them who but the King must beare the storme of all popular clamours That it was possible enough that the curs could be so considerate of their own condition as not to make a rod for themâ—…elves under colour it was intended for another man and so that Bill of Attainder might have rested there but had it passed which was the worst that could happen in it the King had still the liberty of a Negative voice or might have yeilded at the last to the importunity of the Commons with lesse dishonour then after such a Declaration and so publickly made And finally that by dissenting from the Bill when it came to his turnâ—… it could have raised no greater tumults then it dâ—…d to compell him to it and possibly had raised none at all because he had done it in a Parliamentary and regular way whereas his coming at that time and in that manner to the House of Peers was looked upon as a forestalling of their Judgements and interruption of the Course of Justice by threats and menaces from whence what fruits could be expected but the exasperating of the Commons to such acts of violence as should not onely make sure worke with the Earle of Strafford but lay a ground of 〈◊〉 troubles for himselfe and hiâ—… This was the summe of those discourses at that time which wheâ—…her they had more of truth or of passion in them it is haâ—…d to say But who can goe againâ—…t the workings of that heavenly Providence â—…hose judgements are past finding out and his wayes unsearchable What 〈◊〉 hereupon ensued we shall finde in our 〈◊〉 who â—…elleth us withall of 〈◊〉 people thus drawn together thâ—…t They posted upon the gate of Westminster a Catalogue of those whose 〈◊〉 were for the Earles acquittall under the Title of Straffordians This paper was not posted up on the Gate of Westminster but on the corner of the wall of Sir William Brunkards house in the old Paelace yard in Westminster with this clause added to the end This and more shall be done to the Enemies of Justice The names of which 〈◊〉 since our Author hath not pleased to give us and that I thinke it neither dishonourable nor unsafe to them being elsewhere Printed I shall here adde in the same order as they stood in the Paper That is to say 1. Lord Digbie 2. Lord Compton 3. Lord Buckhurst 4. Sir Rob. Hatton 5. Sir Thomas Fanshaw 6. Sir Edward Alford 7. Sir Nicho. Slanning 8. Sir Thomas Danby 9. Sir Geo. Wentworth 10. Sir Peter Wentworth 11. Sir Frederick Cornwallis 12. Sir William Carnaby 13. Sir Richard Winn. 14. Sir Gervase Clifton 15. Sir William Withrington 16. Sir William Pennyman 17. Sir Patrick Curwent 18. Sir Richard Lee. 19. Sir Henry Slingsby 20. Sir William Portman 21. Mr. Gervase Hallis 22. Mr. Sydny Godolphin 23. Mr. Cooke 24. Mr. Coventry 25. Mr. Ben. Weston 26. Mr. Will. Weston 27. Mr. Selden 28. Mr. Alford 29. Mr. Floyd 30. Mr. Herbert 31. Captain Digby 32. Sergeant Hide 33. Mr. Taylor 34. Mr. Griffith 35. Mr. Scowen 36. Mr. Bridgman 37. Mr. Fettiplace 38. Dr. Turner 39. â—…pt Charles Price 40. Dr. Parry Civilian 41. Mr. Arundell 42. Mr. Newport 43. Mr. Holborne 44. Mr. Noell 45. Mr. Kirton 46. Mr. Pollard 47. Mr. Price 48. Mr. Travanmian 49. Mr. Jane 50. Mr. Edgecombe 51. Mr. Chilchly 52. Mr. Mallery 53. Mr. Porter 54. Mr. White Secret E. D. 55. Mr. Warwick These were the men exposed unto the fury of ungoverned people so mad and violent that some of them were heard to say That if they could not have the Lieutenants life they would have the Kings This Protestation being formed was the next day read in the lower House and generally taken by all the Members Our Author is here out as in that before the Protestation not being taken the next day after it was framed but on the very same day before the Memhers were committed to go out of the Honse and though it was taken generally by all the Members yet it was not taken by them all the Lord Digbie and an Unkle of his refusing it But being taken by all the rest it was not long after sent to the Lords by whom neither out of fear or favour it was taken also and afterwards imposed upon all the Subjects by an Order of the House of Commons July the 30th 1641. under pain of being thought unfit to bear any Office either in the Church or Common-wealth the Lords not onely not consenting to it but dissenting from it Which Protestation being omitted by our Author I shall here subjoyn that we may see how punctually it hath been observed by them that took it and is this that followeth I A. B. doe in the presence of Almighty God promise vow and protest to maintain and defend as far as lawfully I may with my life power and estate the true reformed Protestant Religion expressed in the Doctrine of the Church of England against all Popery and Popish Innovations within this Realme contrary to the same Doctrine and according to the duty of my Allegiance to his Majesties Royall Person Honour and Estate as also the Power and Privileges of Parliament the lawfull rights and liberties of the subject and every person that maketh this Protestation in whatsoever he shall doe in the lawfull pursuance of the same And to my power and as farre as lawfully I may I will oppose and by all good waies and means indeavour to bring to condigne punishment all such as shall either by force practice plots councels and conspiracies or otherwise doe any thing to the contrary of any thing in this present Protestation contained And further that I shall in all just and honourable waies indeavour to preserve the union and peace between the three Kingdomes of England Scotland and Ireland And neither for hope fear nor other respect shall relinquish this promise vow and Protestation In this perplexity of thoughts he consults with four Bishops c. Not sent for by himself but sent to him by the Houses of Parliament to inform his conscience and bring him to yeild unto the Bill In the nomination of which Bishops they consulted rather their own ends than the Kings satisfaction The persons sent on this employment were the Primate of Armagh the Bishops of Lincoln Durham and Carlisle of which the two last being men unskilled in Politick and Secular affairs depended wholly on the judgment of the other two and those as the Houses knew well enough carried a sharp tooth towards the Lord Lieutenant upon former grudges The displeasure which the Primate had conceived against him was for the abrogating of the Articles of Religion established in the Church of Ireland and setling in their place the Articles of the Church of England Anno 1633. And this he reckoned on his score because Dr. Bramall once Chaplain to the Lord Lieutenant and then Bishop of Derrie had appeared most in it But he on whose dextetiry they
l. 21. for and r. but p. 33. l. 21. for House r. Houses p. 41. l. 18. for his r. this p. 44. l. 30. for unreasonable r. reasonable p. 45. l. 21. r. resolutions p. 58. for faciente r. â—…vente p. 64. l. 15. for paper r. prayers p. 76. l. 22. for pressed r. suppressed p. 78. l. 28. for Westminâ—… r. Winchester p. 95. l. 6. to no body but themselves adâ—… in case they should be discontinued for the times to come p. 105 l. 14. for menâ—… r. mutare p. 106. l. 23. for that r. not p. 140 l. 11. foâ—… finding r. hiding ibid. l. 19. for 〈◊〉 r. offense p. 149. l. 10. for restrain r. â—…range p. 152. l. 11. for then r. therein p. 153. l. 26. for last r. cast p. 154. l. 2. for 1631. r. 16â—…0 p. 160. l. 15. for Gadus r. Gades p. 184. l. 26. for yet could this r. yet could not this p. 186. l. 30. for insalvation r. inâ—…tuation p. 190. l. 25. for asserting r. offering p. 204. l. 27. for Enoch r. 〈◊〉 p. 208. l. 22. for judicious r. judiciary 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 more p. 234. l. 8. for cars r. â—…ouse p. 238. l. 9. for committeâ—… r. admitted ibid. l. 16. for neither r. either p. 143. l. 6. r 〈◊〉 p. 247. l. 13. del And finally not to say any thing of the Militia with the Forts and Navy wherein they had not His consent and adde the same to the end of the 12 line in the page next following p. 248. l. 10. for intrenching r. retrench A Table of the principal Observations A DR Abbot Archbishop of Canterbury his Irregularity through killing a Keeper casually 55 His Remissnesse in not exacting Conformity to the Churches Orders occasioned the term of Innâ—…vations 〈◊〉 Arminians what they are 15 Whether Enemies of Gods Grace 18 What caused K. James to be an adversary to them 23 Montacu's Book called Appello Caesarem licensed by King James his command 33 Call'd in again by King Charles 69 Arminianism call'd a Bridge to Popery 80 B BIshops War falsly so called 151 Bishops Presbyters terms not of equivalent import 183 Their Office calling defended to be by divine Rght even Laymen 185 Mr. Grimstons Argument against it retorâ—…ed by Mr. Selden 188 Whether they may be assistant in causes of Blood and Death for which cause they were excluded the House of 〈◊〉 at my Lord of Straffords triall 224 Earle of Bristol V. Digby Duke of Buckingham V. Viliers Dr. Burgesse his answeâ—…ing the Act at Oxford 182 C CAlvinianism how it differs from S. Augustine's Doctrine 110 King Charles crown'd in White an Emblem of Innocence his Predecessors in Purple an Emblem of Majesty 29 How he vail'd his Câ—…owne to his subjects 30 48 His Maxime 'T is better to be deceived than to distrust 105 His Entertainment at Bolsover Castle cost 6000â—… 106 His neglecting those arts for keeping up of Majesty which Qu â—…lizah practised 109 The true cause of the miscarriage of his Expedition against the Scots 157 His error in recalling his Forces thence 160 How the Hollanders affronted him and made him vaile his Crown 166 Clergy-mens Vices to be concealed rather than published 140 A Minister as good as any Jack-Gentlemen in England well interpreted 141 The Clergy in Convocation have a power to grant Subsidies not confirmed by the Commons in Parliament 196 Coronation Rites thereof no vain Ceremonies 37 D SIr Edw Decring his character 177 Digby E. of Bristoll not impowred by proxie to celebrate the Marriage with the Infanta 8 His impeachment by the D. of Buckingham 43 50 F FAme no ground for an Historian 41 G GLoria Patri standing up at it retained in our Reformed Church ex vi Catholicae consuctudinis 87 H MR. Hamilton's end in raising Forces for Germany 101 His being sent Commissioner into Scotland 142 His subtill practises against the King 149 The Scots speech of him That the Son of so good a Mother would do them no hurt 156 He the cause of dissolving the short Parliament 175 Hate Naturale est odisse quem laeseris 170 I K. James Whether the wisest King of the British Nation 13 His seeing a Lion the King of beasts baited presag'd his being baited by his subjects 28 Dr. Juxon Bishop of Lond. why made Lord Treasurer 130 His moderation and humility in that officce being neither ambitious before nor proud after 132 K KNighthood the Statute for taking that order 98 L DR Lamb his death the city not fin'd for it 66 Lambeth Articles when made part of the confession of the Church of Ireland 40 When and why the articles of Ireland were repeal'd c. or 39 Articles substituted in their places 127 The occasion of making them the Lambeth articles 72 Of no Authority in the Ch of England 75 What mov'd K. James to send them to Dort 23 And put them into the Irish Confession 77 Dr. Laud Archbishop of Canterbury Whether a favourer of the Popish faction 171 Ceremonies renued by him tended rather to the ru ine than advancement of the Catholike cause 173 He no cause of dissolving the short Parl. 174 His being voted guilty of High Treason and committed to the Bl. Rod 215 Lyturgie-English endeavoured by K. Charles to be brought into Scotland 143 His Error in not suppressing and punishing the Tumults at Edenburgh when the Scottish service was first read 145 Bish. of Lincoln v. Williams Londoners Petition for redressing of Grievances 200 M MAsques That of the four Inns of Court how occasioned 118 E. of Montrose the cause of his adhering to the Covenanters 206 N MR. Noy Attorny general his great parts 121 Integrity 124 Parliaments not co-ordinate to Kings but subordinate 28 The Members thereof have been imprisoned 43 Whether Lords created sedente Parliamento may be admitted to Vote 48 House of Commons called by Writ only to consent submit not to judg 58 Whether the H. of Commons could 〈◊〉 the H. of Peers consisting of 118 thrice over 59 Bishops Members of the H. of Peeres 60 Their Exclusion thence had this consequent the abrogating of the Kings Negative Voyce 60 The King no Member of the H. of Peeres but supreme Head of all 61 Disorderly and tumultuous carriage of Parliaments cause of their change and discontinuance 94 Members presented not to be questioned without the House's Order 95 Scotcâ—… Parliament how called anciently 162 The Kings calling a Parliament after the Expedition against the Scots unsafe unseasonable 167 That Parliament which was the ruine of Woolsey and overthrow of Abbeys began the third of Novem. the same day of the month began our long Parliament which ruin'd the Archb of Canterbury the whole Church 207 No reason for holding the Parliam at Westm. it had been better at York 209 Who perswaded the King to assent to the Act for a perpetual Parliament 243 S. Pauls Church the repairing thereof 103 Peoples Darlings of short continuance 35 Popery Montacu and â—…osins not
Authour may declare them for the Doctrine of the Church of England and traduce all men for Arminians which subscribe not to them Thirdly in the last place we are to see what moved King James to recommend these Articles to the Church of Ireland and afterwards to the Assembly at Dort And herein we must understand that Dr. James Montague at that Kings first entrance on this Crown was made Dean of the Chappell which place he held not onely when he was Bishop of Wells but of Winchester also who being a great stickler in the quarrels at Cambridge and a great master in the art of Insinuation had cunningly fashioned King James unto these opinions to which the Kings education in the Kirk of Scotland had before inclined him So that it was no very hard matter for him having an Archbishop also of his own perswasions to make use of the Kings authority for recommending those nine Articles to the Church of Ireland which he found would not be admitted in the Church of England Besides the Irish Nation at that time were most tenâ—…ciously addicted to the Eâ—…rours and corâ—…uptions of the Church of Rome and therefore must be bended to the other extreme before they could be strait and Orthoâ—…ox in these points of Doctrine which reason might work much upon the spirit of that King who used in all his Government as a piece of King-crafâ—… to ballance one extreme by the other countenancing the Papist against the Puritanâ—… and the Puritane sometimes against the Papist that betwixt both the true Religion and the Professours of it might be kâ—…pt in saâ—…ety On what accompt these nine Articles were commended to the Assembly at Dort we have shewed before and upon what accompt they were abolished in the Church of Ireland we shalâ—… see hereafter In the mean time our Author telleth us that By the prevalency of the Bishops of London and Westminster the Orthodox party were depressed the truth they served was scarce able to protect them to impunity A man would think our Author were Chairman at the least in a Committee for Religion for he not onely takes upon him to declare who are Orthodox in point of Faith and what is truth and not truth in matter of controversie but censureth two great Bishops both of them Counsellors of State for depressing both This savoureth more of the party than of the Historian whom it might better have become to have told us onely that a Controversie being raised in matters of a Scholasticall nature those Bishops favoured the one party more than they did the other and not have layd it down so majesterially that they disfavoured the Orthodox party and deprest the truth or that the truth they served was scarce able to protect them to impunity A very heavy Charge which hath no truth in it For I am very confident that neither of these Bishops did ever draw any man within the danger of punishment in relation only to their Tenets in the present Controversies if they managed them with that prudence and moderation which became men studiously affected to the Gospel of Peace or were not otherwise guilty of creating disturbances in the Church or ruptures in the body of the Common-wealth On which occasions if they came within the danger of 〈◊〉 censures or fell into the power of the High Commission it was no reason that their Tenets in the other points were they as true as truth it selfe should give them any impunity or free them from the punishment which they had deserved But it hath been the constant artifice of the Churches Enemies not to ascribâ—… the punishment of Factions and scismaticall persons to the proper cause but to their orthodoxie in Religion and zeal against Popish superstitions that so they might increase the number of Saints and Confessours against the next coming out of the Book of Martyrs But Arminianisme being as some say but a bridge to Popery we will pâ—…sse with our Authour over that Bridge to the hazard which was feared from Rome and that he telleth us came two waies First By the uncontrouled preaching of severall points tending and warping that way by Montague Goodman Cozens and others And here againe I thinke out Authour is mistaken For neither Montague nor Cozens were questioned for preaching any thing which warped toward Popery but the one of them for writing the Book called Appello Caesarem the other for publishing a Body of Devotions according to the Hours of Prayer in neither of which an equall and judicious Reader will finde any Popery unlesse it be such part-boyled Popery as our Authour speaks of whereof more anon And as for Goodman our Authour might have called him Bishop Goodman though now he be but Goodman Bishop as he calls himselfe though he preached something once which might warp toward Popery yet he did not preach it uncontrouled being not onely questioned for it but sentenced to a Recantation before the King He telleth us of some others but he names them not and till he names them he saies nothing which requires an Answer So that the first fear which flowed from Rome being ebbed again we next proceed unto the second which came saith he from The audacious obtruding of divers superstitious ceremonies by the Prelates as erecting of fixed Altars the dapping and cringing towards them and the standing up at Gloria Patri Our Authour is more out in this than in that before for I am confident that no Bishop in the times he speaks of did either command the erecting of fixed Altars or the bowing or cringing towards them nor have I heard by any credible report that any such fixed Altars were erected as he chargeth on them So that I might here end this observation without farther trouble But because the placing of the Communion Table Altar-wise did carry some resemblance to the Altars used in the Church of Rome and that some such thing was done in some Churches much about this time I shall here shew upon what reasons it was done and how farre they that did it might be justified in it The Reader therefore is to know that by the late neglect of decency and good order in most Parish Churches of this Land the Communion Table had been very much profaned by sitting on it scribling and casting hats upon it in Sermon-time at other times by passing the Parish accompts and disputing businesses of like nature to the great scandall and dishonour of our Religion For remedy and redresse whereof it seemed good unto some Bishops and other Ordinaries out of a pious zeal to the Churches honour and for the more reverent administration of the holy Sacrament to gâ—…ve way that the Commun on Table might be removed from the body of the Chancel where of late it stood and placed at the East end thereof all along the wall in the same place and posture as the Altars had been scituated in the former times For which permission I doubt not but
may teach all Parliaments in the times succeeding to be more carefull in their Councils and use more moderation in pursuance of them especially when they meet with an armed power for fear they should not onely interrupt but cut off that spring from whence the Blessings both of Peace and Happinesse have formerly been derâ—…ved on this Church and State No man can love his Fâ—…tters though they be of Gold If therefore Parliaments should finde no way to preserve the Liberty of the peoplâ—… but to put fetters on the Prince or Power that calls them if from being Counsellors at the best they shall prove Controulers they must blame no body but themselves In the meane time that saying of Paterculus may be worth their noting Non turpe est ab eo vinci quem vincere esset nefas it iâ—… no shame saith he to submit to those whom it were sinne to overcome To which he answered that he ever was and woâ—…ld be ready to give an account of his sayings and doings in that place whensoever he should be called unto it by that House where as he taketh it he was onely to be questioned This is the first seed of that Doctâ—…ine which after took such deep root in the Houses of Parliament viz. that no member ought to be questioned for any thing said or done in Paâ—…liament but by the order of the House of which he was a Member And to this resolution the Judges of this time seemed to give some countenance who having before declared in favour of the House of Commons that by the Arresting of Digges and Eliot the whole House was under an Arrest did now declare that the Star Chamber in which Court the King intended to proceed against them had no Jurisdiction over offences done in Parliament But this was onely in an extra-judiciall way being interrogative to that purpose by the King at Greenwich as our Author â—…elleth us Fol. 106. For the same Judges sitting on the seat of Judicature where â—…hey were to act upon their Oathes could finde both Law and Reason too to bring their crimes within the cognisance of the Courts of Justice And severall Fines accordingly were imposed upon them most of which were paid and the Gentlemen afterwards released from their Imprisonments If any of them did refuse to pay such Fines as were set upon them they were men either of decayed or of small estates and so not able to make payment of the Fines imposed Surpassing exultation there was thereat all the Court kept Jubile c. And there was very good reason for it not onely that the Court should keep a Jubile at the birth of the Prince but that surpassing exultation should be thereat in all honest hearts But I can tell you it was otherwise with too many of the Puritane party who had layed their line another way and desired not that the King should have any Children insomuch that at a great Feast in Friday street when some of the company shewed great joy at the news of the Queens fiâ—…st being with Childe a leading man of that Faction whom I could name were it worth the while did not stick to say That he could see no such cause of joy for the Queens being with Childe but God had already better provided for us than we had deserved in giving such a hopefull Progenie by the Queen of Bohemia brought up in the Reformed Religion whereas it was uncertain what Religion the Kings Children would follow being brought up under a Mother so devoted to the Church of Rome And I remember very well that being at a Town one daies jurney from London when the newes came of the Princes birth there was great joy shewed by all the rest of the Parish in causing Bonefires to be made and the Bells to be rung and sending Victuals unto those of the younger sort who were most busily imployed in that publick joy But so that from the rest of the houses being of the Presbyterian or Puritane partie there came neither man nor childe nor wood nor victuals their doors being shut close all that Evening as in a time of generall mourning and disconsolation Where was an old skulking Statute long since out of use though not out of force c. The Statute which our Author means was made in the first year of Edward the second and made more for the benefit and ease of the subject than for the advantage of the King This Statute requiring nonâ—… to take the Order of Knighthood but such as had Twenty pounds per annum of clear yearly rent whereas before that time all men of Fifteen pound rent per annum were required to take it This proves it to be very old but why my Author should call it a skulking Statute I can see no reason considering that it lay not hidden under the rubbâ—…sh of Antiquity but was an open printed Statute not onely to be seen in the Collection of the Statutes and the Books at large but in the Abridgements of the same and being a Statute still in force as our Author â—…elleth us might lawfully be put in practise whensoever the necessities of the King should invite him to it But whereas our Author telleth us that the persons mentioned in that Statute were not required to be made Knights as was vulgarly supposed but onely ad arma gerenda to bear Armes and thereupon telleth us a story of a Sword and a Surcoat to be given unto them I rather shall believe the plaine words of the Statute than his interpreâ—…ation of it The Title of it is in Latine Statutum de Militibus or a Statute for Knights as the English hath it the words as followeth viz. Our Soveraign Lord the King hath granted that all such as ought to be Knights and be not and have been distrained to take upon them the Order of Knighthood before the Feast of the Nativity of our Lord shall have respect to take upon them the foresaid Armes of Knighthood untill the Utas of S. Hilarie c. where certainly to be made Knights to take upon them the Order of Knighthood and the Armes of Knighthood are somewhat more than onely and simply to bear Armes as he faine would have it were it no otherwise than so there were some hundred thousands of none or very little estate as fit or fitter to bear Armes than men of Twenty pound rent per annum which was a plentifull revenue as the times then were and fitter it had been to have called such men unto a generall Muster in their severall Counties than to command them to attend at a Coronation Nor had the Sages of the Law been capable of excuse for their false translations if they should render ad arma militiae gerenda for so I think the Latine hath it though the most significant word thereof be left out by our Author by taking on them the Armes of Knighthood if there were nothing more intended than the bearing of
which being minted in the Tower was no small benefit to the King by the Coynage of it and no lesse benefit to the City and the Kingdome generally in regard the greatest part thereof was stil kept amongst us in lieu of such manufactures and native commodities of this Land as were returned into Flanders for the use of that Army And yet this was not all the service which they did this Summer The French and Hollanders had â—…tred this year into a Confederacy to rout the King of Spaine out of all the Netherlands in which it was agreed amongst other things that the French should invest Dunkirk and the other parts of Flanders with their Forces by Land whilst the Hollanders did besiege them with a Fleet at Sea that so all passages into the Countrey being thus locked up they might the more easily subdue all the Inland parts And in all probability the designe had took effâ—…ct in this very year the King of Spaine noâ—… being able to bring 8000 men into the field and leave his Garrisons provided the people of the other side being so practisâ—…d on by the Holland Faction that few or none of them would Arm to repulse those Enemies But first the formidable appearance of the English Fleet which 〈◊〉 the Hollanders before Dunkirk and then the insolencies of the French at Diest and Tillemont did so incourage and iâ—…flame the hearts of the people that the Armies both of the French and Hollanders returned back again without doing any thing more than the wasting of the Countrey And was not this think we a considerable piece of service also Lastly I am to tell our Author that it was not the Earle of Northumberland as he tells us some lines before but the Earle of Lyndsey which did command the Fleet this Summer Anno 1635. The Earle of Northumberland not being in Commission for this service till the year next following when all the Counties of the Realm were engaged in the charge So as the Kings discretion was called in to part the fray by the committing the Staffe of that Office into the hands of William Juxton Lord Bishop of London March the 6th who though he was none of the greatest scholars yet was withall none of the worst Bishops Our Author still fails in his intelligence both of men and matter For first the occasion of giving the Office of Lord Treasurer to the Bishop of London was not to part a fray between the Archbishop and the Lord Cottington who never came to such immoderate heats as our Author speaks of but upon very good considerations and reasons of State â—…or whereas most of the Lord Treasurers of these latter times had rather served themselves by that Office than the King in it and raising themselves to the Estates and Titles of Earles but leaving the two Kings more incumbred with debts and wants than any of their Predecessors had been known to be it was thought fit to put the Staffe of that Officâ—… into the hands of a Church-man who having no Family to raise no Wife and Chilâ—…ren to provide for might better managâ—… the Incomes of the Treasury to the Kings advantage than they had been formerly and who more fit for that employment among all the Clergie than the Bâ—…shop of London a man of so well tempered a disposition as gave exceeding great content both to Prince and people and being a dear friend of the Archbishops who had served the whole year as Commissioner in that Publick trust was sure to be instructed by him in all particulars which concerned the managing thereof But whereas our Author tells us of him that he was none of the greatest scholars I would faine learn in what particular parts either of Divine or Humane Learning our Author reckons him defective or when our Author sate so long in the Examiners Office as to bring the poor Bishop unto this discovery I know the man and I know also his abilities as well in Publick Exercises as Private Conferences to be as farre above the censure of our Aristarchus as he conceives himself to be above such an ignorant and obscure School-Master as Theophilus Brabaurne It is true he sets him off with some commendation of a calm and moderate spirit and so doth the Lord Faulkland too in a bitter Speech of his against the Bishops Anno 1641 where he saith of him That in an unexpected place and power he expressed an equall moderation and humility being neither ambitious before nor proud after either of the Crozier or white Staffe But there are some whom Tacitus calls Pessimum inimicorum genus the worst kinde of Enemies who under colour of commending expose a man to all the disadvantages of contempt or danger The Communion Table which formerly stood in the midst of the Church or Chancel he enjoyned to be placed at the East end upon a graduated advance of ground with the ends inverted and a wooden traverse of â—…ailes before it Of placing the Communiou Table with the ends inverted we are told before Anno 1628 and if it were then introduced and so farre in practise that notice could be taken of it by the Committee for Religion no reason it should now be charged on the Archbishop as an Act of his But granting it to be his Act not to repeat any thing of that which was said before in justification of those Bishops who were there said to have done the like we doubt not but he had sufficient authority for what he did in the transposing of the Table to the Eastern wall The King by the advice of his Metropolitan hath a power by the Statute 1 Eliz. c. 2. on the hapning of any irreverence to be used by the Ceremonies or Rites of the Church by misusing the Orders appointed in this Book namely the Book of Common Prayers to ordain and publish such further Rites and Ceremonies as may be most for the advancement of Gods glory the edifying of his Church and the due reverence of Christs holy Mysteries and Sacraments And certainly there had been so much irreverence done to the Communion Table standing unfenced as then it did in the middle of the Chancell not onely by scribling and sitting on it as before was noted but also by Dogs pissing against it as of common course and sometimes snatching away the Bread which was provided for the use of the blessed Sacrament that it was more than time to transpose the Communion Table to a place more eminent and to fence it also with a raile to keep it from the like prophanation for the time to come Nor did the Archbishop by so doing outrun authority the King having given authority and 〈◊〉 to it a year before the Metropoliticall Visitation which our Author speaks of The Deane and Chapter of S. Pauls as being Ordinaries of the place had transposed the Communion Table in Saint Gregoryes to the upper end of the Chancel and caused it to be placed Altar-wise which being disliked
by some few ordinary Parishioners and an Appeale made from the Ordinary to the Deane of the Arches the Cause was brought before the King then sitting in his Privie Council Anno 1633. who on the hearing of all parties and the Reasons alledged on both sides having first testified His dislike of all Innovations He concludes at last That hâ—… did well approve and confirmed the Act of the said Ordinary and also gave commandemâ—…nt that if those few Parishioners before 〈◊〉 did proceed in their said Appeal then the Dâ—…an of the Arches should confirm the said Order of the aforesaid Deane and Chapter Here was authority enough as good authority for the Archbishop to proceed upon in his Visitation as the Prevogative Royall the new Statute of the Queen and the old Lawes of the Land could give him This then was no Anomalous Innovation as our Author calls it The King it seems thought otherwise of it and so did all men studied in the Rules of this Church and the practice of approved Antiquity who looked upon it as a Renovation of a Rite disused not as an Innovation or Introduction of a new Ceremonie never used before But sure our Author had forgotten when these words fell from him what he said before of the Remisse Government of Archbishop Abbot the titular Archbishop as he calls him there but Titular in nothing so much as not doing the duties of his Office of whom hâ—… tells us Fol. 127. that by his extraordinary remisnesse in not exacting strict conformity to the prescribed Orders of the Church in point of Ceremonie he led in such an habit of Inconformity as the future reduction of those tender-conscienced men to long discontinued obedience was interpreted an Innovation But the Controversie is not onely managed betwixt our Author and himself but as he telleth us afterward between Bishops and Bishops for as he saith The Bishop of Lincolne published a Tract under a concealed name positively asserting therein that the holy Table antiently did in the Primitive times and ought so in ours according to the Dictates of our Church stand in Gremio and Nave of the Quire The Tract here meant was called The Holy Table name and thing in which the Bishop hath said much but asserted little Affirmations are no Proofs in Law and multitudes of allegations falsified in themselves and wrested to a contrary seâ—…ce make not one good Evidence yet this is all we are to look for in the Bishops Book It being not untruly said in the Answerers Preface that he came armed into the field with no other weapons than impudence ignorance and falshoods And to say truth it can be no otherwise when a man writes both against his science and his conscience as we have very good cause to think this Bishop did Look on him in the point of practise and we shall finde the Communion Table placed Altar-wise in the Cathedral Church of Lincolne whereof he was Bishop and in the Collegiate Church of Westminster of which he was Dean and in the private Chappel of his House at Bugdon in which last it was not only placed Altar-wise but garnisht with rich Plate and other costly Utensils one of his own words in more than ordinary manner Look on him in his letter to the Vicar of Grantham and he tells him thus that your Communion Table is to stand Altar-wise if you meane in that place of the Chancell where the Altar stood I thinke somewhat may be said for that because the injunctions 1559. diâ—… so place it and I conceive it to be the most decent scituation when it is not used and for use too where the quire is mounted up by steps and open so that he that officiates may be seene and heard of all the Congregation Nor writes he thus onely to that Vâ—…ar but he allowes it in that Tract which my Author speakes of both in Cathedrall Churches and in the Kings Chappels and in the Chappels of great men which certainly have no more Law for it then what the Archbishop had for placing it in the Parish Churches which as the Bishop telleth the Vicar are to be presidented by the formes in his Majesties Chappels and in the Quires of their Cathedralls If it be asked what moved the Bishop to stickle so stoutly in this businesse it may be answered that he loved to fiâ—…sh in a troubled water that being a man which considered only his own ends he went such wayes as most conduced to the â—…ccomplishing of the ends he aimed at Being in Power and place at Court in the time of K. James he made himself the head of the Popish Faction because he thought the match with Spaine which was then in treaty would bring not only a connivance to that Religion but also a Toleration of it And who more like to be in favour if that match went on then such as were most zealous in doing good offices to the Catholick cause But being by King Charles deprived first of the Great Seale and afterwards commanded to retire from Westminster he gave himselfe to be the head of the Puritane party opposing all the Kings proceedings both in Church and State and amongst others this of placing the Communion Table to make himselfe gracious with that Sect who by their shy practises and insinuations and by the Remisse Government and connivance of Archbishop Aâ—…ot had gained much ground upon the people If it be asked what authority I have for this I answer that I have as good as can be wished for even our Author himselfe who telleth us of this Bishop Fol. 145. That being malevolently inclined by the Kings disfavours he thought he could not gratifie beloved revenge better then to endeavour the supplanting of his Soveraigne To which end finding him declining in the affections of his people he made his Apostraphe and applications to them fomenting popular discourses tending to the Kings dishonour c. And being set upon this pinne no mervaile if he entertained the present occasion of making the Archbishop odiouâ—… and the King himselfe lesse pleasing in the eyes of the Subjects But of this Bishop we may perhaps have some occasion to speak more hereafter In the meane time we must follow our Author who having done with the Archbishop goes on to his Instruments for so he calls them in which he saith he was most unhappy Why so because saith he They were not blamelesse in their lives some being vitious even to scandall Our Author needed not have told us in his Preface by the way of prevention that he should be thought no friend to the Clergy we should have found that here in such Capitall Letters as any man that runs might read them Vitious even to scandall that goes high indeed and it had well become our Author to have named the men that so the rest of the Clergy might have been discharged of that â—…oule reproach For my part I have took some paines to inquire after such instruments and subordinate
Ministers of the Archbishop used in the time of his government most of them men of great abilities in learning and though I thinke they were not blamelesse in their lives as who can be that carrieth mortality about him yet I cannot hear of any vitious persons taken into imployment by him much less◅ so scandalously vitious as our Author makes them Or were there such it had been fitter for our Author who desires to be accounted for a Son of the Church to have played the part of Sem and Japhet in finding the nakednesse of their spirituall Fathers then to act the part of Cham and Canaan in making Proclamation of it unto all the world It was a pious saying of the Emperour Constantine reported by Theodoret lib. I. cap. II. that the offences of the Priests were to be hidden and concealed from the common people Ne illis assensi ad delinquendū reddantur audaciores lest else they should transgresse with the greater liberty As for himselfe so tender was he of the credit of his Clergy that he used oftentimes to say that found he any of them which yet God prohibit in the embraces of a Strumpet obtecturum se paludamento sceleratum facinus that with his owne Royal robes he would hide from vulgar eyes both the offence and the offendor A noble piety the piety of Sem and Japhet in the former passage and the Lord blessed him for it and enlarged the Tents of his habitation and Canaan even the whole Countries of the Gentiles became his servants From generalls our Author passeth on unto one particular of whom he telleth us that He was bold to say he hoped to live to see the day when a Minister should be as good a man as any Jack Gentleman in England This is a heavy charge indeed the heavier in regard that the fault of this one man if such men there were must lay a brand of Insolencie on all the rest of the Clergy thereby to render them obnoxious to the publick hatred And though our Author hath not told us by name who this one man was yet telling us that he was a high Flyer and that this high Flyer was deplumed he gives us some conjectures at the man he drives at a man I must confesse of an undaunted spirit and strong resolutions but neither so intemperate in his words or unwise in his actions as to speak so contemptuously of the English Gentry For first we are not sure that such words were spoken our Author offering no proof for it but onely his own word or some vulgar heare say too weake a ground for such a heavy accusation to be built upon But secondly admitting that such words were spoken I hope our Author hath heard long since of an antient by word that every Jack would be a Gentleman and therefore cannot choose but know that there is a difference between a Gentleman of Armes and Blood a true English Gentleman and such JackGentl◅men as having got a little more wealth together than their next poor neighbours take to themselves the name of Gentlemen but are none indeed And such Jack-Gentlemen as these as they are commonly most like either for want of wit or of manners or of both together to vilifie their Minister and despise the Clergie so if the poor party said whatsoever he was that he hoped to live to see the time when a Minister should be as good a man as any Jack-Gentleman of them all I hope the antient and true-English Gentry will not blame him for it Our Author having thus arraigned the whole body of the English Clergie that is to say Archbishops Bishops and those of the inferiour Orders is now at leisure to proceed to some other businesse and having brought his Reader thorow the Disputes and Arguments about the Ship-money he carrieth him on to the Combustions raised in Scotland occasioned as he telleth us by sending thither a Booke of Common Prayer for the use of that Church Very little differing as the King was unhappily perswaded by them from the English The King needed no perswasion in this point the difference between the two Liturgies whether great or little being known unto him before He caused this to be published T is true his first desire was that the English Liturgie should be admitted in Scotland without any alteration and to that end He gave order to the Dean of His Chappel in that Kingdome about the middle of October Anno 1633. that it should be read twice every day in the Chappel of His Palace in Holy-rood House that there should be Communions administred according to the form thereof once in every Moneth the Communicants receiving it upon their knees that the Lords of the Privie Councell the Officers of Justice and other persons of Publick trust about the Court should diligently attend the same on the Lords dayes and that he who officiated on those dayes if he were a Bishop should weare his Rochet but if an ordinary Minister onely he should weare the Surplice and thus he did unto this end that the people being made acquainted by little and little with the English Liturgie might be the more willing to receive it in all parts of that Kingdome whensoever it should be tendred to them But the Scotish Bishops being jealous that this might be an Argument of their dependance on the Church of England and finding that the Psalmes the Epistles and Gospels and other sentences of Scripture in the English Booke being of a different Transl◅tion from that which King James had authoriz◅d to be read in the Churches of both Kingdomes had given offence unto that people desired a Liturgie of their own and that they might have leave to make such alterations in the English Book as might entitle it peculiarly to the Church of Scotland which Alterarions being made and shewed to the King he approved well of them in regard that coming nearer to the first Liturgie of K. Edward the sixt in the Administration of the Lords Supper and consequently being more agreeable to the antient Forms it might be a means to gain the Papists to the Church who liked farre better of the first than the second Liturgie July 23. being Sunday the Deane of Edinborough began to read the Booke in S. Gyles Church the chief of that City c. Our Author here doth very well describe the two Tumul◅s at Edinborough upon the reading of the Book but he omits the great oversights committed by the King and the Lords of that Councel in the conduct and carriage of the businesse For had the Book been read in all the Churches of Scotland upon Easter day as w◅s first intended it had in probability prevented these tumultuous Riots which the respite of it for so long gave those which had the hatching of this Sedition both time enough to advise and opportunity enough to effect at last or had the King caused the chief Ring-leaders of this Tumult to be put to death
neer Barwick he left those shores and came in great Post-haste as it was pretended to disturb that businesse which was to be concluded before he came thither But this vile dealing makes me Sea-sick I returne to Land where I finde that All the preparation both of one side and the other proved onely an interview of two Armies nothing being acted considerable in way of Engagement That so it was is a truth undoubted but how it came to passe that it should be so would be worth a knowing For never did so many of the Lords and Gentry attend a King of England in an expedition against that people nor never did they carry with them a greater stock of Animosities and indignation then they did at this present But first I have been told by some wise and understanding men about the King that he never did intend to fight as they afterwards found but onely by the terrour of so great on Army to draw the Scots to doe him reason And this the Covenanters knew as well as he there being nothing which he said did or thought so farre as thoughts might be discovered by signes and gestures but what was forthwith posted to them by the Scots about him And this I am the more apt to credit because when a notable and well experienced Commander offered the King then in Camp neer Barwick that with two thousand Horse which the King mighâ—… very well have spared he would so waste and destroy the Countrey that the Scots should come upon their knees to implore his mercy He would by no meanes hearken to the Pâ—…oposition Nor were the Lords and pâ—…rsons of most note about him more forward at the last then he For having given way that the Eâ—…rles of Roxborough and Traquair and other Nobâ—…e mâ—…n of that Nation might repair to Yorke for mediating some atonement between the King and his people they plyed their busineâ—…s so well that by representing to the Lords of the English Nation the dangers they would bring themselves into if the Scots were totally subdued they mitigated the displeasures of some and so took off the edge of others that they did not go from Yorke the same men they came thither on the discovery of which practice and some intelligence which they had with the Covenanters the Earls of Traquair and Roxborough were confined to their Chambers the first at Yorke and the second at New Castle but presently dismissed againe and sent back to Scotland But they had first done the worke they came for for never were men so sodainly cooled as the Lords of England never did men make clearer shewes of an alteration by their words and 〈◊〉 in so much that the Scottish Army beginning to advance and the Earl of Holland being sent with a great body of Horse to attend upon them he presently sent word unto the King in what danger he was and how he stood in feare of being under-ridden as I take it by the Galloway Naggs and thereupon received order to retire Againâ—… No marvell if things standing in this condition the King did cheerfully embrace any overture which rended to a Pacification or did make choice of such persons to negotiate in it who were more like to take such termes as they could get then to fight it out Amongst which termes that which was most insisted on by the Scotch Commissioners because it was most to their advantage and the Kings disabling was That he recall all his Forces by Land or Sea Which he did accordingly and thereby lost all those notable advantâ—…ges which the gallantry of his Army the greatness of his preparations both by Sea and Land and the weaknesse of an inconsiderable Enemy might assure him of But he had done thus once before that is to say at the returning of his Forces and Fleet from Rochel Anno 1628. at what time He was in no good termes with His Subjects and in worse with His Neighbours having provoked the Spaniard by the invading of the Isle of Gadas and the French by invading the Isle of Rhe which might have given Him ground enough to have kept his Army and His authority withall and when an Army once is up it will keep it self necessity of State ruling and over-ruling those Concessions and Acts of Grace to which the Subjects may pretend in more setled times But His errour at this time was worse than that the Combustions of Scotland being raised so high that the oyle of Graces rather tended to increase than to quench their flâ—…me Had He recalled his Forces onely from the Shores and Borders of that Kingdome which is the most that He was bound to by the Pacification till He had seen the Scots disbanded their Officers cashiered their Forts and Castles garrisoned with English Souldiers and some good issue of the Assembly and Parliament to be held at Edinborough He had preserved His honour among Forreigne Princes and crushed those practices at home which afterwards undermined His peace and destroyed His glories But doing it in this form and manner without effecting any thing which He seemed to Arme for He animated the Scots to commit new insolencies the Dutch to affront Him on Hiâ—… own shoares and which was worst of all gave no small discontentment to thâ—… English Gentry who having with great charge engaged themselves in this expedition oâ—… of hope of getting Honour to the King their Countrey and themselves by their faithfull service were suddenly dismissed not onely without that honour which they aimed at but without any acknowledgment of their love and loyalty A matter so unpleasing to them that few of them appeared in the next years Army many of them turned against Him in the following troubles the greatest part looking on His successes with a carelesse eye as unconcerned in His affaires whether good or evil But from miscarriages in this Warre I might passe next to a mistake which I finde in our Author concerning the antient way of constituting the Scotish Parliaments of which he telleth us that The King first named eight Bishops then those Bishops chose eight Noble men those Noble men chose so many Barons and those the like number of Burgesses c. Not altogether so as our Author hath it for the King having first named 8. Bishops and the Bishops named 8. Noble men the Bishops and Noble men together chose 8. Commissioners for the Sheriffdomes and as many for the Boroughs or Corporations which two and thirty had the Names of the Lords of the Arricles and had the canvassing and correcting of all the Bills which were offered to the Parliament before they were put to the Vote And perswaded His Majesty that the Cardinall of Richelieu would be glad to serve His Majesty or his Nephew c. That the French Ambassadour did indeavour to perswade the King to that belief I shall easily grant but am not willing to believe that the King should be so easily perswaded to it it being the
should having got more by the bargaine then their charges came to Mary of Scotland then married to Frances the second of France had taken on her at that time the stile and title of Queen of England and the better to pursue that Title had put some companies of the French into the Castle of Edenborough the town of Lieth and other places of that Kingdome The Scots being then busied in the Reformation of the Kirk looked on these French as purposely sent thither by the King and Queen to crosse their actions and hold them under the Dominion of the Popes of Rome and thereupon made suit unto Queen Elizabeth to supply them with Men Money and Ammunition for driving the Frenchmen out of their Countrey And hereunto the Queen most readily assented knowing full well how much it did import the safety of her Person and the preservation of her Title Estate that the French should not be setled in the Forts and Castles which lay neer the borders of this Kingdome So that by succouring the Scots in such proportion as they had desired she played her owne game as well as theirs For by dislodging the French and quitting the whole Countrey of them she kept that back-door shut against all pretenders and by feeding the most Popular of the Scotish Nobility â—…ith gifts and pensions she got her selfe so strong a party in that Kingdome that she became more absolute there than ever any King of Scotland had been before her The Bishops were excluded by antient Canon Lawes of the Councell of Toledo to be assistant in cause of Blood or Death as disagreeable to their Function That the Bishops were disabled by some antiâ—…nt Canons from sentencing any man to death and it may be from being present when any such sentence was pronounced I shall easily grant but that they were disabled from being assistants in such cases from taking the Examinations or hearing the Depositions of witnesses or giving councell in such mâ—…ters as they saw occasion I believe our Author cannot proveâ—…â—…ertaine I am that it is and hath been otherwise in point of practice And that the Bishops sitting as Peers in an English Parliament were never excluded before this time from any such assistances as by their Gravity and Learning and other abilities they were enabled to give in any darke and difficult businesse though of Blood and Death which were brought before him And I remember I saw about that time a little Mâ—…nuscript Tract entituled De jure Paritatis Episcoporum that is to say of the right of the Peerage of the Bishops in which their priviledges were asserted â—…s to that particular But they not willing to contend in a business which seemed so little to concerne them or else not able to strive against the present stream which seemed to carry all before it suffered themselves to be excluded at that time without protesting to the contrary or interposing in defence of their antient rights And this I look on as the first degree of their Humiliation For when it was perceived that a businesse of so great consequence might be done in Pâ—…rliament without their councell and consent it opened a wide gap unto their adversaries first to deprive them of their Votes and after to destroy even the Calling it selfe But this was not the main point which the Commons aimed at they were resolved to have a close Committes to take examinations in the business of the Earl of Strafford and were not willing that any Bâ—…shops should be of it for feare leâ—…t favouring the Earles Cause or Person they might discover any part of those secret practices which were had against him and thereby fortifie and prepare him for his just defence when the Cause should come unto a tryall And now it is coming on apace for our Author telleth us that Munday the 22. of March was the day prefixed of the Earles compearing That is to â—…ay of his appearing aâ—… Westminster-Hall where the Lords were to sit as Judges and the Commons as Prosecutors and Solicitors onely If it be asked how it came to passe that the day was prefixed no sooner considering that he was accused and committed on the 11. day of November which was above four months before I answer first that the Examination of so many Witnesses as were used against him many of which were sent for out of Ireland by especiall warrant took up no small time I answer secondly that in this intervall of time there had been some endeavour used by the Royall party to mitigate the displeasures and take off the edge of his greatest Adversaries and it came so farre towards an agreement that there was a designation of some Offices of the greatest both Trust and Power to be given amongst them it being condescended too if my intelligence or memory faile not that the Earl of Bedford should be made Lord Treasurer and Master Pym Chancellor of the Exchequer the Earl of Essex Governour of the Prince and that Master Hambden should be his Tutor the Lord Say Master of the Wards and Master Hollice principall Secretary in the place of Windebanke the Deputiship of Ireland was disposed of also and some Command appointed to the Earl of Warwick in the Royal Navie And in relation to this purpose the Bishop of London delivered to the King the Treasurers Staffe the Earle of Newcastle relinquished the Governance of the Prince and the Lord Cottington resigned his Offices both in the Exchequer and Court of Wards there being no doubt but that Bishop Duppa would relinquish the Tutourship of the Prince when it should be required of him but before all things were fully setled and agreed on the Kings minde was altered which so exasperated them who were concerned in this desâ—…gnation that they pursued the Earle of Strafford with the greater eagernesse And somewhat to this purpose was hinted in the Kings Declaration of the 12 of August in which he signified what overtures had been made by them and with what importunity for Offices and preferments what great sâ—…rvices should have been done for him and what other undertakings even to have saved the life of the Earle of Strafford By which discovery as he blemished the repute of some principall Members in the eyes of many of the people so he exposed himself to some disadvantages in the eyes of others by giving them to understand at how cheap a rate a rate which would have cost him nothing he might have saved the life of such an able and deserving Minister Secretary Vane upon some occasion delivered to his son Sir Henry Vane the key of a Cabinet to fetch some papers layed therein c. What this occasion was is easie to be seen by the sequell of it especially if compared with those Animosities and displeasures which the Secretary had harboured against the Earl Sir Henry Vane had obtained of the King not long before the Manour of Rabie in the Bishoprick of Durham not without hope of being
did most depend for this businesse was the Bishop of Lincolne of worse affections than the other in regard that when the Bishop was under the Star-chamber suit the Lieutenant then Lord Deputie of Ireland put off his going thither for a Term or two of purpose as it was conceived to have a fling at him before he went This struck so deep in the Bishops stomack that he would not think â—…imself in safety where the Earle had any thing to doe and so was like to help him forwards to the other world Nor speak I this but on some good ground For when the Bishop being then Prisoner in the Tower had made means by the Queen to be admitted to a reconciliation with His Majesty offering both his Bishoprick and Deanery of Westminster in confidence that the King would so provide for him that he should not go much lesse than he was the King upou the Queens desire sent the Earle of Dorsâ—…t from whose mouth I have it to accept the Bâ—…shops offer on the one side and on the other side to promise him in his Majesties name the next good Bishoprick that should fall in Ireland which Proposition being made the Bishop absolutely refused to hearken to it telling the E. of Dorset that he had made a shift by the power and mediation of his friends to hold out against his enemies here for 7 yeares together but if they should send him into Ireland he should there fall into the hands of a man who once in seven months would finde out some old Statute or other to cut off his head Think you the King was not likely to be well informed in His conscience when men so interessed were designed unto the managing and preparing of it and so it proved in the event For our Author telleth us that on the morrow after being Munday May the 10th in the morning His Majesty signed a Commission to the Earle of Arundel c. for the passing of the two Bills one for Continuation of the Parliament during the pleasure of the two Houses the other for the Attainder against the Earle of Strafford And these two Bills he signed as I have been told with one pen full of Inke by one of which he waâ—… sufficiently punished for his consenting to the other By his consenting to the Bill of Attainder he did not onely cut off his right hand with his left as was affiâ—…med of Valentinian the Emperour when he caused Aetius to be slain but found such a remorse of conscience still attending on him that it never left him till his death Aâ—…d by consenting to the other He put such an irrevocable power into the hands of his enemies as was mâ—…de use of afterwards not onely to His own destruction but to the disherison of His Children and the undoing of all those who adhered unto Him who drew Him to the first we are told by our Author and who perswaded Him to the last may be now enquâ—…red Some charge it on the Queen who being terrified with the Tumults perswade the King to yield unto it as the onely expedient for appeasing the people some attribute it to the Lord Say then Master of the Wards and one of His Majesties privie Councell who as it is reported when the King asked him if a Continuance for seven years might not serve the turn made answer That he hoped they should dispatch all businesses in so many moneths and that if His Majestie passed the Bill it should be so farre from making the Parliament perpetuall that he was canfident they would desire to be dissolved before three years end Most lay the blame of it as of all things else on the Marquesse of Hamilton who by cutting out so much work for the King in England was sure to carry on his designes in Scotland without interruption and I have heard from credible persons that he did bragge much of this service when he was in that Kingdome 〈◊〉 frequently that he had got a perpetuall Parliament for the English and would procure the like for the Scots too before he had done so hard a thing it is to say by what private perswasions and secret practises He was drawn to that which proved so prejudiciall to Him that it made Hâ—…m presently grow lesse in the eyes of His people insomuch that a Night before the passing of this Act a Paper was set up near the Gates of Whitehall importing that on the Morrow next there was to be Acted in the House of Peers a famous Tragie-Comedie called A King and no King But as for the publick outward motives which were used to induce Him to and of the great power He had parted with by this Condescension you may hear Himself thus speaking in His Declaration of the 12th of August Upon information saith He that credit could not be obtained for so much money as was requifite for the relief of our Army and people in the Northern parts for preventing the eminent danger the Kingdome was in and for supply of Our present and urgent occasions for fear the Parliament might be dissolved before justice should be done upon Delinquents publick grievances be redressed a firm peace between the two Nations of England and Scotland concluded and before provision should be made for the repayment of such moneys as should be so raised though We know what power We parted from and trusted Our Houses with by so doing and what might be the consequence of such a trust if unfaithfully managed We neglected all such suspitions which all men now see deserved not to be slighted and We willingly and immediately passed that Act for the Continuance of this Parliament being resolved it should not be Our fault if all those particulars were not speedily provided for which seemed then to be the grounds of their desire May the 11. he wrote to the Lords this Letter the bearer whereof was no meaner person then the Prince of Wales In tâ—…Letter which our Author passeth â—…o sleightly over there are many things which gave great occasion of discourse to discerning men 1. That the King having sped so ill by his last addresse unto the Parliament on the first of May should put himselfe upon the hazard of another repulse 2. That he should send this Letter of which he could not rationally expect a contenting answer by the hands of the Prince as if he would accustome him from his very childhood to the Refusalls of his Subjects 3. That he should descend so much beneath himselfe as to be a Supplicant to his People and yet be in such a diffiâ—…ence with them as not to move his owne desires but by the mediation of his Peers 4. That he should put himselfe to such a hopelesse trouble as to write to them for the altering or anulling of a sentence passed but the day before which they had gained with so much danger and so many artifices or to desire the Respit of two or three dayes for the condemned Gentleman
questioned for preaching Popery 81 Placing the Communion Table Altar-wise had both law and practise for it and therefore was no Popery 82 133 Taking away part-boyled Poperies or English popish Ceremonies an impairing the substance of Religion 90 The reason of so great an increase of Papists in England was the neglect of Holy-dayes and Common-prayer 92 Prince his Marriage a branch of the royall Prerogative 12 Puritans rejoyced not at the Prince his birth 97 Protestation taken by the Parliament and injoyn'd the Kingdome 239 Puritan party how they were to be sweetned with the great Offices of the kingdome 226 Religion House of Commons set up a CoÌ„â—…ittee as a Consistory of Lay-elders to take cognizance of Causes ecclesiastical 31 They sate in the Divinityschooles at Oxford Parliament 34 Isle of Rhee errors in that Enterprise 52 S SAbbath Sports allowed on that day the motives thereto and restrictions therein 112 Divinity of the Lords day Sabbath a new Doctrine 114 The Pâ—…iesthoods O der and Revenue under the Gospel not grounded thereon 116 Scots A certaine maintenance setled on the Scots Clergy 107 Scotch Service-book Tumults at reading thereof 145 The true occasion of raising up the seditious Scots 112 Card. Richelieu animated the Scots to rebellion 162 Scots lost by favours and gain'd by punishments 169 They promis'd payment for their quarters at their first coming but afterwards plunder'd all 204 Their cowardly carriag 205 Why freely help'd by the English to drive out the French 223 Sea The Kings dominion in the narrow seas asserted by Selden against Grotius 128 The King regain'd his dominion at sea and secured our coast from piracies through the benefit of ship-mony 120 Ship-mony How and why Kings have levied it as a Navall aid 121 How the Writs issued our 123 The whole charge thereof amounted to 236000 l. which was buâ—… 20000 li. per mensem 123 Clergy not exempted therefrom 124 Socinianisme charg'd upon the Members of the Convocation who made a Canon against it 195 Spaniards old friends to the English 9 They intended really to restore the Palatinate to the Prince Elector 11 Earle of Strafford v. Wentworth Synod or Convocation rightly continued by the same Writ that call'd them 179 Their danger in sitting after the Parliament was up 181 The Oath c. how occasioned 189 Taken for upholding the Church-government then established 191 And that willingly 193 The Clergy's power therein to make Canons binding without a parliament 220 T COmmunion-table v. Popery Bowing towards it a primitive custom no Popery revived by B. Andrews 85 Its setting up within the Railes Altar-wise to prevent profanation enjoyned by the Kings authority 133 Bishop of Lincoln's Book against it 136 V SIr George Villers Duke of Buâ—…kingham made the Ball of fortune 36 His Impeachment by the Birle of Bristol 43,50 By whom render'd odious to the people 63 Feltons motive to murder him 64 His eâ—…tate at his death not comparable to Cardinall Richelieu's 67 W SIr Th VVentw 〈◊〉 of Straff not wise in coming to the Parliament 211 His Triall why defer'd so long 226 Why â—…ecretary Vane was incensed againâ—…t him 228 For want of legall Evidence a Bill of Attainder brought in against him by Legislative power 230 The Kings censure of him in the H. of Lords 233 The names of those Commons that were for his acquitting 236 The Bishop of Armagh and Lincoln with two Bishops more sent to resolve the Kings Conscience 241 The Kings Letter to the Lords in his behalf 246 Sent out of the world per viam expedientiae His Epitaph 240 Dr. VVilliams B. of Lincolne an instrument to set the Parliament against the Duke of Buckingham 36 When and by whose means the great Seale was taken from him 39 Whether he was Eunuchuâ—… ab utero or no 41 Bishop Andrew's opinion of him 56 His Book call'd Holy Table c. wrote against his Science and Conscience 136 He was Head first of the Popish then of the Puritan party 138 He was set free from the Tower much about the time of the Archbishops impeachment 217 VVords New coyning of them an Affectation 4 Y YOrk The Kings second Son not born but created Duke thereof 117 FINIS Fol. 1. Fol. â—… â—…ol 3. â—…bid Fol. 4. Ibid. Fol. 5. Fol. 6. Ibid. Fol. 7. Fol. 9. Fol. 11. Ibid. Fâ—…l 12. Ibid. Fol. 15. Fol. 17. Fol. 20. Ibid. Fol. 21. Fol. 29. Fol. 45. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 64. Fol. 69. Fol. 71. Fol. 73. Fol. 75. Ibid. Fol. 78. Fol. 88. Fol. 89 Fol. 91. Fol. 94. Ibid. Fol. 96. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 101. Fol. 102. Fol. 108. Fol. 110. Fol. 112. Ibid. Fol. 124. Fol. 125. Fol. 126. Fol. 126 Fol. 127. Ibid. Fol. 128. Fol. 129. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 130. Fol. 131. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 132. Ibid. Fol. 136. Fol. 137. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 138. Ibid. Fol. 147. Ibid. Fol. 150. Ibid. Fol. 158. Fol. 159. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 161. Fol. 163. Fol. 165 Fol. 167. Fol. 168. Ibid. Fol. 182. Ibid. Fol. 184. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 1â—… Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 189. Fol. 194. Fol. 195 Fol. 196. Ibid. Fol. 199. Fol. 202. Fol. 200. Fol. 205. Ibid. Fol. 210. Fol. 219. Ibid. Fol 246. Fol. 152. â—…ol 253. Fol. 256. Ibid. Fol. 257. Fol. 158. Fol. 160. Fol. 165.