knowing he had hard measure and such as they would be very loth should be repeted to themselves 11. The tenderness and regret the King may find in his soul for having had any hand though very unwillingly in shedding one man's bloud unjustly though under the colour and formalities of Justice and pretenses of avoyding publick mischief may be hop'd to be some evidence before God and Man to all Posterity that he is far from bearing justly the vast load and guilt of all the bloud shed in an unhappy Civil War as his Rebels charge upon him To overawe the freedom of the Houses of Parliament or to weaken their just Authority by any violent impressions upon them is a design unworthy of the King who shall not need so rough assistance if he have Justice and Reason on his side 13. Popular Tumults are not the best removers of obstructions in Parliaments which rather infringe all freedome or differing in Votes and debating matters with reason and candor 14. When the obstinacy of Men in Parliament resolved to discharge their Consciences must be subdued by Tumults it may be feared that by the same all factious seditious and scismatical proposals against Government Ecclesiastical or Civil will be backed and abetted till they prevail 15. The riot and impatience of popular Tumults is such that they will not stay the ripening and season of Counsels or fair production of Acts in the order gravity and deliberateness besitting a Parliament but will rip up with barbarous cruelty and forcibly cut out abortive Votes such as their Inviters and Incouragers most fancy 16. When Tumults are become so insolent that there is no securing of the King's freedom in Parliament nor of his very person in the streets he is not bound by his presence to provoke them to higher boldness and contempts 17. When and only when Parliaments in their first Election and Constitution sit full and free as in all reason honour and Religion they ought to be things may be so carried as will give no less content to all good men than they wish or expect 18. It may prove unhappy to convene a Parliament where the Place affords the greatest Confluence of various and vitious humours 19. The King when he calls a Parliament should purpose to contribute what in Justice Reason Honour and Conscience he can to the happy success of it nor should it have any other design in him but the General good of his Kingdoms 20. Triennial Parliaments in a Kingdom as gentle and seasonable Physick might if well applied prevent any distempers from getting head or prevailing especially if the remedy prove not a disease beyond all remedy 21. Some men when they meet in Parliament occasion more work than they find to do by undoing so much as they find well done to their hands 22. The perpetuating a Parliament is an Act of highest confidence whereby a King hopes to shut out and lock the dore upon all present jealousies and future mistakes but intends not thereby to exclude himself as some may requite him 23. Those Subjects are unworthy of an indulgent King who deceive his extreme confidence by ill using any Act of Grace wherein he declares so much to trust them as to deny himself in a high point of his Prerogative 24. A continual Parliament by preserving Lawes in their due execution and vigour but no otherwise may be thought until Experiment shew a fallacy the best means to keep the Commonweal in tune 25. The agreeing Votes of the major part in both Houses of Parliament are not by any Law or Reason conclusive to the judgment of their King nor do they carry with them his consent whom they in no kind represent 26. The King is not further bound to agree with the Votes of both Houses then he sees them agree with the will of God with his just Rights as a King and the general good of his People 27. The Members of Parliament as many men are seldom of one mind and it is oft seen that the major part of them are not the right 28. The Majesty of the Crown of England is not bound by any Coronation Oath to consent to whatever its Subjects in Parliament shall require 29. The Coronation Oath is discharged by the King 's governing by such Lawes as his People with the House of Peers have chosen and himself hath consented unto 30. The King should give no ear to the importunity of his Parliament when instead of Reason and Publick concernments they obtrude nothing but what makes for the interest of parties and flowes from the partialities of private wills and passions 31. Every Subject is bound to stand to the sentence of Parliament according to Law 32. Where an orderly guard is granted unto the Parliament no account in reason can be given for the not suppressing Tumults but only to oppress both the King 's and the Two Houses freedom of declaring and voting according to every mans Conscience 33. The King should not by power protect any against the Justice of Parliament 34. It is justifiable for men in Parliament to withdraw who fear the partiality of their trial warned by any sad president while the Vulgar threaten to be their Oppressours and Judgers of their Judges 35. When Factious Tumults overbear not the Freedom and Honour of the two Houses but they assert their Justice against them and make the way open for all the Members quietly to come and declare their Consciences no man should be so dear unto their King as whom he should have the least inclination to advise either to withdraw himself or deny appearing upon their summons 36. Though the King may approve in some cases mens generous constancy and cautiousness yet further than that he should never allow any mans refractoriness against the Priviledges and Orders of the Houses to whom he ought to wish nothing more than Safety Fullness and Freedom 37. Those men that despair in fair and Parliamentary wayes by free deliberations and Votes to gain the concurrence of the Major part of Lords and Commons betake themselves when they have interest by the desperate activity of factious Tumults to sift and terrifie away all those Members whom they see to be of contrary minds to their purposes 28. Bishops ought to enjoy their Ancient places and undoubted Priviledges in the House of Peers 39. Bills in Parliament are not to be brought on by tumultuary clamours and schismatical Terrours and passed when both Houses are sufficiently thinned and over-awed 40. The King beside the grounds he may have in his own judgment has also a most strickt and indispensable Oath upon his Conscience to preserve the Order of Bishops and the Rights of the Church to which most Sacrilegious and abhorred Perjury most unbeseeming a Christian King should he ever by giving his Consent be betrayed he might account it infinitely greater misery than any had or could befall him 41. The King puts much to the adventure who by satisfying the fears and
in State-affairs so neither should He think any Bishops worthy to sit in the House of Peers who would not vote according to his Conscience 97. The King must in Charity be thought desirous to preserve that Government in its right constitution as a matter of Religion wherein his judgment is fully satisfied that it has of all other both the fullest Scripture-grounds and until the last Century the constant practise of all Christian Churches 98. The King that has no temptation to invite Him to alter the Government of Bishops that He may have a title to their Estates will not easily believe their pretended grounds to any new wayes who desire a change 99. Some there are who by popular heaps of weak light and unlearned Teachers seek to overlay and smother the pregnancy and authority of that power of Episcopal Government which beyond all equivocation and vulgar fallacy of names is most convincingly set forth both by Scripture and all after-Histories of the Church 100. The King should have fair grounds both from Scripture Canons and Ecclesiastical examples whereon to state his judgment for Episcopal Government and not permit any policy of State or obstinacy of Will or partiality of Affection either to the Men or their Function to fix Him The Second Century 1. ALL the Churches in the Christian World which Presbyterians or Independants can pretend to are by so much fewer than others governed by Bishops as those in my three Kingdoms will equalize I think if not exceed 2. Oppression will necessarily follow both the Presbyterian parity which makes all Ministers equal and the Independant inferiority which sets their Pastors below the People 3. The Britannike Bishops are as legally invested in their Estates as any who seek to deprive them and they having by no Law been convicted of those crimes which might forfeit their Estates and Livelihoods the King without many personal injustices to many worthy men can give up neither their Order nor Revenue 4. Those Subjects in vain pretend to tenderness of Conscience and Reformation who can at once tell the King That his Coronation-Oath binds Him to consent to whatsoever they shall propound to Him though contrary to all the Rational and Religious freedom which every man ought to preserve and at the same time perswade Him That He must and ought to dispense with and roundly break that part of his oath which binds Him â— agreeable to the best light of Reason and Religion He hath to maintain the Government and Legal Rights of the Church 5. It were strange the King's oath should be valid in that part which both Himself and all men in their own case esteem injurious and unreasonable as being against the very natural and essential liberty of their Souls yet it should be invalid and to be broken in another clause wherein He thinks Himself justly obliged both to God and Man 6. I cannot find that in any Reformed Churches whose patterns are so cryed up and obtruded upon the Churches under my Dominions that either Learning or Religion works of Piety or Charity have so flourished beyond what they have done in my Kingdoms by God's blessing which might make Me believe either Presbytery or Independancy have a more benign influence upon the Church and mens hearts and lives than Episcopacy in its right constitution 7. They who take part with the King in a Civil War have clearly and undoubtedly for their Justification the Word of God and the Lawes of the Land together with their own Oathes all requiring obedience to his just Commands but to none other under Heaven without Him or against Him in the point of raising Armes 8. The King should be well pleased with his Parliaments intentions to reform what the Indulgence of Times and corruption of Manners may have depraved 9. The King may be willing to grant or restore to Presbytery what with Reason or Discretion it can pretend to in a conjuncture with Episcopacy but for that wholly to invade the power and by the Sword to arrogate and quite abrogate the Authority of Episcopacy is neither just as to that ancient Order nor safe for Presbytery nor yet any way convenient for this Church or State 10. The contentions between the Presbyterians and Independants in the Britannike Churches have been the struglings of those twins which one womb enclosed the yonger striving to prevail against the elder What the Presbyterians hunted after the Independants sought and caught for themselves 11. That the Builders of Babel should from division fall to confusion is no wonder but for those that pretend to build Jerusalem to divide their tongues and hands is but an ill Omen and sounds too like the fury of those Zelots whose intestine bitterness and divisions were the greatest occasion of the last fatal destruction of that City 12. The Independants in this seemd more ingenuous than the Presbyterian rigour who sometimes complaining of exacting their conformity to lawes became the greatest exactors of other mens submission to their novel injunctions 13. The King should alwayes wish so well to Parliament and City that He should be sorry to see them do or suffer any thing unworthy such great and considerable bodies in this Kingdom 14. When such Bodies become restive and refractory against Soveraignty the King may be glad to see them scared and humbled by Tumults or otherwise but not broken by that shaking of whom He should never have so ill a thought as to despair of their Loyalty to Him which mistakes may eclipse but He should never believe Malice can quite put out 15. When Parliament or City are not only divided and separated from the King but brought to intestine confusion within themselves He should look upon them as Christ did sometime over Jerusalem as objects of his prayers and tears with compassionate grief as foreseeing those severer scatterings which will certainly befal such as wantonly refuse to be gathered to their duty 16. The best profession of Religion I have ever esteemed that of the Church of England as coming nearest to Gods Word for Doctrine and to the Primitive examples for Government with some little amendment which I have often offered though in vain 17. All the lesser Factions at first were officious servants to Presbytery their great Master till time and military success discovering to each their peculiar advantages invited them to part stakes and leaving the joynt stock of uniform Religion pretended each to drive for their Party the trade of profits and preferments to the breaking and undoing not only of the Church and State but even of Presbytery it self which seemed and hoped at first to have ingrossed all 18. In the administration of Justice the settled Lawes of the Britannike Kingdoms are the most excellent rules the King can govern by which by an admirable temperament give very much to Subjects industry liberty and happiness and yet reserve enough to the Majesty and Prerogative of any King who owns his People as Subjects not as Slaves
whose subjection as it preserves their property peace and safety so it will never diminish his Rights nor their ingenuous Liberties which consist in the injoyment of the fruits of their industry and the benefit of those Lawes to which themselves have consented 19. No Subjects can without an high degree of guilt and sin devest the King of those enjoyments which the Lawes have assigned to Him 20. The King in uncertain times is to require and entreat the Prince his Son as his Father and his King that He never suffer his heart to receive the least check against or disaffection from the true Religion established in the Church of England 21. After trial much search and many disputes I conclude the Religion of the Church of England to be the best in the World not only in the Community as Christian but also in the special notion as Reformed keeping the middle way between the pomp of superstitious Tyranny and the meanness of fantastick Anarchy 22. The drought being excellent as to the main both for Doctrine and Government in the Church of England some lines as in very good figures may happily need some sweetning or polishing which might have easily been done by a safe and gentle hand if some mens precipitancy had not violently demanded such rude alterations as would have quite destroyed all the beauty and proportions of the whole 23. The King is not to entertain any aversation or dislike of Parliaments which in their right constitution with Freedom and Honour will never injure or diminish his greatness but will rather be as interchangings of love loyalty and confidence between a Prince and his People 24. The sad effects that have issued from the insolencies of popular dictates and tumultuary impressions should make Parliaments more cautious to preserve that Freedom and Honour which belong to such Assemblies 25. Nothing can be more happy for all than in fair grave and honourable wayes to contribute their Councels in Common enacting all things by publick consent without Tyranny or Tumults 26. After the storm of Civil dissension and War wherein the folly and wickedness of some men have so far ruined as to leave nothing intire in Church or State to the Crown the Nobility the Clergy or the Commons either as to Lawes Liberties Estates Order Honour Conscience or Lives the yong Prince that succeeds should be an Anchor or Harbour rather to the tossed and weather-beaten Kingdoms a Repairer of the ruines by his wisdom justice piety and valour 27. The King cannot in what extremity soever suffer any diminution of the Churches patrimony or alienation of it it being without paradventure Sacriledg and likewise contrary to his Coronation-Oath 28. The Government of the Church according to its constitution in England is a chief column and support to the Monarchy and Crown 29. The greatest means to make a Parliament happy is That the King on his part and the Members thereof on theirs lay aside all suspicion one of another 30. The Navy and Forts are the walls and defence of this Kingdom which if out of Order all men may easily judge what encouragement it will be to our Enemies and what disheartning to our Friends 31. The King can no way consent that the voyces of Bishops in Parliament should be taken away which they have enjoy'd since and before the Conquest and is one of the fundamental constitutions of this Kingdom 32. Often Parliaments is the fittest mean to keep correspondency between the King and his People 33. Neither Queen Elizabeth nor my Father King James did ever avow that any Priest in their time was executed meerly for Religion the inconveniences that by this severity may fall to the King's Subjects and other Protestants abroad ought to be considered by any Parliament that presses it 34. The Parliament that takes the Government all in pieces must do like a skillfull Watchmaker to make clean his Watch who takes it asunder puts it again together but leaves not out one pin if he means to have it go better 35. The Parliament ought not to wish more than they can shew the King the way how conveniently it may be done 36. It is the great expression of Trust the King has in the affections of his Parliament unto Him when before they do any thing for Him He puts a confidence in them by his gracious concessions 37. If any person durst be so impudent as to move the King to alter the Lawes He ought to put such a mark upon him as from which all posterity might know his intention was ever to govern by the Law and no otherwise 38. That Parliament is not to alledg against the King his deceiving their expectation in the time of his return having departed with their consent who as much and more have deceived Him in the condition for proceeding in his affairs 39. When the King sends a Serjeant at Armes to His Parliament He may expect obedience not a message 40. In cases of Treason no person hath a priviledg by being a Member of the Parliament 41. The King should alwayes be as tender of any thing which may advance the true Protestant Religion protect and preserve the Lawes of the Land and defend the just priviledg and freedom of Parliaments as of his Life or his Crown 42. When the King calls his Parliament together to be witnesses of his Actions and privy to his Intentions it may be certainly believed He has not the least thought disagreeing with the happiness and security of his Kingdom 43. A loyal Parliaments concurrence with the King it may be hoped will so far prevail over the hearts and understandings of the whole Kingdom who must look upon the Members as persons naturally and originally trusted by and for them that it will be above the reach and malice of those who sometimes have too great an influence upon the People to discredit the King 's most intire Actions and sincere Promises the Members being the best witnesses for the one and security for the other 44. When the King and his Parliament have both the same ends there will be no other differences in the way than what upon debate and right understanding will be easily adjusted 45. Let right Religion in which all are most nearly concerned and without care of which they must not look for God's blessing be vindicated and preserved Let the King's honour and Rights which have an inseparable relation with the Subjects interests be vindicated and if ravish'd from Him restored Let the Subjects Liberties Properties Priviledges without which a good man should not desire to be a King be secured and confirmed and there is nothing the Parliament can advise the King to wherein He should not meet them that together they may inform Posterity how much their trust and confidence in each other is a better expedient for the Peace and Preservation of the Kingdom than Fears and Jealousies 46. During any Session of Parliament the King may expect as most proper for the duty of Subjects that Propositions for the remedies of evils ought rather to come to Him than from Him yet such should be his Fatherly care of his People that He should rather lay by any particular respect of his own dignity than that any time should be lost for the preventing of those threatning evils which cannot admit the delayes of the ordinary proceedings in Parliament 47. That the Subjects cannot be obliged to obey an Act Order or Injunction of Parliament to which the King hath not given consent is the King 's known and unquestionable Priviledg and being so is a Priviledg of the Kingdoms 48. The Kings power is invested in Him by the Law and by that only He should desire to maintain it 49. The King that gives away the Militia parts with the power of the Sword entrusted to Him by God and the Lawes of the Land for the protection and government of his People thereby at once devesting Himself and dis-inheriting his Posterity of that right and Prerogative of the Crown which is absolutely necessary to the Kingly Office and so weakens Monarchy in his Kingdom that little more than the name and shadow of it will remain 50. For the abolishing arch-Arch-Bishops Bishops c. a Britannike Soveraign cannot give his consent as He is a Christian and a King 51. The Britannike Kings have so inseparably woven the right of the Church into the liberties of the rest of the Subjects as the Government by arch-Arch-Bishops and Bishops cannot be abolished 52. The King cannot consent to the alienation of Church-Lands because it cannot be denied to be a sin of the highest Sacriledg as also that it subverts the intentions of so many pious Donors who have laid a heavy curse upon all such prophane violations Beside which matter of Conscience it will be a prejudice to the publick good many of the Subjects having the benefit of renuing Leases at much easier Rates than if those possessions were in the hands of private men Nor is it to be omitted the discouragement which it will be to all learning and industry when such eminent rewards shall be taken away which now lye open to the Children of meanest persons 53. The exercise of mercy should be no more pleasing to the King than to see both Houses of Parliament consent for his sake that He should moderate the severity of the Law in an important case 54. No Free-born Subject of England can call Life or any thing he possesseth his own if Power without Right dayly make new and abrogate the old fundamental Law of the Land 55. I am confident no learned Lawyer will afirm that an impeachment can lye against the King all the Lawes going in his Name and one of their Maximes being that The King can do no wrong 56. The Commons of England was never a Court of Judicature Vid. H. Grot. ad cap. 1. Proverb 1. Lips Excerpt ex Comoed. Tragoed Graec.
and Apostacy 47. A King ought rather to live on the Churches almes than violently to take the bread out of Bishops and Ministers mouths 48. They are but golden Calves that must be serv'd when Jeroboam consecrates the meanest of the people to be Priests 49. A King can not so much as pray God to prevent the sad consequences which will inevitably follow the Parity and Poverty of Ministers both in Church and State Because 50. It is no less than a moâ—â—ing and tempting of God to desire him to hinder those mischiefs whose occasions and remedies are in our own power 51. There are wayes enough to repair the breaches of the State without the ruins of the Church 52. As a King should be a Restorer of the State so not an Opressour of the Church under the pretence of publick debts 53. If a good King had not his own Innocency and God's Protection it were hard for him to stand out against those stratagems and conflicts of malice which by falsities seek to oppress the Truth and by jealousies to supply the defect of real causes which might seem to justifie unjust Engagements against him 54. The worst effects or open hostility come short of what is in disloyal close designs 55. A King should more willingly lose his Crown than his credit nor should his Kingdom be so dear to him as his reputation and honour 56. A good name is the embalming of Princes and a sweet consecrating of them to an eternity of love and gratitude among Posterity 57. Foul and false aspersions are secret engins employed against peoples love of their King that undermining their opinion and value of him his enemies and theirs may at once blow up their affections and batter down their Loyalty 58. The detriment of a Kings honor by calumnies should not be so afflictive to him as the sin and danger of his peoples souls 59. Peoples eyes once blinded with mists of suspitions are soon misled into the most desperate precipices of actions wherein they do not only not consider their sin and danger but glory in their zealous adventures 60. Mislead people imagine they then fear God most when they least honour their King and are most ambitious to merit the name of his destroyers 61. A King's pity ought to be above his anger 62. A King's passions should never prevail against himself as to exclude his most compassionate prayers for them whom devout errours more than their own malice have betrayed to a most religious Rebellion 63. It is a generous charity in a King to interpret that his Subjects in armes fight against his supposed errours not his person intending to mend him not to end him 64. It is somewhat above humanity in a King not more willingly to forgive the seductions in his Subjects which occasioned their Loyal injuries then to be ambitious by all Princely merits to redeem them from their just suspicions and reward them for their good intentions 65. A King should be too conscious to his own affections toward the generality of his People to suspect theirs to him 66. A King should never gratifie the spightfulness of a few with any sinister thoughts of their allegeance whom pious frauds have seduced 67. A King should never be perswaded to make so bad interpretatations of most of his Subjects actions as to judge otherwise than that possibly they may be erroneous but not haeretical in point of Loyalty 68. A King should have as sharp a sense of the injuries done to his Subjects as those done to himself their well fares being inseparable 69. Seduced Subjects in this suffer more than their King that they are animated to injure at once both themselves and him 70. A King sometimes hath such enemies among his Subjects as to whose malice it is not enough that he is afflicted unless by those whose prosperity he earnestly desires and whose seduction he heartily deplores 71. A King for restoring tranquility unto his people might willingly be the Jonah if he foresees not evidently that by the divided interest of theirs and his enemies as by contrary winds the storm of their miseries would be rather increased than allayed 72. A King should rather prevent his Peoples ruine than rule over them 73. A King should not be so ambitious of that Dominion which is but his right as of his peoples happiness if it could but expiate or countervail such a way of obtaining it by the highest injuries of Subjects committed against their Soveraign 74. A King should rather suffer all the miseries of life and dye many deaths than shamefully to desert or dishonourably to betray his own just Rights and Soveraignty thereby to gratifie the ambition or justifie the malice of his Enemies 75. A King ought to put as great a difference between the malice of his enemies and other mens mistakes as between an ordinary Ague and the Plague or the Itch of Novelty and the Leprosie of Disloyalty 76. As liars need have good memories so malicious persons need good inventions that their calumnies may fit every man's fancy and what their reproaches want of truth they may make up with number and shew 77. A King should have more patience to bear and charity to forgive than leisure to answer the many false aspersions which men may cast upon him 78. It gives mens malice too much pleasure for a King to take notice or remember what they say or object 79. When a King confutes calumnies it should be more for his Subjects satisfaction than his own vindication 80. Mens evil maners and seared consciences will soon enough confute and revenge the black and false scandals which they cast upon their King 81. Rebels credit and reputation may be blasted by the breath of that same furnace of popular obliquy and detraction which they study to heat and inflame to the highest degree of infamy and therein seek to cast and consume their King's name and honour 82. They are misperswaded who think these two utterly inconsistent to be at once loyal to their King and truly religious toward God 83. Some popular Preachers think it no sin to lye for God and what they call Gods Cause cursing all that will not curse with them 84. Such men look so much at and cry up the goodness of the end propounded that they consider not the lawfulness of the means used nor the depth of that mischief chiefly plotted and intended 85. The weakness of these mens judgments must be made up by their clamours and activity 86. It is a great part of some mens Religion to scandalize their King and his thinking theirs cannot be true if they cry not down his as false 87. A King fights not against his own Religion who imployes Subjects of different perswasions to maintain it 88. Differences of perswasion in matters of Religion may easily fall out where there is the sameness of Duty Allegeance and Subjection 79. When a King confutes calumnies it should be more for his Subjects satisfaction than
Pilate 9. They who themselves seem and teach others to despair of their King's Salvation only discover this that they do not much desire it 10. Uncharitable and cruel Restraints of a King from spiritual assistance of Chaplains may rather enlarge than any way obstruct his access to the Throne of Heaven 11. When large pretenses prove but the shadows of weak performances then the greatest labours produce the smallest effects 12. When a period is put to a work of great concernment all mens ears do as it were hunger till they are satisfied in their expectations 13. No grants give satisfaction to them that pursue their own ambitious ends more than the welfare of a miserable Land 14. It is an unutterable misery for him that hath ruled like a King to be ruled like a Slave 15. A King knowes not what to grant when after his concessions to Subjects that have required all they know not what to ask 16. They who pretend zeal when their thoughts are filled with bloud are but Wolves in Sheeps clothing 17. Rebels that endeavour to rule by the Sword shall at last fall by it for Faction is the Mother of Ruine 18. They that are of such a Weather-cock-like disposition love nothing but mutabilities 19. Much variety doth confound the senses and makes them still hate one folly and fall in love with another 20. Time is the best cure for Faction for it will at length like a spreading leprosie infect the whole body of the Kingdom and make it so odious that at last they will hate themselves for love of that and like a fish for love of the bait be catch'd with the hook 21. It is not expedient for an Army to contradict the votes of a Kingdom endeavouâ—ing by pretending for Lawes and Liberties to subvert both 22. The time will come when the very Clouds shall drop down vengeance upon the heads of those that barrocado themselves against the proceedings of peace 23. A resolute King in captivity is arm'd against the fury of Rebellious Subjects having a breast to receive the arrowes of their envy and a heart possest with patience to sustain them 24. To God nothing is so great that it may resist nor so small that it is contemned 25. A King may rather desire his faults should be corrected by the hand of God than that his ununjust enemies should be the Ministers of God's justice 26. Let Calamity be the exercise but not the overthrow of a Kings Virtue 27. The permitting a wrong way of God's worship to be set up to the injury of the right before establish'd and practis'd will bring shame and grief to a King by his own confession that he therein followed the perswasions of Worldly wisdom forsaking the Dictates of a right informed Conscience 28. They who have been false to their King to those that gave them power and in likelihood to their own souls may be forgiven by him but never trusted 29. It is an humor becoming an impartial King to be still partial for that side which he imagines suffer for the weakness of those that maintain it 30. A King should suffer a Divine who would rectifie his supposed errour no less than a Physician to take his own way of cuâ—e 31. As to the profession of Religion the King is happy who condemns not himself in that thing which he allowes 32. He that changeth for the better ought to be sure it be better before he change 33. Inconstancy in Religion without cause and colour is both sin and shame 34. There is much difference between permission and approbation 35. If the practise of the Primitive Church and the universal consent of the Fathers be not a convincing argument when the interpretation of the Scripture is douâ—â—full nothing is 36. The Interpretation of private Spirits is the Mother of all sects and will bring where permitted Kingdoms to confusion 37. Another mans will is as weak a ground for a King to build his faith on as his own education 38. When a General Counceâ— cannot be had several Kingdomes may reform themselves 39. Rebels never wanted Wrâ—ters to maintain their unjust actions 40. All popular Reformation is little better than Rebellion 41. No Authority is lawfull but that which is either directly given or at least approved by God 42. The Church having any Discipline not conformed to the Civil Policy can neither flourisâ— nor be happy 43. Church-Ambition doth not at all terminate in seeking to be Pope it being no point of humility to endeavour to be independent of Kings 44. Papacy in a multitude may be as dangerous as in one 45. Many things may be avowable upon necessity which otherwayes are unlawfull 46. In points not fit to be discussed instances as well as comparisons are odious 47. Reason epitomised weighs as much with wise men as at large 48. One may lean on anothers arm who leans more on his judgment 49. The soundness of Religion is not to be tried by dint of Sword nor must we judg of her Truths by the prosperity of events 50. When men sit down to discourse or argue Reason should take her seat with them and though she be no Judg have her place if not above their Faith in their arguments 51. The envious mans seeds are tares although the husbandman knowes not when they were sown 52. The child is not to be pour tractured greater than the Nurse nor the Bishops power made to outreach the King 's who is the Nursing Father of the Church 53. Unity may consist in this when many sheaves lye in one mans field that belong to him or be caried into his barn though they be not bundled up in a rick with one cock-sheave above the rest 54. A sum divided into several parcels is not broke while the owner hath all in his possession 55. Whilst Arguments do multiply Time lessens 56. The seed of the Word wherein is Gods holy Spirit being sowen in the heart inlivened by the heat of Faith and watered with the tears of Repentance soon fructifies without any further circumstance 57. It is no strange thing to see Errour triumph in Antiquity and flourish fair Ensigns in the face of Truth 58. It will do no good to keep possession of the keyes when the lock is changed 59. Though the Catholick Church is the white in that Butt of earth at which we all must aim yet the Scripture is the heart centre or peg in the midst of that white that holds it up from whence we must measure 60. That which must determine Truth must not be fallible 61. When a King fears affairs of Councel will meet with sâ—me passion and prejudice in other men it is best for him to resolve they shall find least of them in himself 62. Mens well-meaning â—eal must be guided by such rules of moderation as are best both to preserve and restore the health of States and Kingdoms 63. A King should intend not only to oblige his friends but his enemies also
avenged with my own bloud 25. Some men are not willing to believe their King lest they should condemn themselves 26. To allay the insolency of tumults it may conduce if the King withdraw 27. A King is hardly treated when urged with an Army and constrained either to hazard his own and his Kingdoms ruine by his defence or prostrate his Conscience to the blind obedience of those men whose zealous superstition thinks or pretends they cannot do God and the Church a greater service than utterly to destroy that Primitive Apostolical and anciently Universal Government of the Church by Bishops 28. It is no just occasion taken to persecute with the injuries of an Army for not suffering tamely the injuries of Tumults 29. It is no plausible design for importunate Subjects to raise an Army either to stop their Kings mouth or force his cconsent 30. A King should think his Innocency no whit prejudiced or darkened in the midst of many unfortunate successes of a Civil War on his side 31. How untruly a King is charged with the first raising an Army and beginning a Civil War the eyes that only pity him and the Loyal hearts that dare only pray for him may witness especially when not so many are on his side as the men in Armes listed against him 32. A Kings unpreparedness for a Civil War though it may well dishearten those that would help him while it argues truly his unwillingness to fight yet it testifies for him that he is set on the defensive part having so little hopes or power to offend others that he has none to defend himself or to preserve what is his own for their proreption 33. No man can doubt but Rebbels prevent the King in their purposes as well as their injuries who are much aforehand in their preparations against him and surprisals of his strength 34. When men of Loyalty are over-awd by the numbers and terrours of the Rebellious such as are not for the Rebels dare not be for the King 35. When Rebels prevent their King by surprising his Castles Forts Armes and Navy with the Militia it is so far best for him that it may drive him from putting his trust in the arm of flesh and wholly to cast himself into the protection of the living God who can save by few or none as well as by many 36. It is height of Charity and generosity of spirit in a disarmed King to reckon the want of the Militia not so much in reference to his own protection as his Peoples 37. The many and sore opressions of Loyal Subjects may grieve an afflicted King when he is above his own 38. It is a strange method the men must take who will needs resolve their riddle of making a glorious King by taking away Kingly Power Even as if he should become a support to his Friends and a terrour to his Enemies by being unable to succour the one or suppress the other 39. It is a strange design some men have who propose the new-modelling of Soveraignty and Kingship as without any reality of power so without any necessity of subjection and obedience 40. A King should be much willing to bury all Jealousies in his people of him and to live above all Jealousies of them as to himself 41. No concession of the King 's how vast and large soever will be satisfactory to those men who seem enemies not to him only but to all Monarchy being resolved to transmit to Posterity such jealousies of the Crown as they should never permit it to enjoy its just and necessary rights in point of Power 42. Civility and Duty no less than Justice and Honour should forbid Subjests to ask of their King an alienation of power from himself and his Posterity 43. A distressed King should by no Act of his prejudice or obstruct his Successours just recovery of their Rights from unjust usurpations and extorsions 44. A King under restraint must not be prevail'd with to leave his Subjects in a condition wholly desperate for the future so as by a Law to be ever subjected to many factious distractions 45. When men have tryed the horrours and malignant inâ—luence which will certainly follow their King 's inforced darkness and Eclipse they will at length more esteem and welcome the restored glory and blessing of the Suns light 46. In the Conflicts of Civil War and advantages of Power the Peoples safety and quiet cannot be effected but by some side yielding to which the greatest love of the Publick Peace and the firmest assurance of God's Protection arising from a good Conscience may more invite a just and pious King than can be expected from Rebellious mens fears which arising from the injustice of their actions though never so successfull yet dare not adventure their Authors upon any other way of safty than that of the Sword and Militia 47. A good King in civil afflictions is not to think that he can want any thing which providential necessity is pleased to take from him in order to his Peoples tranquillity and God's glory whose protection is sufficient for him 48. Such unreasonable Propositions as are inconsistent with being either a King or a good Christian while he has any mastery of his Reason he cannot consent unto 49. For a distressed King to oblige himself by a general and implicite consent to what ever unreasonable Subjects shall desire or propound were as if Sampson should have consented not only to bind his own hands and cut off his hair but to put out his own eyes that the Philistians might with the more safety mock and abuse him which they chose rather to do than quite to destroy him when he was become so tame an object and â—it occasion for their sport and scorn 50. They who pretend to make their addresses in an humble and loyal way of petitioning by that sufficiently confess their own inferiority which obligeth them to rest if not satisfied yet quieted with such an answer as the will and reason of their Superiour thinks sit to give 51. A freedom and power to consent or dissent belongs to a Monarch in reason as a Man and in honour as a Soveraign King 52. For a King to trust to their moderation who pretend to it but have it not and abandon his own discretion would be to verifie what representations they may have made of him to the World That he is fitter to be their Pupil than their Prince 53. A Prudent King should not be so confident of his own sufficiency as not willingly to admit the counsel of others nor yet so diffident of himself as brutishly to submit to any mens dictates and at once to betray the Soveraignty of Reason in his Soul and the Majesty of his own Crown to any of his Subjects 54. A King ought to have one septenary or seven years experience of yong Statesmen how well they can govern themselves before he trusts them with any power to govern his people for him 55. A
obscurity 6. They who seek to gain reputation with the vulgar for their extraordinary parts and piety must needs undo whatever was formerly setled never so well and wisely 7. I could never see any reason why any Christian should abhor or be forbidden to use the same forms of Prayer since he prayes to the same God believes in the same Saviour professeth the same Truths reads the same Scriptures hath the same Duties upon him and feels the same daily wants for the most part both inward and outward which are common to the whole Church 8. A serious sense of that inconvenience in the Church which unavoidably followes every mans several maner of officiating no doubt first occasioned the wisdom and piety of the ancient Churches to remedy those mischiefs by the use of constant Liturgies of publick composure 9. It was either the tumultuariness of People or the factiousness and pride of Presbyters or the covetousness of some States and Princes that of late years gave occasion to some mens wits to invent new models of Church-government and proposed them under the specious titles of Christs Government Scepter and Kingdom the better to serve their turns to whom the change was beneficial 10. As the full and constant Testimony of all Histories may sufficiently convince unbiased men That the Primitive Churches were undoubtedly governed by the Apostles and their immediate Successours the first and best Bishops so it cannot in reason or charity be supposed that all Churches in the world should either be ignorant of the rule by them prescribed or so soon deviate from their divine and holy pattern 11. Since the first Age for 1500 years not one Example can be produced of any setled Church wherein were many Ministers and Congrations which had not some Bishop above them under whose jurisdiction and government they were 12. Use is the great Arbitratour of words and Master of language 13. Not only in Religion but also in right Reason and the true nature of Governments it cannot be thought that an orderly Subordination among Presbyters or Ministers should be any more against Christianity than it is in all secular and civil Governments where Parity breeds Confusion and Faction 14. I can no more believe that such order is inconsistent with true Religion than good features are with beauty or numbers with harmony 15. It is not likely that God who appointed several orders and a Prelacy in the Government of his Church among the Jewish Priests should abhor or forbid them among Christian Ministers who have as much of the Principles of Schism and Division as other men 16. I conceive it was not the favour of Princes or ambition of Presbyters but the wisdom and piety of the Apostles that first setled Bishops in the Church which Authority they constantly used and injoyed in those times which were purest for Religion though sharpest for Persecution 17. Tyranny becomes no Christians least of all Churchmen 18. The late Reformed Churches whose examples are obtruded for not retaining Bishops the necessity of times and affairs rather excuseth than commendeth for their inconformity to all Antiquity 19. I could never see any reason why Churches orderly reformed and governed by Bishops should be forced to conform to those few rather than to the Catholick example of all Ancient Churches which needed no Reformation 20. It is no point of wisdom or charity where Christians differ as many do in some points there to widen the differences and at once to give all the Christian World except a handfull of some Protestants so great a scandal in point of Church-Government as to change it whom though you may convince of their Errours in some points of Doctrine yet you shall never perswade them that to compleat their Reformation they must necessarily desert and wholly cast off that Government which they and all before them have ever owned as Catholick Primitive and Apostolical 21. Never Schismaticks nor Hereticks except the Arians have strayed from the Unity and Conformity of the Church in point of Government ever having Bishops above Presbyters 22. Among those that have endeavoured or effected a change in the Government of the Church such as have rendred themselves guilty of inconstancy cause a great prejudice against their novelty in the opinion of their King whose consent they would have 23. Their facility and levity is never to be excused whose learning or integrity cannot in charity be so far doubted as if they understood not what before they did or as if they conformed to Episcopal Government contrary to their consciences and yet the same men before ever the point had any free and impartial debate contrary to their former Oaths and practice against their obedience to their Lawes in force and against their Kings consent have not only quite cried down the Government by Bishops but have approved and encouraged the violent and most illegal stripping Bishops and other Churchmen of all their due Authority and revenues the selling away and utter alienation of those Church Lands from any Ecclesiastical uses 24. The Desertors of Episcopacy will at last appear the greatest Enemies to and betrayers of their own interest whose folly will become a punishment unto it self for 25. Presbytery is never so considerable or effectual as when it is joyned to and crowned with Episcopacy 26. Those secular additamenâ—â— and ornaments of Authority Civil Honour and Estate which Christian Princes in all Countryes have annexed to Bishops and Church men are to be lookt upon but as just rewardâ— of their learning and piety who are fit to be in any degree of Church-Government also enablements to works of Charity and Hospitality meet strenthnings of their Authority in point of respect and observance 27. I would have such men Bishops as are most worthy of those encouragements and be ablest to use them 28. A Kings good intention whose judgment faild at any time makes his errour venial 29. It is neither just for Subjects nor pious for Christians by violents and indignities with servile restraints to seek to force their King and Soveraign against the well-laid gounds of his judgment to consent to any their weak and divided novelties touching the Government of the Church 30. I could never see any probable shew in true Reason and in Scripture for the Government of the Church otherwise than by Bishops the greatest Pretenders of a different sense either contenting themselves with the examples of some Churches in their infancy and solitude when one Presbyter might serve one Congregation in a City or Countrey or else denying these most evident Truths 1. That the Apostles were Bishops over those Presbyters they ordained as well as over the Churches they planted 2. That Government being necessary for the Churches wellbeing when multiplied and sociated must also necessarily descend from the Apostles to others after the example of that power and Superiority they had above others which could not end with their persons since the use and ends of such Government still
continue 31. Ignorance Superstition Aâ—varice Revenge with other disorderly and disloyal Passions have so blown up some mens minds against Episcopal Government in the Church that what they want of Reasons or Primitive Patterns they supply with violence and oppression 32. Some mens zeal for Bishops Lands Houses and Revenues hath set them on work to eat up Episcopacy 33. A King solemnly obliged by an Oath agreable to his judgment to preserve Episcopal Government and the Rights of the Church hath a particular engagement above other men so to do 34. The said King being daily by the best disquisition of Truth more confirmed in the Reason and Religion of that to which he is sworn no man that wisheth not his damnation can perswade Him at once to so notorious and combined sins as those of Sacriledg and Perjury in parting with Episcopacy 35. Men of ambitious Covetousness and secrilegious Cruelty will torture with their King both Church and State in Civil dissentions till if he have not an invincible resolution he shall not be forced to consent and declare that he does approve what God knowes he utterly dislikes and in his Soul abhors 36. Should a King pressed by Imperious Subjects shamefully and dishonouraly give his consent to any bold demand against Reason Justice and Religion yet should he not by so doing satisfie the divided Interests and Opinions of those Parties if any such be among them which contend with each other as well as both against Him 37. The abuses of Episcopacy deserve to be extirpated as much as the use retained 38. A right Episcopacy doth at once satisfie all just desires and interests of good Bishops humble Presbyters and sober People so as Church-affairs should be managed neither with tyranny parity nor popularity neither Bishops ejected nor Presbyters despised nor People oppressed 39. A King that can seldom get opportunities to Treat with Subjects in armes against Him should yet never want either desire or disposition to it having greater considence of his Reason than his Sword 40. A King should very unwillingly be compelled to defend himself with Arms against his Subjects and very willingly embrace any thing tending unto Peace 41. No success should ever enhaunce with a King the price of Peace between him and his Subjects which should be as earnestly desired by Him as any man though He be like to pay dearer than any man for it so He reserve his Honour and his Conscience 42. A King should condescend to the desires of his Subjects as far as Reason Honour and Conscience will give Him leave having special regard to those differences that are essential to the security or prosperity of his People To deny some other demands may be the greatest justice to Himself and favour to his Subjects 43. A King willing to condescend to the setling of Church-affairs so as he may give satisfaction to all men must have a care not to comply with such whom faction covetousness or superstition may have engaged more than any true zeal charity or love of reformation 44. Although a King may be content to yield to all that may seem to advance true piety yet He must seek to continue what is necessary in point of Order Maintenance and Authority to the Church's Government especially if He be perswaded that it is most agreable to the true principles of all Government raised to its full stature and perfection as also to the Primitive Apostolical pattern and the practise of the Universal Church conform thereto 45. The King is very excusable both before God and all unpassionate men for the distance between Him and Subjects in Arms against Him that in Treaties and Transactions endeavoureth no less the restauration of peace to his People than the preservation of his own Crowns to his posterity 46. If such Treaties give occasion to any mans further restiveness it is imputable to their own depraved tempers not to any Concessions or Negations of their King who has alwayes the content of what He offered and they the regret and blame for what they refused 47. A King may presage the unsuccessfulness of any Treaty with his Subjects among whom he finds an unwillingness to treat that implying some things to be gained by the Sword whose unreasonableness they are loth to have fairly scanned being more proper to be acted by Soldiers than by Counselors 48. When God gives a King victory over his Subjects in Armes against him it is to try Him that He may know how with moderation and thanks to own and use his power who is the only true Lord of Hosts able when he pleases to repress the confidence of those who fight against him though with great advantage for power and numbers 49. A King who for small beginnings on his part at length is attended on by an Army wherewith He may encounter his rebellious Subjects has this comfort that He is not wholly forsaken by his Peoples love or Gods Protection 50. When God at any time permits the same King to be worsted by his Enemies it is to exercise his patience and teach Him not to trust in the arme of Flesh but in the living God 51. They who fight against their King are forced to slie to the shifts of some pretended Fears and wild fundamentals of State as they use to call them which actually overthrow the present Fabrick both of Church and State 52. The imaginary Reasons which Rebels alledg for self defence are commonly most impertinent and such as will fit any Faction that hath but power and confidence enough to second with the Sword all their demands against the present Lawes and Governours 53. Lawes and Governours can never be such as some side or other will not find fault with so as to urge what they call a Reformation of them to a Rebellion against them 54. They are Parasitick Preachers that dare call those Martyrs who died fighting against their King the Lawes their Oaths and right Religion established For 55. Sober Christians know than the glorious Title of Martyr can with truth be applied only to those who seriously prefer God's Truth and their duty in all the foresaid particulars before their lives and all that is dear to them in this World 56. The Wounds and temporal Ruines of those loyal Subjects who are slain in Civil Wars serve as a gracious opportunity for their eternal Health and Happiness while the evident approach of death through God's grace effectually disposeth their Hearts to such Humility Faith and Repentance which together with the Rectitude of their engagement fully prepares them for a better life than that which their enemies brutish and disloyal firceness can deprive them of or without repentance hope to enjoy 57. Those Rebels who may have often the better against their King's side in the Field will never have so at the Bar of God's Tribunal or their own Consciences 58. The condition of loyal Subjects in a Civil War though conquered and dying for their King no question is
and for their fidelity may have cause to love 7. As a King never needs so He should never desire more the service and assistance of Clergy-men judiciously pious and soberly devout than when by misfortune sequesterd from civil comforts and secular attendants 8. A distressed King cannot think some Divines though He respects them for that worth and piety which may be in them proper to be his present Comforters and Physicions who have had a great influence in occasioning the publick calamities in his Kingdoms and inflicting the wounds He hath upon Himself 9. The spirits of those Divines whose judgments stand at a distance from their King or in jealousie of Him or in opposition against Him cannot so harmoniously accord with his or his with theirs either in Prayer or other holy duties as is meet and most comfortable whose golden rule and bond of perfection consists in that of mutual Love and Charity 10. The King who is much a friend to all Church-men that have any thing in them beseeming that sacred function will if there be cause hazard his own interest upon Conscience and Constancy to maintain their Rights 11. Such Clergy-men who so unhandsomely requite their King as to desert Him in his calamity when their Loyalty and Constancy is most required may live to repent no less for his sufferings than their own ungratefull errours and that injurious contempt and meanness which they bring upon their calling and persons 12. An afflicted King though he pities all Clergy-men that desert Him and despiseth none of a different opinion from his yet sure He may take leave to make choise of some for his special Attendants who are best approved in his judgment and most sutable to his affection 13. A King imprisoned by his Subjects to whom they will not permit the attendance of his Chaplains can make no more charitable construction of their denial than that they esteem Him sufficient Himself to discharge his duty to God as a Priest though not to Men as a Prince 14. I think both Offices Regal and Sacerdotal might well become the same Person as anciently they were under one name and the united rights of primogeniture 15. A King cannot follow better presidents if He be able than those two eminent David and Solemon not more famous for their Scepter and Crowns than one was for devout Psalms and Prayers the other for his divine Parables and Preaching whence the one merited and assumed the name of a Prophet the other a Preacher Titles of greater honour where rightly placed than any of those the Roman Emperours affected from the Nations they subdued But 16. Since the order of God's Wisdome and Providence hath for the most part alwayes distinguished the gifts and offices of Kings and Priests of Princes and Preachers both in the Jewish and Christian Churches an imprisoned King may be sorry to find Himself reduced to the necessity of being both or injoying neither 17. As a Soveraign owes his Clergy the protection of a Christian King so He should desire to enjoy from them the benefit of their gifts and prayers 18. However as the spiritual Government by which the devout Soul is subject to Christ and through his merits daily offers it self and its services to God every private believer is a King and Priest invested with the honour of a Royal Priesthood yet he is not thereby constituted Priest or Preacher as to the outward polity of the Church 19. A King's consciousness to his spiritual defects may make him more prize and desire those pious assistances which especially in any his exigencies holy and good Ministers either Bishops or Presbyters may afford him 20. The King is reduced to great extremities to whom by God's pleasure and permission to his Subjects nothing is left but his life for them to take from Him and nothing more to desire of them which might little seem to provoke their jealousies and offence to deny Him as some have done than this of having some means afforded Him for his souls comfort and support 21. When a King reduced to extremity by his Subjects makes choice of Chaplains to assist Him that are men no way scandalous and every way eminent for their learning and piety no less than for their Loyalty no exceptions imaginable can be made against them but only this That they may seem too able and too well affected toward him and his service 22. A King should count his misfortunes the greater by far when they light also upon the young Prince his son and any others whom he may have cause to love so well as Himself and of whose unmerited sufferings He should have a greater sense than of his own 23. The different education of Princes hath different success when they come to exercise their Government the evidence of which Holy Writ affords us in the contemplation of David and Rehoboam The one prepared by many afflictions for a flourishing Kingdom The other softned by the unparallel'd prosperity of Solomon's Court and so by flatteries corrupted to the great diminution both of Peace Honour and Kingdom 24. A distressed King may trust that God will graciously direct all the black lines of Affliction which he pleaseth to draw on him to the Centre of true happiness if by them he be drawn neerer of God 25. When a yong Prince shall attain the Crown whereof his Father was injuriously devested He ought first to do justice to God his own Soul and his Church in the profession and prosecution both of truth and unity in Religion the next main hinge on which his prosperity will depend and move being that of Civil Justice He is to administer to his People 26. When a good King is persecuted by his own Subjects for the preservation of a right Religion and just Lawes established he may without vanity turn the reproach of his Sufferings as to the World's censure into the honour of a kind of Martyrdome as to the testimony of his own Conscience 27. Since a distressed King knowes not how God will deal with Him as to a removal of the pressures and indignities which his justice even by the very unjust hands of some of his own Subjects may have been pleased to lay upon Him He should not be much solicitous what wrong He suffers from man while He retains in his soul what He believes is right before God 28. In civil dissentions between King and Subjects though He offer all for Reformation and safely that in Reason Honour and Conscience He can yet he must reserve whatsoever He cannot consent unto without an irreparable injury to his own Soul the Chruch and his People and the next undoubted Heir of his Kingdoms 29. No difficulties are insuperable to divine Providence 30. When a yong Prince after his Fathers decease comes to the government of Kingdoms which Tumults and Civil Wars had put into disorder He ought seriously to consider the former real or objected miscariages which might occasion his troubles that so he
King according to man's unjust reproaches but according to the iunocency of his hands in his sight 32. If a King have desired or delighted in the wofull day of his Kingdomes calamities If he have not earnestly studied and faithfully endeavoured the preventing and composing of the bloudy distractions in his Kingdome It is just that God's hand be against him and his fathers house 33. A King that hath enemies enough of men if his Conscience do witness his integrity may conditionally dare to imprecate God's curse upon him and his to gain the World's opinion of his innocency which God himself knowes right well provided that he trust not to his own merit but Gods mercies 34. When the troubles of a King's Soul are enlarged it is the Lord that must bring him out of his distress 35. Pious simpliciy is the best policy in a King 36. They who have too much of the Serpents subtilty forget the Doves innocency 37. Though hand joyn in hand a King by Gods assistance should never let them prevail against his Soul to the betraying of his Conscience and Honour 38. God having turn'd the hearts of the men of Judah and Israel they restored David with as much loyal zeal as they did with inconstancy and eargerness pursue him 39. A depressed King in whom God preserves the love of his truth and uprightness need not despair of his Subjects affections returning towards him 40. God can soon cause the overflowing Seas to ebbe and retire back again to the bounds which he has appointed for them 41. He can as soon make them ashamed who trangress without a cause and turn them back that persecute the Soul of their King 42. Integrity and uprightness will preserve a King in distress that waits upon the Lord. 43. From just moral and indispensable bonds which God's Word in the Lawes of a Kingdom have laid upon the Consciences of men no pretensions of Piety and Reformation are sufficient to absolve them or engage them to any contrary practises 44. Nothing violent and injurious can be religious 45. God allowes no mans committing Sacriledg under the zeal of abhorring Idols 46. Sacrilegious designs have sometimes the countenance of religious ties 47. The wisest of Kings hath taught all his Successours That it is a snare to take things that are holy and after vowes to make enquiry 48. A King ought never to consent to perjurious and sacriligious rapines which set upon him the brand and curse to all posterity of robbing God and his Church of what his divine bounty had given and his clemency had accepted wherewith to encourage Learning and Religion 49. Though a King's Treasures be exhausted his Revenues diminished and his debts increased yet should he never be tempted to use prophane Reparations least a coal from God's Altar set such a fire on his Throne and Conscience as will be hardly quenched 50. Though the State recover by God's blessing of peace yet the Church is not likely in times where the Charity of most men is grown cold and their Religion illiberal 51. When God continues to those that serve him and his Church all those incouragements which by the will of pious Donors and the justice of the Lawes are due unto them they ought to deserve and use them aright to God's glory and the relief of the poor That his Priests may be cloathed with righteousness and the poor may be satisfied with bread 52. Rather than holy things should be given to Swine or the Church's bread to Dogs Let them go about the City grin like a Dog and grudg that they are not satisfied 53. Let those sacred morsels which some men have by violence devoured neither digest with them nor theirs Let them be as Naboth's Vineyard to Ahab gall in their mouths rottenness to their names a moth to their Families and a sting to their Consciences 54. Break in sunder ô Lord all violent and sacrilegious Confederations to do wickedly and injuriously 55. Divide their hearts and tongues who have bandyed together against the Church and State that the folly of such may be manifest to all men and proceed no farther 56. A King whose righteous dealing is favoured by God in the mercies of the most High never shall miscary 57. A King who is made the object of popular reproach has his soul among Lions among them that are set on fire even the sons of men whose teeth are spears and arrowes and their tongue a sharp sword 58. Those sons of men that turn their Kings glory into shame love vanity and seek after lies 59. When wicked men on every side are set to reproach their King if God hold his peace the Kings Enemies will prevail against him and lay his honour in the dust 60. God shall destroy them that speak lies against their King and will abhor both the bloud-thirsty and deceitfull men 61. God can make the Kings righteousness appear as the light and his innocency to shine forth as the Sun at noon-day 62. A good King should pray that God would not suffer his silence to betray his innocence nor his displeasure his patience but that after his Saviour's example being reviled he may not revile again and being cursed by his enemies he may bless them 63. God would not suffer Shemei's tongue to go unpunished whose judgments on David might seem to justifie his disdainfull reproaches 64. Hot burning coals of eternal fire should be the reward of false and lying tongues against their King 65. A King's prayer and patience should be as water to cool and quench their tongues who are set on fire with the fire of Hell and tormented with those malicious flames 66. The King is happy that can refute and put to silence mens evil speaking by well-doing praying that they may not enjoy the fruit of their lips but of his prayer for their repentance and God's pardon 67. A King ought to learn David's patience and Hezekia's devotion that he may look to God's mercy through mens malice and see his justice in their sin 68. Even Sheba's seditious speeches Rabshekah's railing and Shemei's cursing may provoke as a King 's humble prayer to God so God's renewed blessing toward him 69. Though men curse God may bless and the afflicted King shall be blessed and made a blessing to his people and so the stone which some builders refuse may become the head-stone of the corner 70. If God look not down from heaven and save the reproach of some men would swallow up their King 71. God can hide the King in the secret of his Presence from the pride of men and keep him from the strife of tongues 72. God's mercies are full of variety and yet of constancy 73. God denieth us not a new and fresh sense of our old and daily wants nor despiseth renewed affections joined to constant expressions 74. The matters of our prayers ought to be agreeable to God's Will which is alwayes the same and the fervency of our spirits to the motions
Providence shall entrust with so great good and necessary a work as is a Christian and Charitable Reformation ought to use such methods as wherein nothing of ambition revenge covetousness or sacriledg may have any influence upon their Counsels 13. Inward Piety may best teach King and people how to use the blessing of outward Peace 14. God whose wise and all-disposing Providence ordereth the greatest contingencies of humane affairs may make a King see the constancy of his mercies to him in the greatest advantages God seems to give the malice of a King's enemies against him 15. As God did blast the Counsel of Achitophel turning it to David's good and his own ruine so can he defeat their design who intend by publishing ought they intercept of their King 's nothing else but to render him more odious and contemptible to his people 16. God can make the evil men imagine and displeasure they intend against their King so to return on their own heads that they may be ashamed and covered with their own confusion as with a cloak 17. When the King's enemies use all means to cloud his honour to pervert his purposes and to slander the footsteps of God's Anointed God can give the King an heart content to be dishonoured for his sake and his Church's good 18. When a King hath a fixed purpose to honour God then God will honour him either by restoring to him the enjoyment of that power and Majesty which he had suffered some men to seek to deprive him of or by bestowing on him that Crown of Christian Patience which knowes how to serve him in honour or dishonour in good report or evil 19. If God who is the fountain of goodness and honour cloathed with excellent Majesty make the King to partake of his Excellency for Wisdome Justice and Mercy he shall not want that degree of Honour and Majesty which becomes the Place in which God hath set him who is the lifter up of his head and his salvation 20. When a King knowes not what to do his eyes must be toward God who is the Soveraign of our Souls and the only Commander of our Consciences to the protection of whose mercy he must still commend himself 21. God who hath preserved a King in the day of Battel can afterward shew his strength in his weakness 22. God will be to a good King in his darkest night a pillar of fire to enlighten and direct him in the day of his hottest affliction a pillar of cloud to overshadow and protect him he will be to him both a Sun and a Shield 23. A King must not by any perversness of will but through just perswasions of Honour Reason and Religion hazard his Person Peace and Safety against those that by force seek to wrest them from him 24. A King's resolutions should not abate with his outward Forces having a good Conscience to accompany him in his solitude and desertions 25. A King must not betray the powers of Reason and that fortress of his Soul which he is intrusted to keep for God 26. The King whom God leads in the paths of his righteousness he will shew his salvation 27. Whâ—n a Kings wayes please God God will make his enemies to be at peace with him 28. When God who is infinitely good and great is with the King his presence is better than life and his service is perfect freedom 29. The Soveraign whom God ownes for his servant shall never have cause to complain for want of that liberty which becometh a Man a Christian and a King 30. A Soveraign should desire to be blessed by God with Reason as a Man with Religion as a Christian and with constancy in justice as a King 31. Though God suffer a King to be stript of all outward ornaments yet he may preserve him ever in those enjoyments wherein he may enjoy himself and which cannot be taken from him against his will 32. No fire of affliction should boyl over a King's passion to any impatience or sordid fears 33. Though many say of an afflicted King There is no help for him yet if God lift up the light of his Countenance upon him he shall neither want safety liberty nor Majesty 34. When a King's strength is scattered his expectation from men defeated his person restrained if God be not far from him his enemies shall not prevail too much against him 35. When a King is become a wonder and a scorn to many God may be his Helper and Defender 36. When God shewes any token upon an injur'd King for good then they that hate him are ashamed because the Lord hath holpen and comforted him 37. When God establisheth a King with his free Spirit he may do and suffer God's Will as he would have him 38. God will be mercifull to that King whose Soul trusteth in him and who makes his refuge in the shadow of God's wings until all calamities be overpast 39. A good King though God kill him will trust in his mercy and his Saviours merits 40. So long as an afflicted King knoweth that his Redeemer liveth though God lead him through the vail and shadow of death yet shall he fear no ill 41. When a Captive King is restrained to solitary prayers what he wants of his Chaplains help God can supply with the more immediate assistances of his Spirit which alone will both enlighten his darkness and quicken his dulness 42. God who is the Sun of Righteousness the sacred fountain of heavenly light and heat can at once clear and warm the King's heart both by instructing of him and interceding for him 43. God is all fullness From God is all-sufficiency By God is all acceptance God is company enough and comfort enough God is King of the King God can be also his Prophet and his Priest Rule him teach him pray in him for him and be ever with him 44. The single wrestlings of Jacob prevailed with God in that sacred Duel when he had none to second him but God himself who did assist Jacob with power to overcome him and by a welcome violence to wrest a blessing from him The same assistance and success can God give as he pleaseth to the solitary prayers and devout contentions of a Captive King 45. The joint and sociated Devotions of others is a blessing unto a King their fervency inflaming the coldness of his affections towards God when they go up to or meet in God's House with the voice of joy and gladness worshiping God in the Unity of Spirits and with the Bond of Peace 46. A King ought to ask God forgiveness if guilty of neglect and not improving the happy opportunities he had to meet Priest and People in God's Church 47. A King sequester'd from the opportunities of publick worship and private assâ—stance of his Chaplains is as a Pelican in the Wilderness a Sparrow on the House top and as a coal scattered from all those pious glowings and devout reflections which might best
kindle preserve and encrease the holy fire of divine graces on the Altar of his heart whence the sacrifice of prayers and incense of prayses might be duly offered up to God 48. God that breaketh not the bruised Reed nor quâ—ncheth the smoking Flax will not despise the weakness of a King's prayers nor the smotherings of his Soul in an uncomfortable loneness to which he is constrained by some mens uncharitable denials of those helps which he may much want and no less desire 49. The hardness of Rebels hearts should occasion the softnings of a Captive King 's to God and for them Their hatred should kindle his love Their unreasonable denials of his Religious desires should the more excite his prayers unto God Their inexorable deafness may encline God's ear to him who is a God easie to be entreated 50. God's ear is not heavy that it cannot nor his heart hard that it will not hear nor his hand shortned that it cannot help a King his Suppliant in a desolate condition 51. Though God permit men to deprive a King of those outward means which he hath appointed in his Church yet they cannot debar him from the communion of that inward grace which God alone breaths into humble hearts 52. When God hath once made a King humble he will teach him he will hear him he will help him for The broken and contrite heart God will not despise 53. God can make a King in solitude at once his Temple his Priest his Sacrifice and his Altar while from an humble heart he alone daily offers up in holy meditations fervent prayers and unfeigned tears to God who prepareth him for himself dwelleth in him and accepteth of him 54. God who did cause by secret supplies and miraculous infusions that the handfull of meat in the vessel should not spend nor the little oyle in the cruise fail the Widow during the time of drought and dearth will look on a good King's Soul when as a Widow it is desolate and forsaken will not permit those saving Truths he had formerly learned then to fail his memory nor the sweet effusions of his Spirit which he had sometime felt then to be wanting to his heart in the famine of ordinary and wholsome food for the refreshing of his Soul 55. A Captive King in solitude may rather chuse to want the memory of the saving Truths he had learned or the sense of Spiritual comforts he had formerly felt than to feed from those hands who mingle his bread with ashes and his wine with gall rather tormenting than teaching him whose mouths are proner to bitter reproaches of him then to hearty prayers for him 56. They who wrest the holy Scriptures to their Kings destruction which are clear for their Subjection and his preservation hazard their Souls damnation 57. Some men under the colour of long prayers have sought to devour the houses of their Brethren their King and their God 58. A distressed King may pray against their wickedness whose very balms break his head and their cordials oppress his heart That he may be delivered from the poyson under their tongues from the snares of their lips from the fire and the swords of their words and all those Loyal and Religious hearts who desire and delight in the prosperity of his Soul and who seek by their prayers to relieve the sadness and solitude of their King 59. Though a distressed King may chance to say in his hast That he is cast out of the sight of God's eyes nevertheless God may hear the voice of his supplication when he cries unto him 60. If the Lord would be extreme to mark what is done amiss who could abide it But there is mercy with him that he may be feared and therefore it is that sinners flie unto him 61. A King in the acknowledgment of his sins before God should reflect upon the aggravation of his condition the eminency of his place adding weight to his offences 62. A King ought to beseech God to forgive as his Personal so his Peoples sins which are so far his as he hath not improved the power that God gave him to his glory and his Subjects good 63. God may justly as to his over-ruling hand bring a Soveraign who in many things has rebelled against him from the glory and freedom of a King to be a Prisoner to his own Subjects 64. Though God may permit a King's Person to be restrained yet he may enlarge his heart to himself and his grace toward him 65. God may give the comforts and the sure mercies of David to the King who comes far short of David's piety yet equals David in afflictions 66. God may make the penitent sense a King has of his sins become an evidence to him that he hath pardoned them 67. The evils which at any time a King and his Kingdom hath suffered should not seem little to him though God punisheth them not according to their sins 68. When the sorrowes of a King's heart are enlarged in the importunity of his prayers if God bring him not out of his troubles he may expostulate with him as having forgotten to be gracious and to have shut up his loving kindness in displeasure 69. An Afflicted King may utterly faint if he believe not to see the goodness of the Lord in the land of the living 70. The sins of our prosperity many times deprive us of the benefit of our afflictions 71. It is happy for us if the fiery tryal of affliction consume the dross which in long peace and plenty we have contracted 72. Though God continue our miseries yet if he withdraw not his grace what is wanting of prosperity may be made up in patience and repentance 73. An afflicted King from whom God's anger is not yet to be turn'd away but his hand of justice must be stretched out still in the exuberance of charity and self-condemnation will beseech God it may be against him and his fathers house pleading the innocence of his People and asking What those sheep have done 74. Though the sufferings of a King satiate not the malice of his and the Church's enemies yet should their cruelty never exceed the measure of his charity 75. An injur'd King should ask grace to banish all thoughts of revenge that he may not lose the reward nor God the glory of his patience 76. A King to whom God hath given a heart to forgive such as have rebelled against him should beseech God to forgive them what they have done against both God and King 77. An afflicted King whom God in mercy remembers and his Kingdomes 1. In continuing the light of his Gospel and setling his true Religion among them 2. In restoring to them the benefit of the Lawes and the due execution of justice 3. In suppressing the many Schismes in Church and Factions in State 4. In restoring him and his to the Ancient Rights and glory of his Predecessours 5. In turning the hearts of the People to God in
the example of Christ to adde Not my will but thine be done 8. God by resolving the King's will into his own can make them both become one 9. The desire of life should not be so great in a distressed King as that of doing or suffering God's Will in either life or death 10. God can make a King content to leave the Worlds nothing that he may come really to enjoy all in him who hath made Christ unto him in life gain and in death advantage 11. Though the Destroyers of their King forget their duty to God and him yet he ought to beseech God not to forget to be mercifull to them 12. There is no profit in a King's bloud nor in gaining his Kingdoms from him if they lose their own souls that do it 13. An injur'd King ought to pray for such as have not only resisted his just power but wholely usurped and turned it against â—im That though they may have dâ—served yet that they may not receâ—ve damnation to themselves 14. God that made his Son a Saviour to many that crucifiâ—d him while at once he suffered violently by them and yet willingly for them will at the instance of a devoted King hear the voyce of Christ's bloud call louder for Regicides than the cry of the King's bloud against them 15. Let a King pray for his murtherers That God would prepare them for his mercy by due convictions of their sin and not let them at once deceive and damn their own Souls by fallacious pâ—etensions of Justice in destroying him while the conscience of their unjust usurpation of their King's power chiefly tempts them to use all extremities against him 16. The mercies of Regicides are very false and so very cruel unto their King who while they pretend to preserve him meditate nothing but his ruine 17. God can deal with bloud-thirsty and deceitfull men otherwise than they deserve by overcoming their cruelty with his compassion and the charity of their devoted King 18. When God maketh inquisition for Royal bloud the Souls which he sindeth penitent though polluted he can sprinkle with the bloud of his Son and then the destroying Angel shall pass over them 19. Though Regicides in design think any Kingdom on earth too little to entertain at once both themselves and their King yet he ought to pray that the capacious Kingdom of God's infinite Mercy may at last receive them both 20. When King and People be reconciled in the bloud of the same Redeemer they shall come at last to live far above the ambitious desires which begat mortal enmities between them 21. When the hands of Regicides shall be heaviest and cruellest upon their King if he fall into the armes of God's tender and eternal mercies he shall be safe 22. What is cut off of a King's life in the miserable moment of a violent death may be repayed in God's ever-blessed eternity 23. The King whose eyes have seen Gods salvation shall depart in peace FINIS CAROLI I mi Monita Observata Britannica The Prudential ADVICE AND OBSERVATIONS OF King CHARLES I. Relating To the POLICIE OF HIS Britannike Kingdoms Collected and Published BY RICHARD WATSON Homer Odys ◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 London Printed for Robert Horn 1661. To the Reader Friend ALthough the Aphorismes in the two former divisions are made generall to serve the good purpose of any Prince and his People to whom the like calamities are incident as were the sad experiments of our own which prompted the Spirit of Wisdome to their production yet the guilt of our sinnes and remembrance of our sufferings will make us easily sensible of their more peculiar reflexion upon our selves This Century with the Surplusage points so directly upon our Kingdome as we have no way to avoid the seasonable importunity of the Counsel and Instruction and knowing what it cost His Majesty that left it are inexcusably miserable if we put not the best value upon it by our observance We hear much of Book-Cases and precedents in contests and pleadings for mens personal propriety I know no reason why such rules and instances as these should not be alike positive and prevalent for Publick Interest the Prerogative of the King and Priviledges of the Church One calls the Sword 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the Souldier should ever have ready and at hand I could wish this might be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the King-and Parliament-mans Manuall not so much to reproach him with the unworthiness of some of his factious predecessours as to instruct him by the fatality of such examples to a future sobriety in his votes and moderation in his publick desires or demands If you and I cannot help the extravagant deviations that may yet hereafter willfully be made from the assured steadiness of this Royal Canon we may at least be satisfied in our own aversion from the Ordinances of men that imagine mischief for Law and betray their trust to the second ruine of their Country à Dieu Your servant RICHARD WATSON C. I. Monita c. Britannica The First Century 1. THe Kings of England should call their Parliaments not more by others advice and the necessity of their affairs than by their own choice and inclination 2. The right way of Parliaments is most safe for the Crown and best pleasing to the People 3. When some mens distempers study to kindle sparks in Parliaments the King may hope to extinguish them by forbearing to convene for some years 4. The King resolving with himself to give all just satisfaction to modest and sober desires and to redress all publick grievances in Church and State may hope by his freedom and the Members moderation to prevent all misunderstandings and miscariages in the Parliament he calls 5. Elections of Parliament men are many times carried in many places with partiality and popular heat 6. The King knowing best the largeness of his own heart toward his Peoples good and just contentment may please himself in the hopes of a good and firm understanding which by a Parliament may grow between him and them 7. The King should resolve to reform what by free and full advice in Parliament he is convinced to be amiss and to grant what ever his Reason and Conscience tells him is sit to be desired 8. Though the King resolve not to imploy in his affairs a questiond Minister of State against the advice of his Parliament yet he should not have any hand in his death of whose guiltlesness he is better assured than any man living can be 9. The Peoples clamours for Justice in exorbitance of fury is not to be regarded when they mean thereby the King and Two Houses of Parliament should Vote as they would have them 10. A Tumultuous Parliaments after-Act vacating the Authority of the precedent for future imitation in case of bloud sufficiently tells the World that some remorse toucheth them that are most implacable against the person as if
importunities of unquiet Subjects both to secure his friends and overcome his Enemies to gain the peace of all deprives himself of a sole power to help or hurt any yielding the Militia to be disposed of as the two Houses shall think sit 42. The Militia is the King 's undoubted right no less than the Crown 43. The King should not desire to be safer than he wisheth the Parliament and his People 44. The new modelling of Soveraignty and Kingship makes the Majesty of the Kings of England hang like Mahomet's Tomb by a magnetique Charme between the power and priviledges of the two Houses in an ayery imagination of Regality 45. The Body of Parliament as the Moon from the Sun receiveth its chiefest light from the King 46. Parliament-men may remember that they sit there as their Kings Subjects not Superiours called to be his Counsellors not Dictatours Their summons extends to recommend their advice not to command his duty 47. When the two Houses have once been in the Wardship of Tumults their Propositions are not to be hearkned to until they shall have sued out their livery and effectually redeem'd themselves 48. When the King's judgment tells him that any propositions sent to him are the results of the Major part of their votes who exercise their freedom as well as they have right to sit in Parliament and not before he may expect his own judgment for not speedily and fully concurring with every one of them 49. The King cannot allow the Wisdom of his Parliament such a completeness and inerrability as to exclude himself 50. A Parliament without the concurrent reason of the King cannot beget or bring forth any one complete and authoritative Act of publick Wisdom which makes the Lawes 51. A King may satisfie his Parliament and his People but for fear or flattery to gratifie any Faction how potent soever were to nourish the disease and oppress the body 52. The end of calling a Parliament being to use their advice that sit the King ought to have charity enough to think there are wise men among them and humility enough to think it fit he should in some things hearken to them whose counsel he may want 53. The Suns influence is not more necessary in all Natures productions then the King's concurrence in all Lawes 54. We are to take heed of and beware the old leaven of Innovations masked under the name of Reformation which heaved at and sometime threatned both Prince and Parliament in Queen Elizabeth's and King James's dayes 55. Reason Honour and Safety both of Church and State command the King to chew such morsels as a factious Parliament may present him with before he lets them down 56. The King hath not any ground of credulity to induce him fully to submit to all the desires of those men who will not admit or do refuse and neglect to vindicate the freedom of their own and others sitting and voting in Parliament 57. I know not any such tough and malignant humours in the constitution of the English Church which gentler Applications than those of an Army raised by their Scotch fellow Subjects might not easily remove 58. If the Scotch sole Presbytery were proved to be the only Institution of Jesus Christ yet were it hard to prove that Christ had given Subjects commission by the Sword to set it up in any Kingdom without the Soveraigns consent 59. If Presbytery in the Supremacy of Subjects be an Institution of Christ it is the first and onely point of Christianity that was to be planted and watered with Christian bloud 60. The many learned and pious Churchmen in England who have been alwayes bred up in and conformable to the Government of Episcopacy cannot so soon renounce both their former opinion and practise only because a Party of the Scots will needs by force assist a like Party of English either to drive all Ministers as sheep into the common fold of â—resbytery or destroy them at least fleece them by depriving them of the benefit of their flock 61. What respect and obedience Christ and his Apostles payd to the chief Governours of States where they lived is very clear in the Gospel but that He or they ever commanded to set such a parity of Presbyters and in such a way as some Scots endeavour is not very disputable 62. The Effusions of blood shed for the advancement of Scotch Presbitery runs in a stream contrary to that of the Primitive Planters both of Christianity and Episcopacy which was with patient sheding of their own bloud not violent drawing other mens 63. Wise and learned men think that nothing hath more markes of Schism and Sectarism than the Presbyterian way 64. The Presbyterian Scots are not to be hired at the ordinary rate of Auxiliaries nothing will induce them to engage till those that call them in have pawned their Souls to them by a Solemn League and Covenant 65. Some pretenders of late to Reformation have intended mainly the abasing of Episcopacy into Presbytery and the robbing the Church of its Lands and Revenues 66. The Bishops and Church-men as the fattest Deer must be destroyed when the other Rascal-herd of Schisms Heresies c. being lean may by these men enjoy the benefit of Toleration 67. If the poverty of Scotland might yet the plenty of England cannot excuse the envy and rapine of the Churches Rights and Revenues 68. There is not any exception to which the best Kings may be so liable in the opinion of them who are resolved to oppose them as too great a fixedness in that Religion whose judicious and solid grounds both from Scripture and Antiquity will not give his Conscience leave to approve or consent to those many dangerous and divided Innovations which their bold Ignorance would needs obtrude upon Him and His People 69. There is not such an Oglio or medley of various Religions in the World again as those men entertain in their service who find most fault with the King that adheres to the establishment of the Church without any scruple as to the diversity of their Sects and Opinions 70. It hath been a foul and indeleble shame for such as would be counted Protestants to inforce their Lord and King a declared Protestant to a necessary use of Papists or any other who did but their duty to help Him to defend Himself 71. The Papists have had a greater sense of their Allegeance than many Protestant Professours who seem to have learned and to practise the worst principles of the worst Papists 72. The King is not to justifie beyond humane errours and frailties Himself or his Councellours who may have been subject to some miscarriages yet such as were far more reparable by second and better thoughts than those enormous extravagances wherewith some men have wildred and almost quite lost both Church and State 73. The event of things may make evident to the People That should the King follow the worst Counsels that his worst Counsellours might
have the boldness to offer Him or Himself any inclination to use He could not bring both Church and State in three flourishing Kingdoms to such a Chaos of confusions Hell of miseries as some have done who most clamour against his Counsels out of which they can not or will not in the midst of their many great advantages redeem either Him or his Subjects 74. Some mens unsatiable desires of revenge upon the King his Court and his Clergy may wholely beguile both Church and State of the benefit of any either Retractations or Concessions He may have made 75. Some men being conscious to their own formality in the use of our Publick Liturgy have thought they fully expiated their sin of not using it aright by laying all the blame upon it and a total rejection of it as a dead letter thereby to excuse the deadness of their hearts 76. I do not see any reason why Christians should be weary of a well-composed Liturgy as I hold ours to be more than of all other things wherein the Constancy abates nothing of the excellency and usefullness 77. Sure we may as well before hand know what we pray as to whom we pray and in what words as to what sense when we desire the same things what hinders we may not use the same words 78. I ever thought that the proud oftentations of mens abilities for invention and the vain affectations of â—ariety for expressionâ— in publick prayer or any sacred administrations merits a greater brand of sin than that which they call coldness and barrenness nor are men in those novelties less subject to formal and superficial tempers as to their hearts than in the use of constant forms where not the words but mens hearts are to blame 79. I make no doubt but a man may be very formal in the most extemporary variety and very fervently devout in the most wonted expressions Nor is God more a God of variety than of constancy 80. I am not against a grave modest discreet and humble use of Ministers gifts even in publick the better to fit and excite their own and the Peoples affections to the present occasions 81. I know no necessity why private and single abilities should quite justle out and deprive the Church of the joint abilities and concurrent gifts of many learned and godly men such as the Composers of the Service-book were who may in all reason be thought to have more gifts and graces enabling them to compose with serious deliberation and concurrent advice such Forms of prayers as may best fit the Churches common wants inform the Hearers understanding and stir up that siduciciary and fervent application of their spirits wherein consists the very life and soul of prayer and that so much pretended spirits of prayer than any private man by his solitary abilities can be presumed to have 82. What such mens solitary abilities are many times even there where they make a great noise and shew the affectations emptiness impertinency â—udeness confusions flatness levity obscurity vaine and ridulous repetitions the sensless and oft-times blasphemous expressions all these burthened with a most tedious and intolerable length do fufficiently convince all men but those who glory in that Pharisaïcal way 83. Men must be strangely impudent and flatterers of themselves not to have an infinite shame of what they so do and say in things of so sacred a nature before God and the Church after so ridiculous and indeed prophane a manner 84. In Sacramental administrations Ministers own forms to be used constantly are not like to be so sound or comprehensive of the nature of the duty as forms of publick composure 85. In Sacramental administrations and the like every time to affect new expressions when the subject is the same can hardly be presumed in any mans greatest sufficiences not to want many times much of that compleatness order and gravity becoming those duties which by the mean are exposed at every celebration to every Ministers private infirmities indispositions errours disorders and defects both for judgment and expression 86. The want of a constant Liturgy of publick composure this Church will sufficiently feel when the unhappy fruits of many mens ungoverned ignorance and confident defects shall be discovered in a multitude of errours schismes disorders and uncharitable distractions in Religion 87. The Innovations which Law Reason and Religion forbids must not be brought in and abetted much less so obtruded as wholly to justle out the publick Liturgy of the Church 88. The severity of those men is partial and inexcusable who cried out of the rigour of Lawes and Bishops which suffered them not to use the liberty of Conscience which they deny others having the power in their hands 89. They who suddenly changed the Liturgy into a Directory seem to have thought that the Spirit needed help for invention though not for expressions 90. Matter prescribed doth as much stint and obstruct the Spirit as if it were clothed in and confined to fit words 91. This matter of the publick Liturgy is of so popular a nature as some men knew it would not bear learned and sober debates least being convinced by the evidence of Reason as well as Lawes they should have been driven either to sin more against their knowledg by taking it away or to displease some faction of the people by continuing the use of it 92. They that use such severity as not to suffer without penalty any to use the Common-prayer-book publickly although their Consciences bind them to it as a duty of piety to God and obedience to the Lawes I believe have offended more considerable men not only for their numbers and estates but for their weighty and judicious piety than those are whose weakness or giddiness they sought to gratifie by taking it away 93. One of the greatest faults some men found with the Common prayer book I believe was this That it taught them to pray so oft for their King to which Petitions they had not Loyalty enough to say Amen nor yet Charity enough to forbear Reproaches and even Cursings of Him in their own Forms instead of praying for Him 94. I wish their Râ—pentance may be their only punishment that seeing the mischiess which the disuse of publâ—ck Liturgies hath produced they may restore that credit use and reverence to them which by the ancient Churches were given to Set Forms if sound and wholesome words 95. To such as have any jealousie that the King is earnest and resolute to maintain the Church-Government by Bishops not so much out of piety as policy and reason of State this may be said That He being as King intrusted by God and the Lawes with the good both of Church and State there is no reason He should give up or weaken by any change that power and influence which in right and reason He ought to have over both 96. As the King is not to incline to Bishops for any use to be made of their Votes