of the chiefest of Authority amongst them the one whereof is called the Earl of Arrol Constable of Scotland converted by Father Edmund Hay the other called the Earl of Crawford converted by the foresaid Father William Creichton They are both able and wise young Lords and most desirous to advance the Catholick Faith and your enterprises in this Island which they are determin'd to testifie to his Catholick Majesty and your Highness by their own Letters which by the Grace of God I will send by the first opportunity In the mean time they have required me to make you offer of their most humble and most affectionate service promising to follow whatsoever the same Jesuites and I shall think good to be done for the conservation of the Catholicks and to dispose and faciliate the
carrying himself so cunningly that at last by his own commendations and flatteries he inveagled himself into the esteem and favour of Pius V Bishop of Rome whom this Stukely had perswaded that with three thousand Italians he would drive the English out of Ireland and fire all their Fleet Things which old Pius greedily wish'd for with the destruction of the Queen But this Pope whom they have almost sanctifyed and made a a Worker of Miracles dying there succeeded to him Gregory XIII who carryed on with the same desires bare the same favour to poor Stukely hoping to get the Kingdom of Ireland for his own son Giacopo de Boncompagno whom a little before he had made Marquess of Vineola and of this Royalty Stukely assured him and made proud the Bastard Thus the Pope and his Son full with hopes of a new Kingdom the better to countenance this their beggerly boasting Factor Gregory as if all Ireland and Authority were his own honours Stukely with the Noble Titles of Baron of Ross Vicount Morough Earl of Wexford and Caterloghe And Marquess of Leinster Thus with a muster of Titles and a Band of eight hundred Italian Foot some say a Jeron Conestaggio 600 others b Cicarella in vita Gregor XIII 6000 with a plenary c Tho. Bell's Motives p. 34. Indulgence for Stukely's soul to avoyd Purgatory he imbark'd in a Genoa Ship at Civita Vecchia In the mean time Sebastian the youthful King of Portugal had rais'd a Potent Army some think to fall upon Ireland But a dissention falling out for the Kingdoms of Morocco and Fez between d Mulei signifieth a Lord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈…〉 Royal bloud Mulei Moluc some call him Abdala Meluc or Abdelmeluch the Uncle and his Nephew Mulei Mahomet in which it hapned the latter to have the worst and to be beat out of the Kingdom which for some time he had possest as eldest Son to old Abdala Mulei Mahomet the Nephew thus routed addresseth himself by his Agents to Sebastian for assistance The King of Portugal spur'd on as some have fancyed by the Jesuits the better to make way for the Spanish sway over that Kingdom should Sebastian miscarry promiseth to relieve and resettle him and so provides for his passage into Africa Whilst things are preparing Stukely arrives with his Titles and Followers at the mouth of the River Teio in Portugal lands at Oeras whither Sebastian goeth to see him and perswades him and the rest to venture with him in his Mauritanian expedition The King and his Army take Ship and land in Africa the Chieftains more like Courtiers then Souldiers the other liker Pesants then men at Arms Thus under the fickle conduct of a rash King they meet the Moors in the plain of Tamita fight are routed and cut to pieces and this by some is call'd the Battel of the three Kings because here three ended their days but in different fashions I. Don Sebastian King of Portugal was slain valiantly fighting But some would have him to live many years after and appear at Venice to the fobbing up of some Portugals the little trouble to the Spaniard but a certain imprisonment and ruine to the undertaker though he had a minde to King it for a while II. Mulei Meluc came sick to the Field and dyed before his Victory was fully accomplish'd And after the fight and Victory his younger Brother Mulei Hamet who here acted as General of his Horse was saluted King of Morocco and Fez. III. Mulei Mahomet the Nephew and Competitor seeing his friends the Portugals beaten thinking to save himself by flight was drown'd as he thought to pass the River Mucazen And amongst these great ones our Thomas Stukely had the fortune and honour to end his days And thus Ireland escaped a mischief for the carrying on of which Treasons of Stukely Dr. Lewis Archdeacon of Cambray Referendarie to the Pope and afterwards Bishop of Cassano though born a subject to England was very forward and active very much soliciting Gregory XIII in behalf of the said Stukely and his projects against his own Queen and Country About the beginning of King Charles I his Reign I meet with one call'd a James Wadsworth his English-Spanish Pilgrime chap. 7. pag. 64. Edit 2. Sir Thomas Stukely living at Milan as a Pensioner to the Spanish King and him I finde branded as a Traytor and Enemy to his Country but of what relation or kin to the former Stukely I know not Thus this mischief intended against Ireland was for a time cut off For Portugal thus deprived of her King his great Uncle Cardinal Henry was proclaimed who being old the Spaniard after his death resolved for the Crown for the better securing of which he staid and kept his great forces lately levyed in Italy as some think for Ireland to pour upon and win Portugal when occasion served which he afterwards accomplish'd of which see at large b Istoria dell ' Unione del Regno di Portogallo alla Corona di Castiglia Jeronimo Conestaggio an excellent and understanding Genoes Historian though I meet with a c A Book call'd in Spanish Trattade Parenetico and Fuoro Villaco as Dralymont translating it into French la Liberte de Portugal The English bad Translator calls it The Spanish Pilgrime and so the Author subscribes himself in his Dedicatory Epistle to Henry IV of France Portugallized Spaniard very sharp and severe with him which Kingdom the Portugais regain'd again 1640 in the name of Don Juan Duke of Braganza whom they Crown'd and saluted King John the Fourth This storm thus blown over another appears We heard formerly how James Fitz-Morice submitted himself to Sir John Perot but in his pretended loyalty and honesty he could not long continue for he steals into France addresseth himself to Henry III offers him the Kingdom of Ireland but desires a few Forces to beat out the English and so to subdue that Nation to the French obedience Henry having his thoughts at home straitned between the Guisian and Hugonot wisely rejects such idle thoughts Upon which Fitz-Morice hastes to Spain where he makes the same offers to the Catholick King Philip II lends him an ear sends him to Gregory XIII who year 1579 hugs the designe and joyns with him Nicolas Sanders an English-man born in Surrey well known by his writings and one Allan an Irish man both Doctors and Priests The first was by the Pope declared his Nuncio for Ireland and bless'd with a Consecrated Banner to be known by its Cross-Keyes Thus sanctified wâ—â—h an Infallible Authority and a little money in their fists with Letters of Commendation to the Spanish King they haste to Spain thence ship for Ireland and land in Kerry Upon which the English Romanists at Rome a 〈…〉 cap. 11. pag 156 157 158. rejoyce and triumph not quâ—stioning but all would be their own And for a farther reâ—râ—iâ— the Pope orders more Souldiers to be rais'd in his
Magistrates THe Queens Majestie hath the chief Power in this Realm of England Articles of Religion anno 1562. Art 37. and other her Dominions unto whom the Chief Government of all Estates of this Realm whether they be Ecclesiastical or Civil in all Cases doth appertain and is not nor ought to be subject to any Forraign Jurisdiction Where we attribute to the Queens Majestie the Chief Government by which Titles we understand the mindes of some dangerous folke to be offended We give not our Princes the Ministring either of Gods Word or of the Sacraments the which thing the Injunctions also lately set forth by Elizabeth our Queen do most plainly testifie But that onely Prerogative which we see to have been given always to all Godly Princes in holy Scriptures by God himself that is that they should Rule all Estates and Degrees committed to their charge by God whether they be Ecclesiastical or Temporal and restrain with the Civil Sword the stubborn and evil Doers The Bishop of Rome hath no jurisdiction in this Realm of England The Laws of the Realm may punish Christian men Taken out of King Edward VI. his Articles anno 1552. § of Civil Magistrates with death for heinous and grievous offences It is lawful for Christian men at the Commandment of the Magistrate to wear weapons and serve in the Wars And with these agree the Articles agreed upon by the Archbishops and Bishops in a Anno 1615. § 57 58 59 60 61 62. Convocation at Dublin for the Kingdom of Ireland And because at the present I cannot remember any Historian to have taken notice of it I shall assure the Reader of one Passage concerning a Convocation of Divines In King James his time the Romanists on the one hand were so busie and zealous to advance the Popedom over all Principalities and Powers that the Crown it self must be disposed according to the pleasure of that Myter And on the other hand the Presbyterian Hâ—t-spurs were so rigoroâ—sly malepart that they would advance their seditious and blockish Assemblies or rather Conventicles above all Law Reason Loyalty Royalty and Divinity it self as appears by their coâ—tinual countenancing of Rebellion and Schism against their Kings and Bishops The first kept a great deal of clutter with St. Peter and is Sâ—ccessors the latter despis'd both him and all Biâ—hops â—he first would prove out of the Prophet b Jer. 1. 10. Exâ—rav Com. c. unam sanctam Gâ—â—g de â—ajor obed c solita Jerâ—my that the Pope was set Over the Nations and over the Kingdoms to root out and to pull down to destroy and to throw down to build and to plant The latter affirm'd that they were c Psal 149. 8. Tâ—â—â—nde â—hâ—r Kings with chains and their Nobles with jeâ—lers of I on The first would tell us that the Pope d Extra 16. had two swords â—hat all must be obedient to him upon pain of damnation 〈◊〉 he excels a King as much as the Sun doth the Moon or e Dist 96. c. du sunt Gold doth Lead That f Exâ—â—â— Joh. XXII T it 5 dist 22 â— omnes Gloss God hath delivered to him the Power and â—ule not onely of Earth but of Heaven too Nay that g Concil Ediâ— Regâ—a Paris Tom. 34. pag. 440. he wâ—s above all Power both of Heaven and Earth The latter despâ—â—ed all these Rodomontado's as coming from the Whore of Babylon and the Horned Beast but would fright the poor People out of their little wits by bauling out a Curse ye Meroz curse ye bitterly the Inhabitant thereof because they came not to the help of the Lord to the help of the Lord against the Mâ—ghty And with this they would Judg. 5. 23. carry on their Cause and Presbytery Regal Authority being thus designed to be nois'd and push'd down it wanted not many famous and Learned Champions as well here as beyond Seas Nor would King James himself be onely a Spectator in this Pen-Combat but he also falls to work and slighting the railing Rabble and inferiour Pickeerers he assaults and vindicates his Right against their greatest Cardinal who at first durst not incounter his Royal Aversary in his own shape but under the disguise of Tortus In the mean time a Synod being held in the time of that vigilant and industrious Prelate Archbishop Bancroft to the Reverend Divines there met was presented a large Tract containing M S. XXXVI Chapters to prove the Soveraignty of Kings and Chief Civil Governours above the High-Priests from the Creation to the end of the Jewish State which being read in the Convocation was wholly approved of by joynt consent And then being sent down to York it also past the Convocation there as appears by the Subscriptions to the said Treatise of Constitutions in vindication of Regal Supremacie 'T is said that there was a second part of it to prove the same Authority and Supremacie from Christ to these times but whether there was any such second part or whether it past the said Convocation I shall leave to others inquiry And by the way the Reader if he pleaseth for variety sake may take our XXXVII Article as it with the rest was turn'd into Latine Verse neer threescore years ago by one Mr. John Glanvil of the University of Oxford Obtinet Imperium Majestas Regia summum Angliacis ejus sinibus atque aliis Cujus in omnimodis sacrata potentia causis Omnibus ut par est imperat Ordinibus Sive Sacerdotes sint seu Civilia tractent Munia nec peregri est subjicienda foro Nos ubi Principibus primas damus inde sinistris Mentibus ansa sui Schismatis esse solet Non tamen aeternum datur illis copia verbum Sive ministrandi Pignora sacra Dei. Legibus hoc patuit quas Elizabetha beati Nominis auspicio condidit ante suo Tale sed Imperium nostris concedimus olim Quale pâ—is tribuit Regibus ipse Deus Nempe gradus hominum soli dominentur in omnes Quos Dominus proprio subdidit Imperio Quos vel publica res capit aut Ecclesia cunctos Civilique queant ense donare malos Non habet Imperium Romanus Episcopus ullum Finibus O felix terra Britanne tuis Jura Potestatem Civilia gentis in omnes Impia patrantes Crimina mortis habent Ferre Magistratus si jusserit arma vel ipsis Christicolis etiam bella ciere licet To which the Poet afterwards subjoyns these following Verses Subditus in proprium miser ut ferat arma Monarcham Quem feriet bruto fulmine Papa jubet Non ita a Mat. 12. 17. Caesareas abrupit Christus b Mart. 17 27. habenas Papa tamen Christi gestit habere vices Falso nam pedibus tenebrarum c Ephes 6. 21. Principis instat d Luc. 4. 6. Omnia qui mendax se dare Regna refert India magniloquo dives sic cessit e Ex donatione Alexandâ—i VI.
Guiccard lib. 1. Ibero Hoc tulit invisum jure Navarra jugum Barbarus insulsum sed Rex f Lop. Gomar cap. 113. Atabaliba Papam Risit Insanit Papa superbus ait Regna datignotis qui sic aliena Dynastis Excidit Imperio sed tamen ille suo Heu quantas peperit Papa Donatio strages Millia g Joseph Acosta lib. 4. cap. 3. Bar. de Casao Epise This last viz Barthomaeus Casaus a Godly Spaniard and a Dominican and Confessor to the Emperor Charles V went into the West-Indies to preach the Christian Religion amongst those people And did write anno 1542 a particular Treatise to shew the barbarous cruelty and abominable Inhumanity of his Countrymen against those poor naked and simple Americans The which bloudy Butcheriâ—s are scarce to be parallel'd in all Histories nudorum quot cecidere virum Exuit humanum crudeli ex pectore mentem Qui legit salsis temporat à lachrimis Qualiter innocuos affixit Celtiber Indos Sed penes Historicos sint ea Lecta suos Thus we see that by the foresaid Articles neither our Kings nor the Church never intended any Spiritual Power and yet I know no reason but that a King or Queen may enjoy as much as some Female Romanists viz. their Lady Abbesses but onely a Civil jurisdiction and a coercive Power for the better Regulating their Dominions against home-bred Traytors and Forraign Enemies as you have seen it here interpretated and not onely our a His Notes upon the 37 Article Thomas Rogers and b Certamen Religiosum p. 159. Chr. Cartwright will inform you farther of it but also some Romanists themselves as one lately in his c Cap 6. pag. 25 26 27 28 c. Reflections upon the Oaths of Supremcie and Allegiance Another more ancient designedly written in Latine against the Book call'd God and the King the Romanist book is also call'd d Edit Colon. 1619. pag. 48 49. Deus Rex And Father Caron a true son to the Papal Chair is unwilling to boggle at this e Nâ—s enim Regem solum nostrum Ecclesiae Britanniae Hâ—berniae caput esse Civile Supremumque Gubernatorem agnoscimus nec aliud Rex ipse praetendlâ— aut Protestantes reipsa volunt Redmund Caron Remonstrantia Hibernorum part V. pag. 64. § 4. Supreme â—itle as people have formerly done And it is not the Sex that spoils the business f 1 Mar. 2 Parl. Queens being capable of and do enjoy all jurisdictions and Qâ—alifications that Kings do But enough concerning this Oath of Supremacie which was one of the main things that vext the Pope supposing by this his own Authority and gain struck at and indeed the g Post Divortiom nisi quod Pontificiam Poâ—estatem execratos se Caput Ecclesiae constituit nihil in Religione mutavit Jac. Aug Thuan Hist lib 3. In which Religion i. e. the Roman the King dyed Tho. Baily ' s life of John Fisher Bishâ—p of Roâ—hester cap. 21. pag. 164. Haereses paeuè omnes praeter illam quae Romani Pontificis Primaâ—um Monâ—sticas Religiones oppugnabat cohibuit repressit Nic. Sander de Schism Angl. lib. 2. pag 228. Parsons conversions of Engl. part 1. p. 170 235 238 241 242 244 246. part 2. p. 541 part 3. vol. 2. p. 408. Romanists confess that Henry VIII retain'd all the Articles of the Roman Church but this one and dyed in their Religion But let the King think as well as he pleaseth of his own Authority the Pope will have as good opinion of his own and to let King Henry see how far his jurisdiction reacheth Paul III h 30 Aug. 1535. draws up a thundering Bull against his Majesty in which he deprives him of his Dominions this for some time he keeps by him but at last sent it roaring i It was publish'd Decemb. 17. 1538. abroad and what a notable thing it was Father Paul one of the most judicious Fryars that ever set Pen to Paper shall tell you k Hist Coâ—cil of Trent lib. 1. pag. 86. A terrible thundering Bull such as never was used by his Predecessors nor imitated by his Successors The thing it self being very long and as tedious as idle I shall refer you for it to their Bullaria but the substance of it take as followeth IT begins with a Canting or Quaking Preface as most other Bulls do odly misapplying of the Holy Scripture to fob up the Papal power Rants dapperly against the King and his Subjects that obey him Interdicts all Cities Churches Places which favour or adhere to him Declares Him his Friends and their Children deprived of all benefiâ—s and priviledges and uncapable to obtain any Absolves all his Subjects from their Oaths of Obedience or Allegiance to him their King Pronounceth that he and his adherents shall be held as infamous their Wills Testimonies Credits and Authorities not to be of any validity Prohibits under Papal punishment to Deal Trade or have any medling with such wicked people Injoynes all Ecclesiasticks forthwith to avoid the Kings Dominions nor to return thither but by a Papal License upon sure Certificate of the said Kings repentance and submission Commands the Nobility Gentry and others to make it their care and business to expel and depose the said Henry from his Dominions Declares all Leagues Treaties or Agreements made by the said King with other Christian Princes to be null which if the said Kings and Potentates do not forthwith submit to as void and of none effect that then their respective Territories to lye under Interdiction and so to remain till the said Princes shall renounce all Amity and Alliance with the said Henry Exhorts and commands all the said Princes and others by vertue of their obedience to invade spoil take Arms and fight against the said King and all those who are subject to him And as for the Goods Ships and whatsoever else they take from the said English He by his Infallible and Papal Authority giveth to the said takers all right and propriety Willeth all Patriarchs Archbishops Bishops and all other Ecclesiasticks under pain of the severest Censures publickly to declare by Bell Book and Candle the said Henry and all his Adherents Excommunicated Requireth that none under the guilt of the same Censures any way hinder the publication of this Bull against the King And if any do withstand contradict or gainsay by any means signes or tokens whatever this Bull that then he or they so opposing shall incur the wrath of Almighty God and the Blessed Apostles Peter and Paul Dated at Rome at St. Marks anno 1535. III d Kal. Septemb. In the first year of our Popedom And that neither King Henry nor any else should plead ignorance of these things it was therein provided and commanded that the said Bull should be affixed to the doors of the Neighbouring to England or the Kings Dominions and should be publickly read in the said Churches especicially
of all Dominion Dignity and Priviledge whatsoever And also declare the Nobility Subjects and People of that Kingdom and all others who have in any sort sworn unto her to be for ever absolved from any such Oath and from all manner of Duty of Dominion Allegiance and Obedience to her As We also do by the Authority of these presents Absolve them and Deprive the same Elizabeth of her pretended Title to the Kingdom and all other things abovesaid And We command and forbid all and every the Noblemen Subjects People and others aforesaid that they presume not to obey her or her Monitions Mandats or Laws and those who shall do otherwise then here commanded we do involve them in the same sentence of Anathema And because it would be a matter of too much difficulty to convey these presents to all places wheresoever it should be needful Our will is that the Copies thereof under a publick Notaries hand and seal'd with the Seal of an Ecclesiastical Prelate or of his Court shall carry altogether the same credit with all people judicially and extrajudicially as the a a The Original presents should do if they were exhibited or shew'd Dated at Rome at S. Peters in the year of Christ 1569. 24 of February in the Fifth year of Our Popedom Cae. Glorierius H. Cumyn As I shall not trouble the Reader with the divers Readings and Words though the sence be the same which happens some times in several Copies and Editions of this Bull neither shall I concern my self with the true Date of it as how the fifth year of this mans Popedom cometh to be 1569 which rather falls out 1570 in which year some also Date it but in what I have done I follow the Lord a Reports part 5. Coke Mr. b Eliz. anno 1570. Cambden c De Scotorum fortitud lib. 4. cap. 1. p. 265. David Camerarius d Summa Constituâ—onom pag. 624 625. Peter Matthaeus e De Sâ—hismate Anglicanâ— lib. 3. pag 368 369 c. Nicolas Sanders with some others Though all is not Gospel which drops from the last mans pen his tongue being no slander yet out of his inventions will Spondanus and suchlike Forreigners spoil their Church-stories of England Mr. Cambden saith that the Pope did secretly Anathematize the Queen in 1569 but did not publish it till the year after But lâ—t it be as it will the Learned Juel Bishop of Salisbury writ a Tract a little after Printed against it as coming into England and to his hands 1569. And they themselves confess that this year the Pope sent Dr. Nicolas Morton a Priest from Rome into England to f Anno Dâ—mini 1569. R. D. Nic. Moâ—ton S. T D. In Angliam misit ut ceâ—tâ—s iâ—lust ibus Catholicis vit is Authoritate Apostolica Denunciaret Elizabetham quae tune retum potiâ—batur Hâ— eâ—cam esle ob eamque causam omni Dominio potestate quam in Catholicos usurpabat jure ipso excidiâ—le iâ—puneq â—b illis velut Ethnicam Publicanam haberi posse nec cos illius legibus aut Mandatis deinceps obâ—â—ire cogi Nic. Sanders de visibili Monarch lib. 7. pag. 730. § 2036 2037. declare in his name that the Queen was an Heretick and so had no right to rule and that she ought to be looked upon no otherwise then an Infidel Pagan nor in any thing to be obey'd Accordingly Morton gets into England shews the Papal Curse or Censure Argument enough to authorize a Rebellion the designe is laid every where many are prepared and in a readiness the Plot being thought glorious and g Illorum Nobilium laudanda Consilia Sanders ib. praise-worthy but the main let it seemeth was that the Queens deprivation by the Bull was not spread carefully enough about to let all Romanists know of it But in the North remain'd the greatest resolution Upon which the Queen especially suspecting the Earls of Northumberland and Westmerland sent to them to appear before her but they jealous of their own guilt in this neither obey her nor her Lord-Lieutenant of the North Thomas Radclyffe Earl of Sussex Resident at York So being pusht on by their followers hoping not to want friends and partakers in England to have some help from Scotland and that Succors would not be wanting them from Alva in the Netherlands in behalf of Spain which were appointed to land at Hartilpool in the Bishoprick of Durham the great contriver and carrier on of all these designes being Pius V as Bishop h Answer to Sir Anthony Weldons Court of King James p. 55. a M S. Goodman himself doth confess Thus incourag'd they flee to Arms tear and trample under feet the English Bibles and Common prayer-Books command all people to joyn with them by Proclamation declaring now this now that in some of their Colours being painted the five wounds of Christ in others the Chalice at last they get to Clifford-Moor not far from Wetherby in the West-Riding of Yorkshire where they Muster and found their strength to consist of betwixt four and five thousand Sussex and others making head against i You may see some of their names in the Act 13 Eliz cap. 1â— them they retreat Northwards and at last perceiving their weakness divide flee every man shifting for himself The two Earls get into Scotland thence Westmerland slips into the Netherlands and lived at Lovaine very poorly under the Spanish Pension But Northumberland was delivered up to the English and beheaded at York 1572 and was look'd upon by the Romanists as a glorious and holy a Concertat Eccles Cathol in Anglia part 2. fol. 46 49. Sand. de Schism Angl. l. 3. p. 363. de visib Monarch pag. 732 Martyr and the drops of his bloud as Sanctified Relicks And in many other places of the North several were executed the better to terrifie Posterity who also are reckon'd as renowned Martyrs But here passing by the Insurrections of the Dacres's as coming to no great head I shall return to the foresaid Papal Bull. This Bull being Printed at Rome was by some b Ita divinitus comparatum est Sand. de visib Mon. pag. 374. Heavenly means for so they word it convey'd into the hands of one John Felton who that the good Romanists might have cognizance of such their Rebelling Priviledges boldly sticks it up on the Bishop of Londons Palace-gates in Pauls Church-yard May 25. 1570. and so stout he was that he scorn'd to withdraw himself or flee for his own security upon which he is seiz'd on clapt up in the Tower confesseth what he had done and vindicates the fact being so far from acknowledging the Queen to be his Prince or Soveraign that he only called her the Pretended Queen affirming he had done her no wrong she forsooth having nothing to do in the Throne being justly deprived by the Pope For which he is condemn'd and suffer'd as a Traytor in the said Church-yard August
bosome telling him that he had some desire to relieve the oppressed Romanists in England which he would resolutely undertake if the Pope and other learned Divines would warrant the lawfulness of the Action Old a By him it was resolved that he might lay violent han is upon her Majesty and commended in that resolution and encouraged thereunto These are the words of W. C. that is Clarke the Priest in his Reply to a Libel of Fa. Parsons fol. 60. b. Palmio assures him of the lawfulness of the Enterprise commends his Zeal and incourageth him in it This done he commends him to Campeggio the Popes Nuntio at Venice by whose means he wrote to the Pope Gregory XIII declaring to his Holiness his designe and desiring of him a Pass-port or Safe-conduct to go to Rome to confer with him about it The Safe-conduct is sent him but not ample enough and so desires one more full which is promis'd In the mean time he falls acquainted with Christofero de Salazar Secretary to the Spanish King in Venice to whom he had also open'd somewhat of his intent For the better carrying on of the journey and good will he gets the said Secretary to commend him to the Duke di Nova Terra Governour of Milan and to Conde Olivaris then Spanish Ambassador at Rome which is promis'd Parry having staid at Venice some time returns to Lyons whither was sent to him a sufficient Safe-conduct from Rome assuring him that he might go and come in the b In verbo Pontificis per omnes jurisdictiones Ecclesiasticas absque impedimento word of a Pope through all the Church-Dominions without any let or hindrance But this came too late he being obliged to go to Paris where he meets with c Onâ— that solâ—â—â—ted the Queen of Seâ—s â—ffairs of him see moâ—e in a Book caâ—l'd The Estate of the English Faguâ—ves pag. 51 52 53 printed 1596 Thomas Morgan who told him that it was now expected that he should do some notable service to God and the Catholick Church In short Parry there undertook to kill the Queen if it were warranted to him by some Learned Divines and if his Holiness would grant him a full pardon Aniball à Codretto a noted Jesuit then in Paris and Provincial of Guienne lovingly receives him commends and confesseth him Morgan recommends him to Râ—gazzoni the Popes Nuncio then at Paris who received him kindely sent his Letters to the Pope promised to remember him in his Prayers and wished him good success And the better to incourage him Morgan assured him d Thomas Kaâ— Ã faithful fâ—â—â—nd to the Qâ—â—en of Scoâ—s and so at this time forced to â—ecuâ—e himselâ— in France He was Father â—o Rob. Car Earl of Sommâ—rset 1583. that the Laird b Ferneburst then in Paris should presently go into Scotland and be ready upon the first news of the Queens fall to enter England with 20 or 30000 men in behalf of the Queen of Scots then in England Parry thus incouraged leaves France lands at Rye so goeth to London where he contrives the better to get access to the Queen and credit with her to discover how he had been perswaded to kill her which he doth at White-Hall as cunningly as he can the Queen gave him hearing and began to put some confidence in him In the mean time the Mastership of St. Catherines falls void which thinking he had gain'd the Queens favour he endeavours by Petition to get for himself Whilst he was following this suit Letters came to him from Rome from Cardinal Como wherein he found his enterprise commended and allowed the Paper it self take as followeth Mon Signoâ—e LA Santita di N. S. ha veduto le lettere di V. S. del primo con la fede inclusa non può se non laudare la buona dispositione resolutione che scrive di tenere verso il servitiò beneficio publico nel che la Santita sua essorta di perseverare con ferne riuscire li effetti che V. S. promette Et acchioche tanto maggiormente V. S. sia ajutata da quel buon Spirito che l'ha mosso le concede sua Beneditione plenaria Indulgenza Remissione di tutti li peccati secondo che V. S. ha Chiesto Assicurandosi che oltre il merito che n' ha vera in cielo vuole anco sua Santita constituirsi debitore a rico noscere li meriti di V. S. in ogni miglior modo che potra ciotanto piu quanto che V. S. usa maggior modestia in non pretender niente Metta dunque ad effetto li suoi Santi honorati pensieri attenda a star sano Che per fine io me le offero di cuore le desidero ogni buono felice successo Al piacerdi U. S. N. Cardinale di Como Di Roma il 30di Gennaio MD LXXXIV Sir HIs Holiness hath seen your Letter of the first with the Certificate inclosed And cannot but commend the good disposition and resolution which you write to hold towards the service and common good wherein his Holiness doth exhort you to persevere and to bring to effect that which you have promised And that you may be the more assisted by that good spirit which hath moved you thereunto His Holiness granteth unto you his Blessing Plenary Indulgence and Remission of all your sins according as you have desired Assuring you that besides the Merit which you shall receive for so doing in Heaven His Holiness will farther make himself debtor to acknowledge your deservings in the best manner that he can And the more because you use the greater modesty in not pretending any thing or reward Put therefore to effect your Holy and Honourable purposes and regard your health And to conclude I offer my self unto you heartily and desire you all good and happy success At your service N. Card. di Como Rome January 30. 1584. What was the meaning of this Letter Parry himself shall tell you of which in his Confession thus In March last while I was at Greenwich as I remember suing for S. Katherines came Letters to me from Cardinal Como dated at Rome the last of January before whereby I found The Enterprise commended and allowed and my self absolved in his Holiness name of all my sins and willed to go forward in the name of God It confirm'd my Resolution to KILL her and made it clear in my Conscience that it was LAWFVL AND MERITORIOVS Here we have him a And Bishop Gâ—odman in his answer to Sir Ant. Weldons Court of King James saith that Car. Como incouraged Parry to kill the Queen pag. 85 86. a Manuscript confirm'd in his wickedness and it was no small addition to this the denyal he had of St. Catherines Mastership In this passion he address'd himself to Mr. Edmund Nevil who claimed the Inheritance of the Nevils Earls of Westmerland and the Title of Lord Latimer as next Heir-male
King yet is not to this day held or reckon'd amongst their Kings And the better to make all cock-sure the Duke of Mayenne sendeth forth an Edict or Declaration wherein He desires all to stick close to the Holy Union for the preservation of Religion and the Crown And seeing it hath pleased God of his mere goodness singular providence and justice to deliver us from him who had joyn'd himself with the Hereticks contrary to the holy admonitions of the Pope Therefore waiting for the liberty and presence of our King and Soveraign Lord we desire and command all year 1590 good people to joyn themselves with us and to swear to die in the Roman Religion SENAULT Paris 5 Aug. 1589. And the Parlement of Tholouse is as brisk as any for no sooner had they news of the Kings murther which was committed on the first of August but they put forth a Decree wherein They command all to unite in defence of the Roman Religion That all Bishops within their Churches give thanks to God for the deliverance of Paris and other places Ordain that the first day of August shall for the future be every year celebrated with Processions and publick prayers in acknowledgment of the great benefits they received that day Forbid any to accept or allow of Henry de Bourbon for their King or to assist him du TORNOER Tholouse 2 Aug. 1589. Nor is it the French onely but other busie people will not by any means allow this Henry to be King Amongst the rest I find our Father Persons or Creswell if not both layeth it as a grand fault upon Fit manifestissimum nullo jure neque Divino ne ue Humanno Regis Gallia nomen aut dignitatem Navaâ—raâ— posse competere Responsiâ— ad Edictum Râ—ginae Angliae sect 2. § 148 153. p. 184 190. Queen Elizabeth for acknowledging him to be King of whom they are so confident as to affirm that 't is not possible for him to be truly King of France by any Law either Divine or Humane But to return to France where the war is carried on vigorously but to the loss of the Covenanters to whose aid Pope Sixtus sends Cardinal Cajetano as Legat into France and with him amongst other Scholars came Bellarmine but what was most powerful they brought with them Bills of Exchange for large summes of money to be disposed of as the Legat thought best for the advantage of the Cause King Henry IV. being inform'd of the Legats coming caused to be publish'd that if he came towards him that then he should be received with all honour aad safety but if he went towards his enemies the Covenanters then none should acknowledge him for a Legat or receive him under pain of Rebellion But Cajetan after many turnings and windings at last arriveth at Paris where he is received in great pomp lodged in the Bishops Palace richly furnished with the Kings goods taken year 1590 out of the Louvre In the mean time the Kings Parlement met at Tours declareth against the Legat on the contrary the Paris Parlement or Rump with the Sorbone Doctors stand for him order all to acknowledge to him and that he being then the Supreme Spiritual Authority in the Kingdom no power there could meet and act in opposition to him For the Legat did not a little fear that the Royallists considering how much the Pope favoured the Rebels would chuse a * Jac. Fuligott vit Card. Bellarmin â— 2. c. 9. Patriarch for that Nation which would have spoil'd his Holinoss markets And now concerning this Legat the Pens on both sides are more busie then the Swords Amongst the rest who expected to gain by these Troubles was the King of Spain who also had assisted the Leaguers and for their further encouragement sets forth a Declaration the summe of it being Philip by the grace of God King of Castile Leon Arragon c. Is sorry for the Troubles and Heresies in France Therefore commands all Christian Catholick Princes to joyn with him to extirpate Heresie and deliver the most Christian King of France Charles X. that France being once cleared of Heresie they may proceed to purge other Heretical Countries all which being exterminated they may recover the Holy Land from the Turks Protesteth that he designs nothing but the exaltation of the Roman Church the repose of all good Catholicks under their lawful Princes the extirpation of all Heresies the peace and concord of Christian Princes to obtain which he is willing not onely to imploy his means but his life also Juan de Vasquez Madrid 8 March 1590. A little before this some of the Royallists spread abroad such like Propositions as these following That Henry of Bourbon might or ought to he King That with a safe conscience the people might assist him and pay Tribute That an Heretick though relaps'd and put out of the communion of the Church may have right to the Crown of France That the Pope of Rome hath not right to excommunicate Kings That now it is not only lawful but necessary to make a Treaty or League with the Bearnois and his Hereticks Which Propositions were presently condemn'd by the Sorbone Doctors the Decree of theirs was confirm'd by the Cardinal Legat and subscrib'd 10 Feb. Spond an 1590. § 3. and sworn to by the Bishops and Curats Yet their courage was somewhat cool'd by the Kings success nor was the League prosecuted with that eagerness as was expected by reason that the Duke of Mayenne and the Spaniards mistrusted one another besides the great jealousies amongst the Covenantiug Chieftains themselves every man seeking his own Interest all expecting to make themselves great and several designed the Crown for himself Adde to these the unwieldiness of Mayenne their General being very fat heavy and slow in all his actions and one that spent much time in eating and sleeping And the truth is the most vigorous and earnest promoters of the League were the Priests and Women the first acting as well by the Sword as their Seditious Preachments the later encouraging and gaining by their boldness and insinuations nay so zealous were they in this Caus that from the highest to the lowest they were not asham'd to act any thing to gain Proselytes so that the King suppos'd that what his Armies wan in the Field they lost by these Love-tricks several of his Officers being now and then wheedled over to the League when they came under the lieur of such attractive baits at Paris Yet the Leaguers were quite crest-fallen after the King had totally routed Mayenne and his great Army at the battel of * 14 March 2590. Yory of which Du Bartas hath a long Poem But as a little before when Henry conquered the same Duke at * Septemb. 1589. Arques the better to keep up the hearts of the people and Parisians the Dutchess of Montpensier had the confidence to publish abroad that the Covenanters were Conqueronrs that Navarre himself was taken and
purge and discharge our selves before God his Angels and the World not to have forgotten our duties in time of persecution but constantly to have confest the name of Christ It therefore concerneth your Wisdom most Holy Father to foresee seeing we are now in these dangerous days whereout we cannot escape without great miracle that this evil turn not to the destruction of your Holiness and the utter overthrow of the Apostolick See and that the judgment of God as S. Peter saith and the continual and known threatnings of Navarre seem to confirm begin not at his house and that that Serpent which hath till now been nourished defended and by those unto whom it did not become most courteously used spit and cast not his poison and venom upon him by whom it was expedient his head should have been broken and bruised to the perpetual reproach and shame of Sixtus V. but notwithstanding by a just revengement and secret judgment of God And while there is any hope remaining that with all speed your Holiness linger not to draw the two-edged sword although too late we fear but who knoweth if God will be appeased and forgive us our offences upon this noisom beast and display all force and power against it For it is now long enough nay we fear too long tarried delayed lingered and loitered And this is that we crave of your Holiness for the tender love and mercy of God if there be left any regard of duty same and estimation or any care of the publick or the particular health and welfare deeply to think and consider that it concerneth the uttermost danger of the Church and the safety of Christ his flock so dearly bought and committed unto our charge and whiles you are able to slay this wilde Boar that consumeth the Vineyard of the Lord and drive away bridle and repress with thy double Sword all the small Foxes breaking and throwing down the same for fear this being wilfully neglected his anger be not ready to punish and chasten us who will reproach us the hardness of our hearts and require at our hands the innocent bloud-shedding and the great quantity of souls lost for ever who because his flock is become a prey and his sheep a spoil unto the wilde beasts and his Vineyard trodden under foot and made waste will grievously complain and we be not snared and wrapt in his just but most fearful and terrible judgement eternally to be lamented and bewailed Wherein we protest before the same Almighty and High God and his Angels that herein we have performed our charge and duty and therefore if here be written any thing somewhat bitterly we pray your Holiness to take it in good part as coming from a burning zeal towards the Church now periclitating and ready to fall and therefore the rather because it behoveth that all our thoughts be fixed in the defence of Sion whose duties we judge it to be to leave nothing undon whereby we might by all means possibly both things above and beneath and all that is in Heaven and Earth move and provoke for to pity her distressed estate because it is more then full time so to do Farewel And as your Holiness pitieth the French nay the Universal Church ready to fall so God be favourable and merciful unto you In Paris from your Holiness Colledge of Sorbonne 1590. 29 July Your Holiness Affectionate Orators and most Humble Servants the Dean and the rest of the Sorbonne at Paris The Duke of Mayenne intent as aforesaid upon the relief of Paris at last joyneth with Alessandro Farnese Duke of Parma and marcheth towards the City the King wirh a Resolution to fight them raiseth the Siege but Parma carried his designes so cunningly that in spight of all opposition he conveyed great store of Provisions into the City nor could the King force or oblige him to a Battel yet the King resolved to give one lusty storm to the City to which purpose Ladders being provided and silently be in the night set to the walls the City had been won if by chance a Jesuit as * Pag. 958. Davila saith or a few Jesuits as * Pag 343. de Bussieres saith who stood Centinel without the Corps du Garde which was kept by those Fathers and Nicholas Nivelle the Covenanting Bookseller all the rest being asleep and negligent had not discovered them given the Alarum and fought stoutly against them upon the walls The King seeing himself disappointed by Parma the Parisians well stored with Victuals and a Sickness in his Army raiseth the Siege disposeth his Forces into Quarters the Duke of Parma returning also to his Government in the Low-Countreys Many Stories are we told of some mens foolish contempt and scorn over their supposed Superiors some whipping their Gods if not agreeable to them Augustus Caesar could defie Neptune The Thracians would rant against the Heavens if Thundred Xerxes would shackle the Hellespont and though the Ancient Poets and Lucian villifyed their Gods it may be upon good reason by making them guilty of all the villanies in the world yet none could be so extravagant as that which the Ingenious †Leâ— Eâ—saâ—s â— 1. c 3. Montaigne tells us of one of the late Kings neighbouring to France of Spain as some think who having his Expectations disappointed by Heaven swore to be revenged on God himself and if the story be true be commanded his subjects not to pray to God for ten years nor to speak of or believe in him I shall not say that these Covenanters proceeded so far but may justly affirm that never any people acted more against Gods Vice-gerent then they Their stubbornness may here be seen by their miseries and thus their contempt of favour law life duty and obedience doth shew their disrespect to the Divine Oracles and God himself CHAP. VIII The Thirdlings Young Guise escapes out of Prison Barnaby Brisson Strangled The Duke of Mayenne overaw'd the Sixteen The Mock State General meet at Paris King Henry the Fourth declares himself a Romanist and received absolution at St. Dennis VVHilest Parma is returning to the Netherlands Pope Sixtus the 27 Augâ—st Fifth dyeth upon which the Cardinal Legat departeth France leaving behind him in Paris Filippo Sega Bishop of Piacenza he came from Italy with him and was also a Cardinal to act as Vice-Legat Urban VII is elected Pope who dying thirteen days after Cregory XIV is * chosen to sit in the Chair â— Dâ—â—â—mb In the mean time the King is pinched on all hands the Parisians vapour â—s Conquerors Emanuel de Loraine Duke of Mercoeur carryeth all for the League in Brittain with whom above four thousand Spaniards joyn the Duke of Savoy conquereth in Provence and by the Parliament of Aix is Declared Head of their Government having also some Intentions for the Crown nor was the Duke of Lorraine idle But these prosperous proceedings did not altogether please Mayenne fearing their greatness would Eclipse
or that Crown * 15 Jan. Affirming that to think that the Priviledges of the Gallican Church extendeth so far as to admit of an Heretical King is the dream of a Madman and an Heretical Contagion That those who had acknowledg'd Navarre had forgot the Piety of their Ancestors the Reputation of their Countrey and the safety of their souls their salvation being desperate That Navarre had violated all Laws both divine and humane And that the Parliament of Paris is a true and lawful one and so perswadeth them to proceed to an Election To these the King returning Answers endeavoring to clear himself from their Accusations not forgetting also to shew what a favour he had for the Roman Religion And though the death of the Duke of Parma had been no small Hindrance to the Spanish designs yet now Lorenzo Suarez de Figuerâ— Duke of Feria cometh Embassador to manage the Interest of that Crown at the meeting of the States several at this time aiming at the Throne and every one not despairing of their Cause or Interest The Spanish daughter Izabella Clara Eugenia the Dukes of Guise Lorain Nemours and Mayenne having all hopes In short the States-General meet at Paris in the Great Hall of the 26 Jan. Louvre amongst the rest of the Drolleries of these times nothing took more then a Book call'd Satyre Menippee or le Catholicon d'Espagne Composed in abuse of this Convention * Debit Pret. Belg. Tom. 3. p. 339. Justus Lipsius will have a fling at this Book but the greatest honour it received was from Rome where their Wisdomes there as if they had nothing else to do did many years after very gravely call it to remembrance and at last thought it fit to pass under their * 16 Mar. 1621. vid. Ind. Expurgat Alexandri VIII p. 218. Censure of Reprobation The prose of it was made by the Almoner to Cardinal de Bourbon the Verses were composed by Nicholas Rapin commended by * Poet Gall. vol. 3. p. 165. Johannes Passeratius * Ib. p. 420 421. Scavâ—la Sammorthanus with others and Rapin himself hath some * Ib. p. 204 c. 28 Jan. Poems out in Latin The States being met as aforesaid Mayenne King-like sitteth under the Cloth of State desiring them to choose a Catholick King an Enemie to Heresie which was seconded by others The next day at a private meeting the Legat moved that at the next Sessions of the States all should take a solemn Oath never to acknowledge Navarre for their King though he should turn Romanist but this was quashr at the Proposal as to swear against the Popes Authority suppose he should turn and his Holiness command him to be received The next day the Romanists with the King with his consent send Propositions to the States for a Treaty with them at which the Legat stormeth affirming the Proposal to be Heretical and so not fit to be Answer'd Cardinal Pelleve and Diego d'Ivarra one of the Spanish Agents agreâ—ing with him but this was opposed and because the Paper was directed to all the States 't was judged fit to be communicated to them which so netled the Legat that he got the Colledge of Sorbonne to declare it Heretical as intimating a declared Heretick might be King and ought to be obeyed Yet the Proposal is shewn to the States a Conference with the Royal Romanists is consented to but in their Answer they had this odd Conclusion That to oppose an Heretical King is not Treason The place agreed on is Surenne between Paris and St. Denys and Persons are nominated on both sides In the States the Spaniards carried high for the Infanta many seeming willing to it for interest-sake but when they named Ernest Arch-Duke of Austria the Emperors Brother for her husband it was rejected as not fitting to give the Kingdom to a stranger The Spaniards smelling the design offered to admit of a French Prince to be married to Philips daughter which took pretty well Guise Nemours Lorain and Mayenne his sons each of them hoping to be the Man and King Nay some who seem'd to be the Kings Friends and Allies as Cardinal Bourbon Count de Soissons the Prince of Conti with some others began to hearken to this Proposal every one fancying to make the Crown his upon which conceits they were not so earnest in the Kings Cause and Interest as they seem'd to be The King perceiving that the Authority of the Pope was one of his greatest Enemies or Pretences had a great minde to have him pacified to which purpose he formerly had the Republick of Venice and Ferdinando de Medici Grand Duke of Tuscany to use their interests in his behalf at Rome and to further it had also been sent Cardinal Pietros de Gondy Bishop of Paris and the Marquess de Pisani in the name of the Romanist with the King upon the same Errand But the Pope commanded them not to enter into the Ecclesiastical Territories as being Favourers of Hereticks well-Wishers to Navarre with whom they had presumed to speak and treat to which some Reasons and Excuses being returned the Pope at last permits them to enter Rome And at last the King himself gave fair Signes and Proffers to the Conference at Surenne not only of his being willing to be instructed in the Roman Religion but as it were ready to be of it This amazeth the Covenanters to the purpose the Legat protesteth against the Conference as dangerous that they could neither treat with nor admit of a peace with Navarre being a declared Heretick and that if they did either he for his part would quit the Kingdom and this he publish'd in Print that every one might take notice of it Nor were the Spaniard less concerned who fearing the Kings Conversion would make haste and be excepted of thinking to spoil it Nominates the Duke of Guise for Husband to the Infanta shewing it was so in his Instructions At this Mayenne is stung to the heart nor could he so much dissemble but his thoughts were perceived however he thanks them for their kindness to his Nephew and desires time till things were better prepared But this Nomination being known the Embassadors Nobles Citizens and every one flock to pay their service to Guise and give him joy his Palace is fill'd himself cried up and now they vapour of a new Kingling * Charles de Guisâ— Charles XI At all this the Dutchess of Mayenne is mad she frets storms and weeps three days and not able any longer to endure she falleth upon her troubled husband with Sighs Exclamations Threatnings and Railings jearing him as one that hath lost all his labour and pains if he who had hitherto borne the brunt must at last only thus truckle to his young Nephew The Duke also thus perplext to see himself as it were laid aside puts many into young Guise his head demands strange and exorbitant Conditions of the Spaniard for performance yet thinking
these not sure enough designeth a Treaty with Cardinal Bourbon and lest this also should fail cunningly dealeth with the Parliament of Paris to make a Decree that the Crown should not be transfer'd to strangers and the nulling of all Treaties held to that purpose as contrary to the Sulique Law which some think a Cheat and other Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom And this trick was soon obtain'd by the hands of Jehan le Maistre chief President who as if the Duke knew nothing of the business 28 June waited upon Mayenne with a good Company of Councellors to inform him of their Order which Action and Decree the Duke seemed to take in ill part as if they had been too bold in medling and this had some effect not a little dashing the Confidence and Plots of the Spaniard The King understood all this Cabal and also he perceived that though they agreed not amongst themselves yet were they all resolved against him and to adde to his trouble the Romanists whom he most trusted were falling from him as a Prince not to be converted These and other * Camdeâ— an 1593. Inconveniences forcing him to be more apprehensive he thinks himself now necessitated so far to comply with them in securing the Kingdom to himself as to hint the Roman Religion to be the best and so at Mante having talked between * Spâ—nd 1593 sect 17. 23 July five and six hours with some Prelats he seem'd well enough satisfied and thus thrust from his failings he declareth he will publickly go to receive Absolution and hear Mass at St. Denys within two days Now is Mayenne at his Wits end he had been at some pains and trouble to lay aside his Nephew his Dutchess perswading him rather to make peace with Navarre then to be a subject to young Guise But here he perceives himself out-witted all his Pretensions against the King being because he was an Heretick but now by this declared Conversion he is left without excuse Well finding no other remedy he consults to get a Truce with the King for some time to which his Majestie shews himself willing hoping by the sweetness of a little peace to gain upon the people though Mayenne had other designs against him As for the Duke of Guise considering well how things went he excused his Election to the Spanish Embassadors as a thing that would prove ridiculous to others and ruinous to himself In the mean time the Legat inform'd of the Kings design to convert and be absolved at St. Denys pulls out his Paper-Tools and falls to the old Work declaring Navarre to be an Excommunicated Heretick being so pronounced by Sixtus V. and therefore not to be absolved or admitted into the Church but by the Pope himself That all shall be null and void that they shall do that waywards and that those who shall appear there shall be excommunicated and deprived to these Mayenne addeth his good-will by forbidding any man to go to St. Denys 25 July unâ—er great penalties But all to no purpose for the day being come all sorts of people croud thither the King clothed in white with a black Hat and Cloak nobly attended goeth to the Great Church the Gates being shut the Lord Chancellor knocks they are opened and within appeareth Renaud e Beaune Archbishop or if you will * A Litle losa attributed to the Archbishop of Bourgâ—s Pope Nicolas I. calling S. Rodolphus the 47. Prelat of this City a Patriarch Caus 9. Quest 3. c. Conâ—â—â—stus Gloss Patriarch of Bourges sitting in his Chair in his Pontificalibus environ'd with a great number of Prelats He ask'd who he was and what he would have The King replied that he was Henry King of France and Navarre desiring to be received into the bosome of the Church the Arch-bishop ask'd him if he heartily desired it and was truly sorry for his former Errours which the King affirming on his knees repeating the Confession of Faith with some Prayers and being sworn after secret Confession he received Absolution then sat under the Cloth of State to hear Mass so all being done he returned an excellent Romanist to his Palace but with what bad words and maledictions the Priests of Paris could throw upon him In the mean time at the Conference of Surein a Truce being concluded between the King and Mayenne the Legat shewed himself very zealous and furious against it threatning to be gone but he was somewhat appeas'd by Mayenne's getting a Decree from their illegal States for the receiving the Council of Trent though a little before the Council being treated on in the same States the Parliament opposed its Reception producing XXVI Articles in it contrary to the Gallick Spond on 1593. sect 9. Church Mayenne seeing the Covenanting Cause thus at a stand if not quite lost thanks the Spaniards for the honour they had done his family by honouring their Infanta to his Nephew Guise and for their assistance to the League but tells them withal that it is fitting to defer the Election to a more convenient time then Assembling the States he made them all take an Oath to persevere in the Holy Union and so adjourn'd 8 August them for some months and then to meet again at the same place hoping yet with himself rather to raise then diminish his greatness The King having as aforesaid taken away all Objections at home about his Religion endeavours the same at Rome to which purposes he sends Lodovico Gonzago Duke of Nevers Embassador thither with several Vid. Gombervâ—lle Memoiâ—es de M. de Nevâ—rs vol. 2. P 405. c. p. 638. Davila pag. 1220. Divines amongst whom was Jaques Davy Sieur du Perron the Elect Bishop of Eureux who had already thrown off the interest of his former Master Cardinal Bourbon the Head of the third Party for whilst he Negotiated the Cardinals designs with some great ones at Court he grew acquainted with the King pleasing him with his Learning Eloquence Mirth Wit and Poetry thus commanding the Kings Ear and Humour and perceiving his own greatness might more easier be attain'd to by the King especially his Conversion then the Cardinals Exaltation quitted his old former service and became very active for his Majesty Nevers and his Company go towards Rome whilst Arnand d'Ossat though but of mean Parentage yet of great Wit and Judgment as his Negotiations and Letters testifie now living at Rome and afterwards a Cardinal secretly and wisely on his own head agitated for the Kings advantage The Pope sends Possivino the known Jesuit to Nevers not to approach the Duke returneth many Reasons and goeth on at last the Pope allow'd him but he must enter the City privately and not stay in it above ten days He waiteth upon the Pope but Clement will grant him nothing nor absolute nor confirm the former Absolution of Henry nor permit the Bishops who came along with him to kiss his Toe because they had
Scaffold When Henry III. was kill'd some of them would not acknowledge his Successor Henry IV. but would have a Government or Ruler of their own making others would admit him if he would turn Romanist As when King Charles I. was martyred some would not at all have his heir K. Charles II. to reign whilst others would not reject him provided he would turn Presbyterian otherwise not They often endeavour'd to seize on their King then to kill him or depose him by clapping him up in a Monastery but fail'd in their designes whilest ours had the luck of it to conquer and so to act with our King as they pleased Though 't is plain the French had as bad intents though not the like success and opportunities it may be their Kings were not so much betray'd as ours Yet herein lay the difference whereby the Romanists were most culpable their Troubles and Seditions being countenanced acted and headed by the most learned and knowing of their Clergy as Popes Cardinals and their Prelats whilst our Rebellion and Schism was hurried on and noised up by an ignorant pack of Lecturers fellows of no Religion having not Learning to apprehend any In short our Covenanters and Rebels followed and trod in the Footsteps of the French Leagne a Warr which first occasioned the multiplicity of Pamplets and from which all latter Rebellions have taken the Items Rules Principles and Methods Yet how abominable and wicked soever this French-Roman Solemn League and Covenant was it had its Admirers of those no way engaged in it Amongst whom our English Father Parsons was none of the hindmost vaporing to the world * Andr. Philopater Resp ad Edict Reginae Angl. p. 210 211. § 172 173 How just how famous and how holy the Cause was That it was not only lawful praise-worthy or holy but necessary and of Duty by Divine Command and Christian Obligation Nay that they could not do otherwise without danger of their souls It may be grounding all this upon his Papal Rule That †Nulli populo sub damnationis poena licet Regem haeredicum admittere Ib. margin no People whatever are to admit of an Heretical King under pain of Damnation But 't is known well enough that his Pen is no slander nor are his Commendations of any Credit The End of the Eighth BOOK A CONTINUATION OF THE HISTORY OF THE Romish Treasons AND USURPATIONS BOOK IX CHAP. I. The Quarrels betwixt Pope Paul the Fifth and the Venetians NEer the beginning of this Century by the Death of Leo XI 1605 who sat as Pope but a few days Paul V. succeeded as Bishop of Rome Scarce was he warm in his Chair when he began to consider how to advance the Priviledges and Honour of his See which by Degrees had been neglected and worn out For this purpose he was earnest with the French King to receive the Councel of Trent He procured that in Spain the Jesuits might be exâ—mpted from paying Tithes At Naples he wrought in such sort that the Marquis of Morcone was sent to Rome as punishable in the Inquisition for having condemned to the Gallies a Bookseller The Inquisition pretending the Crime to belong to his Cognisance He offer'd to trouble the Duke of Parma for laying Imposts on his own Subjects in the absence of the Bishop He fell out with the Duke of Savoy for presenting an Abbey to Cardinal Pio so that his Highness for Peace-sake was forced to give it to the Popes Nephew Thus his design went on to ruin the Temporal Authority In the mean time the Commonwealth of Luca considering that many of their Citizens changed their Religion and retired into the Protestants Countries publish'd an Edict prohibiting any of their Subjects to have any Commerce with such people The Pope lik'd the Law but would not have it made by Lay-men so commanded them to â—ase the Edict out of their Records and he would publish another but the same in Substance by his Papal Authority At the same time the Commonwealth of Genoa being informed that the Governours of certain Lay-Fraternities their Subjects instituted by Devotion â—ad not â—â—ithfully dispensed the Revenues intrusted them resolved to examine their Accounts and Commanded their Books should be brought to the Duke At the same time divers Citizens used to meet as for Christian Exercises in the Jesuits Colledg which Club resolved to favour none in pâ—omoâ—ion to Offices but their Associates The State taking notice of it and considering what mischief in time this would bring upon the Commonwealth prohibited all such Assemblies and Conventicles The Pope takes Pet at these honest Orders affirming they were against the Ecclesiastical Liberty so Commands the Commonwealth to revoke these Edicts or else he would thunder against them his Censures of Excommunication By which Terror both the States of Luca and Genoa were forced to obey his Holiness Thus the Popes design went fairly on nor did he doubt any place in Italy unless the Republick of Venice which used to act upon Principles most honourable and beneficial to themselves without any respect to the Interest or Bribery of other Potentates The Pope had now resident at Venice as his Nuncio Horatio Matthei Bishop of Gierace a great Stickler and Boaster of the Ecclesiastical Liberty as they call'd it and in his way so zealous that he thought all Christian Actions and Graces were of no validity unless this also were promoted beyond all proportion The Senate of Venice considering the mistake of Charity and Devotion the Zealots thinking nothing so holy as the multiplying of Churches where no * need is made a Decree 1603. that None la Republique se tronea contrainle d'y mettre la main Autrement il fast arrivè bientost que toutes leurs villes n' eussent plus estè qne Convens Fglises et que tours leurs Revenus qui doivent porter leâ— charges de l'estat qui servent a la Nourriture deâ— Gens Maries les quelâ— ' ournissent des Soldats des Marchande des Laboureurs n' eussent plus servi q◠á l'en tre tien des Religieux eâ— des Religieuses Hard. de Perefixe Ev. de Râ—â—ez Hist du Hen. le Grand part 3. an 1606. within the Precincts of the City should build any new Church or Monastery without the Senats Consent Truly thinking that they were stored well enough having already within the City where ground is so scarce 150 Churches Monasteries and such like places of Devotion The Senat also agreeable to the old Statutes of their Republick anno 1333 and 1536. made a Decree like our English Mort-maine That None should sell give or alienate any more lands to the Clergy without the Senats Commission A little after the making of these Laws the Troubles between them and the Pope began The Occasion taken thus One Scipio Sarraceno a Canon of a Church of Vicenza had with great Contempt desaced the seal of the Magistrate which was put to for the custody
done on him his Twelve men were also executed Yet for all these great and noble Successes of the Loyallists the Rebels would not absolutely give over their wickedness though their main security were some beggarly lurking-places in Boggs and Woods But that which render'd them so stubborn was the great confidence they had in the Spanish Army which indeed had come to their relief if the loss of Dunboy had not so much discouraged the Catholique King who upon notice of its taking sent into Gallicia to Carrazena Governour of Corunna to stop the Army and other Necessaries for Ireland considering the place where he expected to land them was taken One of the chief Incendiaries among them at this time was their Bishop of Ross Owen Mac Eggan or as some call him Eugenius O-Hegan who by his pretended Dignity as Vicarius Apostolicus his favour and credit with the King of Spain his Interest with their Clergy being impower'd by the Pope to dispose of all the Ecclesiastical Livings in Munster and other Favours he enjoyed carryed a great stroke amongst the people commanding and ruling all as he pleased and such was his malice against obedient Subjects were they Irish or Romanists that all that he could any ways seize on he would in piety as he pretended first have them confessed and absolved and then presently in his own sight murdered and this he esteemed a notable sign of Catholique Sanctity At last it was the fortune of the Loyallists to meet with a Party of the Rebels in which Conflict this furious Mac Hegan commanded an hundred Horse himself leading them on with his Sword drawn in one January 1602 â— hand and his Breviary and Beads in the other where he was slain and the Rebels routed In short such was the prosperity of the Loyallists that the Traytors seeing no safety for them either in Rebellion or Spaniard began by degrees to crave pardon and submit and Tir-Oen himself sent several Letters to the Queen acknowledging his offence and begging her mercy and at last thus submitted himself to Montjoy The said Lord Deputy being at Mellifont not far from Drogheda thither March 30. 1603. comes Tyrone only with one or two in company Being admitted to the Presence Chamber the L. Deputy sitting in the Chair of State he fell on his knees at the very Threshold Having laid prostrate a while the Lord Deputy beckon'd unto him to come nearer Then approaching Speed some steps he prostrated himself again on his knees saying In the Royal Clemency of my dread Soveraign and most gracious Queen I do only lay the hope and rest of my remaining Estate unto whose pleasure I absolutely remit my Life and whole Revenues and do most submissively deplore mine own misery Beseeching again her Mercy whose bountiful Favours I have heretofore and mighty Powers now of late both felt and found and well hope that the Fountain of her everlasting Graces are not drawn dry Let me I pray be the Subject whereon her Mercy may work and an ensample for ever of her mild Clemency both to divulge her Princely Lenity and to redeem in some part the Honour I have lost For Age I am not so unserviceable nor of Body so unable neither in Courage so dejected but that my faithful Service in her behalf may expiate and make some measure of satisfaction for these my many and disloyal Rebellions And yet I may justly complain That through the malicious Envy of some I have been hardly and unfriendly dealt with which may somewhat extenuate my Crime and Offence For He was proceeding to offer some Excuses for his faults but the Lord Deputy interrupted him saying That so great a Crime was not to be colour'd March 31. The. Bown's Appendix to his Translation of Cambden's Elizab. with any excnse Then after some few words pronounced Majesteriously Conqueror-like he commanded him to depart aside And the next day Tir-Oen signed this following submission with his own hand and delivered it up to the Lord Deputy I Hugh O-Neale by the Queen of England France and Ireland her most gracious favour created Earl of Tir-Oen do with all true and humble Penitency prostrate my self at her Royal Feet and absolutely submit my self unto her Mercy most sorrowfully imploring her gracious Commiseration and appealing only to her Princely Clemency without presuming to justifie my unloyal proceedings against her Sacred Majesty only most sorrowfully and earnestly desiring that it may please her Majesty rather in some measure to mitigate her just Indignation against me in that I do religiously vow That the first Motives of my most unnatural Rebellion were neither Practice Malice or Ambition but that I was induced first by fear of my Life which I conceived was sought by mine Enemies practise to stand upon my guard and afterwards most unhappily led to make good that Fault with more hainous offences which in themselves I do acknowledg deserve no forgiveness and that it is impossible for me in respect of their greatness in any proportion even with my Life to make satisfaction I do most humbly desire her Majesty to pardon them that as I have already been a sufficient Argument of her Royal Power having little left but my Life to preserve it self so that it may now please her Majesty to make me an Example of her Princely Clemency the chiefest Ornament of her High Dignity And that I may be the better able hereafter with the uttermost service of my Life to redeem the foulness of my Faults I do most humbly sue unto her Majesty That she will vouchsafe to restore me to my former Dignity and Living in which estate of a Subject I do most religiously vow to continue for ever hereafter Loyal in all true obedience to her Royal Person Crown Prerogative and Laws and to be in all things as far and as dutiful conformable thereunto as I or any other Noble-man of this Realm is bound by the duty of a Subject to his Soveraign or by the Laws of this Realm Utterly renouncing and abjuring the Name and Title of O Neale or any other Authority or Claim which hath not been granted or confirmed unto me by her Majesty and that otherwise by the Laws of this Realm I may not pretend just interest unto And I do religiously swear to perform so much as is above-mentioned and the rest of these Articles subscribed by mine own hand as far as shall any way be in my power and to deliver such Pledges for the performance thereof as shall be nominated unto me by the Lord Deputy I do renounce and abjure all Forreign Power whatsoever and all kind of dependency upon any other Potentate but her Majesty the Queen of England France and Ireland and do vow to serve her faithfully against any Forreign Power invading her Kingdoms and to discover truly any Practises that I do or shall know against her Royal Person or Crowns And namely and especially I do abjure and renounce all manner of
end if it had not been by the instigation of their zealous Priests and Jesuits though born Subjects such as were Father Archer White Ractor Mulrony Leinagh c. Mahonne O Dullany a Priest Edward Raghter a Dominican A Continuation OF THE HISTORY OF THE Romish Treasons AND USURPATIONS BOOK X. CHAP. I. Divers Plots against Queen Elizabeth and King James Rawleigh's Designs against King James The Life of Father Parsons THIS Century might afford us several dismall Contrivances against the Crown and Prosperity of Great Britain but of some I shall but slightly touch as being commonly known and in others I must not be too critical and open lest I should offend against Sir Walter Rawleigh's Prudential Rule Not to follow Truth too near the heels lest she should kick back and strike out my Teeth And here I might speak at large of the several Designs as well of Puritan as Papist to hinder King James from his true succession to the Crown of England as sometimes endeavouring to make him odious to Queen Elizabeth to prevent her declaring for him as by telling her of the King's intimacy with Clement VIII which they endeavoured to year 1599 make out to her by a Letter of his to the said Bishop a thing had it been true might not have deserved such a Censure as Deprivation seeing the Pope may be as civilly treated with as other Potentates a thing not to be denied by any but an Impertinent Puritan or an Irrational Enthusiastick But they hoped that her Jealousie of Religion augmented by her Age and some Expressions in the Letter might perswade her to make Mountains of Mole-hills and in such a pet to declare some other to the Crown which as some hoped might have brought such troubles upon the Kingdom that in the hurry a Romanist might have slipt himself into the Throne to which so many pretended But she was too wise to be cheated by such Toys presently she perceiving the drift she suspected the cheat And a meer forgery it was in respect of King James though his knavish Secretary Balmerinoch * Propenderet animo ad Religionem Romanam Rob. Johnston Hist Rerum Brit. p. 448. one warping towards Popery had given some ground for such a story For he by the Instigation of his Kinsman Sir Edward Drummond a Romanist had penn'd a Letter to the said Clement VIII in favour of the Bishop of Vaison a Scotch-man for his preferment to a Cardinalship which by shuffling in among other Letters to be signed the King had hastily a dangerous oversight where are knavish Secretaries set his hand to the other sealing it with the Royal Signet entrusted to him by his Office Queen Elizabeth by the by challenged King James with this But he protested his Innocency by denying any such thing so did James Elphingston Lord Balmerinoch who also got Drummond to forswear it Raleigh and other Enemies to the Scotch Title could then proceed no farther though they had used such Interest at Rome as to get a Copy of it which they shew'd to the Queen as the Original and she to Mr. David Foulis the King's Agent who satisfied her Majesty by proving to her by the Testimony of her Stationers that the Date of the Letter was older than the stamp or mark of the Paper whereby it could not be the Original and so might be a Cheat as well as a Copy But afterwards * Mat. Tort. pag. 47. 1608 1609. Bellarmine retorting this Letter to the King Balmerinoch was farther examined and tried who confest all was condemned of Treason and as a Traytor to be beheaded but by Queen Ann's Intercession was pardoned A man he was of good Parts but especially knew how to filch pilfer and embezel Church-Lands and if it should be possible for a covetous man as he was to be honest yet 't is certain that he who robs God and the Church can never be a Friend to the King but for his own Interest Queen Elizabeth is now old and weak cannot live long so 't is needless to attempt any more against her Person whose death they daily expected and it might anticipate their quickest Designs No man's right and succession to the Crown is so much fear'd as that of King James and therefore to prevent Him must be the main Care and Contrivance There was one Francis Mawbray Son to the Laird of Barnebowgall who had lived some while in the Infanta's Court at Bruxels he they year 1601 say undertook to take this rub out out of the way by killing the King to which purpose he intends for Scotland but taketh England in his way At London one Daniel an Italian Fencing-Master discovers the Plot to the Queen she for a further trial hath them both seiz'd on and sent into Scotland Mawbry supposed guilty is cast into Edenburgh Castle whence thinking one night to escape out of a Window by his Bed-sheets which proving too short he fell upon the Rocks and so dyed his Body was hang'd for some time then quartered and fixt upon the Gates and several places of the City This failing another Design is in hand In Italy Ferdinando I. the Grand Duke of Tuscany by the intercepting of some Letters discovereth a Plot to take away King James his Life by Poyson The Duke who had formerly been a Cardinal moved with the Fame of the King's Learning and Virtue and it may be had some hopes of his Conversion upon the former false Letters resolved to discover and prevent it At this time Mr. Henry Wotton sojourned in Florence and was well acquainted year 1602 with Signior Vietta the Duke's Secretary upon whose Commendations Wotton is pitched on to be the Messenger The Letters and excellent Antidotes against Poyson such as were not then known in Scotland were delivered to him who disguised under an Italian Garb and Name of Octavio Baldi hasteth to Scotland cometh to the King discovereth himself and the Conspiracy and after some stay returneth to Florence He was afterwards Knighted by King James and famous for his Learning Languages and Embassies In these Designs against the King's right to the Throne Pope Clement VIII was not wanting who intended the Crown for some of his Friends Card. D'Ossat Let. 191. 268. 272. And perceiving that some in England were tampering to promote the Interest of the Lady Arabella in this case he thought it best to deal warily He had a mind that the Duke of Parma should enjoy the Crown but this upon better thoughts he supposed would not be feasible by reason that Arabella's Interest might be too strong And therefore Parma being married he casts another way about and thinks upon Cardinal Farnese younger Brother to Parma who being unmarried might be wedded to Arabella and so did not question by their joint Forces and Interests to carry the Crown To carry on this business nothing was thought more convenient than to unite all the Romanists in England that their Cause might not suffer by any dissentions amongst
and imprisoned and the Oath offer'd him which he freely took Cardinal Bellarmine upon notice of this writes a long Letter to Blackwell telling him how joyous the news of the Imprisonment seem'd to him because forsooth now you draw near unto the glory of Martyrdom than the which there cannot be a gift of God more happy and therefore bids him for the comfort of the Church be valiant and stout 'T is easie giving advice afar off but the Cardinal did not care to put himself into the danger of Hereticks ever since he assisted the Rebellious League against the French King But there is one thing that clouds all this Rejoycing viz. that Blackwell should take the Oath This troubles the Cardinal who tells the Arch-Priest That the Oath is so craftily composed that no man can detest Treason against the King and make profession of his Civil subjection but he must be constrained perfidiously to deny the Primacy of the Apostolick See But the Servants of Christ and especially the Chief Priests of the Lord ought to be so far from taking an unlawful Oath where they may endamage the Faith that they ought to beware that they give not the least suspition of Dissimulation that they have taken it For if you will diligently weigh the whole matter with your self truly you shall see it is no small matter that is called in question by this Oath but one of the principal Heads of our Faith and Foundations of Catholique Religion And for proof of this he produceth little scraps out of Gregory the Great Pope Leo and such like Instances nothing at all God wot to the Business in hand as Blackwell himself in his Answer to Bellarmines Letter may testifie The Pope considering Father Blackwell's Humour and it may be his Confinement appointed 1608 Mr. George Birket to be Arch-Priest and sent him a Breve to forbid the taking of the Oath and to deprive all Priests of their Faculties that should take it Part of which take as followeth Tibique injungimus Mandamus ac specialem facultatem ad hoc tribuimus ut Authoritate nostra omnes singulos Sacerdotes Anglos qui quoddam Juramentum in quo multa continentur quae fidei atque saluti animarum aperte adversantur praestiterunt vel ad loca ad quae Haeretici ad eorum superstitiosa Ministeria peragenda convenire solent consulto accesserunt aut qui talia licite fieri posse docuerunt docent admonere cures ut ab hujusmodi erroribus resipiscant abstineant Quod si intra tempus extrajudicialiter tamen arbitrio tuo illis praefigendum hoc facere distulerint seu aliquis illorum distulerit illos seu illum facultatibus Privilegiis omnibus ab Apostolica sede seu illius Authoritate a quocunque alio illis vel cuivis illorum concessis eadem Authoritate prives ac privatos esse declares c. Datum Roma apud S. Petrum sub Annulo Piscator die 1 Feb. 1608 Pontificatus Nostri Anno 3. And we enjoyn and command you and for this we give you special Faculty that by our Authority you take care to admonish all and every English Priest who have taken a certain Oath wherein many things are contained which are manifestly against Faith and the salvation of souls or do willingly repair to such places where the Hereticks use to meet to celebrate their superstitious Services or Worship or have taught and do teach that such things may lawfully be done that they may repent and abstain from such Errors And if within the time extrajudicialiter notwithstanding by you as you think fit to be appointed unto them they or any one of them shall defer to obey this That then you by the same Authority do deprive and declare them or him to be deprived of all Faculties and Priviledges granted them or any of them from the See-Apostolick or by her Authority from any other whatsoever c. Dated at Rome at St. Peters c. 1 Feb. 1608. Birket upon the receit of this Breve draws up and sends abroad this Admonishing-Letter To all the Reverend Secular Priests of England Most dearly beloved Brethren WHereas I have always desired to live without Molesting or Offending others it cannot be but a wonderful Corsive Sorrow and Grief unto me that against mine own inclination I am forced as you have seen by the Breve it self to prescribe a certain time for such as do find themselves to have been contrary to the points which are touched in the said Breve concerning the Oath and going to Church that they may thereby return and conform themselves to the Doctrine declared by his Holiness both in this and the other former Breves And therefore now by this Present do give notice unto you all That the time which I prefix and prescribe for that purpose is the space of two Months next ensuing after the knowledg of this my Admonition Within which time such as shall forbear to take or allow any more the Oath or going to Church I shall most willingly accept their doing therein Yet signifying unto you withall That such as do not within the time prescribed give this satisfaction I must though much against my will for fulfilling his Holiness commandment Deprive them and Denounce them to be Deprived of all their Faculties and Priviledges granted by the See-Apostolique or by any other by Authority thereof unto them or to any of them and so by this present do Denounce hoping that there is no man will be so wilful or disobedient to his Holiness Order but will conform himself as becometh an Obedient Child of the Catholique Church And so most heartily wishing this Conformity in us all and that we may live and labour together Unanimes in Domo Domini I pray God give us the Grace to effect that in our Actions whereunto we are by our Order and Profession obliged This 2d of May 1608. Your Servant in Christ GEORGE BIRKET Arch-Priest of England and Protonotary Apostolical Now were Pens employed on both sides the Romanists cuffing one another bravely about the Oath Voluminous Coquaeus comes railing from France against it Getser opposeth it in Germany Andraeus Eudaemonioannes of Greece declares it Abominable In Italy Cardinal Bellarmine is very busie against it sometimes under his own other times masked under false Names as Tortus and some think Schulckenius was one and the same person with the Cardinal In Spain now flourish'd Franciscus Suarez he also by order from the Pope and Conclave is commanded to undertake it which he doth But the good old man thought he was hardly dealt withall by the Inquisitors to whom having sent his Book for Approbation they alter'd Vid Bishop of Chichester Dr. King his Letter to Is Walton before Hookâ—r's Eccles Poliy Edit 1666. and added according to their own humours as was * confest by Mr. John Salikill then Suarez his Amanuensis but afterwards reconciled to the Church of England But above all the opposers
229 His body denyed burial 229 230 Henrician Heresie what 230 Henry V Emperour kisseth the Popes Toe ibid. Henry VI Emperour how Crown'd 262 Henry VII Emperour his death 301 302 Henry Son to John d'Albret King of Navar Excommunicated and declared Deprived by Pope Leo X 346 Henry King of Navar protests against the Declaration and Excommunication of Pope Sixtus V 512 513 Hen. VIII King of England Supreme Head of the Church declar'd deprived of his Dominions 399 400 401 402 c. Paul III ' s Bull against him 404 405 Rebellions in the North against him 406 His Apology undertook by William Thomas 407 Hen. III K. of France his troubles from the Leaguers Book the 8th He steals privately out of Paris 524 Submits to the D. of Guise 525 Closes in with the King of Navar 540 His Name dash'd out of all Prayer books ibid. A Monitory Bull sent out against him by Sixtus V 540 541 542 543 Is murdred by Fryar Clem. 547 The Action rejoyced at and vindicated by the Covenanters 548 and the Chieftains of Rome 549 550 551 c. Henry IV King of France his troubles lib. 8. cap. 7. Declared Heretick and deprived of his Dominions by Gregory XIV 577 Murdred by Ravaillac 640 to 648 Hildebrand vid. Gregory VII Hugonots the Grandees of them massacred in one day 416 The action commended and applauded publickly 416 417 Hungary bloudy actions there 308 Ors Hypato Duke of Venice slain 183 I JAmes VI K of Scotland plots against him by the Romanists 366 367 368 369 370 c. Designes against his taking the Crown of England 676 677 678 Imposes the Oath of Allegiance defends it 709 710 711 c. Jesuits foolish stories of their Founder and Order 5 6 They have two Consciences 45 Jesus Christ childish stories of him 16 c. 29 Marryed to several 16 22 Not so much worship'd as were others 17 Ignatius Loyola his lying stories 5 6 Images troubles about them 163 164 Ingratitude 229 The Spanish Invasion 451 to 459 The Spanish Royal Standard blest 453 454 Joane Pope 180 John King of England his troubles 274 Joh. K. of Navar deprived 343 344 Ireland troubles there against Q. Elizabeth 384 385 386 387 to 397 Articles between Francis I K. of France the Earl of Desmond for the conquering it 385 386 A Rebellion raised there by Tir-Oen 648 649 The Irish send a slanderous Letter to the Pope against Queen Elizabeth 649 They are thanked for their Rebellion by the Pope 651 Defended by the Divines of Salamanca and Valladolid 667 668 c. Irene murthers her son Constantine 169 Donna Isabella Sister to Hen. IV K. of Castile invited to accept the Government refuses declared Princess of the Asturias and lawful Heir to the Kingdom of Castile and Leon 341 Succeeds in the Kingdom 342 Julio II Pope deprives John d'Albret K. of Navar and gives his Kingdom and Dominions to Ferdinand II K. of Arragon 344 Of a Warlike disposition 347 348 Interdicts Lewis XII absolves his Subjects gives his Kingdom to any that will take it takes away the Title of MOST CHRISTIAN from the French and confers it on the King of England ibid. the first Pope that wore a long beard 350 Holy Junta of Spain against Charles V 357 358 361 c. Justinian II Emperor of Constantinople his troubles 161 162 His Nose 162 K Kennith III King of Scotland murder'd 211 Kings are but Asses 38 Must kiss the Popes Feet ibid. Lead the Popes Horse ibid. Hold his Stirrop ibid. Carry up water for the Popes hands ibid. Carry up his meat ibid. Carry the Pope on their shoulders ibid. May be deposed by the Pope 41 42 c. May be deposed by Bishops though poor 53 Compar'd to Asses 38 to Dogs 43 May be deposed by their Subjects 86 87 c. May be kill'd by their Subjects 95 96 c. For how many Causes Kings may be depos'd 107 108 c. Their murder defended by a B. D. of the Sorbonne 503 L Lambert Emperour slain 190 Holy League and Covenant in France the introduction to it 483 484 485 486 to 494 The Articles of the Holy League 494 495 496 497 The Leaguers sollicite their cause at Rome with Pope Gregory XIII 506 Their Declaration drawn up in the name of Cardinal Bourbon whom they call first Prince of the Bloud 507 508 Their Council of Sixteen at Paris vid. Paris Some Preachers set on work by them to bespatter the King and his actions 518 519 Their insolences against King Henry III after the death of the Guises 529 534 Their Holy Vnion 535 They send Messengers to the Pope with private instructions to act 536 Card. Bourbon declared King by the Leaguers 562 563 c. Leo III Emperour troubled about images 163 264 L. Lessius bad Principles 74 75 Lewis le Debonnaire Emperour depos'd 170 171 c. 177 Lewis IV his eyespull'd out 189 Lewis VII of France Interdicted 254 Lewis IV Emperour his troubles 303 304 Lewis XII of France Interdicted 347 Calls a Council at Pisa to depose Pope Julio 349 Roderigo Lopez his treasons against Queen Elizabeth 461 462 463 Designes to poyson her ibid. Loretto's Chappel and flying story 23 Luidolph his humble submission 194 Those of Lyons joyn with the Leaguers 537 Their Declaration ibid. The form of their Oath 533 M THe Office of Majordom Maire du Palais first set up by Clotaire the I 165 One Landregesile first chosen to that Office ibid. Ebroin the first that advanc'd that Office ibid. Malcolme King of Scotland murdred 208 Malcolme II King of Scotland murdred 214 Gregory Martin's Pamphlet against Queen Elizabeth 437 Virgin Mary abused with lying stories 4 5 7 8 c. 21 29 Her kissing and marrying 8 9 Her kindness to whores 9 Equal to Christ himself 11 12 Her bloud better then Christs bloud 13 How hurried into Heaven 14 We must bow at the Name of the Virgin Mary 40 Queen Mary of England in her 5 years Raign put above 260 to death for Religion 418 Mauritius Emp. murther'd 153 c. The D. of Mayenne goes to Paris is made Head of the Leaguers 538 539 Refuses peace is proclaimed Traitor all his adherents 539 Medici the wicked designs of the Pope upon that Family 331 Giuliano murdred by Bandini de Pazzi 332 Lorenzo wounded but escapes ibid. Michael Emperour of Constantinople murdred 182 Miracles lying and forged 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 c. 21 22 23 24 25 c. 134 135 184 199 207 247 266 Monegario Duke of Venice his eyes put out 183 Cardinal Montalto his Letter to the General Council of the holy Vnion about the murther of Hen. III 549 550 551 c. N NAples its troubles 330 John Nichols an account of him 434 O OAths of Allegiance 60 Endeavour'd to be in France 57 58 59 Opposed in England 73 74 75 76 77 First framed 709 710 The Pope sends out two Breves against the taking
this Oath 716 717 718 Pope Urban VIII ' s Breve against it 725 Obelerio Duke of Venice cut in pieces 183 Orders in Religion the stories of their Founders 2 3 4 5 6 7 Oxford a Priest pretends to cure diseases there in 1663. p. 447 Otho IV Emperor deposed 265 P Paris a Council of Sixteen appointed there to act for the League 515 Their designe of surprizal of Bologne discovered to the King by Poulain 516 Their designes to seize on the K. and kill him discovered by Poulain 516 517 518 521 522 They break the Kings Great Seal and make another 539 A new Oath injoyned ibid. Is besieged by Henry IV 565 Its Famine relieved by the Duke of Parma 575 Yeilded to the King 590 William Parry Dr. of Laws his several attempts and treasons against Q. Elizabeth 437 c. Incouraged to kill the the Queen 439 440 Executed in the Palace-yard 442 Father Parsons vid. Persons Partitiato Duke of Venice thrust into a Monastery 183 Pope Paul V his quarrels with the Venetians 619 to 639 Pepin made King 165 166 The first Christian King that was Anoynted 168 Cardinal Perron his bad Principles 57 59 84 85 Fa. Parsons bad Principles 75 76 77 90 91 93 94 101 His life 679 to 688 Philip the Emperor murther'd 263 Philip I King of France Excommunicated 232 Philip IV le Bell King of France his troubles by Pope Boniface VIII 282 c. Pius V his Bull against Q. Elizabeth 427 to 436 Its interpretation granted by Pope Gregory XIII 435 436 Pope his Power and Authority 31 32 c. Extravagant Titles given him 33 The Pope is God 34 Can create something out of nothing ibid. Above all power in Heaven or Earth 35 We must bow at the name of the Pope 40 Pope to be obeyed rather then Christ or God ibid. Pope can depose Emperors and Kings and dispose of their Dominions 41 42 c. Can absolve Subjects from their Allegiance to their Kings 82 83 c. Great strivings to be Pope 131 132 c. The manner of their Elections ibid. 141 Formerly chose by Emperors 139 179 180 198 201 202 216 217 Whether there be really a true Pope 142 143 c. Their Toes kist 38 162 167 230 260 Vs'd to adore the Emperors 170 Their horses led by Kings and Emperors 38 181 252 253 259 Their succession not agreed on 195 196 197 c. 116 117 Of 18 years old 200 Of 10 or 12 years old 216 The changing of their names 201 Popes stirrop held 227 252 253 255 259 260 299 Despise the Imperial Power 253 Schism amongst them and reflections upon some of their actions 323 324 c. Declares it lawful for Subjects to fight against their King if an Heretick 507 Nicholas Poulain taken into the Council of Sixteen 516 Discovers all their designes to the King 516 517 518 c. Flees from Paris to the King 525 R THe Reformation of the Church of England defended 412 413 Reliques false and spurious 14 15 24 25 Nicol. de Renzo his pranks at Rome 305 306 William Reynolds an account of him 560 Richard II King of England his deposing death 312 113 314 Charles Ridicove a Fryar sent to kill the King 597 Rodolph declared Emperour against Henry IV 223 slain 226 Robert Rodolpho sent into England by Pope Pius V to stir up rebellions against Q. Elizabeth 426 427 Roger King of Naples shot to death 252 Rome taken by the occasion of an Hare 187 Swears Allegiance to the Emperour 188 Odd Tumults there 305 306 S SAints sottish beastly and unchristian 18 19 20 Counterfeit that never were 20 21 Sanders bad Principles 62 66 67 83 Scotland plots there by the Romanists against King James VI 366 367 368 369 370 371 372 373 374 375 c. Scripture basely abused 3 5 6 32 33 35 39 Segovia tumults there begun upon the Emperour Charles V ' s leaving Spain 355 Simony 143 144 151 The Council of Sixteen vid. Paris Sixtus V Pope his Bull against K. of Navar and Prince of Conde Very furious against Queen Elizabeth 454 Deprives the Queen of her Dominions and absolves her Subjects from Allegiance ibid. Soâ—â—â—z vid. Suaâ—ez Sâ—rbonne Colledge their bad Prâ—nciples 73 When built 99 They make a secret Decree that Princes may be deposed c. 519 They decree that the people of France are freed from the Oath of Allegiance and Obedience to Hen. III and may fight against him 530 531 They send to Sixtus V for a ratification of this Decree 532 533 534 They conclude that Prayers are not to be made for the King and the word Henry to be dashed out of their Prayer-books 537 Spain ' s rebellious League against Charles V 351 Or the holy Junta or Assembly 357 Or Coâ—â—â—unalty 355 Tumults there upon Charles V ' s departure for Germany 355 356 357 The Spanish Invasion vid. Invasion Squire ' s designe to kill Q. Elizabeth Stapletons bad Principles 44 Stephanus Pâ—pe strangled 197 Thomas Stukely his ambition for a Kingdom 387 His designes against Ireland 388 Fran. Suarez bad Principles 61 Subjects of themselves may depose Kings 86 87 c. May kill their King 95 96 c. Suercherus II King of Swedland murdred 252 Suercherus III kill'd Ibid. Suintila K. of Spain deposed 158 159 Supremacie an interpretation of the Oath 400 401 T THomas à Becket his troubling Henry II 235 c. Declar'd perjured and a Traytor 238 Further accus'd 244 The Bishops complain against him 240 241 His Horse-bridle held by the King 246 He is murther'd Ibid. William Thomas defends King Henry VIII 407 Tir-Oen rebel to Q. Elizabeth in Ireland 393 Pardon'd and rebels again 394 Raises a Rebellion in Ireland lib. 9. c. 3. Proclaim'd Traytor by Mount-joy Lord Deputy 653 Submits and delivers himself up 665 Tradenico D. of Venice murder'd 183 Trajans soul deliver'd out of Hell 157 Traytors how punish'd 256 261 262 Gunpowder-Treason 689 to 695 The Council of Trent not free 425 V VAlentia troubles in that Kingdom 359 360 Venetians their insolences to their Dukes 183 Dog-trick to get off their Interdict 307 Quarrels between them and Pope Paul V 619 to 639 Verstegan his life 415 Vitalis Michele II D. of Venice kill'd 253 Virgin Mary vid. Mary Edict of Union or July a peace made by it 525 The Heads of it 525 Pope Urban VIII sends a Breve against taking the Oath of Allegiance 725 W WIlliam I K. of Naples imprison'd 252 Willan ' s designe to kill Q. Eliz. 463 464 Witches 208 209 215 X XImenes Cardinal his life actions 251 252 Y YOrk designes to kill Q. Elizabeth 463 464 Z ZAchary Pope absolves subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance 166 FINIS