you can not be able to sustein but with very great difficulties In this generall confusion of thinges the king departeth from Pysa towardes Florence and is not resolued what forme he would giue to th affayres of the Pysans he stayed in a place called Signa vij myles from Florence to be aduertised afore he entred the citie whether the tumult of the people were in any sort reappaysed who had not discontinued their vproares since the day that P. de medicis was chassed out of the citie he had withall this intencion to giue tyme to M. D'aubygny whome he had sent for to th ende his entrey might so much the more astonish the Florentyns with direction to leaue thartillerieat Castrocare and giue leaue to the fiue hundred men at armes Italians which were with him in Romagnia togither with the men at armes of the Duke of Myllan except the Count Caiazze which followed M. D aubygny with three hundreth light horsemen it was supposed by many tokens and coniectures that thintēcion of the king was to draw the Florentyns by feare of his power to yeld vnto him the dominion absolute of the citie A thing which him selfe could not dissemble with their Embassadors hauing often recourse to Signa to make perfect thaccord that was contracted it was without dowt that the king bare a minde inflamed against them and nourished many ill disposed meanings against their citie for that they sought to hinder him in his enterprise And albeit it was manifest that that resistance proceeded not of the will of the common weale which in reasonable sort had iustefied them selues yet he could not so easily forget dissolue thimpression of the offence being as it was supposed much induced to their disfauors by many of his councell and Lordes who iudging it not meete to let passe thopportunitie to make him selfe Lord ouer the citie or perhaps pushed forward with their proper ambicion couetousnes were loth to lose thoccasion to sacke a citie aboūding in such treasors wealth in so much as there ronne a brute thorow the camp that the citie had deserued to be punished to serue as an example to others being the first towne in Italy that had presumed to oppose against the power and armie of Fraunce There were also of the chiefest of his councell that solicited him to restore P. de medicis to his former degree for whom with a peculiar diligence aboue all the residue did labor Phillip Lord of Bresse brother to the Duke of Sauoye being induced to that office by the priuat friendshipps promises that had passed betwene them in so much that eyther by the perswasions of them that could doe most notwithstanding the Bishop of S. Mallo councelled the contrary or by a hope to make the Florentyns more inclyned to his will by this feare or lastly to haue occasion to take vpon the suddeine what parte or way he would the king wrote to Peter causing also the L. Phillip to doe the like and aduised him to come neare to Florence for that for the auncient friendship that had bene betwene their howses for his owne particular readines and good will showed in the consignacion of the fortresses he was determined to readdresse him and restore him to his first authoritie But these letters found him not at Bolonia according to the kinges weening for that what by the rough wordes of Iohn Bentyuole dowte he should be pursued by the Duke of Myllan and happly also by the french king he was for his misfortunes retyred to Venice whether they were sent to him by his brother the Cardinall remayning then at Bolonia At Florence they dowted much of the kinges will yet not seeing with what force or with what hopes they might resist him they agreed as a councell least daūgerous to receiue him into their citie hoping there would some meane arise to appease him And yet making the best of their perills and because they would be prouided for all fortunes they ordeyned that the houses of most of the Citisens should be secretely replenished with men naturall of the dominion of Florence and that the Capteynes which were in the pay of the common weale dissembling notwithstanding thoccasion should enter the citie with many of their bandes and souldiers and that euery one within the towne and places about it should stand vpon ready garde to take armes at the alarme of the great bell of the publike pallaice After this the king marched to Florence with his armie wherein was expressed no litle pompe aswel by the glorie magnificencie of those of his Court as by them of the towne he entred in signe of victorie armed him selfe and his horse with his launce vppon his thigh and immediatly began to speake of composicion but that was not without many difficulties for besides the immoderat fauors which some of the french Court bare to P. de medicis and the demaundes of money intollerable made by the king he demaunded openly the imperie of Florence alleaging that according to the orders of warre in the realme of Fraunce he had lawfully wonne it seeing his entrey was armed according to the customs of Conquerors from which demaund albeit he went in the ende yet sought he to leaue at Florence certeyne men of the longe coate so are called in Fraunce lawyers doctors and men of iustice as his Embassadors with such authoritie that according to thinstitucions of Fraunce he might pretende to be giuen to him for euer no litle iurisdiction But of the contrary the Florentyns were obstinat to preserue their full libertie hapning what perills so euer in so much that communicating togither with such a contrarietie of wills albeit the mindes of both partes were continually kept in hoat and angry moodes yet neither faction shewed readines to determine the difference by armes for the people of Florence giuen of long to the following of marchaundize and not to thexercise of warre suffered no smal feares hauing within their owne walls one so mightie a king with his armie full of nations vnknowen and furious And to the french men was no litle amaze the consideracion of the great multitude of peoples who since the dayes that the gouernment changed had gathered boldenes and audacitie aboue expectacion They were astonished besides at the common brute that at the alarme of the great bell there would flocke infinite trowpes of people from all the partes confining In which common feare on both sides at the noyse of euery false alarme that was heard eyther part for his proper sewertie tooke armes but not one did assayle or prouoke an other The foundacion which the king sought to worke by P. de medicis was supplanted for that Peter wauering betwene the hope that was promised him and the feare that he should be giuen vp as a pray to his aduersaries asked councell of the Senat of Venice touching the kinges letters Truely there is nothing more necessary in great deliberacions and on
Venetians accōpained with the bādes soldiours of the contrey A successe that put into his handes the new castell the towne of Raspruch to the great terrifying of the whole contrey with the domages ruines and burnings that he made In this perill the Venetians sent thether Angeo Treuisan capteine of their sea armie with sixtene gallies who taking vpon his ariuall the towne of Fiumo addrest himselfe to occupie the towne of Triesto But the successe falling contrarye to thexspectacion of thaduenture he torned his strength to Raspruch and recouered it by force and afterwards retyred with his gallyes to Venice Fryul and Istria remeyning in a pityfull estate for that some tymes the Venetians cōmaunding and sometimes thAlmains preuailing those townes which the one parte had taken and sacked being eftsoones recouered prayed vpon by the other there was no action which tended not to the ruine of the miserable contrey wherein the lyues and goods of men being in continuall pillage the frutes and welth of the contrey were horribly wasted by all those sorts of oppressions which so bluddye a warre may draw with it During those accidents of temporall armes there was disputation at Rome touching spirituall armes six Embassadors of Venice since the reobteyning of Padoa being gon thether in habyt and show miserable for where affore they were wont to come in with great pompe and magnificence and receiued with a reuerence of the whole Court nowe muche lesse that they were followed or accompanied seeing they were not admitted to enter but by night Suche was the pleasure of the Pope who denying them the presence of his face referred them to negociate in the house of the Cardinall of Naples with him and the other Cardinalles and Prelates appoynted thembassadors of Caesar the Frenche and Spanishe hindring as muche as they could that they shoulde not obtayne thabsolution of the Churche paynes and of the contrarie a Bishop of Englande whom the king of that Nation Henry the eight had sent thither in their fauor soliciting manifestly for them with all the labours and deuises he could vse So full of quarrell is aduersitie and so infinite is the malice of the worlde that to him that is ouerthrowne there are fewe that will lende their handes to helpe him vp agayne and to such as are in wealth and fauor euery one studieth to cast stumbling blocks to make them fall But about this time an exspectation of farre greater things occupied the mindes of euery one for that as Caesar on the one side leauying all the power he was hable of him selfe with suche as he could gather of his aydors and friendes prepared to besiege Padoa with a puissant armie so the Venetians on the other side iudging their vniuersall safetie to consist in the defence of the same Citie labored to strengthen it with all prouisions necessarie for their defence They caused to enter besides the bands appoynted for the garde of Treuisa their whole armie ▪ with all the forces they coulde gather from all partes they conueyed thither infinite numbers of all sortes of artilleries and all prouisions of vittelles sufficient to nourishe them for many monethes and refurnished the towne with proportions of laborers workemen and artificers by whose helpe they made many mountes and sluces of wood and yron to th ende they should not be depriued of the water that was brought to Padoa And albeit the prouisions and munitions were suche as greater could not be desired yet in an action of so great importance the care diligence and industrie of the Senate were incredible omitting no oportunitie wherin occasion was giuen to reconquer their losses and defende their libertie that remayned They set before their eyes the consideration of all things that they iudged to be eyther necessarie or profitable and brought into iudgement all accidentes that eyther feare perill or coniecture could deuise wherin as they were in open conference of things in open counsell Leonard Loredan their duke a man muche respected for his age and of no lesse reputation for the dignitie of his place whereunto he was called many yeres before reasoned at large in this maner In cases of aduersities more doth it hurt to be doubtfull in counsel and wandring then the multitude of ylles that can happen for that when perill and daunger be at hand it is to late to turne confidence into feare and lesse declaration of vertue to be desperat in chaunces seeing there is no accident that hapneth which comes not accompanied with his proper remedie And as follie and rashnes haue no societie with wisedome nor fortune any communitie with good counsell so when the last necessitie hastneth to liue in coniectures is to drawe on the yll that threatneth and to be irresolute is not to temper fortune but to tempt her I feare nothing lesse in you then want of wisdome and valour for that in mindes so well instructed the respectes to common honor and libertie can not but be farre aboue the considerations of our present myseries and fortune But I wishe by the way of warning that we be not too muche amased in the contemplation of our calamities nor more fearefull of harmes that are yet but in showes and shadowes then mindfull to forsee that they resolue not to bodies and happen through our proper negligence and weaknes If it be true right worthy Senators that not onely the hope we haue to recouer our dominion consistes in the well defending of Padoa but also all thexpectation that remaynes to maynteine our vniuersall libertie And if on the contrarie it be most certayne that of the losse of Padoa will discende the last desolation of our countrey we must necessarily graunt that the prouisions and preparations whiche hithervnto we haue made notwithstanding they were great haue not yet bene sufficient eyther for that that apperteineth to the suretie of that Citie nor for that which respecteth the dignitie of our common weale for in an action of such danger and importance it sufficeth not so to order things as there may be a bare hope of the defending of Padoa but we must so prouide that with all our forces there may be suche concurrance of all diligence and industrie possible to the wit of men that it may stande assured agaynst all the accidentes of fortune who beeing mightie ouer all the things of the world hath yet her greatest power ouer thactions of warre It is not a resolution worthy the ancient glory of the Venetian name to commit wholly the publike safetie our vniuersall honor and the proper liues of our wyues and children to the vertue of forreiners and fidelitie of marcenarie souldiours it better agreeth with the extremitie we are in and with the auncient reputation and valour of this Citie to ronne thither with our bodies and stretche out our armes for the defence of that wherein is inclosed the safetie of the communitie of this populous dominion for if we now looke not to the preseruation of that Citie there
councell and vnder cooller of modestie he blamed apparantly that with armed hand and in a time when Italie burned with an vniuersal fire of warre there should be such negociation of a matter which without the concorde and consent of all Princes could not bring forth but fruites full of venim and infection lastly he was well aduertised that he prepared a strong army by sea with the which albeit he published a brute that he would passe in person into Affrika yet it could not be decided whether he leauied that force for other endes Wherein he was so muche the more suspicious by howmuch his words were alwayes full of sweetnes and affabilitie for he alwayes besought the king as it were with a brotherly affection to make peace with the Pope forsaking if otherwise it coulde not be wrought some peece of his owne rightes both not to shewe himselfe a persecuter of the Churche contrarie to the auncient pietie and deuotion of the house of Fraunce and also not to turne him from the warre which he had determined to make vpon the Mores in Affrika for thexaltation of the name of Christ he added lastely that albeit it had beene a perpetuall custome amongest Christian Princes when they prepared armies agaynst infidells to demaunde succors of others in a cause so holy and honorable yet for his part it suffised him not to be hindred and was content to require no other ayde but that Italie might remayne in peace Whiche wordes notwithstanding they were caried to the Frenche king by his Embassadour and pronounced by his owne mouth to the Frenche Embassadour resident with him and that with great demonstration of amitie yet it seemed that they conteined a secret protestation to take armes in fauor of the Pope A matter which seemed not likely to the king that he durste do without hope to be hable to induce Caesar to the same These things troubled muche the kings mind filled him ful of many suspiciōs fearing that to work the peace by the meane of the Bishop of Gurce would be a thing no lesse vayne then preiudiciall vnto him And yet not to stirre vp Caesar he determined to sende to Mantua the Bishop of Paris a Prelate of great authoritie and deepe knowledge in the science of the Lawes These were the doubtes of the one king and the deceites of the other the one full of deuises and the other not voyde of distruste they both open in words and yet kept both their intentions dissembled A matter of familiar custome with Princes to interteine one an other with vayne hopes and artificiall feares All this whyle Iohn Iacques Triuulce remayned with th armie at Sermidi dispersed into many places thereaboutes for the better commoditie of lodging and vittelles And in this time he receyued signification from the king that it was his will that the warre should be administrated by him with this limitation that exspecting the comming of the Bishop of Gurce he shoulde abstayne from all violent action vpon the state ecclesiastike the hardnes of the season beeing also agaynst it by reason wherof it was impossible to incampe in the fielde notwithstanding Marche was nowe begonne Therefore Triuulce both for that he had no occasion to attempt any other enterprise and for that he was in places so very neare determined to deuise howe he might offende th armie of thennemies who being dispersed abroade when Monsr Chaumont returned from Sermidi to Carpy moste parte of their footemen were lodged at Bondin and the horsemen in the townes neare about Finale But assoone as he had receyued his commission from the king he marched the day after to Stellata and the day following somewhat further where he bestowed th armie abrode in the villages thereabouts and raysed a bridge of boates vpon the ryuer of Pavv betwene Stellata and Ficquerolla hauing giuen direction to the duke of Ferrara to make an other a myle lower at the place which is called the poynt beeing that breache or braunche of Pavv which goeth to Ferrara that also he should marche with thartillerie to the hospital a place right oueragainst Bondin In this meane while Triuulce was aduertised by his espials that many trowpes of light horsmen of that part of the Venetian armie which lay on the other side Pavv were the next night to approche Mirandola to dresse some ambushe Agaynst whome he sent out secretly certayne horsmen who being come vp to Belair a plaine house in the contrey of Mirandola found within it Leonard Napolitain capteine of the Venetian light horsmen a man of great place reputation in th armie he nothing doubting that his enemies would discend so farre as to that place was withdrawne thither onely with fiftie horse and there exspecting a greater strēgth that was to follow he with many of his were slain their vallour not being able to resist the malice of their fortune Alfonso d'Este came to the hospitall according to his direction beginning the night following to imploy his artillery against Bondin And at the same time not omitting thoportunity of their felicitie Triuulce sent Guaston lord of Foix the kings sisters sonne a man very young and newly come to the armie the yeare before to runne vp euen to the barres of thenemies campe with an hundred men at armes foure hundred light horsemen and fiue hundred footmen with whom he put to flight fiue hundred footmen appoynted to garde that front or parte of the campe By this example bringing distruste of greater perill all the residue leauing Bondin vnder good garde retyred into places of strength on the other side the Canall The counsayles of warre and enterprise carrie with them for the moste parte a successe variable and differing from exspectation for that no more in those actions then in any other mortall causes the deuises of man can not be separate from their imperfections not one of the plottes of Triuulce succeeded as was looked for for that thartillerie planted agaynst Bondin made little exployte both for the distance of the place Pavv being betweene them and also the ryuer beeing swelled and the rising parte cutte of by them of Bondin it so drowned the countrey that there was no possibilitie of passage from the front of the Frenche campe to Bondin but vpon barkes In so muche as the Captayne dispayring eftsoones to vse the commoditie of that waye to distresse the lodging of thennemies called from Verona two thousande Launceknightes giuing also direction to leauie three thousande Grisons the better to drawe neare them by the wayes of Saint Felix in case the peace proceeded not by the working of the Bishop of Gurce whose comming had bene made somewhat the more slowe and delitorie for that at Sale vppon the lake of Garde he had in vayne exspected aunswere from the Pope whome he had prayed by letters to sende Embassadours to negociate At laste he came to Mantua accompanied with Dom Peter de Vree ordinarily resident with Caesar for the king of Aragon not manye
dayes after arryued there the Bishoppe of Paris the Frenche kinge who to be more neare the solicitations of peace and the better to furnishe his prouisions for the warre was nowe come to Lyon perswading him selfe that the Pope woulde also sende thither and ioyne frankly in the action But suche was his obstinacie agaynst the deuoute willes of all these great Princes that he made greate instance to haue the Bishop of Gurce to come to him not so much that he thought it aunswered thexspectation of his dignitie Pontificall as for that he hoped that in loading him with honours ceremonies and promises ioyned to the efficacie and authoritie of his presence he might raunge him and make him conformable to his wyll beeing nowe more estraunged then euer from peace and agreement wherein to make the labour more easie and the successe agreable to hys desyre he solicited Hierome Vich whiche was of Valence and Embassadour resident for the king Catholike to goe on hys behalfe to the Bishop of Gurce The Bishoppe of Gurce refused not to condiscende to the Popes wyll but he obiected that it were good he woulde firste take order for that that was to be done afterwardes assuring that the difficulties woulde bee more easilye dissolued and decyded if the negociation were firste managed at Mantua with intention to goe afterwardes to the Pope with matters well debated and almoste resolued He alleaged that this course he was bounde to take no lesse for the necessitie then for the facilitie of thinges For as it coulde not bee conuenient for him to leaue alone the Bishoppe of Paris whome the Frenche king had sent to Mantua at the instance of Caesar so there was no hope he shoulde debate in th affayres of his king and no lesse inconuenient to require him to goe with him to the Pope seeing that neyther it aunswered his commission nor the dignitie of his king to goe to the house of thennemie affore their controuersies were accorded or at least very neare to bee resolued Of the contrarie the two Embassadors of Aragon declared that the whole hope of peace making depended vppon the agreement and composing of the affayres of Ferrara for that they beeing determined and no more cause remayning to the Pope to sustayne the Venetians they shoulde bee constrayned to yeelde to peace with suche lawes and conditions as Caesar woulde That the Pope pretended that the sea Apostolike had great and strong rightes ouer the citie of Ferrara and did esteeme Alfonso to haue vsed towards him a great ingratitude and had done him many vnworthy iniuries That to abate and qualifie the rigor of his minde whiche was nowe full of displeasure it was more conuenient that the subiect or vassall shoulde implore the clemencie of his Lorde then to come and dispute of his iustice For which reasons they perswaded that it was not only comely and honest but also conuenient and necessarie to go to him in which iuste humilitie and submission they doubted not but he woulde diminishe a great parte of his rigour They thought it not profitable that that diligence that industrie that authoritie whiche was to be imployed to dispose the Pope to peace shoulde be consumed in perswasions tending to endes doubtfull Lastely they added with very sweete wordes that neither could matters haue their full disputation nor the quarrells sufficiently searched into vnlesse all the parties were together in full assistance And that within Mantua was onely but one parte for that Caesar the French king and the king Catholike were in suche vnitie of leagues parentages and amities that in this action they were to be reputed as brethren thinterestes of euery particular beeing common to them all What by these perswasions and other respectes more speciall and priuate the Bishoppe of Gurce suffered him selfe to bee wonne to goe thither with intention that the Bishoppe of Paris shoulde exspect at Parma what woulde be the successe of his voyage During these actions the Pope notwithstanding all solicitation made apperteining to the peace had not yet altered his thoughtes from the warre interteyning the one with showes dissembled and embrasing the other with desires burning and importunat He supposed to surprise of newe the bastillion of Geniuola recommending the charge of that enterprise to Iohn Vitelli But aswell for the small and slowe paymentes that were made the numbers of footemen were farre inferiour to thappoyntment as also that all the countrey thereaboutes stoode ouerflowed bothe by the plentie of raynes that fell and by the cutting of the rysinges of the ryuer of Pavv there was nothing aduaunced Besides Alfonso d'Este was the stronger by water who with an armie of Gallies and Brigantins so charged the Venetian fleete neare S. Albert that what with the furie of that encounter and with the feare of an other fleete of lesser vesselles which they discerned sayling from Comaccho they retyred to the porte of Rauenna with the losse of two fustes two barbottes and more then fourtie smaller vesselles This accident disappoynted the Popes hope to take the Bastyllion and therefore he returned those companies to the campe whiche lodged at Finalo very muche weakened of the strength of footemen for that the paye was so small About this tyme the Pope created eyght Cardinalles partely to allure to him the myndes of Princes and partly to arme him agaynst the threatnings of the Councell Suche as he created were prelates learned and experienced and as they bare in the Court of Rome a greate authoritie so they were personages of speciall election suche as he reapposed moste suretie in Of the number of this creation was the Archbyshoppe of Yorke Embassadour for the kinge of Englande and the Byshoppe of Syon the one beeing a man of importaunce to stirre vppe the Svvizzers and the other beeing gracious with hys king whom he hoped to kindle agaynst the Frenchmen And to drawe on the Bishop of Gurce as it were with an earnest penny certayne of the same dignitie and with that hope to make him the more tractable to his desyre he reserued to him selfe with the consent of the Consistorie a power to name an other suche a one as he had fashioned already in his mynde After he vnderstoode that the Bishop of Gurce had consented to come to him he determined to receyue him with great honour wherein to expresse more office then thestate of a Bishop of Gurce coulde chalenge and lesse respect then apperteined to so supreme a dignitie as a high Bishop of Rome he went from Rauenna to Bolognia to th ende to ioyne the magnificence of the place to the residue of the honours he pretended There he receiued him with pompes and ceremonies equall to the estate and dignitie of any king the glory of his demonstrations and showes giuing great detection of his dissembled minde The Bishop also for his parte expressed no lesse pompe and magnificence for that discending into Italie with the title of Caesars liefetenant he came accompanied with a very great
to suffer all indignities and incommodities had an intencion as soone as the calmnes of the tyme woulde suffer to goe by sea to Genes and from thence by lande to Myllan to satisfie Lodovvyk in all his desires and to bring againe to Naples his Neece hoping that not onely with effectes but also with this publike confession by the which he acknowledged to holde all his estate and well doing vppon him he should remoue his mind from the warre or at least somewhat moderate his conspiring intencions the rather for that it was seene to all men of obseruacion with what wonderfull ambicion and desire he aspired to be noted the onely arbitrator and oracle of all Italy Alphonso immediatly after the death of his father dispatcheth foure Embassadors to the Pope who albeit shewed manifest signes that he was returned to the first inclinacion of amitie with the french and had at the same tyme by bull subsigned by the colleadge of Cardinalles promised at the french Kinges request the estate of Cardinall to the Byshoppe of S. Malo and reteyned in common with the Duke of Myllan Prosper Colonne whome the Kinge afore had taken to his pay togither with other Capteynes and leaders of men of warre yet he made no greate difficultie to accorde in regarde of the profitable condicions offered by Alphonso who desired much to be assured of him and to bynd him to his protection and defence They made these open conuencions that there should be betwene them a confederacion for the defence of their estates with equal leuyes of men by both That the Pope shoulde conferre vnto Alphonso the inuestiture of the kingdom with diminucion of tribute obteyned by Ferdinand of other Popes for his life onely that the Pope should send a legatt to crowne him That he should create Cardinall Lodovvyk sonne of Henry bastard brother to Alphonso who afterwardes was called Cardinall of Aragon That king Alphonso should pay immediatly to the Pope thirtie thowsand duckatts That he should indue the Duke of Candia with estates within the realme of xij thowsand duckatts reuenue yearly togither with the first of the seauen principall offices that should be voyd That he should interteyne him so long as the Pope liued in his pay with three hundreth men at armes with the which he should be bounde to serue the one and the other equally and indifferently That he should giue to Dom Geffray who for the pawne of his fathers fayth was nowe to goe to his father in lawe the estate of Pronotorye and one of the seuen offices ouer and besides the promises of the first contracte That he shoulde bestowe the reuenue of benefices in the Realme vppon Caesar Borgia the Popes sonne who a litle before was created Cardinall by his father wherein to auoyde impediments of being a bastard to whom it hath not bene accustomed to graunt such dignities he made proofe by subborned testimonies that he was the sonne lawefull of an other Besides all this Virginio Vrsin who by the Kinges sending for came to this capitulacion promised that the King shoulde ayde the Pope to recouer the rocke of Ostia if the Cardinall S. P. ad vincula refused to come to Rome This promise King Alphonso affirmed without his consent or priuitie and well saw that in so daungerous seasons it would bring no litle preiudice to him to be depriued of the Cardinall whose authoritie was not small ouer the towne of Genes which he determined to surprise by the setting on of the Cardinall And because amidd so great troubles and emotions there might perhaps be treaties of councells or other matters preiudiciall to the sea apostolike he did what he could to vnite him with the Pope who not satisfied with any condicion if the Cardinall returned not to Rome and the Cardinall being most obstinate to hazard his life vnder the faith of those Catylins as he termed them the diligence of Alphonso was in vayne and his desire of no effect for after the Cardinall with many dissembled and flourishing shewes had giuen almost assured hope to accept the condicions he stale away by night from Ostia in a brigantyne well appoynted and at a time when was least reason to dowt any such euasion leauing the rocke armed with sufficient garrison And reapposing certeine dayes at Sauone and spending some litle time at Auignion of which citie he was Legatt he went lastly to Lyons where king Charles was come a litle before to prepare with better oportunitie and reputacion the prouisions of the warre which he published he would execute in person he was receiued of the king with great ioy and honor and immediatly ioyned him selfe to those that studied to trouble Italy In this meane while Alphonso more by feare then proper inclinacion forgott not to continue with Lodovvyk Sforce that which had bene begonne by his father offering him the same satisfactions But Lodovvyk to whom nothing was more familiar then to dissemble deuised to enterteyne him with diuerse hopes but with demonstracions that he was constrained to proceede in such exact order and consideracion least the warre determined against others tooke not his beginning against him he left not for all this to solicite and vrge the preparacions in Fraunce wherein to expresse the deuocion of his minde with better effect and to resolue all particularities occurrant in that expedicion and lastly least the execution of all thinges determined shoulde suffer suspence or haue slowe action he sent thether coulering it with a brute of the Kinges pleasure Galeaz of S. Seuerin husband to one of his bastard daughters and in whom he reapposed great confidence and fauors According to the councells of Lodovvyk king Charles sendes to the Pope foure Embassadors with charge that in passing by Florence they shoulde make instance for the declaracion of that common weale The Embassadors were Eberard Daubigny a Scottish Capteine of nation the generall of Fraunce the President of the parliament of Prouence the same Peron la Bache that had bene with them the yeare before They according to their instructions set downe chiefly at Myllan recounted in both the one and other places the rightes which the french king as successor to the house of Aniovv and for want of yssue in Charles the first pretended to the realme of Naples togither with his royall determinacion to passe that yeare into Italy in person not to intrude into any thing that belonged to an other but to reobteyne that which iustly was his owne And to giue his voyage a more pawsible passage in the mindes of men they sayd his mind and meaninges were not so much fixed vpon the conquest of Naples as that afterwards he would turne his forces against the Turkes for the seruice of Iesu Christ glory of his name They declared to the Florentynes how much their king assured him selfe of that citie hauing bene reedified by Charlemain and fauored alwaies of the kinges his predecessors and lately of king Levvys his father
which is a practise very common and familiar in all partes of Italy but that the king and all his court besides the suspicion they had conceyued against the faith of Lodovvyk had his name in honor yea the king esteemed it an iniurie done to his owne honor and greatnes that he had solicited his comming into Italy to be the better able without daunger to execute an act so abominable yet in the ende the resolucion was to march on Lodovvyk continually laboring him thereunto with promise to returne and visit the king within few dayes for that both the kinges aboade in Lombardie his hastie returne into Fraunce were wholly contrary to his intencions The same day the king departed from Plaisance Lavvrence and Iohn de medicis came to him who being secretly fledd from their howses in the contrey made great instance that his maiestie would come neare Florence promising him much of the affections and goodwill of the people towardes the howse of Fraunce and no lesse of the hate against P. de medicis against whom the king was aggrauated by occasions new and greene for the king sent from Ast an Embassador to Florence to propound many offers if they would graunt him passage and absteyne hereafter from ayding of Alphonso and of the other side to pronounce threatnings to them if they perseuered in their former councell wherein to astonish them the more he gaue expresse charge to his Embassador to returne immediatly if they would not giue speedy resolucion he was aunswered with excuses to deferre and expect for that the chiefest Citisens of the gouernment being withdrawne to their howses of solace in the contrey ▪ according to the custom of the Florentyns in that season they could not with such speede giue him an aunswere certeine but would with all diligence aduertise the king of their intencion by a particular Embassador it is most certeine that it was agreed in the kinges councell without contradiction that the armie should rather take the way that leades thorow Tuskane and the territories of Rome directly to Naples then that which lying along Romania la marque passing the riuer of Troute entreth into Abruzze not for that they did distrust to giue the chase to the bandes of thAragons which with difficultie resisted Monsr D'Aubygny But for that it seemed a thing vnworthy of the greatnes of such a king and no lesse infamous to the glorie of his armies the Pope and Florentyns being declared against him to giue occasion to men to thinke that he eschewed the way for distrust that he was not able to force them But much more because they esteemed it daungerous to make warre in the realme of Naples and leaue as ennemies at their backes the state ecclesiastike and Tuskane And therefore the armie turning to the way of Tuskane it was determined to passe rather the Appenyn by the mountaine of Parme then to march the direct way to Bolonia This was Lodovvyks direction when he was at Ast for that he had a desire to make him selfe Lord of Pysa So that the vauntgard ouer whom was gouerner and leader Gilbert de Montpensier of the house of Burbon and Prince of the bludd And the king following with the residue of the armie passed to Pontreme a towne of the Duchie of Myllan sett at the foote of thAppenyn vpon the riuer of Magre which diuides the contrey of Genes aūciently called Liguria from Tuskane from Pontreme M. Montpensier entred the contrey of Lunigiana a part of which obeyd the Florentyns certeyne castells belonged to the Genovvays and the residue were subiect to the Marquis of Malespine who mainteyned their small estates vnder the protection sometimes of the Duke of Myllan sometimes of the Florentyns and sometimes of the Genovvays About those quarters ioyned with M. Mountpensier the Svvyzzers which had ben at the defence of Genovvay togither with thartillerie which was come by sea to Spetia And being come neare the towne of Finizana belonging at that time to the Florentyns whether they were guided by Gabriell Malespina Marquiss of Fodisnoue who was recommended to them they tooke it by force and sackt it making slaughter of al the souldiers straungers that were within and many of thinhabitants A maner of making warre very newe and so much the more terrible to all Italy accustomed for many yeares past to warres rather flourishing in pompes and fine furniture like to warres showed by maskers in a stage playes then to skirmishes bluddy and daungerous The Florentyns were determined to make their principall resistance at Serezana which they had greatly fortified but not with strength sufficient and necessary to resist so mighty an ennemie because they had not furnished it with any Capteine of warre that had authoritie to minister discipline nor yet souldiers neither resolute nor seruiceable other then such as lost hart at the first voyce of thapproch of the french armie yet they of Florence were of opinion that it coulde not be easiely taken specially the castell and much lesse the rocke Serazana both wel furnished and bearing his situacion vpon the hil aboue the towne Besides it was not possible that th armie should remeyne long time in those places the contrey being barreine and straite being inclosed betwene the sea and the mountaynes was not sufficient to nourish so great a multitude and their vittells comming farre of could not obserue such iust tyme oportunitie as to serue their present necessities by reason whereof it seemed the kinges affayres began to fall vpon hard tearmes and that his armie stoode possible to many daungers distresses for albeit he could not with conuenient impediments be let from assayling Pysa leauing behind him the towne and castell of Serazana and the rocke nor kept by the contrey of Lucques which citie by the working of the Duke of Myllan had secretly determined to receiue them that he entred not an other part of the territorie of Florence yet he could hardly be brought to that deliberacion and much lesse condescend to it because he had a perswacion in his secrete fancie that if he wonne not the first towne that resisted him it would diminish much his reputacion and leaue a daungerous example to others to vse insolencie against him But so it was ordeyned that eyther by the grace and blessing of fortune or by an ordenance of more high power if at the least thindiscressions and faults of men deserue such excuses to such an impediment hapned a suddeine remedie seeing that neither the courage nor constancie of P. de medicis were greater in his aduersities then had bene his modestie and discression in his prosperities By this must be vnderstanded that the displeasures which the citie of Florence had receiued from the beginning for thimpediments which were giuen to the king were continually multiplied both for a new chase and banishment of their marchauntes out of all partes of the realme of Fraunce and also for feare of the power of the
rather to a power absolut then authoritie lymited or regulated for that besides that he had many yeares managed that dignitie with happy successe and besides his many excellent giftes graces of the minde he had so preuayled with singularitie of conning dealing that many Senators willingly opposed against such as in a name to be wise for long experience and for that they had obteyned supreme dignities were of greatest reputacion in that common weale linked to him and followed commonly his opinions rather in a manner of confederats and partakers then with that forme of grauitie integritie which duely is requisit in the office of Councellors He desirous to leaue with the increase of the state a worthy memorie of his name not putting any ende to his appetit after glorie and much lesse contented that during his rule the yle of Cypres failing the kinges of the house of Lusignian should be annexed to the Empire of Venice was importunat to embrase euery occasion to make great their estate In which inclinacion opposing him self against those who for the regard of Pysa councelled the contrary he showed with rounde discourse of wordes and reasons howe much it imported the Senat in vtilitie and conueniencie to haue Pysa how much it concerned them to represse by this meanes the arrogācie of the Florentyns who in the death of Phillipp Maria Visconte had made them lose thoccasion to be Lordes of the Duchie of Myllan of late in their action of loanes of money during the french warres had done more harme then any one of thother Potentats he declared that seldom are offered so goodly occasions what infamie to lose them and afterwardes what repentance would follow for not embrasing them That the condicions of Italy were not such that in the other Potentats was power of them selues to oppose against thenterprise and much lesse was their dowte that for this indignacion or feare they would haue recourse to the french king for that neither the Duke of Myllan hauing so highly offended him durst neuer eftsoones trust him neither such thoughtes moued the Pope And the king of Naples when he had recouered his kingdom would heare no more speaking of the french men Besides their entrie into Pysa albeit greeuous to others was not an accident so furious nor a perill so neare as in regard of that the other Potentats should runne rashly into those remedies which are vsed in the last dispaire no more then in sleight diseases the Phisicion makes no haste to giue stronge medicines esteeming that the patient hath time enough to take them That if in this weakenes and separacion of the other Italians they were fearfull to make reckoning of so goodly occasion it were an exspectacion vaine to tary to be able to doe it with more sewertie the other Potentats being returned into their former strēgths no lesse assured from the feare of them on thother side the Mountes That for a remedie of too great a feare they had to consider that all worldely actions were ordeyned to many perills But wise men knewe that there falles not alwayes in question all the ills that may happen for that either by the benefit of fortune or by aduenture many daungers are dissolued and many auoyded with industrie and helpe of the time And therefore it is no office in men deliberating vppon enterprises to confound as many affirme considering litle the proprietie of names and substance of thinges feare with discression and much lesse are to be reputed wise those sortes of people who making certeine all perills that are dowtfull and therefore haue feare of all doe rule their deliberacion as if they should all happen seeing in no manner can merit the name of wise or discreete such men as feare more then they ought thinges that are to fal That such title praise was farre more conuenient for men valiant and coragious for that looking into the state and nature of daungers and in that regard different from the rash sort in whom is no impression of sense or iudgement of perills they doe notwithstanding discouer how often men some time by aduenture and some times by vertue are deliuered from many difficulties So that those that in deliberating call not into councell aswell hope as feare doe most commonly iudge for certeine the euents that are vncerteine and reiect more easily then others occasions profitable and honorable In imitacion of whom and withall setting afore our eyes the weaknes and separacion of the other Potentats the great power and fortune of the common weale of Venice the magnanimitie and glorious examples of our elders we may embrase with a franke resolucion the protection of the Pysans by whose meane we may in short time see our selues absolut Lordes of that citie A ladder most conuenient to rayse vs to the Monarchie of all Italy Thus the Senat receiued the Pysans into protection by decree publike and speciall promise to defend their libertie which deliberacion was not in the beginning considered by the Duke of Myllan as was conuenient For by this meanes being excluded to enterteyne any bandes there he held it very acceptable to be deliuered of such expenses he esteemed it also not out of the way of his profit that Pysa at one time shoulde be thoccasion of great charges both to the Venetians and the Florentyns Lastly he perswaded him selfe that the Pysans for the greatnes and neighbourhood of his estate and for the memorie of thinges done by him for their deliuerie would be so dedicated to him that they would alwayes preferre him before all others He tooke delite to feede the humor of these deuises and deceitfull hopes with a perswacion wherewith litle remembring the ordinary inconstancie of humane thinges he nourished him selfe to haue as it were vnder his feete fortune whose sonne he would not stick with publike vaunting to say he was so much was he puffed vp with vayne glorie by the prosperous succeeding of his affayres and no lesseouerruled with singular weening for that by his meanes and his councells the french king first passed into Italy appropriating to him selfe the chasse giuen to Peter de medicis by the Florentyns with losse of his estate the rebellion of the Pysans and the fleing of thArragons from the realme of Naples And afterwards with a councel chaunged he was the cause by his deuises and authoritie of the confederacion of so many Potentats against the french king of the returne of Ferdinand into the kingdom of Naples of the departing of the french out of Italy with condicions vnworthy such a greatnes And lastly in the action of the Capteine who had in charge the citadell of Pysa wherein his industrie or his authoritie had more power then the wil commaundements of his king with which rules measuring thinges to come and iudging the wisedom and pollicie of all others to be farre inferior to the excellencie of his spirit he flattered him selfe to be alwayes able
confidence and suche for the libertie thereof as in no memorie had bene sene in any meeting or communication of like princes for that other potentates betwene whom were either priuate enuies or auncient quarrels were wont to meete with such order that the one was not in the power of the other where this suffred neither restraint of cōpanies nor exceptiō of place for when the ships of the king of Aragon were within the hauen of Sauoua the French king being in their seeming discended vpon the wal of the hauen passed by abridge of wood made for the nonce vpō the poope in the galley of the king of Aragon with a very small trayne of Gentlemen and without any gard at all where being receyued with a ioy agreable to the honor that was in him and with a common gladnes of the king and Queene his neece spending some time there in deuises of mirth and curtesie they went out of the galley by the same bridge and made their entrie on foote into the citie hauing muche to doo to passe through the presse of so many multitudes of men and women as were drawen thither from the townes thereaboutes The Queene went accompanied with her husbande on the right hande and her vncle on the left being preciously attyred in stones of pryce and other sumptuous aray The Cardinall of Amboyse and the great Capteine marched after the two kings After them folowed the yong Ladies and gentlemen of the Queenes court all set forth with glorious showes And before and behinde were the courtes of the two kinges appoynted in an incredible pompe of riche and gorgeous ornamentes With these companies the king and Queene of Aragon were conueyed by the French king to the Castell which was appoynted for their lodging hauing his prospect vpon the sea that part or halfe of the towne which apperteyneth to it was appoynted for their trayne And the French king was lodged in the byshops houses right agaynst the Castell A spectacle truely worthy of memorie to see together two of the moste mightiest kings in Christendome not long afore cruel enemies and now not onely reconciled and conioyned by parentage but also setting aparte all signes of hatred and memories of offences paste did euery one commit to the arbitriment of the other his proper life with no lesse assurance and confidence then if they had ben lineall brethren A maner of behauiour which gaue occasion to such as were present to dispute whether of the two kings had shewed the greater confidence Many referred muche to the fidelitie of the Frenche king who was the first that put him selfe in the power of the other hauing no other assuraunce then the bonde of fayth And to the other was transferred a greater occasion of shame for that fayth was kept to him first and it was a suspition more likely that Ferdinand desired to be assured of him the better to establishe him selfe in the kingdome of Naples But the most sorte gaue greater reputation to the confidence of Ferdinand who exceeding thexample of the French king put him selfe in his power not for a moment or fewe howres but for many dayes and long tyme And hauing dispoyled him of so great a kingdome with so many harmes and domages to his peoples and so late a slaunder of his name he had to feare that the Frenche kings hatred was no lesse mortall then his desire of reuenge iuste besides it was also to be doubted in whom was greater the profite of the disloyaltie for to make the French king prisoner Ferdinand could reape no great commoditie by it since the estate of Fraunce is managed vnder suche a policie of lawes and customes that to kepe the king restrained could not muche diminishe the forces and authoritie of the kingdome But there hanged other perils vpon the person of Ferdinand for that if he had bin made prisoner it was not to be doubted that both for the minoritie of his heires that then were very yong and the realme of Naples being to him a newe kingdome and also for that his other states and singulerly the realme of Castillo were through many accidents disordred amongst them selues the French king should not haue receiued of long time any impediment by the power and armes of Spayne In this enterviewe and honorable spectacle of great Princes the consideration of the great Capteine ministred not the least occasions to debate and common vpon vpon him were occupied the thoughtes and eyes of euery one no lesse for the renowne of his naturall valour then for the memorie of his many victories Considerations which so entised the mindes and affections of the French men that notwithstanding they had bene so often vanquished by him were wont to holde his name in common hatred yet his very aspect and presence confirming the opinion and image of his vertue tooke an other habite in the mindes of the Frenche for that they coulde not be satisfied to beholde and honor him making discourse to suche as had not yet bene in the kingdome of Naples sometimes with what incredible celeritie and shifte of warre he inuaded in Calabria the Barons encamped at Laine sometimes with what patience and resolution of mynde he endured so many difficulties and aduersities when in the middest of pestilence and hunger he was besieged in Barletto sometymes with what diligence and efficacie he kept reteyned the mindes of men and amid a penurie and want of money enterteined long tyme his souldiours without pay with what singuler valor he managed the battell at Sirignolo and with what greatnes of courage with what industrie of a souldier and with what vnexperienced stratagemes amid so many difficulties with an armie vnpayed and farre inferior in forces he kept his ground and obteyned the victorie vpon the ryuer of Garillon And lastly howe vigilant he had bene alwayes to embrace oportunities and make his profite vpon the disorders of his enemies But that which drewe men into most wonder admiration of him was the excellent maiestie of his presence the stately representation of his words and gestures full of grauitie affabilitie and mildnes equall to those effects and actions which had always flowed from his right worthy and excellent vertues aboue all the rest the French king who desired that he might suppe at the same table with Ferdinand the Queene and him and by commaundement was placed neare to Ferdinand was as it were rauished with contemplation and deuising with him finding in the action of his countenance and speach a confirmation of those singularities and merites which he had afore expressed in so many worthy examples of his naturall valour and vertue In so muche that in the iudgement of euery one that day was no lesse glorious to the great Capteine then when he entred with his victorious armie into the citie of Naples honored with all those ceremonies of triumph which are wont to be exercised vpon conquerers But as tyme norisheth a lawe of dissolution and forgetfulnes
difficulties for the defence of Modona returned vpon him agayne he left the disputation of words consented to haue it set downe in writing that Modona should be restored to Caesar of whose iurisdiction it was And as Vitfruch thembassadour of Caesar resident with the Pope had receiued the possession of it and that he might remayne there in suretie by the authoritie of Caesar he dismissed Mark. Anth. Colonno with the other bands with whom he had kept it afore in the name of the Church aduertising Monsr Chaumont that Modona was no more the Popes but was iustly reuerted to the iurisdiction of Caesar This was not beleeued of Chaumont who still continued to worke the Cardinal of Este to put in execution the conspiracie and intelligence whiche he interteyned with that Citie In so muche that according to direction the Frenche bandes which Chaumont had left in garrison within Rubiero were made out one night but notwithstanding they marched with as litle brute as they coulde within a myle of Modona they returned the same night to Rubiero either for that the order of their faction within was not correspondent or els the Frenchmen had preuented their time and were come to soone Neuerthelesse they gaue no place to this yll successe but made an other â—ally out of Rubiero to come to Modona falling notwithstanding into the same impedimentes they did before aggrauated nowe by the deapth and rage of the waters to passe the ryuer of Sekchie whiche runneth before Rubiero At laste Vitfruch became suspicious and committing to imprisonment certayne of the Citie vpon whom he imposed an intelligence with the cardinall of Este he obteined of the Pope that Marke Anth. Colonno should eftsones returne thither with the garrison that was there before A matter whiche had not stayed Monsr Chaumont beeing nowe come to Carpy to marche and encampe before it if the qualitie and season of the time had not taken from him the drawing of his artillerie along the way betwene Ruolo and Carpy A way not more then ten miles from thence but euen the worst of all the ways in Lombardie notwithstanding their ouerflowing with waters and marishe natures Besides all this Chaumont was euery day more and more aduertised that Modona was redeliuered to Caesar simply and absolutely which made him make this couenant with Vitfruch not to offende Modona nor his territories receiuing reciprocally his promise that in the actions betwene the Pope and his king he should not fauour the one nor the other partie But suche is the destinie and ende of all fleshe that all men borne in humaine nature muste in their time appoynted resigne to the earth the life they had of the earth it happned not many dayes after that Chaumont fell into a greeuous maladie and beeing carried to Correge ended his life within fiftene dayes expressing deuoutly somewhat affore his death how greatly he was repented and remorsed of the vexations he had done to the Church and besought the Pope by a publike instrument to giue him pardon and absolution which being graunted whilest he yet lyued coulde not come to his knowledge by reason of the sodennes of his death He was a Captayne that in his life bare great authoritie in Italie both by the singular credite of the Cardinall Amboyse and also for that he managed almost absolutely the Duchie of Millan and all the armies of the king But touching his habilitie or vallour it was farre inferiour to so great a burden the greatnes of his place carrying him into suche singularitie of minde and weening that not knowing of him selfe the arte and order of warre he would not giue fayth to suche as were hable to instruct him by whiche it happned that after the death of his vncle his insufficiencie beeing no more supported by countenance and fauour he fell in his latter dayes almoste into the disdayne of the souldiours notwithstanding he suffred in them wonderfull insolencies and licencious behauiours to stoppe them from yll reapporting him to the king In so muche as Triuulce a captayne trayned in auncient discipline woulde oftentimes protest by othe that he would neuer go more into the Frenche armies vnlesse the king marched in person or at least him selfe commaunded as cheefe Neuerthelesse the king was determined affore to sende for his successor Monsr Longeuille discended of the bloud royall but a bastarde borne and not so muche esteemed for his vertue as for his discending and ryches By the death of Chaumont Iohn Ia. Triuulce remayned gouernour of th armie by the prerogatiue that he was one of the foure Mareshalls of Fraunce to whom the generall beeing dead the rule of th armie apperteineth by the statutes of Fraunce vntill the king do otherwise dispose of it And albeit not knowing how long he shoulde be continued in that gouernment he durste not attempt any matter of consequence yet he returned with th armie to Sermidi to go to the succors of Geniuola afore the which the Pope had not onely sent his bands that were in Romagnia but also had procured the Venetian fleete to approche at the same instant which came thither with thirtene light gallies and many other vesselles of meaner burden But he had no necessitie to passe further for whilest the landemen incamped about it with very litle obedience and order there was discouered vpon a sudden the Duke of Ferrara and the Lorde of Chastillon with the Frenche souldiours that were ledde out of Ferrara in greater numbers then were thenemies and marching along the brinke of the ryuer of Pavv and beeing come vp as farre as the ryuer of Santerno they cast the bridge which they had brought with them and in one moment charged and confused thenemies who by reason of their disorder beeing not hable to make resistance fell into one generall and voluntarie fleeing sauing three hundred Spanishe footemen whiche garded thartillerie In which confusion they loste their ensignes and artilleries many chieftaynes of the horsemen finding more safetie in the fortune and swiftnes of their horses then in their proper valours By reason of this aduersitie the Venetian fleete to auoide the daunger that threatned hoysed sayle into the winde and so retyred into the ryuer of Pavv The affayres of the warres had these diuers proceedings not expressing any assured token to iudge what would be the issue of it The thoughts also of Princes were no lesse diuerse and no lesse incertayne specially the cogitations of Caesar who contrarie to all exspectation determined to sende the Bishop of Gurce to Mantua to negociate a peace It is set downe before that by the working of the Bishop of Gurce it was resolued betwene Caesar and the French king to make strong warre vppon the Venetians in the spring time and withall to call a councell if the Pope consented not to the obseruation of the league of Cambray To this Caesar bearing a very vehement inclination had since the returning of the Bishop of Gurce sent to all his prelates of his
reskew to the Castell of Millan notwithstanding they had abandoned the vallies and the townes of Bellinzone Lugarno but not the Castles Neuerthelesse the king obteined the Castell of Lugarno in corrupting the capteine with six thousande crownes onely the Grisons would not abandon Chiauanna At laste the Bishop of Tricaro laying afore him the daunger least the king would inuade Parma and Plaisanca and sende men of warre into Tuskane and making great terror of the harmes that the Svvizzers had receyued at the battell of Marignan the Pope was content to ratifie the peace albeit vnder this moderation that neyther he nor his Agentes should be bound to giue vp into the kings handes Parma and Plaisanca but by leauing them voyde of men and officers to giue libertie to the king to enter vppon them That the Pope shoulde not be bounde to leauie his people from Verona for that he woulde not commit suche a propertie of iniurie agaynst Caesar and yet he promised to do it vpon the next conuenient occasion Lastely that the Florentins should be holden absolued of the protended breaking of the league The accorde bare also that the king shoulde not take vpon him the protection of any vassall or subiect of thestate of the Church and that not onely he should not hinder the Pope as their supreme lorde to procede agaynst them with correction but also he should be bounde to minister ayde to him in that action when necessitie required Moreouer it was debated that the Pope and the French king should haue an enterview together in some place conuenient A matter offred by the king particularly but desired indifferently by them both The king sought it the better to establish that amity to assure thestates of such his friends as he had in Italie and lastly for that he hoped with his presence and offring great aduauncementes to the Popes brother nephew to winne of him his consent to inuade the realme of Naples A matter which was one of his greatest desires The Pope wished this enteruiew to th end that with that office and obseruance very proper to winne grace amitie with euery one to enterteine the king whilest he stoode in so great fortune and prosperitie Manye thought not well of this deliberation as an action vnworthy of the maiestie of a Pope and that it more apperteined to the king desiring to haue conference with him to go seeke him and do reuerence to him at Rome but the Pope gaue it out that he was so muche the more ready to condiscende to this meeting by how much he was desirous to induce the king not to molest the realme of Naples during the life of the king Catholik who to the iudgement of man could not liue long for that it was more then a yere since he was yll disposed In this meane while Peter of Nauarre was labouring to cary the Castel of Millan and hauing wonne a mordring house vpon the castell ditche whiche on the flanke side had his prospect vpon the gate of Coma and afterwards approching nearer the ditch and the castell wall by the helpe of pauisses and engines of wood be began to worke a myne within the sayd ditche And when he had remoued the defences he began to labor more mynes taking away with the helpe of his engines a great paue or space of the wall on the flanke of the Castell and applyed his hookes and Rammes to make it fall at the same instaunt that he put fyre to hys mynes Matters which albeit in cōmon iudgement seemed not sufficient to cary the castell but with great difficultie long time that there was good intelligence that the Svvizzers by the resolucion of Zurich prepared to succour it yet a practise being begon betwene Iohn Gonsago the duke of Millans capteine which was within the castel the Duke of Burbon his parent Ierome Morono with two other Svvizzer Capteines interposing also in the action the resolucion was concluded the fourth day of October not without a wonderfull maruell of all men Ierome Morono was specially blamed for this conclusion for that either through feare which was naturall in him or for want of faith which was neuer imputed to him he had vsed his authority to perswade the Duke to agreement Neuerthelesse he excused him selfe vppon certeine controuersies and mutinies hapned betwene the footmen of the Svvizzers and the Italians Tharticles of thaccord were that Maximilian Sforce should immediatly giue vp into the hands of the french king the castells of Millan and Cremona That he should depose him selfe of all rights interests which he had in that estate That he should receiue of the king a certeine proporcion of money to pay his dets That he should go into Fraunce where the king should indue him with a yearely pension of thirtie thowsande duckats or procure him to be made Cardinall with the same reuenue That the king should pardon Galeas Viscont with certeine other gentlemen of that Duchie who had followed the seruice of Maximilian That he should distribute amongst the Svvizzers that were within the castel six thousand crownes That he should confirme to Iohn Gonzago the goods that he held in thestate of Millan by the gift of the Duke and enlarge his liuing with some yearely pension That he should in like sorte ratifie to Morono as well the goods that apperteined to him in property as others that he had of the Dukes gift together with the offices he exercised and should make him Maister of requests of the court of Fraunce vpon the publicacion of this accord Maximilian surnamed the More according to the name of his father departed out of the castell and went into Fraunce he sayed it was a sweete aduersity that brought with it prosperitie for that by that exchaunge of fortune he was drawne out of the seruitude of the Svvizzers the ill dealings of Caesar and the deceits of the Spanyards In this alteracion also men seemed more to allowe of the working of fortune that she had so speedily deposed him from such a degree then that affore she had exalted a man who for his incapacity inconstant thoughts and most fowle maners of life was vnworthy of all greatnes Affore the castell of Millan was restored there were sent to the king as Embassadors from Venice these foure of the most principal and honorable of the Senate Antho Grimani Dominike Treuisan George Cornaro Andrevv Gritti Their comming was to congratulat with the king of his victorie and to beseech him by the vertue of the capitulacions of the league to ayde them to recouer their townes An enterprise wherein they had no other impediments then the forces of Caesar the Popes regiments that were within Verona vnder the charge of Marke Antho. Colonno for the Viceroy after he was gone from of the marches of Plaisanca and had reposed some fewe dayes vpon the frontiers of Modona exspecting the Popes ratification to thaccord with the french king he withdrew with all
Cardinall of Amboyse aspireth to the Popedome Frauncis Piccolomini made pope The Vrsins against Valentynois Valentynois distressed by the Vrsins Pope Pius the thirde dieth Cardinall S. Petri Ad vincla made Pope The Pope â—oÌ„plaineth to the Venetâ—ans The VenetiaÌ„s ansvvere to the nevve Pope Faenza taken by the Venetians Duke Valentynois arested by the Pope 〈…〉 beyonde the Mounts A truce betvveene the kinges of Spayne and Fraunce VVhat hapned to the French men as they vvould haue passed Garillon Bart. Aluiano commeth to the 〈…〉 of Consaluo Peter de Medicis d 〈…〉 Peace betvveene the Turke â—â— the Venetians Discourse vpoÌ„ the nauigations of the Spaniards Complaints of the Frenchemen Consaluo deserueth the title of great captayne Valentynois prisoner by Consaluo Truce betvveene the kinges of Spayne and Fraunce Confederation betvveene the Pope king of Romains and the â—â—enâ—he king against the Venâ—â—ans The death of king Federike The death of Elizabeth Queene of Spayne Testament of Queene Elizabeth The Florentins broken by the Pisans Death of Cardinall Arkanius Consaluo aydeth the Florentins The Florentins debate vvhether they should besege Pisa The Florentins armie afore Pisa Peace betvvene the French king and king of Spayne An horrible act of a Cardinall Sedes of nevv vvarres Dissimulation very daungerous in the persons of great men King Philip saileth out of Flaunders into Spayne King Phillip caste by casualtie of sea vpon the cpasts of Englande Philip promiseth to redeliuer to king H. the duke of Suffolke Capitulations betvvene Ferdinand Philâ—p The conditioÌ„ of imperie dignitie ielous Imaginations of the French king The Pope deuiseth to vvin agayne Bolognia Malice is infinite in her actions The Pope vvill go in person to the enterprise of Bolognia The great capteine consirmed in the duchy of S. Ange. The death of king Phillip A coÌ„tinuance of the historie of Iulio d'Este The death of duke Valentynois The citie of Genes rebelleth Rebellion increaseth in occasions The seate of dominion very casual vvhere it diuolueth by election Rashnes hath no societie vvith discretion The contentes of the French armie The first defease of the Genovvies The Genovvaies sende to solicite for pardon The rebels of Genes yeelde to the French king The Frenche king entreth as a conquereâ— into Genes The sub 〈…〉 of the rebels of Genes The Pope and the Venetians incite the k. of Romains to make vvarre vppon the French king The dyet of Constance Themperour speaketh in the dyet The kings of Aragon and Fraunce haue enteruievv together The oration of Ni. Foskarin The oration of Andrevv Gritti Deliberation of the Venetians Aluiano beeing sent to suâ—â—â—r Friul giueth the rout to the Almains Truce betvvene Maximilian and the Venetians Thassâ—â—bly of Cambrâ—â— Deliberation of the Venetians The Pope ratisieth the treatise of Cambray A coÌ„tinuation of the vvarrs of Pisa Contract betvvene the French king king of Spaine and the Florentins The French king prepareth agaynst the Venetians The VenetiaÌ„s looke to them selues The ordenaÌ„ce house of Venice on fire Beginning of the vvarre The Popes Bull agaynst the Venetians The Venetians armie The armies affront one an other and feight not Deâ—ait of the Venetians Aluiano takeÌ„ prisoner The taking of many tovvnes by the french The lamentations made as Venice for the ouerthrovv The Popes souldiours in Romagnia The oration of Anth. Iustinian to Caesar Diuers opinions touching the fall of the Venetians The first hope of the Venetians The last actioÌ„ of the Florentins agaynst the Pisans Pisa rendred to the Florentins The VenetiaÌ„s determine to recouer Padoa The VenetiaÌ„s recouer Padoa The Marquis of Mantua prisoner The oration of Leonard Loredan The gentlemeÌ„ of Venice go to the succors of Padoa Description of Padoa Max returneth into Germany The Venetian armie at Vincensa The Venetian armie vpon the contrey of Ferrara Description of Verona Themâ— and the k. Caâ—h â—a to accord touching the gouernment of Castill Death of the Count Petillano The Venetian absolued The league of Caesar and the French king agaynst the Venetians The Pope threatneth the duke of Ferrara Monsr de Chaumont agaynst the Venetians The Vincentins yeelde to discression 〈…〉 M. Chaumont incampeth as Lungaro Conuencion betwene Caesar and the fr. king The taking of Monselice The Popes deliberation to chasse the french out of Italy The Popes ariuie against Ferrara and Genes The descending of the Swyzzers to the Duchie of Myllan The Venetians recouer most part of their townes after the departing of Chaumont Verâ—na beseged by the Vencuans Marquis of Mantua escapeth out of prison The Pope determineth to assaâ—le Genes Pope Iulio The kings disposition agaynst the Pope The Popes armie and the VenetiaÌ„s vppon the countrey of Ferrara Chaumont besiegeth the Pope vvithin Bolognia Chaumont retyreth from before Bolognia Mirandola beseeged The Pope in person at the campe assâ—re Mirandola Mirandâ—la yeldeth â—â— the Pope A neâ— deliberacion of the french according to the kinges direction Triuulce reasoneth The sr â–ª armie returneth to the Duchie of Myllan The sâ—â—k takes Bolognia into his protection The Pope makes ouerture of a new councell â—â— breake the councell of Pysa Friull taken agayne by the Almains The VenetiaÌ„s recouer Friul The Pope holden for dead The Pope pursueth his enterprise to chase the fr. out of Italie The hopes of the Pope The thoughtâ— of the fr. king Ouerture of the Councell of Pisa Cardinal Medicis vvho aftervvards vvas Pope Leo the tenth The Pope makes league vvith the Venetians the king Catholike 〈…〉 of the league The Pope depriueth the rebell Cardinalâ—s of the hat Pandolffo Po. councelleth the Pope A contencion betwene the Florentyns the Cardinalls rebells An ac 〈…〉 dent 〈…〉 the Card 〈…〉 lls depart 〈…〉 a. 〈…〉 The fr king suspecteth Maxymylian VVhat people the Swyzzers be Vales 〈…〉 Grisons The French king demaundeth succ 〈…〉 of the Florentins Soderin for the Frenche king The enterprise of Bolognia by the Pope and king of Aragon The Popes armie retireth from before Bolognia M. de Foix defeateth Ioh. Pavvle Baillon Bressia taken and sacked The armie of Monsr de Foix. The armie of she Confederats The seate of Rauenna The Confederats as the succours of Rauenna The order of the FrenchmeÌ„ in the battell of Rauenna Mâ—â—Soanâ—â— de 〈…〉 encourageth his souldiours to the battell The confederates army The death of Yues d'Allegre Monsr de Foix slaine The number of the dead Rauenna saâ—â—ed The Cardinals councell the Pope to harkeÌ„ to peace The Svvyzzers rise for the Pope against the frenchmen The Card. of Medicis escapeth from the french The D. of Ferrara goeth to Rome to demaund pardon of the Pope The D. of Ferrara in daunger to be prisoner at Rome The resolutioÌ„ of the treatie of Mantua by the confederates The Medicis returne to Florence Peter Sodeâ—in reasoneth in the Councell Prato taken by the Spaniards The castell of Genes taken by the Genowaies Bressia rendred by the french to the Viceroy Crema rendred to the Venetians The Bishop of Gurcy
distrust This was when the warre was most hoate against the Duke of Ferrara whereunto after he had prouoked them intangled them with the quarrell receiuing of the one great displeasures without any profit and for Sixtus he did not onely chaunge purpose but also recompensed them with his spirituall curses and togither with the residue of all Italy he proceeded against them with his temporall corrections But notwithstanding all these the industrie and diligence of Lodovvyk continually soliciting the Senate and priuatly working with many in particular all these difficulties were vanquished and at last was contracted in the month of Aprill 1493. betwene the Pope the Senate of Venice and Iohn Gale as Duke of Myllan for all expedicions were dispatched in his name A new confederacion for their common defence and particular preseruation of the gouernment of Lodovvyk one of the condicions was that the Venetians and Duke of Myllan and euery of them should send immediatly to Rome for the sewertie of the Pope and state ecclesiastick an hundreth men at armes as well with those as with greater forces if neede required they should ioyne with him for the recouerie of the castells deteyned by Virginio These new councells moued not a litle the mindes of all Italy for that the Duke of Myllan remayned now deuided from that league by the which for more then a dozen yeares their common securitie was mainteyned being in it expresly defended that none of the confederats should enter any new alliance without consent of the residue And therefore seeing that vnitie was broken with vnequall diuision wherein consisted the equalitie of their generall and common busines and the mindes of the Princes replenished with suspicions and displeasures there could be no expectacion of other successe then that to a generall and common hurt there would resort frutes equall and conformable to such seedes Nowe the Duke of Calabria and P. de medicis iudging it more for the sewertie of their estates to preuent then to be preuented inclyned easily to Prosper and Fabricius Colonne who being also secretely incensed by the Cardinal S. P. ad vincla offered to surprise the towne of Rome with their companies of men at armes the ayde of the faction of the Gebelyns so that the Vrsins would follow them and the Duke of Calabria march so neare that he might reskew them within three dayes after their entry into Rome But Ferdinand who now desired no more to vexe but to appaise the courage of the Pope and to correct that which heretofore had bene done by a rash councell without discression reiected altogither those councells wherein he iudged was infection of commotion and caried not intencion and matter to breede securitie but to rayse and nourish greater troubles and daungers he determined now not faynedly but with all his hart to doe all he could to compound and accord the controuersie of the castells perswading him selfe that that occasion of so great emotion chaunge being taken away Italy would speedely returne with litle or no trauell to her first estate But it hapneth not alwayes that in taking away thoccasions theffectes doe cease hauing had of them their first beginning for as it often tymes hapneth that resolucions made by feare seeme to him that feareth lesse then the perill so Lodovvyk had no great confidence in that he had found a remedie sufficient for his securitie But dowting by reason the Pope and the Venetians had intencions and endes other then his that his foundacion could not long last which he had layd vppon the confederacion lately made with them and that therefore his affayres by diuerse accidents should be in daunger to be reduced into hard tearmes and many difficulties he applyed all his thoughts more to cure euen to the roote the originall ill that he sett before his eyes then to prouide a salue for such accidents as might happen by it neither remembring how daungerous it is to vse a medicine stronger then the nature of the disease or complexion of the patient will suffer nor that to enter into greater perills can be the onely remedie for daungers present And to the ende to build his sewertie vppon forreine strength seeing he had no confidence in his owne forces and lesse expectacion of trust in thitalyan amities he determined to doe all that he could to stirre vp the French King Charles the viij to assayle the kingdom of Naples which he pretended to appertein to him by the auncient rightes discentes of the house of Aniovv The kingdom of Naples which in the inuestitures bulls of the Church of Rome whereof it is an auncient freehold is absurdly called the Realme of Sicyle on this side the riuer of Far and being vniustly vsurped by Manfroy bastard sonne to the Emperour Frederyk the second was giuen in chiefe togither with the yle of Sicyle vnder the title of both Sicyles the one on this side and the other beyond Far by Pope Vrbyn the fourth to Charles Earle of Prouence and Aniovv brother to that Levvys king of the french who much renowmed for his power strength but more recommended for the holines of his life deserued according to the vaine affections of the frenchmen to be translated after his death into the number of Sainctes This Charles with force of armes obteyned effectually that which by title was giuen to him with thauthoritie of the Church after his death succeeded to the kingdom Charles his sonne called by the Italyans to distinguish him from his father Charles the second who left the inheritance of the Realme to Robert his sonne But because Robert died without issue male Iohane daughter of Charles Duke of Calabria sonne to Robert who died in young age before his father aspired to the kingdom but her authoritie beganne immediately to be deiected no lesse for thinfamie of her life and condicions then for the common imbecillitie of that sexe whereuppon with thincrease of time the Realme being throwne into many discordes and warres not with straungers but amongest the selfe successors of Charles the first descending of diuerse children of Charles the seconde Iohane despayring not to be able to defend her selfe adopted for her sonne Levvys Duke of Aniovv brother to the frenche Kinge Charles the fift he to whome the french men gaue the surname of wise for that he had obteyned many victories without feeling the power of Fortune This Levvys after he had passed into Italy with a mighty armie Iohane being aforehand decessed by violent meanes and the kingdom transferred to Charles called Durazzo descending likewise of Charles the first died of a feuer in Apulia euen when he was almost in possession of the victorie so that there came no other thing to them of Aniovv by this adopcion then thearldom of Prouence which had bene alwaies possessed by the yssues of Charles the first But yet of that rose the original of the colour vnder the which afterwards both Levvys of Aniovv sonne to the first
xxx yeres sacked cōfisked at sundry times many of the Barōs had heaped togither no smal treasor on the behalf of the king they considered that his capacitie was to green to susteine alone so heauy a burdē for the direction of warres estats the councel weake thexperiēce lesse assured of such as he beleued most in To these they added the want of mony wherof they estemed to neede a great quātity They wished that the deceits suttleties of thitaliās might be depely loked into assuring them selues that it could not be pleasing neither to others nor to Lodovvik Sforce him selfe A man confessed by all the Italians to be of litle faith that the kingdom of Naples should passe into the power of a king of Fraunce they iudged it harde to winne and lesse easie to keepe those thinges that should be wonne For that reason sayd they Levvys father to Charles a Prince in all his actions following more the truth then the apparance of thinges would neuer accept the hopes which were offered him of the matters of Italy and much lesse make reckoning of the rightes falne to him in the Realme of Naples No he saw in his iudgement that to send armies beyond the mounteynes was no other thing then to search enemies and daungers with the wast of infinite treasor and blood of the realme of Fraunce They held it necessary afore all thinges if this expedicion should proceede to reunite controuersies with the kinges borderers for that with Ferdinand king of Spayne was no want of occasions of quarrells and suspicions and with Maximilyan king of Romaines and Philip Archduke of Austrich his sonne not onely many hartburnings and ielousies but also displeasures and iniuries whose minds albeit could not be reconciled without condescending to some things hurtfull to the crowne of Fraunce yet neuertheles such reconcilements would be more by demonstracions then effects for say they if any ill accident happen to the kinges armie in Italy what accord can be so well assured which will hold them from inuading the realme of Fraunce seeing this is familiar with Princes to hold for suspected the greatnes and fortunes of their neighbours and are ouer nothing so watchfull as ouer oportunities and occasions And touching the king of England Henry the vij it was not to be dowted that the naturall hate of thenglish toward the french had not more force then the peace made with him two monthes before for that it is manifest that no one thing brought him more to the composicion then that the preparacions of the king of Romaines aūswered not the promises wherwith he had induced him to lay seege to Bollogne Of this nature were the reasōs alleaged by the great Lordes partly debated amongest them selues and partly disputed in the presence of the king The chiefest of those that iustified these arguments afore the king was one Iames Grauille Admiral of Fraunce whose greatnes albeit was somewhat diminished yet his authoritie suffered no alteracion for the auncient name and credit of his wisdom rouing liberally thorow all the realme of Fraunce But the kinges minde with a wonderful gredines was wholly inclined to the cōtrary aduise what with the greennes of his yeares aspiring nowe to xxij and by his vnstayed nature not yet experienced in th affayres of the world he was caried into a wonderfull ambicion to enlarge his imperie following an appetite of glorie founded rather vpon a light will and furie of youth then vpon maturitie of councel seeing that either by his proper nature or rather thexamples and admonishments of his parents he reapposed litle faith in his Lordes and Nobles of his realme And since he came forth of the tutorship and iurisdiction of Anne Duchesse of Burbon his sister he bare no more care to the councells of thadmirall nor to others that had bene great in the gouernment But gaue him selfe ouer to the directions of certeine men of base condicion trained vp almost alwaies in the seruice of his person of these such as had most fauour and place with him perswaded him greatly to embrace the enterprise being partly corrupted for the councells of Princes are often times mercenarie with the promises and presents of Lodovvykes Embassador by whom was not forgotten any diligence or art to draw the fauours of such as might doe most in this action They were partly pushed on by certeine hopes either to be raysed to estates in the kingdom of Naples or to obteyne of the Pope dignities and pensions in the Church The principall of all these was one Stephen de Vers borne in Languedock of base place but bredd vp of long time with the king in whose chamber he vsed to lye and by the kings creacion made Seneshall of Beucaire with this man did communicate one VVilliam Briconnet who of a marchaunt created first generall of Fraunce and after made Bishop of S. Malo had not onely the charge and administracion of the kings reuenue which the french cal superintendant of the finances but also hauing confederacie with Stephen had by his meanes a great entry into all th affayres of importance albeit he had no great insight in the pollicie and gouernment of matters of estate To the helpe of this enterprise were adioyned the perswasions of Autouell of S. Seuerin Prince of Salerne and of Vernaedin of the same familie Prince of Bysignan togither with many other Barons banished the Realme of Naples who being withdrawne many yeares before into Fraunce had continually solicited the king to that enterprise laying before his eyes the great calamitie or rather generall despaire of the whole kingdom and the factions and many followers which they promised them selues to haue in the same In this diuersitie of perswasions the deliberacion remained suspended for certein dayes others being not onely in dowt what to determine but also the kings will vauering and vncerteine for that some times inclining to his ambicion and glory and some times restrained with feares and daungers he would often be irresolute estsones turne to the contrary of that which he had afore determined But in the ende his first inclinacion togither with the cursed destinie of Italy being of more force thē any thing that could be sayd to the contrary the well gouerned and peasible councells of his Nobles were altogither reiected and communicating onely with the bishop of S. Malo and the Seneshall of Beucaire and partaking nothing with the assent priuitie of all others there was a conuencion made with Lodovvyks Embassador whose condicions albeit were holden secrete for many monthes yet this is the capitulacion and summe of them That king Charles either going in person into Italy or sending thether any armie for the conquest of Naples the Duke of Myllan was bound to giue him passage thorow his iurisdictions To send thether with his men fiue hundreth men at armes paied To suffer him to arme at Genes so many vessells as he will And to lend him before he departed
receiue in dowrie and respect of the mariage the principalitie of Squillaco valued at tenne thowsand duckats in yearly reuenue and that Ferdinand should giue to him an estate of an hundreth men at armes This confirmed thopinion of many that all that the Pope solicited in Fraunce bare no other meaning then by feare to draw them of Aragon to these conuencions this was one argument to approue their coniectures that Ferdinand laboured to make a confederacion with him for their common defence but the Pope obiected so many difficulties that there was no other thing obteyned of him then a very secret promise by writing to defend the kingdom of Naples so that Ferdinand would equally promise to protect the estate of the Church These thinges dispatched the companies of men at armes which the Venetians the Duke of Myllan had sent to the Pope for his succors retired with licence and fauour out of the Church dominions Ferdinand also began now with no lesse hope of happy successe to treate with Lodovvyk Sforce who with a wonderfull suttletie arte shewed him selfe some times ill contented with the inclinacion of the french king to the matters of Italy and some times excused and iustified him selfe vpon his necessitie for that by reason of his chiefe for Genes and the auncient confederacion with the house of Fraunce he was constrayned to tender the desires and requestes made to him as he sayd by the same king But some times he promised to Ferdinand in publike and some times to the Pope and P. de medicis apart and seuerally to do all he could to moderate the kinges desire assaying to lull them a sleepe in this hope to the ende they conspired or dressed nothing against him before th affayres of Fraunce were well proceeded and established wherein they were the more easie to beleue him by how much they iudged the resolucion to bring the french king into Italy so ill for his owne sewertie that in consideracion of his particular perill and the common inuest of Italy they supposed he would vtterly disclaime and shake it of All this sōmer past in this nature of doings Lodovvyk working vnder such disguised formes and maners that without giuing any suspicion to the french king neither Ferdinand the Pope nor the Florentyns dispaired of his promises nor yet altogither trusted him But in this meane while were layed in Fraunce with no small studie the foundacions of the warre and expedicion to come whereunto contrary to the councells of most of the greatest inclined more more thaffection of the king who to be more at libertie accorded the differēces he had with Ferdinand and Isabell king Queene of Spayne Princes in those times of great reapport and name for gouernment and wisedom both for that they had drawne their Realmes out of great troubles into a setled tranquillitie also had recouered to Christianitie with a warre of ten yeares continuance the kingdom of Granado vsurped by the Moares of Affrica for almost viij hundreth yeares it was expressed in this capitulacion solemnly iustified by publike oth of both partes in the church that in Ferdinand nor Isabell for Spayne was gouerned vnder their common name should be no action of ayde to the Aragons directly nor indirectly no contract of any new affinitiue or alliance nor that in no sort they should oppose against king Charles for the defence of the realme of Naples The king in counter chaunge and recompence of these beginning by a losse certein for a hope of gaine vncerteine restored without any repayment of money Parpignian with all the earldom of Rossellion pawned many yeares before to Levvys his father by Iohn king of Aragon and father to Ferdinand An exchaunge altogither against the will liking of the whole nation of Fraunce for that that earldom seated at the foote of the hills Pyrennei consequently according to thauncient diuision part of Gallia gaue alwayes necessary impediments to them of Aragon for entring into Fraunce on that side The king for the same occasion made peace with Maximylian king of Romaines and with his sonne Phillip Archduke of Austrich in whom was no want of occasion either of olde or newe hatreds against him but specially for that his father Levvys by the death of Charles Duke of Burgondie and Earle of Flaunders with many other contries conioyning did impatronize him selfe vpon the Duchie of Burgondie and Earldom of Artoys with many other places which the sayd Duke possessed whereof growing no small warres betwene king Levvys Marie the onely daughter of Duke Charles married after the death of her father to Maximilian there was made at last Marie being dead and Phillip the common sonne of Maximilian and her succeding to th inheritance of his mother an accord amongest them more by the wills of the people of Flaunders then readines of Maximylian The better to cōfirme this accord Margaret the sister of Phillip was married to Charles sonne of Levvys and notwithstanding she was very yong ledde into Fraunce where after she had remained many yeares Charles refused her and tooke to wife Anne to whom by the death of Francis her father leauing no yssue male the Duchie of Bryttaine was descended This was a double iniurie to Maximylian being at one time made frustrate the mariage of his daughter and his owne hauing by procuracion afore married the sayd Anne And yet for that he was not able of him selfe to susteyne the warre recontinued by occasion of this iniurie and that the people of Flaunders gouerning them selues by their proper councell and authoritie by reason of the minoritie of Phillip would not dwel in warre with the realme of Fraunce And seeing lastly that the kings of Spayne England had dissolued their armies which they had leuyed against the french he consented to the peace by the which king Charles restored to Phillip his sister Margaret deteyned in Fraunce till then togither with the townes of the Earldom of Artoys reseruing to him selfe the castells but vnder bond to render them at foure yeares ende at what time Phillip being risen to his maioritie might in good validitie confirme the accord past Those townes when the peace was made by king Levvys were acknowledged by common agreement as the proper right of the sayd Margaret The generall peace thus established with all the neighbours to the realme of Fraunce the resolucion of the warre against the kingdom of Naples was confirmed for the yeare following in which time were prepared all prouisions necessary continually solicited by Lodovvyk Sforce who the thoughts of men aduauncing from degree to degree occupied his witts now not onely how to assure the gouernment to him but lifting vp his mind to higher conceites he had an intencion to transferre to him selfe the Duchie of Myllan vnder thoccasion of the warre against thArragons wherein to giue some couler of iustice to so great an iniustice and with more firme foundacions to assure his affayres against all
in the warres vniustly managed against them by Pope Sixtus by Ferdinand last dead Alphonso now raigning They willed them to loke into the great profits comming to their nation by traffike and entercourse in the realme of Fraunce where they were fauored with familiaritie and offices as if they were naturall of the region itself And with that example they might hope to haue in the kingdom of Naples if he became Lord of it the selfe same libertie of trade sewertie and benefit where of them of Aragon they neuer receiued other thinges then domage daungers and displeasures They recommended to their good councells the consideracion of these things and to protest by some token that they would ioyne with him in this enterprise But if they were restrayned by some iust impediment reason or excuse atleast that they would graunt libertie of passage to his armie thorow their territories and refreshing and vittells for his money They debated these thinges with the common weale and generall state but they recommended particularly to P. de medicis the respect of many goodturnes and honors done by Levvys the xj to his father and auncestors how he in very ielous and daungerous seasons had made many demonstracions for the preseruacion of their greatnes and in signe of amitie had honored them with the skotchioâ—s and armes proper to the house of Fraunce where Ferdinand not satisfied to persecute them with open and violent warre did also with a minde sworne to their ruine take parte with the ciuill conspiracies wherein Iulyan his vncle was killed and Lavvrence his father sore hurt The Embassadors went out of Florence without resolucion being at Rome they preferred to the Popes remembrance the auncient merits and perpetuall deuocion of the crowne of Fraunce to the sea apostolike whereof were autentike testimonies all recordes both auncient and present and of the contrary they insinuated the ordinary contumacie and disobedience of them of Aragon and referred the proofe to the view and construction of their actions past Then they demaunded that the realme of Naples might be inuested in the person of their king as iustly apperteyning to him They allured him with many hopes and made many offers so that he woulde be fauorable to thenterprise which their king had taken vpon him as much by his perswasions and authoritie as for other occasions To this demaund the Pope aunswered that thinuestiture of that realme hauing bene graunted by so many his predecessors to three kinges of the house of Aragon successiuely for in thinuestiture graunted to Ferdinand Alphonso was comprehended by name it was not conuenient to giue it to king Charles afore it was declared by forme of iustice that he had good right whereunto thinuestiture graunted to Alphonso was not preiudiciall for that for such consideracion it conteyned expresse mencion that it was ment without the preiudice of any person he tolde them that the realme of Naples did directly belong to the sea apostolike whose authoritie he knew was farre from the kings will to violat and no lesse contrary to thintencions of his auncestors who had bene alwayes the principall defenders of the same But if he should doe any violent action vpon Naples it could not be without manifest intrusion transgression of the holy sea and bring dishonor to the reputacion merits of his elders it would better become his dignitie and vertues to seeke to iustifie his pretence of right by course of iustice moderate equitie wherein as Lord Patrone onely iudge of such a cause he offered him selfe ready to administer to him And that a Christian king ought not to demaund more of a Pope whose office was to restraine and forbid and not to enterteyne and nourish warres betwene Princes christened And though he should so farre incline to the kings will yet he shewed many difficulties and daungers both by the neighbourhood of Alphonso and the Florentyns whose vnitie all Tuskane followed and also for the consanguinitie alliance of so many Barons holding of the king of Naples whose estates stretched euen to the gates of Rome Notwithstanding all this he enforced him selfe not to cut of their hope altogither albeit he bare priuatly this setled resolucion not to depart from the confederacion made with Alphonso At Florence thinclinacion was great and generall to the house of Fraunce for the liberall mart traffike which that state had with the french for an olde opinion but vntrue that Charlemain was the reedifier of their citie destroyed by Tottila kinge of Gothes for the auncient coniunction and amitie which their auncestors the Guelffes haue had long time with Charles the first king of Naples and with many of his lyne protectors of the faction of Guelffes in Italy And lastly for the memorie of the warres which the olde Alphonso after him Ferdinand in the person of his sonne had areared against that citie By the reason recordacion and memorie of these thinges the communaltie and multitude cried to consent to free conduct and passage desiring no lesse the best authorised and wise citisens in that common weale to whom it seemed a great partialitie and ouersight to pull vpon the countrey of Florence for the controuersies of an other so present and daungerous a warre they held it no pollicie to oppose them selues against so mighty an armie managed in the personne of A king of Fraunce descending into Italy with the fauour of the state of Myllan and no resistance of the gouernment of Venice though they publish no manifest consent this councell they confirmed with thauthoritie of Cosmo de medicis esteemed in his time one of the wisest in Italy who in the warres betwene Iohn of Aniovv and Ferdinand gaue alwayes this councell that the citie of Florence should not obiect it selfe against Iohn notwithstanding the Pope Duke of Myllan were ioyned with Ferdinand They remembred withall the example of Lavvrence father to Peter who was of the same aduise vppon euery brute of the returne of them of Aniovv yea so much was he amased with the power of the french since the same king obteyned Britaine that he would often times say that great troubles were prepared for all Italians if the king of Fraunce knew his owne strength But Peter de medicis who measured thinges more by will then by wisedome abused him selfe to much with his owne opinion beleuing that these emocions would rather resolue into brutes then into effects wherein being gouerned by some his speciall fauorits corrupted perhaps with the presents of Alphonso determined resolutly to continue in amitie with the Aragons whereunto in the ende all the residue of the Citisens must condescend by reason of his greatnes Ambicion is an vnquiet humor in man it may be that Peter not content with thauthoritie which his father had got in the common weale yet such by his disposing that though Magistrats were created yet they determined no matters of importaÌ„ce without his aduise aspired to a power more
absolute euen to the title of Prince he did not debate with discression the condicions of that citie who at that time being populous in multitudes and mighty in riches and nourished by many ages with an apparance of a common weale the principall Citisens being accustomed to participate in the gouernment rather in forme of companions then subiectes would hardly endure so great and suddein mutacion And therefore Peter knowing that to the holding vpp of his ambicion must be ioyned foundacions extraordinary and the better to haue a mighty piller to support his new principallitie he restrained him selfe immoderatly to thAragons determining in their course to communicate with their fortunes Thus perhaps was furthered by this accident not many dayes before thembassadors of the french ariued at Florence there came to light certeine practises which Lavvrence and Iohn de medicis yong men rich and neare in bludd to Peter and lately become his enemies vpon certein light occasions of youth conspired with Lodovvik Sforce and by him with the french king directly against the greatnes of Peter But being arested by the Magistrates they were with light punishment returned to their houses in the countrey for that the temperance of the Magistrates preuailing with Peter not without some difficulties induced him not to suffer the lawes to execute any extreme action vpon his kinred and bludd But receiuing warning by this accident that Lodovvyk Sforce thirsted after his ruine he esteemed it so much the more needefull to remaine still in his first purpose At last thembassadors were aunswered but much to their discontentment and more contrary to their desire in place of the conclusion they hoped for they were told with wordes reuerent and respectiue with what naturall deuocion the people of Florence honored the house of Fraunce togither with their commō desire to satisfie so great a king on the other side they made declaracion of their impediments as that there could be nothing more vnworthy of Princes and common weales then not to keepe faith promised which vnlesse they should apparantly defile and breake they could not now satisfie his demaundes and content the time togither They sayd as yet was not ended the confederacion which by thauthoritie of king Levvys his father was made with Ferdinand with couenant that after his death it should stretch to Alphonso wherein they were bound by special condicion not only to defend the realme of Naples but also to giue no passage thorow their countries to any that went about to inuade it Lastly that it brought no small greefe to them that there was such difference betwene their desires and wills and that they had no power to make other resolucions then such as must either make the king displeased or bring great preiudice to their whole estate Onely they hoped that the king being wise and iust would interpret them according to their good wills and referre to those reasonable impediments that which they could not promise The king made angrie with this aunswere commaunded immediatly thembassadors of Florence to depart out of Fraunce and following the councell of Lodovvyk Sforce he banished out of Lyons not the generall marchauntes but onely the factors and bankers of P. de medicis to the ende that they might iudge at Florence that he acknowledged this iniurie particularly vpon Peter and not vpon the body of the state The other Potentats of Italy being diuided amongest them selues some bearing fauor to the french and some fearing calamities and extreme fortunes the Venetians onely determined to remaine newters and with an idle eye to behold the yssue of all thinges perhaps they were not much troubled that Italy should fall into garboyle hoping that the long warres of others would giue them oportunitie to enlarge their estate or perhaps the opinion of their greatnes would not suffer them to be dowtfull of perills And therefore not fearing that the victors could haue any fortune ouer them they iudged it a folly to make proper to them the warres of others had no apparant necessitie And yet Ferdinand ceassed not to solicite them continually and the french king the yeare before and euen then had sent to them Embassadors who forgat not to declare that betwene the house of Fraunce that common weale was alwayes amitie and good will and as occasion offered mutuall effectes and offices expressed The which disposicion the king seeking to augment and ratifie he desired of that wise Senate councell and fauor in his enterprise whereunto they aunswered with this moderacion and breuitie that the king for him selfe was so wise foreseeing enuironed with a councel so graue and ripe that it could not be without too much presuming to ioyne to him their opinions and councells They would be alwayes glad of his prosperities good fortunes for the obseruances which they had alwaies borne to the crowne of Fraunce They were not a litle greeued that they could not accompany the readines of their mindes with those effectes they desired for that by the suspicion wherein the Turke kept them continually wanting neither desire nor oportunities to vexe them Necessitie compelled them to keepe alwayes with great charges many yles and coast townes fronting vppon him the same being the cause that they could not make them selues parties to the warre of an other But the preparacions which were made on all sides as well by lande as sea were of farre greater importance then eyther the orations of thembassadors or the aunsweres made to them for king Charles had sent Peter d'Vrfe his great Esquier to Genes ouer which citie the duke of Myllan commaunded by the ayde of the faction of Adorne and I. L. de fiesco signo to rigge vp a mighty armie of shippes and gallies causing also to be armed other vessells in the portes of Ville Franche and Marselles This was the cause of the brute in his court that he determined to enter the kingdom of Naples by sea as had done afore time Iohn sonne of Rene against Ferdinand In Fraunce albeit many beleued that what for the youth of the king and the base condicion slender conduct of such as stirred him to this expedicion togither with the want necessitie of money these preparacions in them would dissolue vanish into smoke yet to satisfie the desire of the king who by the aduise of his fauorits had newly taken vpon him the title of king of Ierusalem and both Cycylyes then the title of the kinges of Naples There was generall and diligent order giuen on all partes for the prouisions of the warre as making of musters gathering of money remouing of men with other industries due to such expedicions And no councell had but with Galeas de S. Seuerin who held inclosed in his mind all the secrets purposes of Lodovvyk Sforce Of the other side Alphonso in whom had wanted no pollicie or diligence to fortifie him selfe by sea and by land iudging now there was no more time to
it could not be so soone ready for want of money the Pope gaue consent besides a certeine porcion which Alphonso sent him power that he might conuert into that vse the moneyes gathered in Spaine by the Apostolike authoritie vnder coler of the Croysade which ought not to be employed against others then thennemies to the faith Christian Alphonso also besides those he had already sent to the great Turke dispatched of new Camylla Pandon with whom was sēt secretly by the Pope George Bucciardo a Genovvay whose seruice Pope Innocent had vsed there afore who being receiued with great honor of Baiazet dispatched with no lesse expedicion brought home large promises of succors which albeit was confirmed a litle after by an Embassador sent by the Turke to Naples yet either for the distance of places or for the distrust he had of the Christians those promises brought forth no effect In this time Alphonso P. de medicis seing their armies succeeded not happily by land nor sea they labored to beguile L. Sforce vsing his owne craftes connings but their industrie brought forth no betteryssue then theirforces It was thopinion of many that Lodovvyk for the consideracion of his proper daunger was not content that the french king should conquere Naples but his plot was that assoone as he was made Duke of Myllan and that the french armie had passed into Tuscane to worke some accorde by the which Alphonso should acknowledge him selfe tributarie to the crowne of Fraunce with assurance to the king of office and obseruancie and so the king the places which the Florentyns helde in Lunigiane reuerting perhaps out of their hands to returne into Fraunce So that the Florentynes by this meane should remeyne battered the king of Naples diminished of force and authoritie and he become Duke of Myllan should haue got for his sewertie so much as was sufficient without feare to fall into the daungers which might happen by the victorie of the french he had hope also that the winter comming on the king would suffer such difficulties as would let the course of his victorie Lastly he iudged that waighing with thimpacience of the french the kinges slender prouicion of money and the wills of many of his people estranged from thenterprise there would not want meanes to worke composicion This was a grosse error in his pollecie to breede the storme and leaue the defence to possibilities dowtefull it is too daungerous to broach a vessell of poyson and haue the vertue of the antydote vncerteyne fier suffered to ronne burnes without lymitt euen to the consuming of such as first kyndled it But whatsoeuer was his secret intencion it is certeyne that albeit at the beginning Lodovvyk studied to separate Pe. de medicis from thAragons yet after he perswaded him secretly to perseuere in his opinion promising him so to worke that the french Kinge shoulde not march at all or at least if he did passe he should with the same speede returne afore he did any action on that side the mountes this he did often reiterate by his Embassador resident at Florence eyther for that such was his iust intencion or else hauing determined to ruinate Peter he desired that he might bring him to doe so much agaynst the kinge as there might be no meane to reconcyle them But Peter determining by the consent of Alphonso to make these behauiours knowen to the french king called one day into his howse thembassador of Myllan vnder couler of being ill disposed of his person afore he came he caused to hyde secretly the french Embassador resident at Florence in a place where he might easily heare their communication There Peter repeated to thembassador plainly distinctly and at large the perswasions and promises of Lodovvyk and that for his authoritie he was vnwilling to consent to the demaundes of the french king taking occasion to complayne greeuously for that with so diligent instance he solicited the king to passe he concluded that seeing theffectes aunswered not his wordes he was constrayned to ioyne him selfe to thenterprise to auoyd his proper and present perill The Myllanoys Embassador aunswered that he ought not to dowte of the faith of Lodovvyk if for no other reason at least for this that in comparison and consideracion of thinges it was no lesse daungerous to Lodovvyk then to any other that the french should enioy Naples ▪ And therefore with all the councell courage and reasons that he could he perswaded him to perseuere in his first opinion least by such hurtfull alteracion of his minde he were not the cause to bring him selfe and all Italy into perpetuall seruitude This discourse with all his actions and circumstances the french Embassador with present speede communicated with the kinge his maister assuring him that he was betrayed by Lodovvyk whose deuise tended all to his particular purposse and profite and all his intencions dissembled and disguised This pollicie and priuate manner of Peter bredd not the effect which Peter and Alphonso hoped for but of the contrary the matter and manner being reuealed to Lodovvyk euen by the french them selues the disdayne and hate conceaued afore against Peter redobled and tooke a stronger qualitie and Lodovvyk with a new diligence and quicknes solicited the french king to consume no more time vnprofitably But now not onely the preparacions that were made in so great plenty both by sea and lande but also the consent of the heauens and of men pronounced to Italy their calamities to come for that such as made profession to haue iudgement eyther by science or diuine inspiracion in the thinges to come assured with one voyce that there were in preparing both more great mutacions and more straunge horrible accidents then for many worlde 's before had bene discerned in any part or circuit of the earth There were seene in the night in Pouylle three sunnes in the middest of the firmament but many clowdes about them with ryght fearefull thunders and lightninges In the territorie of Aretze were visibly seene passing in the ayre infinite numbers of armed men vpon myghtie horses with a terrible noise of drommes and trumpettes The Images and figures of Sainctes did manifestly sweate in many partes of Italy In euery place were brought forth many monsters of men and other creatures with many other thinges against the order of nature concurring all at one time but in diuerse places by meanes wherof the people were caried into incredible feares being already amased with the brute of the french powers fury of that nation with the which according to the testimonie of histories they had aforetyme ronne ouer all Italy sackt and made desolate with fire and sword the citie of Rome and subdued in Asia many prouinces and generally no part of the world which had not felt the vertue of their armes But albeit these iudgements are often tymes fallible and rather coniectures vncerteyne then effectes hapning yet the accidents that drew on brought to them
in the spirites of frayle men an absolute fayth credit and religion for king Charles holding his first purpose was now come to Viena in D'auphine and would not suffer him selfe to be stayed from his personall expedicion into Italy neither by the iust and generall peticions of his whole realme nor with the consideracion of his vniuersall wants of money which were such as he had no meane to furnish the necessities present but by pawning for a great summe of money certeine iewells lent him by the Duke of Sauoye the Marquiss of Mountferat and other great Lordes of the Court of the summes he had gathered before of the reuenues of Fraunce and such as were lent to him by Lodovvyk he had employed a great quantitie vppon the armies at sea wherein at the beginning was reapposed a great hope of the victorie and of the residue he had made many indiscreete liberalities to diuerse persons before he went from Lyons And his Princes and noble men hauing at that tyme not so ready wayes to exact money vpon their peoples as their immoderat couetousnes hath brought them since without regard to God or men it was not easie for him to leuye new tributes so slender were the prouisions and groundes of so great a warre furie and rashnes guiding the king more then wisedom and councell But as it often hapneth in thexecucion of things new great and difficult that albeit all thinges are ordeyned and foreseene yet the reasons that may be considered in the contrary come then to appeare in thunderstanding of men when thenterprise is toward his action and beginning So the king being vppon the poynt to depart yea his soldiers marching towardes the mountes there arose a great murmure thoroughout the court some brought into consideracion the difficulties ordinarie in so great an enterprise and some disputed of the generall daungers and infidelitie of th Italians but specially there was an vniuersall ielowsie of Lodovvyk Sforce both for thaduertisement lately come from Florence and also certeyne money expected from him remeyned yet behind So that not onely such as had alwayes reproued this enterprise rose vp eftsoones to resist it with more audacitie as hapneth in those cases when councell is confirmed by the euent of thinges but euen those that had bene the principall workers as chiefly the Bishop of S. Mallo beganne so to shake that the brute comming to the eares of the king and the whole Court inclyning to murmure and confusion of opinions caused such an inclynacion in the king to passe no further that suddeinly commaundement was giuen to make staye of all the bandes and companies of souldiers by meane whereof many that were already on their way returned with willing speede to the Court following a reaport published that it was a resolucion sette downe that the camppe shoulde not passe into Italy it was then beleeued that all had turned into alteracion and chaunge if the Cardinall of S. P. ad vincla the fatall instrument both at that tyme before and after of all the miseries of Italy had not with his authoritie and vehemencie giuen a newe life to thexpedicion recomforted the heartes of the noble men and brought agayne the spirite of the king to his first determinacion he layed before him not onely the reasons that had first styrred him vppe to so glorious an enterpryse but also with a sharppe and quicke eloquence willed him to looke into thinfamie which myght ronne throughout all the worlde for so lyght a mutacion of so noble a councell he asked his maiestie for what occasion in restoring the places in the countie of Artoys he had weakened on that side the frontyers of his realme why had he with so great displeasing of his nobilitie and populars made open to the king of Spayne one of the portes of Fraunce in giuing him the countie of Rusâ—illon other kinges his predecessors had not wont to consent to those thinges but either to be deliuered from great and imminent perills or at least in counter chaunge of profitts more importing he made not those restitutions by any necessitie his perills were but reasonable And for frute or recompense there was no other expectation then that with a great price he had bought a present losse which would perpetually nourish greefe dishonour and infamie what newe accidents haue appeared sayth he or what straunge daungers and difficulties are disclosed since thenterprise hath bene published throughout all the world No rather the hope of the victorie is encreased the foundacions being shaken wherupon the enemie had built all the hopes of his defense for that if both the armie at sea of thAragons shamefully retyred to the port of Liuorne after they had giuen a vaine assault to Portouenere was able to attempt no further action against Genes so well defended with souldiours and a nauie more mightie then theirs And also in their armie by lande stayed in Romania by the resistance of small numbers of the french was left no courage to passe further what would be their seares when they heard by all the countreyes in Italy that the king was to passe the mountes with an armie royall townes would fall into tumultes men would draw into mutinie hauing their mindes amased how could they be stayed or conteined The Pope would not be a litle amazed when he should see from his proper pallaice the armes of the Collonoys at the gates of Rome No lesse would be thastonishment of P. de medicis who hath for his enemies his owne blud knoweth what affection the towne of Florence beareth to the name of the french is not ignorant how desirous it is to recouer the libertie which he holdes opprest That there was no impediment no difficultie no daunger to stay the furious descending of the king vpon the confins of Naples which he should no sooner approch then he should find all things disposed to flight or to rebellion he told him the feare was vayne to dowt want of money for that his artillerie should be no sooner hard thunder then thItalians with a swift liberalitie would supply him from all partes And if he should finde any resistance or defense the spoiles the booties the riches of the vanquished would suffice to nourish his armie for that Italy for many yeares hauing bene more accustomed to apparances of warre then trayned in the true experience of warres there was no strength foundacion nor power to susteyne the furie of the french In a matter debated with so long councell and prepared so neare to his action â–ª in an enterprise so possible â–ª and bringing so many profits in an expedicion so hawtie and glorious and giuen ouer so vile and infamous he aduised him to be firme and resolute for feares suspicions and ielowsies he willed him to thinke them as dreames rising vpon some superfluous humor or as shadowes to whome can be assigned no bodies he tolde him it became iustely his name and greatnes to march on with the same
with whom they contract fot their pay and serue vnder their arbitracion they haue neither by nature nor by accident any extraordinary spur or prouocacion to serue well The Capteines are very rarely vassalls of him that enterteynes them they haue for the most part diuerse interests purposes and endes full of enuy and hatreds And being bound to no tearme fixed for their payes absolute commaūders ouer their companies they oftentimes beguile the seruice with lesse numbers then they are payed for And sometimes not contented with honest condicions they put their patrons vpon euery occasion to raunsom At their pleasures they will passe from the seruice of one and enter into the pay of an other ambicion couetousnes or other particular interests making them not onely inconstant but also vnfaithfull There was also seene no lesse difference betwene the footemen of Italy and those that serued vnder king Charles for that thItalians fought not in squadrons set and ordered but in trowpes and dispersed in the field and oftentimes retyring to the aduauntages of hills and ditches But the Svvyzzers a nation warlike and by the long vse of warre and many victories had renewed their auncient glorie and hardines vsed to feight with bandes ordered and distinct in numbers certeine And neuer forsaking their rankes they vsed to stand against their enemies as a wall firme and almost inuincible so farre forth as they fought in a plaine or place large to stretch out their battell euen with the same discipline and orders but not with the like courage and vertue did fight the footemen of the french and Gascoynes Whilest the king by reason of his sicknes soiorned in the citie of Ast there hapned a new tumult about the borders of Rome for the Colonnoys notwithstanding Alphonso had accorded to all their immoderat demaundes as soone as Monsr D'aubygny was entred Romania declared them selues for the french king without more dissembling tooke the rocke of Ostia by intelligences they had with certeine spanish footemen left there in garrison This raised the Pope into passion made him bitterly complaine to all Princes in Christendom of the iniuries done to him by the french he addressed his complaintes chiefly to the king of Spayne and Senate of Venice of whom but in vaine he prayed ayde and succors according to the contract of confederacion made betwene them the last yeare before And turning alltogither his witts authoritie and courage to the prouisions of the warres after he had cited Prosper and Fabricius whose houses he caused to be rased in Rome and assembled his companies with part of those of Alphonso vnder Virginio at the riuer of Tyuerone neare Tyuoly he sent them all vpon the landes of the Collonnoys whose strength was no greater then two hundreth men at armes and a thowsand footemen But afterwards the Pope dowting least the french armie at sea supposed to come from Genes to the succors of Ostia should be receiued into the port of Neptune belonging to the Collonnoys Alphonso after he had gathered at Terracina all the companies that the Pope and he had in those quarters established his campe there hoping to haue it easily Notwithstanding the Collonnoys defending it with great franknes of courage being also passed into their contreyes without impediments with the companies of Camylla Vitelli of the citie of Castello and the bandes of their brethern which the french king had newly taken into his pay The Pope reuoked to Rome part of his people which were in Romania with Ferdinand whose affaires continued not with that felicitie and fortune which they seemed to show in the beginning for as he was arriued at Villefranche betwene Furly and Faenze and from thence was entred into the highway of Ymola the armie of thennemie encamped neare to Villefranche seeing their forces inferior retyred betwene the forrest of Lugo and Columuare neare the forde of Geniuola A place very strong by nature and apperteining to Hecules d'Este out of whose contreyes they were vittelled So that Ferdinand seeing that by the strength and situacion of the place he could not charge them but with manifest generall perill issued out of Ymola and went to incampein Tos kanella neare the village of S. Peter in the contreyes of Bolonia for being desirous to fight by the showe he made to goe towards Bolonia he sought to put thennemies to whom he would not leaue libertie to passe further in necessitie to incampe in places not so stronge But they approching certeine dayes after neare Ymola pitched their campe vppon the riuer of Santerne betwene Lugo and S. Agathe the place being well fortified and had for their backe the riuer of Pavv The same day Ferdinand incamped six miles from them vpon the same riuer neare Mordane and Bubane presenting his armie the day after in battell ringed within a mile of them where after he had looked for them in vaine for certeine howers the place ministring all commodities to fight by reason of his skope largenes and plainnes and seeing he could not set vpon them in their trenches without absolute daunger went to incampe at Balbiana not holding any more the way of the mounteyne as he had done till then but accoasting the ennemie he marched alwayes with this intencion to constraine them if he could to forsake their trenches so full of aduantage and strength It hath seemed till now that thaffaires of the Duke of Calabria caried good estate and fortune and a gouernment with reputacion seeing the ennemies had apparantly refused to fight defending them selues more with the strength and situacion of their trenches then with actions of armes and in all encounters of the light horsemen thAragons caried away alwayes the best but the campe of the french Sforce receiuing continuall strength by supplies of companies which at the beginning remeyned behind the estate of the warre began to chaunge for that the Duke whose heate and forwardnes was moderated by the councell of those capteynes that followed him to th ende he would not commit all to fortune without aduantage retyred to S. Agathe a towne of the Duke of Ferrara where finding diminucion of his footemen and of that part of the horsemen of the Church which the Pope had called backe and lastly in the middest of the contreyes of the Duke of Ferrara began to looke to fortefie him selfe But after he had remeyned there certeine dayes he vnderstoode by espiall that there was expectacion in the ennemies campe of two hundred launces and a thowsand Svvyzzer footemen which the french king had caused to march as soone as he entred into Ast And therefore he retyred to the wast of Faenza a place betwene the walls of the same towne and a ditch which reculeth about a thowsand passes from the towne and inuyroning it round about makes that situacion very strong And by reason of his retraite thennemie came to S. Agatha which he had abandoned Sewerly both these armies showed great tokens of courage when they
saw their ennemie inferior but when things were brought to an equallitie the place apt their forces indifferent all other oportunities consenting either one eschewed to assay the fortune of battell and in them both was approued that which very rarely hapneth that one councell was pleasing to two armies being ennemies For the french thought they shoulde accomplish their intencion for the which they were come out of Lombardie if they hindred thAragons for passing further And Alphonso iudged it greatly to his benefit if he could amuse hold thennemies bridle vntill winter And therefore gaue expresse charge to his sonne and Ioh Iacques Tryuulso with the Count de Petillane that without great occasion they should not put in the power of fortune the realme of Naples which was vtterly lost if that armie were defeated But these remedies sufficed not for his sauetie for that king Charles whose forwardnes could not berestrained neither by the season of the time nor any other difficulties marched into the field with his armie as soone as he had recouered his health And because Iohn Galeas Duke of Myllan his cosin iermayne for the king he discended of two sisters daughters to Lovvys the second Duke of Sauoye lay sore sicke in the castell of Pauya he went with great humanitie to visit him making his way by the towne lodging in the same castell The speches he vsed to him were generall for the presence of Lodovvyk onely expressing howe much greeued he was for his sicknes and perswaded him to take hope and courage to recouer his health But touching the effect of the minde the king with all those that were with him had great compassion of him euery one iudging for certeyne that the yong gentleman by the wickednes of his Vncle had not long to liue This compassion was much encreased by the presence of Isabell his wife who not onely full of many sorrowes for thinfirmitie of her husband and estate of her litle sonne borne by him but also much afflicted for the perill of her father and his adherents she fell with great humilitie in the publike presence at the feete of the king recommending to him with pitifull teares her father and his howse of Aragon towardes whom albeit the king for her age â–ª for her bewtie and her present fortune expressed an apparant inclinacion to pitie yet being not able to staye the course of so great a matter for so light occasion he aunswered her with signes of will to doe that he could not saying thenterprise being so farre aduaunced he was constrayned to prosecute and continue it From Pauya the king marched to Plaisance and during the aboade he made there newes came of the death of Iohn Galeas by which occasion Lodovvyk that had followed him thether returned in no small diligence to Myllan where by the principals of the councell which the Duke had subborned it was propownded that in regarde of the greatnes of that estate and the daungerous times that prepared now for Italy it would be a thing preiudiciall that the sonne of Iohn Galeas hauing not v. yeares in age should succeede his father And therefore aswell to keepe the liberties of the state in protection as to be able to meete with thinconueniences which the time threatneth they thought it iust and necessary derogating somewhat for the publike benefite and for the necessitie present the disposicion of the lawes as the lawes them selues doe suffer to constraine Lodovvyk for the better stay of the common weale to suffer that into him might be transported the title dignitie of Duke a burden very waighty in so conspiring a season with the which couler honestie giuing place to ambicion the morning following vsing some forme of resistance he tooke vpon him the name and armes of the Duchie of Myllan hauing secretly protested before that he receiued them as apperteining to him by thinuestiture of the king of Romaines It was published that the death of Galeas hapned by immoderat cohabitacion but the vniuersall iudgement of Italy was that he dyed not of infirmities naturall nor by incontinencie but by poyson and violent compulsion wherof Theodor de Pauya one of the Phisicions assisting when the king visited him assured the king to see most apparant manifest signes And if he were dispatched by poyson there was none that dowted that his Vncle was innocent either directly or indirectly as he who not content with an absolute power to be gouerner of the state but aspiring according to the common desires of great men to make them selues glorious with titles honors and specially he iudged that both for his proper sewertie and the succession of his children the death of the lawfull Prince was necessary and therfore sought to establish in him selfe the power and name of Duke wherin ambicion and couetousnes preuailed aboue conscience and law of nature the ielous desire of dominion enforced his disposicion otherwayes abhorring bludd to that vile action It was beleued of many wisemen that he hath had that intencion euer since he began to solicite the french kinges iorney into Italy iudging thoccasion and the time would well concurre to aduaunce theffect for that the french houering vppon the borders of that state with a mayne armie it would alter mens coniectures and humors and cary their witts from remembrance of an act so wicked But some hauing opinions more particular supposed both for the suddainnes of his death diligent transferring the imperie to the other that it hapned by a new thought proceeding of feare least the king the councells of the french are suddain would turne him self with a contrary course to deliuer his cosin Galeas from so great a subiection being induced thereunto either for respect of parentage and compassion of his age or that he might thinke it was a thing more sure for him selfe that the Duchie of Myllan were in the power of his cosin rather then commaunded by Lodovvyk whose fidelitie many of his great Lordes laboured continually to make suspected with him But because Lodovvyk had gott the yeare before thinuestiture of the Duchie of Myllan and a litle before the death of his nephew had dispatched with diligence th imperiall priuileadges it makes a congruent construction that it was a deliberacion voluntary and foredeuised and not suddeine nor in respect of the present daunger The king stayed certeine dayes at Plaisance not without inclinacion to returne into France for that aswel the want of money which being the more generall was so much more intollerable as not seeing any new thing in Italy discouer in his fauour he had many dowtes of his successe hauing withall no litle suspicion of the new Duke of Myllan who notwithstanding when he parted sayd he would returne yet the iudgement was that he would not come againe at all it is not out of all likelihood that being vnknowen to the nations on thother side the mountes that wicked custom to poyson men
french which did so much the more grow rising in the harts of men by how much they heard that tharmy had begon to passe thAppenyn mountes but specially they fell all into dread and feare by the crueltie showed at the taking of Finizana for these causes euery one did publikly detest the rashnes of P. de medicis who without necessitie beleuing more in his owne weening the councels of certeine rash ministers men arrogant in times of peace and vnprofitable and cowardes in times of warre then following the directions of those Citisens that were friends to his father and had alwayes instructed him with no lesse graue councells had so indiscreetely prouoked the armes of so mightie a king assisted with the Duke of Myllan seeing withall he was ignorant in th affayres of warre leauing the citie and other places of their obedience not fortefied but ill furnished with souldiours and municions necessary to make defense against so great a force Besides that there had as yet appeared none of those Aragons for whom they had exposed themselues to so great daunger So that their cōtrey abandoned of euery one remained in the deepe hatred of so mighty a king and was ready to fall as a manifest pray to him who with so great instance had sought not to fall into occasion and necessitie to hurt it This disposicion which was almost in all those of the towne was further kindled by many noble Citisens much displeased with the present gouernment that one onely familie had risen so much in presuming as to appropriat to him selfe the rule of the whole common weale in so much as one increasing the feares of an other and all laboring in one common dreade and ministring stomacke and courage to such as desired new thinges they had so stirred the braynes spirites of the people that there was generall feare of some tumult in the towne whereunto the multitude was the rather prouoked by the pride immoderat behauiors of Peter who in many thinges forsaking the ciuil customs and modestie of his auncestors had bene followed from his infancie with a perpetuall hatred and ill wil by the generalitie of the Citisens his father seemed to haue a great speculacion in his vices and vile condicions for that he would often say to his secret friendes that thindiscression and arrogancie of his sonne would one day be the cause of the ruine of his house It is a good propertie of wisedom in fathers to find out the disposicions of their children but it is a principall effect of their iudgementes to cutte of with discipline all course of humors that feede and minister to their naturall corrupcions which is an office no lesse iust in parents then it belongeth to the art of the Phisicion first to seeke out the humor that offendes and then to apply the remedie proper to cure and not to leaue the body to a setled infection Peter being now amased with the peril which with rashnes he contemned afore and seeing he fayled of the succors and aydes which were promised by the Pope Alphonso who as well for the losse of Ostia seege of the port Neptune as for feare of the french armie by sea had euen their handes and heades full determined with a councell suddeine and particular to goe search of thennemie that safetie which he hoped no more to finde in his friendes following therein thexample of his father who in the yeare 1479. being brought to desperat tearmes of daunger by a warre which Pope Sixtus and Ferdinand king of Naples managed against the Florentyns went to seeke Ferdinand in the towne of Naples from whom he brought to Florence publike peace and priuat sewertie But it is a thing very daungerous for men to gouerne them selues by examples if there be not a concurrance of the selfe reasons not onely in generall but euen in all particularities and if thinges be not ruled with the same wisedom And if lastly ouer and besides all other foundacions the selfe same fortune haue not her part Being parted from Florence in this deliberacion not farre of his way he had aduertisement that the horsemen of Pavvle Vrsin and 3. hundreth footemen sent by the Florentyns to enter Serezana were broken by certein companies of the french which were come skowring euen on this side the riuer of Magre the most of them either slaine or made prisoners This made him tary for the kinges safe conduct at S. Peters whether went for his conduct and sewertie the Bishop of S. Mallo with certeine Lordes of the Court in whose companie he ariued at the campe the same day that the king with the residue of his strength ioyned him selfe to the vauntgard which incamping before Serazanella battred that rocke but not with such successe as there was hope to cary it After he was presented to the king who enterteyned him with good countenance but more in apparance then in affection he appaised immediatly all his displeasures in consenting to his whole demaundes which were great and immoderat namely that the forteresses and castells of S. Peter Serezana and Serezanella which were as it were the keyes of the dominions of Florence on that side and the fortresses of Pysa and the port of Lyuorne members principall of their estate should be all putte into the handes of the king who for his part should bind him selfe by promise and by his proper signiture to redeliuer them as soone as he had conquered the kingdom of Naples That Peter should do so much that the Florentyns should lende to the king two hundreth thowsand duckats and that then he would receiue them into his alliance and protection Touching the ratificacion of which promises made with simple wordes it was sayd there should be letters dispatched to Florence by the which the king ment to passe but the consignacion of the castells and fortresses was not deferred for Peter ioyning meaning to his wordes caused to be deliuered without tarying to the king those peeces Serezana S. Peter and Serezanella and not many dayes after according to the agreement the like was done of the peeces of Pysa and port of Lyuorne The french men wondred that Peter with so great facilitie accorded to thinges of so great importance for that there was no dowt but the king would haue bene contented with farre meaner condicions I will not let passe in this place without reapport that which was suttelly aunswered to P. de medicis by Lodovvyk Sforce arriuing the day following at the campe As Peter in going to meete him to doe him honour excused him selfe that he had miscaried for that Lodovvyk was some what gone out of the way he aunswered very properly That the one of them two went out of the way but perhaps sayth he it light vpon your selfe as reproching vnto him that he was falne into so great difficulties daungers for not giuing faith to his councells But the euents of thinges falling out afterwardes did well declare that they
of Tuskane next to Florence was gouerned by a peculiar pollecie proper particular to it selfe but so as it knew rather the name of libertie then theffects for that being diuided into many factions or members of Citisens which they cal orders it obeyde that part which according to the accidents of tymes and fauors of forreyne Potentates was more stronge then the others At that tyme helde most rule and authoritie the order of Mont None After the king had taried a very fewe dayes at Siena he planted a garrison there for that hauing bene alwaies at the deuocion of thempire he held it suspected tooke his way to Rome rising euery day more insolent then other for his successe and fortunes which were alwayes greater then euer were his hopes And being also fauored with the ayre and wether more then the natural temperature of that season had wont to show he determined to put diligence to his fortune and vse those prosperities not as terrible to his enemies manifest and professed but euen to those that were conioyned with him or at least had not prouoked him in any thing therefore the Senat of Venice and the Duke of Myllan no lesse astonished with these successes then dowtfull that the kinges thoughtes would not be at rest by the conquest of Naples specially seing him possest of the fortresses of the Florentyns and to leaue a garrison at Stena began for a remedie of their common daunger to common to make a new confederacion whereunto they had with more speede and ease giuen perfection if there had bene made that resistance to the king at Rome that was hoped for the intencion of the Duke of Calabria with whom were ioyned in one strength the bandes of the Pope and Virginio Vrsin with the residue of thAragons armie being to incampe at Vicerba to giue impediment to the king for passing further To this he was drawne besides many occasions by thopportunitie of the place inuironed with townes of the Church and neare the states of the Vrsins But all the circumference and contreyes about Rome drawing into tumult by thincursions which the Colonnoys made beyond the riuer of Tyber and for thimpediments of the vittells by meane of Ostia which should come to Rome by sea he durst not abide there he dowted with all of thintencion of the Pope for that since he vnderstoode that P. de medicis was turned he had begonne to open his eares to the demaundes of the french for the which and the reasons of them Cardinall Askanius went to him after in pledge of his sewertie the Cardinall of Valence was come to Marina a towne of the Colonnoys And albeit Askanius was gone without resolucion certeine for that Alexander distrusted much thintencion of the king and of the other side was in great feare of his forces which bredd no small torment and conflict in his hart yet after the king was parted from Florence they returned eftsoones to common of thaccord wherein for the more diligent accomplishment of thinges the Pople dispatched to the king the Bishops of Concorde and Terny and M. Gratian his confessor with commission that they should compownd aswell for the affayres of Alphonso as for his owne But the king was of a contrary meaning hauing setled his resolucion to accord onely and particularly with the Pope And for that cause he sent to him the L. de la Trimouille and the President of Ganuy being there also for the same occasion the Cardinal Askanius and Prosper Collonne who were no sooner come to Rome then the Pope for what cause I know not chaunging aduise bestowed the Duke of Calabria within Rome with all his armie he caused to be arested Askanius and Prosper restrayning them within the tower of Adrian of olde called the castell of Crescence and now named the castell S. Ange he demaunded of them restitucion of Ostia In this tumulte also the frenche Embassadors were made prisoners by the Aragons But the Pope caused them with a present speede to be redeliuered and within a few dayes after restored to libertie Askanius and Prosper constrayning them notwithstanding to depart suddenly out of Rome After this he sent to the french king lying then at Nepi Cardinall Federyk of S. Seuerin beginning to treate onely of his proper affayres and yet in great dowt and declyning of mind for that some times he determined to stand to the defence of Rome and therefore gaue sufferance to Ferdinand the capteines to looke to fortefie it in the partes most weake and earste againe he iudged greate hardnes and impossibilitie to defend it for thimpediments of vittells restrayned by those of Ostia In which respectes waighing also with the infinit numbers of straungers being of mindes and of wills different the diuersitie of factions euen amongest the Romaines he began to thinke to goe from Rome requiring in the colleage that euery Cardinal would promise by a writing subsigned to follow him And euen standing amased with the daungers and difficulties imminent vpon euery one of his deliberacions he turned his mind to accorde But whilest his minde wauered in these ambiguities the french men forbare not to ouerronne the whole contrey on this side Tyber making them selues Lordes of one towne after an other no place offering resistance to their incursiōs No not one peece or fort which gaue not place to their importunāt furie according to thexample of the others no not such as had good occasion to oppose them selues against them as Virginio Vrsin drawne by so many bondes of faith office and honor to the house of Aragon Capteine generall of th armie of Alphonso grand Constable of the realme of Naples and very neare parent to Alphonso for that Iohn Iordan his sonne had maried a bastard daughter to the late king Ferdinand But he turning all these thinges into forgetfulnes as vnthankfull for the states and fauors he had receiued in the kingdom of Naples as vnmindfull that the calamities of the Aragons were first kindled for his occasions and nourished chiefly in his particular interestes consented that his person continuing still in the pay of the king of Naples his children should compownd with the french and be bound to giue them passage and libertie of vittells and othet friendships through all the estates which he held of the dominions of the Churche leauing the french men not a litle amased with his example and forme of dealing being not acquainted with these sutle and vnaccustomed distinctions of the souldiers of Italy he suffered withall that Campagnane and certeine other places were put in deputacion into the handes of the Cardinall of Gurcy who promised to restore them so soone as the armie was out of the territories of Rome This forme of agreement was vsed also by the Count de Petillane with all the residue of the familie of the Vrsins immediatly vpon these accordes king Charles went from Nepi to Bracciane a chiefe towne of Virginio and sent to Ostia Lovvys
of their brethren their nearest kinne and competytors In which perill for safetie of his life he was fledd to Rodes from whence he was brought into Fraunce lastly past ouer into the power and custodie of Pope Innocent By which occasion Baiazet seruing his turne of the couetousnes of the Vicaires of Christ as instrumentes to holde in peace the Empire ennemie to the Christian faith payed euery yeare vnder the name of allowance towardes his norriture and keeping forty thowsand duckats to the Popes to th ende they should be lesse ready to deliuer him into the handes of other Princes to serue their turnes against him The king was so much the more desirous to haue him by how much he supposed to turne him to many vses oportunities for thaduauncing of his pretended enterprise against the Turkes being greatly caried into glorie by the vayne flatteries of many of his fauorits which he ment to beginne as soone as he had accomplished the conquest of thAragons And because the last xl thowsand duckats sent by the Turke were taken at Sinigalle by the Prefect of Rome he required that the Pope would remitte both the punishment and restitucion To these capitulacions were added that the Cardinall of Valence should follow the king three monthes as Legat apostolike but in meaning it was to stande as ostage for the promises of his father The accord thus made and past the Pope returned to the Vatican where is his pallaice pontificall And after with pompes and ceremonies accustomed at the receiuing of great kinges he receiued the king in the Church of S. Peter and there according to the maner hauing kissed his feete kneeling was afterwards receiued to kisse his cheeke An other day he assisted in presence the Popes masse where he had his place the first after the first Bishop Cardinal and according to the auncient custom gaue water to the Pope celebrating masse which offices humilities ceremonies the Pope to continue the memorie to all posterities caused to be curiously drawn in a table purtraied honge vp in a gallerie of the castell S. Ange In this action the Pope to gratifie the king created published Cardinalls the Bishop of S Mallo the Bishop of Maus of the nation of Luxumburg forgetting nothing that might expresse how sincerely and vnfaynedly he was reconciled The king remeyning in Rome about a month forgat not to send bandes trowps of souldiers euen vppon the confins of the kingdom of Naples where was already such generall commotion that Aquila and almost all Abruzza displayed enseignes afore he parted from Rome as also Fabricius Collonne occupied the quarters of Albe Taille cosse The whole residue of the kingdom was almost in no more peasible estate for that as soone as Ferdinand was parted from Rome the frutes of the hatredes which the people had long borne to Alphonso began to appeare helping much the remembrance of many rigors which his father Ferdinand had vsed against them vpon these they raysed ready occasions to complayne vehemently of the iniquities of the gouernments passed togither with the cruelties and pride of Alphonso expressing in these humors apparant desire that the french might come and that in such sort as the contemplacion of the auncient relykes and monuments of such as held with the house of Aniovv albeit they were ioyned to the memorie of so many Barons as had bene chassed and emprisoned at sundry tymes by Ferdinand thinges of themselues of great consideracion and of no litle power to worke a chaunge did litle in this tyme in regarde of the other occasions so vehemently were the hartes of all the kingdom inflamed against Alphonso who for his part as soone as he vnderstood that his sonne was gon out of Rome entred into such present feares astonishmēts that turning all memorie or regard to the great renowme and glorie which with so long experience he had got in many warres in Italy into a present despaire not to be able to resist this fatall storme determined to abandon the kingdom and leaue to Ferdinand the name and authoritie royall In this deuise perhaps he had hope that taking away with him selfe the generall hatred and leauing to the people for their king a yong Prince of great expectacion not yet hauing offended any of them but gracious and plawsible to the vniuersall multitude he should make lesse in his subiectes their desire to haue the french which councell if it had bene sooner taken would happily haue wrought to better purpose but being differred till things were not onely in motion and shaking but euen beginning to fall it was not able to stay so great a ruine It was sayd also if it be lawfull not to despise such thinges altogither that the spirite of Ferdinand appeared three tymes in sundry nightes to Iames chiefe Surgeon of the Court charging him first with soft and mild words and after with many threatnings to warne Alphonso from him not to hope to be able to resist the french king because it was a resolucion in destinie that his race trauelled with infinit aduentures and fortunes and depriued at last of so large a kingdom shoulde now ende and determine he sayd their enormities began now to appeare in iustice and the many tyrannies by them committed were the causes but aboue all others that which by his perswasion he had done in the church of S. Leonard in Caiaia neare Naples comming from Pozzolo for that he expressed them no more particularly men supposed that Alphonso had in that place perswaded Ferdinand to put to death secretly many Barons whom he held prisoners long time before But of what nature so euer was thoccasion it is most certeine that Alphonso vexed with his proper conscience liued day and night in a discontented spirite for that in his sleepes the shadowes and Ghostes of those dead Lordes were liuely afore him and on the dayes he beheld the people prepard greatly to insurrections for reuenge of his rigorous dealinges In which perplexitie of mind applying his councells to his fortunes he communicated onely his intencion with the Queene his mother in law keeping it from his brother or his sonne and departed from Naples accompanied with fowre light gallies loaden with implements rich and precious he was so afflicted with dread confusion that at the earnest instance of his mother he would not stay two or three daies a time to ende the whole yeare of his reigne And at his departing expressing such tymerous disposicion of mind as if he had bene enuironed with the french mē he sayled to a towne in Sicile called Mazare which Ferdinand the king of Spayne had giuen him the yeare before but his feares left not to followe him no more then his fortunes showing at euery brute or small noyse no lesse perplexitie and terror then if the heauens and elements had conspired against him As the french king departed out of Rome he receiued aduertisement of the fleing of
Alphonso And assoone as he was arriued at Vellitre the Cardinall of Valence fledd secretly from him with the which albeit the Pope showed him selfe much discontented offering to giue the king such assurance as it pleased him yet wise men beleued that it was not without his practise and commaundement as one that sought to haue in his power to obserue or not obserue the conuencions he had made with his maiestie an action agreeing with his ambicion which most gouerned him but farre from the office of his profession which he least esteemed making nothing vnlawfull for that he challenged to him self to haue power to dispense with all things from Vellitre the vauntgarde marcheth to Montfortyn a towne of the Church seated in la Campagnia and subiect to Iacques a gentleman Romayne who had at first followed the pay of the french king But since the hate he bare to the Collōnoys preuailing more with him then his proper honor he was become mercenarie to Alphonso The place being well shaken with the great artillerie was taken notwithstanding his strong situacion within few howres by the french who executed by the sworde all that were found within it except his three sonnes and certeine others that retyred into the castell but made prisoners assoone as they saw thartillerie planted from thence th armie marched to Mont S. Iohn a towne of the Marquiss of Piscaire seated in the sayd Campagnia vpon the confins of the kingdom this towne besides it was strong by nature and industrie of men yet it was well furnished with souldiors to defende it hauing in it three hundred footemen straungers and fiue hundred of thinhabitants well appoynted for all daungers In so much as it was not thought pregnable but by a hard and long seege But after the french men had somewhat searched the walls with their cannons they gaue in the presence of the king then come from Veruue so hoat and violent assault that vanquishing all difficulties they tooke it by force the same day And following their naturall furie as also to warne others by this example not to be so obstinate to resist they made lamentable slaughters wherein sparing no sort of barbarous crueltie they followed the desolacion of the place with setting fire on houses A maner of making warre not vsed in Italy in many ages before and therefore filled the whole realme with more generall feares and terrors for in Italy in all victories obteyned in what order so euer the most extreme and last action wherein the Victor would stretch out his crueltie was to disarme spoyle the souldiors and so let them goe vanquished and for townes taken by force to put them to sacke and pillage and thinhabitants to raunsom pardoning alwayes the life of men not slayne in the heate and furie of the fight This was all the resistance the payne and impedimentes which the french king had to conquere so large so rich and so populous a kingdom for the defence wherof there was not showed in any sort any vertue any courage any councel any force any faith nor any desire of honor for after the Duke of Calabria after his going out of Rome retyred to the borders of the kingdom and from thence called to Naples by the flying of his father had taken vpon him thautoritie and title of king but more with solemnities then with pompe and ioyes accustomed and that he had assembled his armie contayning fiftie squadorons of horsemen and six thowsand footemen of choysse and ledd by the best reputed Capteynes in Italy he incamped him selfe at S. Germayn to stoppe thennemie for passing further being drawne thither by thoportunitie of the place inuyroned on the one side with high and rough mountaynes and of the other with a contrey full of mareshes and waters and had in the front the riuer of Garillan which the Auncients called Liri albeit it was not so deepe in that place but at sometymes it was passible at a forde by reason whereof and that the passage is very narrow and straite they say with good reason that S. Germayn is one of the keyes of the kingdom of Naples he sent also bandes and trowpes to the next mounteynes to keepe the way of Cancella But all was in vayne and in these doinges he did no other thing then keepe his minde in languishing like as the Surgeon torments his patient by applying varietie of medicines to a wound that resistes all cures and remedies for his armie already stricken with a generall terror with the onely name of the french men declared apparant tokens of pusillanimitie and faintnes And the Capteynes and leaders partly tendring the safetie of them selues and their owne estates distrusting already of the defense of the kingdom and partly desiring innouacions and new thinges began to wauer no lesse in faith then in courage Lastly all the kingdom being in insurrection it was not without feare that at their backes should happen some perillous disorder Therefore councell giuing place to cowardnes and frayle feares ouerruling resolucion and constancie of minde vnderstanding after the taking of Mount S. Iohn that the Mareshal de Gie was at hand with three hundred launces and two thowsand footemen they discamped with shame from S. Germain and retyred to Capua with such confusion and feare that they lefte by the way viij great peeces of artillerie without garde giuing thennemie a meane to helpe forwarde their destruction with their owne weapons This citie the newe king reapposing much in the amitie of the towne towards the house of Aragon and in the strong seate of the place he hoped to defend and to keepe also Naples and Caietta not making distribucion of his forces to other places The french men went after but dispersed and out of order marching more after the manner of trauellers then like men of warre and without all regard either to keepe vnder their enseignes or to be ruled by the direction of their Capteynes they tooke libertie to goe where so euer they thought to find pillage And so neare was the encounter of these two armies that one part of them most often lodged the nightes in places where the Aragons were dislodged in the mornings Neither in Capua was any greater demonstracion of vertue or fortune for that after Ferdinand had there bestowed his armie much diminished in numbers since the retraict from S. Germain he was sent for by letters from the Queene expressing that since the losse of S. Germain there were such murmures and mutinies within Naples as without his presence there was manifest daunger of a generall tumult for which cause he went thither with a smal company by his presence to giue impediment to the perill present promising to returne eftsoones to Capua the day following Iohn Iacques Triuulce to whome he had left the garde of the citie had secretly sent to the french king for a Heralde to come vnder sewertie to speake with him which being graunted Triuulce with certeine gentlemen of Capua went to
be a succor for the recouering of that kingdom to Ferdinand of Aragon who with a great hope in the wills of the people labored to enter into Calabria That the Venetians at the same tyme with their armie by sea should assayle the sea coastes of the sayd kingdom That the Duke of Myllan to hinder succors that might come out of Fraunce should doe what he could to get the citie of Ast wherein was the Duke of Orleans with a very small strength That to the kings of Romaines and Spayne shoulde be contributed by the other confederats a certeine quantitie of money to th ende that either of them shoulde make warre vppon the realme of Fraunce with a puissant armie The confederats withall desiring that all Italy would be vnited in the same concorde of will made instance to the Florentyns and Duke of Ferrara to participat with this league But the Duke being delt withall afore the league was published refused to take armes against the french king and yet with an Italian suttlety he consented that Dom Alphonso his eldest sonne should take pay of the Duke of Myllan for clâ—men at armes with title of Liefetenant ouer all his companies But the cause of the Florentyns was otherwise hauing no lesse iust occasion to leaue the french king then allured to the confederacion with many great offers for that immediatly after the publicacion of the league Lodovvyk offered them in the name of all the confederats so that they would communicat in the league all their forces to resist the king if in his returne from Naples he would vexe them and to ioyne with them assoone as might be for the recouering of Pysa and Lyuorne And on thother side they sawe the kinge neither make reckoning of the promises he had giuen at Florence and much lesse had in the beginning restored them to the possession of their townes nor since the conquest of Naples redeliuered the castells of the same They sawe him make his fayth and othe inferior to the councells of those who fauoring the cause of the Pysans perswaded him that the Florentyns assoone as they were restored would vnite with the other Italians They saw also that notwithstanding the great summes of money other corrupcions which they had bestowed vpon the Cardinall S. Mallovv yet he resisted coldly such as incensed the king against them as one that would not for the loue of the Florentyns come to contencion with the greatones of the kinges court Aswell in these causes general as in matters more particular they found in the king by demonstracions manifest that to the violacion of his faith he had ioyned a careles estimacion of them their merits and amities in so much that one day their Embassadors complayning of the rebellion of Montpulcian and summoning him according to his bonde to compell them of Sienna to render it he aunswered in skorne what he had to doe if their subiectes rebelled because they were ill gouerned But all these notwithstanding the Florentyns framing their councells according to the termes and necessities of their affayres would not suffer disdayne to cary them against their propper profit esteeming it to agree best with their present fortune not to beare inclinacion to the requestes of the confederats aswell not to prouoke against them of new the armie of Fraunce in the kinges returne as for that they woulde yet expect and temporise and hope to haue restitucion of their places by such as kept them and lastly for that they reapposed litle in those promises knowing that they were hated of the Venetians for thimpediments which at sundry tymes they had giueÌ„ to their enterprises knowing manifestly that Lodovvyk aspired to the imperie of Pysa But nowe as all thinges earthly are subiect to their seasons of reuolucion and in mortall felicities can be no assurance nor perpetuitie So about these tymes the reputacion of the french began to diminish in the kingdom of Naples for that making their prosperities serue to their pleasures and gouerning thinges at aduenture they looked not to chase the ennemie out of these fewe places yet holden by them which they might easily haue done if they had followed their fortune They litle considered that armes doe litle aduaunce where pollicie is not concurrant and victory bringes a very short glorye where the gouernment is vnperfect But much more began they to decline in opinion affection and friendship for albeit the king expressed many honorable aspects and liberalities towards the people in graunting thorow out the realme so many priuileages and exempcions as they amounted to more then two hundreth thowsand duckatts by yeare yet other thinges were not redressed nor gouerned with that order and discression that apperteyned for that the king holding it an action inferior to his authoritie greatnes to heare the complaintes and sutes of men referred ouer the whole charge of th affayres to such as gouerned him selfe and they partly by incapacitie and partly by particular couetousnes confounded all thinges for the nobilitie were not embrased with that humanitie they looked for and much lesse had recompenses equall to their merits yea they founde many difficulties to enter into the chambers and audience of the king There was made no distinction of persons the merits and seruises of men were not considered but at aduenture The mindes of such as naturally were estraunged from the house of Aragon were not confirmed many delayes and difficulties were subborned touching the restitucion of the states and goods of those that were of the faction of Aniovv and of the other Barons that had bene banished by the olde Ferdinand fauors and graces were imparted to such as procured them by corrupcion meanes extraordinary from many they tooke without iustice or reason and to many they gaue without occasion or deseruing Almost all offices and dignities were transferred to the french in whom were also inuested to the great greefe of the naturall Lordes all the townes of the demayne such they call those that are wont to obey immediatly the king thinges so much the more greeuous by how much the king had promised there should be no alteracion of nature estate or possession of those gouernments The discontentment of these things was much increased by the insolencie and naturall arrogancie of the french aggrauated much by the facilitie of the victorie which caried them into those opinions and weenings that they estemed nothing of the whole Monarchie of Italy attributing that to their proper vertue and vallour which chaunced by their fortune and felicitie And these publike generall insolencies were made more intollerable by many priuat and inferior abuses as the armie being furried in many partes of the realme and the bandes dispersed more at aduenture then by discression liued in such vnbrideled incontinencie that those wiues and daughters that had escaped their dissolucion in the tyme of hostilitie were violently dishonored bearing the name of their hostes and friendes In so much as these doinges
the king had not onely graunted to those that they sent but also set downe in writing vnder his owne signature their safe conduit whereof being aduertised by their solicitors which attended the dispatch of the Secretories they had vnder that trust at the sommonce of the first Herald that went to Nola erected and displayed the enseignes of the king and giuen the keyes to the first Capteine hauing with him but a few horsemen notwithstanding their strength being foure hundreth men at armes they might easily haue made resistance They preferred besides the auncient deuocion of the familie of Vrsins who taking part alwayes with the faction of the Guelffes had alwayes borne both in them selues and in all the predecessors of that house perpetuall impressions of honor reuerence and seruice to the crowne of Fraunce And as from those regardes had proceeded that with so great a readines they had receiued the kinges Maiestie into their estates bordering vpon Rome So therefore it was neither conuenient nor iust both hauing regard to the faith giuen by the king and the merit of their operacions and actions that they should be holden prisoners But they were aunswered with no lesse roundnes by M. de Lygny whose souldiers tooke them within Nola that the safe conduit albeit it was determined and subsigned by the king yet it is to be vnderstand that it was not perfectly giuen but when it was confirmed with the kinges seale and with the seale of the Secretorie and so deliuered to the partie That in all grauntes and letters pattents such was thauncient custom in all courtes to th ende that if any thing were inconsideratly passed the mouth of the Prince by reason of many thoughtes and affayres or for not sufficient informacion of thinges it might be moderated and goe forth with his due perfection he alleaged that the confidence of that moued them not to yeld to so small a companie of souldiers but they did communicat in the generall necessity and feare for that there remayned no meane either to defende or to flee the whole contrey about them swarming with the armies of the victors That what they had alleaged of their merits was false which if it should be affirmed by an other them selues ought to deny it for their honor for that it was manifest to all the world that not of will or free consent but to auoyde daunger leauing in aduersitie the Aragons of whom in prosperitie they had receiued great benefits they agreed to giue the king passage thorow their landes Therefore seeing they were in the pay of thennemie and bare mindes estraunged from the name of the french that they had perfectly no safe conduit or sewertie they were made prisoners by good law and right of armes These reasons thus aduouched against the Vrsins and susteyned by the power of M. de Ligny and authoritie of the Collonnoys who aswell for auncient enuies as for the diuersitie of the factions quarrelled them openly there was no resolucion nor sentence onely they were commaunded to follow the king leauing them naked hopes to be deliuered when his maiestie was come to Ast But albeit the Pope the confederats hauing councelled him to goe his way was not without inclinacion to be reconciled with the king with whom he negociated continually yet suspicion and ielowsie being strong in him he nourished the king with hopes that he woulde attende him And yet after he had bestowed a sufficient garrison within the castell S. Ange two dayes before the king should enter Rome he went to Oruiette accompanied with the colleage of Cardinalls and two hundred men at armes a thowsand light horsemen and three thowsand footemen he left behinde him as Legat the Cardinall of S. Anastasio to receiue and honor the king who entred by that quarter on the farre side of Tyber to th ende to auoyd the castell S. Ange And refusing the lodging that was offered him by the Popes commission in the pallaice of the Mount Vatican he went and lodged in the suburbes And when the Pope vnderstoode that the king came neare to Viterbe notwithstanding he interteyned him with newe hopes to compound with him in some place conuenient betwene Viterbe and Oruiette he left Oruiette and went to Perouse with intencion if the king tooke that way to goe to Ancona the better to haue meane by the commoditie of the sea to retyre to some place absolutely assured All this notwithstanding the king being not a litle discontented with his vniust feares and ielousies rendred the castells of Ciuitauechia and Terracina reseruing Ostia which when he came out of Italy he gaue vp to the power of the Cardinall of S. P. ad vincla who was bishop thereof he passed in like sort by the contreyes of the Church as thorow the dominions of a friend sauing that they of Tuskanella refusing to receiue into their towne his vauntgarde the souldiers tooke it by force and sackt it not without murder and slaughter of many After this the king remeyned without any occasion at Siena six dayes not considering neither of him selfe nor by the straite aduertisements of the Cardinall de S. P. ad vincla and by Tryuulce how hurtfull it was to giue time to his enemies to make their prouisions and vnite their forces neither did he recompense the losse of the time with the profit of councells or deliberacions for there was debated at Sienna the restitucion of the fortresses of the Florentyns promised by the king at his departure from Naples confirmed by many voluntary grauntes on the way And therefore the Florentyns besides that they were ready to pay the thirty thowsand duckats remeyning of the summe agreed at Florence offered to lende lxx thowsande more and to sende with him till he were arriued at Ast Francisco Secco their Capteyne with three hundreth men at armes and two thowsande footemen The necessitie which the king had of money the oportunitie to augment his armie ioyned to the consideracion of his faith and othe induced almost all those of his councell to perswade effectually the restitucion of the castells and peeces of strength reseruing Petra Santa and Serezana as conuenient instruments to draw more easily to his deuocion the hartes of the Genovvays But it was a resolucion in destinie that the matter of new calamities shoulde remeyne kindled in Italy for M. de Ligny a man for his youth more ready to enterprise then rype in councell and whose experience had not yet wrought in him a perfection of iudgement being borne of one of the kinges sisters and of no small fauors with him made his lightnes togither with the disdane he bare to the Florentyns for that in all their sutes they addressed their meanes to the Cardinall of S. Mallovv the onely impediment to this deliberacion alleaging no other reason then the pietie and compassion of the Pysans And touching the offer of the forces which the Florentyns made he despised them vaunting that the armie of Fraunce was
Venice where Pisan and Treuisan now their deputie Commissioners perswaded him to dispose the kinges minde to peace to sende a trompet to the sayd Commissioners to let them vnderstand that he woulde common with them for the common benefit they accepted his desire and appointed the next morning to meete in a place conuenient betwene both the armies But the king either for that in that place he had want of vittells or for some other occasion chaunged aduise would not in that place attend the yssue of that meeting The front of the tents and trenches of the one and other armie was distant litle lesse then three myles stretched out along the right shore of the riuer of Taro which is rather a lande fludde then a riuer for that falling from the hill of Appenyn after it hath ronne thorow a litle valley inclosed with two banks it discendes into the large playnes of Lombardye and so falls into Pavv vppon one of these two bankes which was that of the right hand discending euen to the shoare of the riuer was lodged the armie of the confederats incamped by councell of the Capteines rather on that side then on the left shoare where must be the wayes of the ennemies to th ende they should not haue meane to turne to Parma of which citie for the diuersitie of factions the Duke of Myllan was not without suspicion the rather for that the frēch king had by the appoyntment of the Florentyns for his conduit to Ast Francis Secco whose daughter was maried into the house of Iorelli a famulie noble and mightie in the territorie of Parma The lodgings of the confederats were fortefied with ditches and rampiers well furnished with artillerie by the mouth of the which the french men going to Ast must of necessitie passe Taro on the side of Furnoue and marche no other thing remeyning betwene them and thItalians then the riuer All the night the french were in great trauell for the vexacions of thItalians who made their estradiots to make incursions euen to their campe which was so ready at euery brute as if there had bene a continuall alarme to this trouble and perplexitie of minde was ioyned a suddein and most thicke rayne mixed with lightnings and thunders fearefull with many horrible crackes and flashes that they tooke it as a foreshewing of some sorowfull accident a matter which did more amaze them then the armie of thItalians not onely for that being in the middest of mounteynes and ennemies in a place which if they preuailed not by fight fauored them with no hopes or meanes of safetie the consideracion of those great difficulties gaue them iust occasion of extreame feares But also to mindes fearfull al fancies and coniectures seeme thinges of truth they made constructions of the threatnings of the firmament not accustomed to show it selfe ill disposed but towards some great variacion the storme in their opinions raging most toward that parte where was the person of the king of so great maiestie and power The morning following being the sixt of Iuly the frenche armie beganne by the peepe of the day to passe the riuer Afore marched the most part of the artillerie being followed with the vauntgard wherin the king supposing that against it would be bent the greatest forces of the ennemic had put three hundreth and fiftie french launces Triuulce with his cōpanie of a hundreth launces three thowsand Svvyzzers which were the sinewes hope of that armie with them on foote Eugilbert brother to the Duke of Cleues the baylif of Dyon that had leauyed them to these the king adioyned three hundred archers and certeine crosbowmen on horsebacke of his gard whom he made alight on foote and almost all the footemen which he had with him After the vauntgard marched the battel in the middest whereof was the person of the king armed at all partes and mounted vppon a fierce courser and neare to him to gouerne with his councell and authoritie that parte of the armie was the lord of Trymouille a leader much renowmed in the realme of Fraunce Then followed the arearegarde guided by the Count de fois and in the last place was bestowed the baggage of the armie Notwithstanding this marching of the armie and the present readines to fight yet the king who could haue bene cōtented with some accord solicited Argenton to goe and negociate eftsoones with the Venetian Commissioners euen at the same time that the campe beganne to moue But the Venetian armie being all in armes and the Capteines determined to fight the shortnes of the time and nearenes of thennemie left no respitte or space of time to enterteyne Parley for now began the light horsemen on both sides to skyrmishe the artillerie from all quarters to shoote of with a noyse horrible and the Italians yssued out of their tentes had spred vpon the shoare of the riuer their esquadrons and rankes prepared to the battell These thinges notwithstanding the french men forbare not to march partly vpon the breache or greaue of the riuer partely by the skirtes or stretching out of the banke for that in so straite a plaine they could not display their ordenance And the vauntgard being now led to the right way of the campe of thennemies the Marquis of Mantua with an esquadron of six hundred men at armes of the gallantest of all the armie and with a great band of stradiots other light horsemen followed with fiue thowsand footemen passed the riuer at the backe of the arearegard of the french leauing vpon the banke on thother side Anthony of Montfeltre bastard to Federyk late Duke of Vrbyn with a great esquadrō to passe whē he should be called to refreshe the first battel he ordeyned besides that when the fight was begonne an other parte of the light horsemen should charge thennemie in flancke the residue of the estradiots passing the riuer at Furnoue to giue vpon the baggage of the french which either for want of men or as was bruted by the councell of Triuulce was left without garde to who woulde make pray of it of the other side the Count Caiazze with foure hundred men at armes amongest whom was the company of Dom Alphonso D'este come to the campe without his person for that his father would it so and with two thowsand footemen passed the riuer of Taro to assayle the french vauntgard hauing in like sort left on the banke on the other side Annyball Bentyuole with two hundred men at armes to giue reskew when he should be called And for the defence of their lodginges and tentes remeyned two great companies of men at armes and a thowsand footemen for that the Commissioners of Venice would reserue in all fortunes a whole succor for their safetie But the king seing that contrary to that his Capteines had perswaded him so great a strength came to charge the arearegard he turned his backe to the vauntgard began to draw neare to the
lac confyning vpon the territorie of Cortonne with commoditie of vittells for th armie yet they consented to neuer one of the demaundes notwithstanding the Cardinall Askanius made in the name of the Duke of Myllan great instance and the Pope commaunding no lesse by writts vehement and full of threats All this was for that since the taking of Corciana the Florentyns lending them money and giuing yearly pension to Guido and Radolpho chiefe of the Baillons and lastly hauing taken into their pay Iohn Pavvle sonne to Radolpho they were of their side conioyned with them Besides these they were estraunged from thamitie of the Pope for that they feared he stoode fauorable and inclined to the cause of their aduersaries or at least by thoccasion of their diuisions they suspected that he aspired to put absolutely that citie vnder the obedience of the Church In this time Pavvle Vrsin who with three score men at armes of the olde companie of Virginio had remeyned many dayes at Montpulcian and afterwards was gon to the borow of Pieua interteyned by the direction of Peter de medicis A practise in the citie of Cortone with intencion to execute it at such time as the bandes of Virginio should approch whose numbers nor vertue aunswered not the first plots But during that respitt of time the practise being discouered which was builded vppon the foundacion and meane of one of the exiles of base condicion one part of their generall groundes deuises began to fayle and withall many great impediments to appeare for the Florentyns in whom was alwayes nourished a carefull pollicie to prouide for daungers leauing in the contrey of Pysa three hundreth men at armes two thowsand footemen had sent to encampe neare Cortone two hundred men at armes 2. thowsand footemen vnder the leading of the Count Riuucce de Marciane whom they had made Mercenarye in their pay And to thend the bandes of the Syennoys should haue no oportunitie to ioyne with Virginio accordinge to the practise betweene them they sent to Poggi imperiall vpon the borders of the contrey of Sienna vnder the gouernment of Guidobalde of Montfeltre Duke of Vrbyn whom they had interteyned into their pay a litle before three hundreth men at armes and fiueteene hundreth footemen besides many banished from Sienna with whom they adioyned to keepe the citie in greater feare But after Virginio had giuen many assaultes to Gualda where Charles his bastard sonne receiued a wound with a small shot and hauing embrased the moneyes sent secretely to him as was supposed by the Fulignians he raysed his campe without mention or respect to thinterests of the Perusins and marched to the tabernacles and so to Panicale in the contrey of Perousa making newe instance that they would be declared against the Florentyns A thing which they did not only deny to him but also for the discontentment they had of his actions at Gualda they cōpelled him almost with threatnings to depart out of their territories In so much that Peter and he going first with foure hundreth horse to Orsaia a towne neare to Cortone hoping that in that citie which to auoyde the harmes of the souldiers had refused to receiue the men at armes of the Florentyns they should find some tumult After they saw all thinges in quiet and stabilitie they passed ouer Chianes with three hundreth men at armes and three thowsand footemen but the most part in confusion ill order because they had bene driuen backe hauing but a very smal proporcion of money They retyred vpon the contrey of Sienna neare to Montpulcian betwene Chianciana Torrite and Asinalongue where they remeyned many dayes without other action then certeine incursions and pillages hauing the bandes of the Florentyns which passed Chianes at the bridge of Valiance in camped directly opposite vpon the hill Sansouyn and other places thereabouts Neither of the side of Bolognia as they hoped was any insurrection for that Bentyuole not determining for the interests and regardes of an other to enter warre with a common weale mighty and his neighbour refused the quarrell and the defense notwithstanding the perswacions of the confederats to whom he made many excuses and vsed no lesse delayes neither was he curious to consent that many demonstracions should be made by Iulian de medicis who being come from Bolognia laboured to stirre vp the frendes which they were accustomed to haue in the Mounteynes of that contrey Amongest the consederats there was not one consent of will and inclinacion for that it was very acceptable to the Duke of Myllan that the Florentyns should be vexed with those trauells thereby to be lesse able for the matters of Pysa but it nothing pleased him that P. de medicis so greatly iniuried by him should returne to Florence notwithstanding to declare that hereafter he would wholly depend vpon his authoritie he had sent to Myllan in solemne order his brother the Cardinall And touching the Venetians they liked not to haue the burden of that warre imposed vppon them and much lesse to embrase alone the quarrell Besides the Duke and they were buysie to leauye prouisions to expulse the french out of the kingdom of Naples In which respectes fayling in Peter and Virginio not onely the hopes which they exspected but also the moneyes greatly diminishing to enterteyne their bandes of footemen and horsemen the necessities of their estates and consideracion of their proper safeties caused them to withdraw to Bagno Rapulano in the contrey of Chiusa a citie subiect to the Siennoys where not many dayes after Virginio being drawne by his destinie arriued Camylla Vitelli and M. de Gemel sent by the french king to interteyne him into his pay and leade him into the kingdom of Naples where the king desired to serue his purpose of him hearing of the defection of the Colonnoys This offer albeit many of his frendes impugned it aduising him rather to follow the seruice of the confederats who made great solicitacion to him or else to become for thArragons was embrased and accepted by him either for that he hoped by that meane to be more able to recouer the landes and contrey of Alba and Taille couss or else remembring eftsoones how thinges hapned in the losse of the kingdom and seeing the authority of the Collonnoys his auncient aduersaries was so great with Ferdinand that there was no confidence of reconciliacion and much lesse to be readdressed into his former greatnes or lastly for that he was moued as him selfe did assure with a discontentment which he had of the Princes consederat fayling to accomplish those promises which they made to him to minister fauors to Peter de medicis Virginio then entred pay with the french king receiuing cōtract aswel for him as for others of the house of the Vrsins for six hundreth men at armes notwithstanding vnder this obligacion such be the frutes of those that once haue made their faith suspected to sende his sonne Charles into
him the Duke of Orleans should passe the Mountes with other bandes and lastly should march the kings person with all other prouisions and passing with a power royall there was no dowt but the states of the Duke of Sauoye of the Marquis of Montferat and Saluce very fit instruments to make warre vpon the Duchie of Myllan woulde be for him Like as also it was beleued that except the Canton of Berne who had promised the Duke of Myllan not to moue against him all the other Svvyzzers would resort to the kinges paye with no lesse readines then full numbers These resolucions were made with consents so much the more generall by how much was great the desire of his Maiestie who afore they entred into councell had much coniured the Duke of Burbon to set forth with vehement liuely speeches how reasonable and necessary it were to make a stronge warre and of him selfe in open councel with the same affection he refuted thAdmirall who not so much in impugning directly as propownding many difficulties assayed to qualifie indirectly the wills of the councell hauing but a fewe fauorers of his opinion The kinge aduauncing his particular desire aboue all councell assured them publikely that it was not in his power to make other resolucion for that such was the will of God that he shoulde in person marche eftsoones into Italy it was agreed in the same councell that a nauie of thirty shippes whereof was one most huge carrack called the Norman and an other grosse carrack of the region of the roades should passe along the coast of the Occean into the hauens of Prouence where should be armed thirty gallies and gallions with a mighty succor of men money municion and vittells for the seruice of Naples which was supposed to stand vpon such condicions of necessities and wantes that afore this nauie could be disgested into order and poynt it was determined to send forthwith certeine vessells charged with vittells and souldiers it was ordeyned also in this councell that Rigault the kinges Steward shoulde goe to Myllan for that the Duke notwithstanding he had not redeliuered the two carrackes nor suffered to rigge a nauie for the kinge at Genes but onely restored the vessells taken at Rapale not the twelue gallies restrayned in the port of Genes labored to excuse him selfe vppon the disobedience of the Genovvays and had alwayes with sundry practises interteyned some of his people about the king to whom he had newly sent Anthoyne Maria Paluoisin both to assure his Maiestie that he was disposed to obserue thaccord past and to demaund prolongacion of tearme to pay to the Duke of Orleans the fifty thowsand duckats promised in the same accord of which deceites and suttelties albeit he reaped but a very litle frute the king being well informed of his intencion aswell by thexamples of his actions past as for that by his letters and instructions which were surprised it came to light that he stirred vp with continuall solicitacion the king of Romains and king of Spaine to make warre in Fraunce yet hoping that feare perhaps would induce him to thinges whereunto his will was estraunged Rigault was charged that without speaking of the disobedience past he should signifie to him that it was in his power to deface the memorie of offences in beginning now to obserue as to restore the gallies to redeliuer the carrackes and by giuing sufferance to arme a nauie at Genes And that he shoulde adde to these aduertisements that the kinge was determined to returne into Italy in person which should be to his great harmes if whilest he was offered the meane he would not reenter into that amitie whereof his Maiestie was perswaded that he had vndiscreetely made accompt rather by vaine suspicions then for any other occasions This brute of these great prouisions being come into Italy much troubled the mindes of the confederats but aboue all Lodovvyk Sforce standing in the mouth of the daunger to be the first opposed to the furie of thennemie suffered no lesse perplexities then the consideracion of his perill required specially vnderstanding that since the departure of Rigault the king had dismissed giuen leaue to all his agents with hard wordes and bitter demonstracions By reason whereof looking deepely into the greatnes of his daunger as vppon whose estate would fal the substance of the warre he had easily accorded to the kings demaunds had it not bene for the suspicion and conscience of thoffences he had made to him the same causing on al sides such a distrust that it seemed more hard to find a meane to assure both the one and the other then not to accord to the articles for taking from the sewertie of the one that which was consented to assure the other the one would not referre to the faith of the other that which the other refused to referre to his owne So that necessitie compelling Lodovvyk to take the councel that was most greeuous he thought at least to make slow his daungers to interteyne Rigault with the same connings which he had vsed to that present assuring him with great firmenes that he would bring the Genovvays to obey whensoeuer the kinge would giue into the citie of Auignion sufficient sekuritie for the restitucion of the shippes that both parties woulde promise giuing mutually ostages for all obseruacions not to enterprise any thing preiudicially one to thother which practise continuing many dayes had lastly for many cauillacions difficulties obiected the same effect which others had had before But Lodovvyk to whom it belonged not to wast time vnprofitably dispatched during these areasonings Embassadors to the king of Romaines to induce him to passe into Italy with the ayde of him and the Venetians to whom also he sent messengers to require that Senat to th ende to prouide for the common perill to contribute to that charge and to send into Alexandria a sufficient proporcion of force to make head against the french To this they offered a ready action But they showed not such facilitie to assist the passage of the king of Romaines bearing litle frendship to their common weale for those peeces which they possessed in the firme land apperteyning to thempire and house of Austrich Neither were they content that at a common expense should passe into Italy an armie which should wholy depend vpon Lodovvyk Notwithstanding Lodovvyk continuing still to solicit make instance for that besides the other reasons that moued him the onely forces of the Venetians in the state of Myllan were suspected to him The Senat also fearing least he in whom they knew was no litle feare woulde suddeinly draw to reconcilement with the french king gaue in the ende their consents and for the same occasion sent Embassadors to the king of Romaines Besides these coniectures the Venetians and the Duke feared least the Florentyns assoone as the kinge were passed the Mountes would not make alteracion or insurrection in the riuer of Genes To meete
possessed by the Viccairs of Romagna and withall to giue him presently thirtie thousand duckattes vnder this cooller that he was constrained to interteine a greater force for the gard of his person as though to knit himselfe with the French king were to stirre vp many of the Potentates in Italie to seeke to hurt and oppresse him For th execution of these couenantes both the king began to make payment of the money and the Pope committed the action of the diuorce to the bishop of Setto his Nuncio and to tharchbishops of Parys and Roan And albeit in the trauerse of the cause the kinges wyfe impugned the iudgement yet in the ende holding for no lesse suspected the consciences of the Iudges then the might and greatnes of her aduersarie she tooke comfort in her innocencie and disclaimed her suite receiuing for thinterteinment of her person the Duchie of Berry with thirtie thousande Frankes of Reuenue And so the diuorce confirmed by sentence of the Iudges there rested nothing els exspected for the dispensing and and accomplishing of the new mariage but the comming of Caesar Vorgia lately of a Cardinall and Archbishop of Valence become a soldiour and Duke of Valentinoys the king hauing giuen him a companie of a hundred Launces and twentie thousand Frankes pension and for his title of dukedome he indued him with Valence a Citie of Danphyne with twentie thousand Frankes of Reuenue he embarqued at Ostia vppon the Gallyes which the king sent him and arryued about the end of the same yeare at the french Court where he entred with a pomp and pride incredible and brought with him the Cardinalles hatt for George Amboise Archbishop of Roan Who hauing alwayes affore participated in the daungers and fortunes of the king helde with him great authoritie grace and reputation This new Duke albeit he was receiued of the king with great honour and all other offices of court yet his manner of dealing was not well lyked in the beginning for that according to the direction and councell of his father he denied that he had brought with him the bull of dispensacion hoping that the desire to obteine it would make the king more easie to assist his plottes and purposes then would do the remembrance that he had receiued it vsing this reason that there is nothing endureth so small a tyme as the memorie of benefittes receiued the more great they bee the more commonly are they recompenced with ingratitude But the bishop of Setto reueiling the truth secretly to the king who making it sufficient to godwarde that the bull was dispatched and ratified consommated the mariage openly with his new wyfe without making more demaundes for the bull the same being the cause that the Duke could no longer keepe from him the bull Authentyke and iustefied And finding out after by suttle inquirie that the bishop of Setto had reuealed the matter he caused him soone after by secret meanes to dye of poyson the vnfortunate bishop not remembring that in matters of estate betweene princes he that discloseth his secret to another worketh to himself the occasion of his death The king being now in some stabilitie of minde by his new mariage began to be carefull to renue leagues amities with his neighbours making presentlie a firme peace with the king of Spaine who bearing now no more regarde to the thinges of Italie called home all his Embassadours remayning there except him that laye resident with the Pope and readiourned Consaluo into Spaine with all his regiment leauing to Federick all those peeces in Calabria which he had holden till that day he had a great deale more trouble to accorde with the king of Romains who was newly discended into Burgongny by occasion of some commocions stirring there being for that expediciō ayded with a round summe of money by the Duke of Myllan in whom preuayled muche this kinde of persuacion that eyther the warre which hee should make vppon the french king would turne him from thenterprise of Italy or at least if any agreement succeeded betweene them he should be comprehēded in it as the king of Romains had assuredly promised him But at last after much discourse of reasonings and meetings the king made a new peace with Tharchduke by the which were to bee rendered vnto him the places of the countrey of Artoys a thing which to th ende it might bring effect and profit to his sonne the king of Romains consented to make truce with him for many monethes without making mencion of the Duke of Myllan against whom he seemed at that tyme much discontented for that he had not alwayes satisfied his infinit demaunds of money Lastly the french king ratifiyng the peace made with the king of Englande by his predecessor reiected all solicitacions and suites made to him to receiue the Duke of Myllan to any composicion who for his part albeit he protested large offers offices vsed no lesse corrupcions to induce him yet all his industries and practises were vaine in the kings sight who to lay a more sure foūdaciō of the warre pretended sought how he might at one time tie to him in suertie of amitie the Venetians Florentyns and therefore he required with great importunities that ceassing to vexe the Pisans the Venetians would put Pisa into his hands whereunto the rather to draw the Florentyns to consent he offred secretly to restore it to thē within a short tyme This practise being founde full of many difficulties and concurring in it diuers endes and intrestes was for many monethes debated with delayes for that the Florentyns holding it necessarie that in that case they should make aliance with the french king and fearing by the remembrance of thinfidelitie of Charles the present busines should suffer no lesse breach of promyse in the king raigning coulde not agree amongst themselues nor consent in vnitie of opinion and councell wherein one reason of their disagreement was that their citie was vnquietly tossed betweene thambicion of some of the greatest Rulers and the vnbridled libertie of the gouernment popular and being reapposed by reason of the warre of Pisa vppon the Duke of Myllan the whole citie was falne into such generall diuision that it was harde to deliberat in peace and quiet vppon matters of importance some of the principall citizens desiring the victorie to the french king and others of the contrary bearing their whole affections to the Duke of Myllan The Venetians also notwithstanding all other difficulties had bene ouercome which might hinder the accorde had yet determined not to consent to put Pisa into a third hande hoping that for the regarde of the repayment of their charges and to leaue Pisa with lesse dishonor they should obteine better condicions in the negociacion that was holden at Ferrara which was vehemently solicited by Lodovvyk both for feare least the deputacion of Pisa falling to the french both those common weales would knit with the king and also hoping that the
to foresee whether the hurt in reuenging would not exceed the harmes already hapned by the trespasse committed a forme of dealing which caried not their affections affore their wisdomes but bridling the readines of nature they oftentymes found more securitie to dissemble an iniurie thē to reuenge it And albeit it can not bee denied that the iniuries done by Lodovvyk Sforce to our common weale are not many and great and offende much our dignitie yet by how much they are great and by their propertie offende our reputation by so much more belonges it to our wisdom to moderate our iust anger with maturitie of iudgement cōsideration of the publyke interest benefit for that for men to commaund ouer themselues and vanquishe their proper passions is so much the more cōmendable by how much lesse often it hapneth in vse by how much more iust are the occasiōs that kyndle that anger or any other humain affectiō And therfore my Lords it apparteineth to this Senat to the which is ascribed of al other nations the true partes of wisdō discression who not lōg since made profession to haue deliuered Italy frō the frēch it is our office I say to cōsider wel not only of thinfamy that wil rise if now through our occasiō they prepare their returne but also to loke carefully into the daūgers that may threatē vs if the duchie of Myllā fal into the power of the french King perils which if we can not consider of our selues let vs call to memory what feares were brought vppon vs by the conquest which the late King Charles made of Naples of whom we held not our selues assured but when wee conspired against him almost with all princes Christians But in true comparison there is great difference betweene the one daunger and the other for the late king naked almost of all the vertues of a King was a Prince more in shadowe and showe then in body and substance and as the kingdome of Naples so farre remoued from Fraunce helde his forces so deuided that they weakened more then strengthned his power so that conquest for the feare of their estates so neare neighbours to the realme of Naples procured him two great enemies the Pope the King of Spaine in whom touching the one are occupied for the present many diuers intencions and the other made weary with the things of Italy will make himselfe no partie without very great necessitie But the new King both for his proper vertue is to be feared and for his wise proceeding in this action to be doubted as also the estate of Myllan bordreth so neare Fraunce that in respect of commoditie to succour or reskew it there is no hope to dryue him backe but by setting all the world in a stir In so much that we being neighbours to so great a power shal be sure to be exercised in trauels and perplexeties both in peace and warre In tymes of peace subiect to expenses and suspicions and during the warres so intangled with daungers that we shall fynde many difficulties to make our owne defence And sure I can not but maruell much at him that hath reasoned affore me who on the one side makes no feare of a king of Fraunce being Lord ouer the Duchie of Myllan and on the other side holdes for terrible Lodovvyk Sforce a Prince for power much inferior to vs and with whom this hath bene alwayes a custome eyther with fearfulnes or couetousnes to put in daūger all his enterprises he alledged feare of succours which others might make to him as though it were easie in so great diuersitie of spirits wills in so general varietie of condicions to make such an vnitie or rather as if the absolute cōcord vnion of a great and strong power were not more to be feared then the power of many which as it hath diuers endes mocions so doth it bring forth actions diuerse and discordant he seemes to haue a confidence that in those who for hate and many other reasons desire our embasement would be found that wisdom to vanquish disdaines couetousnes which we finde not in our selues to reteine his ambicious thoughts Besides I know not why we may make promise that the ielousies and new and auncient disdaines against the french king aspiring to the conquest of Myllan may doe more on the behalfe of the king of Romains the Almain nation then the rooted and setled hatred which both they beare to vs by reason of so many townes which wee hold apperteining to thempire house of Austriche Neither can I see vppon what ground or discourse of reason the king of Romains will more willingly ioyne with vs against the french then take part with the french quarrell against vs No rather the vnion of the barbarous and perpetual enemies to the name of Thitalians carieth a more likelehood of truth and seemes more propper to make a praye for that being vnited with him he may rather hope to bee victorious ouer vs then ouer him if he were knit with him Besides these such were his actions during the league past and when he came into Italie that he left no reason why we should so muche desire to haue him eftsones reunited with vs I deny not but Lodovvyk hath done vs many iniuries but euen so it is farre from councell and wisdom for a passionat desire of reuenge to put in perill the whole estate of things And seeing tymes keepe their certeine measure and course and euery tyme is enhabled to his propper function it is neither shame nor ill policie to exspect those accidentes and occasions to reuenge which a common weale may very wel attend and tarie for No rather it is infamous and meriteth imputation to be caryed with affection and prefer the suggestion of disdaine affore thoportunitie of the tyme and in matters of state it is no small slaunder when rashenes and indiscression are accompanied with domage and generall harmes No man will say that for such reasons we were mooued to make an enterprise so rashe but all the world will iudge that the desire to haue Cremona hath pushed vs forward the same giuing cause of question to euery one what is become of the auncient wisdom and grauitie of this Senat And iustly may all the world maruell that we are falne into the same rashenes to be guides to the french king into Italie into the which our selues wondred so much that Lodovvyk Sforce ranne so far Great is the profit of Cremona and the place very conuenient for many respectes But we ought to cōsider whether it be not a greater losse to haue a king of Fraunce Lord of the state of Millan yea we ought to consider whether our greatnes and reputation be stronger in Italie when of our selues we are chiefest and most absolute there or when there is in the hart of the same region a prince so mightie and so neare our neighbour we haue occupied at other tymes with
the people of Myllan then they expressed when hee departed The lyke disposicion was founde in other cities and communalties as in Pauya Parma declaring immediatly for Lodovvyk whose example Lody Plaisance had folowed if the bandes of the Venetians marched affore towardes the Ryuer of Adda had not bene entred Alexandria and almost all the places beyond Po being furthest from Myllan and nearest to Ast which was french stirred not determining to take aduise what they should doe vppon the issue and traine of things Lodovvyk being thus repossessed of Myllan made speedy leauies of as many Italian footmen and men at armes as he could labouring by peticion by offers and all maner of hopes all those in whom he had any reason to exspect succours in so great necessitie Therefore he aduertised Themprour by Galeas S. Seueryn of his happie beginning beseeching him to supplie him with men and artilleries And because it stood not with his fortune and also was farre from his desire to haue the Senat of Venice his enemie he gaue direction that the Cardinall Askanius should speedely sende the Bishop of Cremona to Venice to offer them the readie will and inclinacion of Lodovvyk to accept suche condicions as it pleased them to demaund But the constancy of the Senat of Venice made vaine all that labour for that they determined not to exchaunge their confederacion with the french king for the vncerteine and newly reconciled frendships of Lodovvyk The Genovvays notwithstanding the importunate solicitacions of Lodovvyk refused to returne vnder his obedience And the Florentyns would not heare his request touching the repayment of the money which he had lent them Only the Marquis of Mantua sent to him his brother with a certeine proporcion of men at armes there came to him also the Lordes of Myrandola of Carpy and Corege and the Siennoys releeued him with small summes of money succours almost contemnible in so great daungers as also did litle import the aydes of Phillipp Rosse and of the Veminesques whose fathers albeit had bene dispoiled by him of their auncient liuinges yet Phillip leauing without leaue the paye of the Venetians went thether to recouer his landes and hauing obteyned them ioyned himselfe to the army of Lodovvyk the famuly of Verma did the lyke and they both to reenter into grace by that occasion Lodovvyk ioyning diligence to his fortune and not vsing the fauour of the tyme in vayne after he had assembled a thousande fiue hundred men at armes besides the Burgonion bandes of horsemen and layed to the regiments of Svvyssers many Italian footmen he left the Cardinall before the Castle and passed ouer Thesin And obteyning by accorde the towne and Castle of Vigeneua he layde seege to Nouarre choosing that enterprise affore thexpugnacion of Mortaro either for that the frenche had made strong fortifications at Mortaro or els for that he esteemed Nouaro a towne renowmed and plentifull with all thinges to import more for the reputation substance of the warre or perhappes he imagined that the recouerie of that towne woulde breede want of vittels and so constraine the french that were within Mortaro to abandon it or at least he cast that it would hinder Yue D'alegre from entring Nouaro who was now marching from Romagna for assoone as he had receiued aduertisements from Tryvulce leauing the Duke Valentynois in the enterprise of Pesero he departed speedely with all the horsemen and the Svvyssers And vnderstanding neare to Parma the rebellion of Myllan he accorded with those of Parma and Plaisance not to offende them so that they would not hinder his passage And being come neare Tortona he entred the towne where at thinstigacion of the Guelffes of that Citie burning in desire to be reuenged of the Gebelyns who returned to the deuocion of Lodovvyk had expulsed them he put all to sacke and spoile the Guelffes crying out in vaine of his faith for that their loyaltie was no better respected but being the kings faithful seruants they were no otherwise vsed then belonged to the deseruings of his most traiterous enemies from Tortona he marched into Alexandria where he staied for that the Svvyssers of his armie either because they were not paied or for some other secret reasō left him wēt to the Duke of Myllās Camp whose strength being now greater then his enemies he prepared speedely to the battry of Nouaro to thend to cary it affore the frēch exspecting succors from the king were strong enough to encounter him in the field A matter which succeeded happely to him For that the frēch bands that were within Nouaro hauing no reason of hope or possibilitie to defende it agreed to deliuer vp the towne receiuing the promise of his faith to depart in suertie with all their goods which he kept iustly with them protecting them with safe conduite to Verceyll And albeit he was persuaded by many that the ouerthrowing of those bandes was of great importance for his victorie wherein they occupied these reasons that if it were lawfull according to thauthoritie and examples of great men to breake faith to conquer a Lordship of an other that it was more lawfull to straine both othe faith and all promises to keepe that which was his owne yet he abstained from all violacion hauing regarde to the estate of his perils fraile condicion of his fortune After he had got Nouaro he deuised how he might haue the Castle But it was beleeued that if he had aduaunced to thenterprise of Mortaro all the french bandes had fled affore him ouer Po Tryvulce and the Lorde of Ligny not agreeing well together Whilest Lodovvyk was in these expedicions following the fortune that best led him to the reconquering of his estates no lesse care and diligence occupied the frenche king who vnderstanding the rebellion of Myllan disgested it with no litle greefe and discontentment And therefore sodeine mischiefes requiring speedie remedies he dispatched with a wonderfull speede into Italy M. Trymoylle with sixe hundred Launces and sent to leauy a great regiment of Svvyssers folowing an auncient and assured experience of warre to represse with a strong force a rebellion in an estate newly conquered And lastly to th ende there might be an exact diligence in all prouisions he created the Cardinall of Amboyse his Lieftenant for Italy dispatched him immediatly to Ast In so much as all things prepared with a quick readines there was mustred in Italy for the king in the beginning of April a strength of fiftiene hūdred Laūces ten thousand Svvyssers footmen six thousand of the kings subiects vnder the leading of Trymoylle Tryvulce Ligny Which companies being drawne into one Camp at Mortaro marched to Nouarro hauing no lesse cōfidence in treason then in their forces For that the Svvysser Capteins which were with Lodovvyk had secret intelligence practise of cōspiracie with them by the meanes of their countreymen which serued in the french armie notwithstanding in the action of Nouarro they showed
the kinges folowing notwithstanding that at one tyme the kinges of Cipres being of the house of Lusignan who likewyse pretended to it would appropriat it to them with a couetousnes as apparant and great as the rest So violent are the desires of Princes to embrace coullers by the which they may with any honest couerture albeit most often against all lawe and reason torment and inuade the estates that are in the possession of an other not considering what a world of calamities vniust warre and oppression doe drawe with them and muche lesse remembring that right may be troden downe but not troden out but hath her secret meanes to support her and her seasons appointed to reuiue and reuert This capitulation was no sooner established betweene the two kinges then the frenche king began immediatly and openly to prepare his armie But whilest these practises were in working to their execution the Duke of Valentynois returning by night in the first dayes of the new yeare to the Subburbes of Faenza and working by conspiracie intelligence made an vse of a number of skaling ladders But that labor and trial resoluing into smoke and vanitie and reaposing no more hope in treason he tooke in fewe dayes after Russi with the other places of that countrey lastly returned eftsones with his Camp to Faenza in the beginning of the spting And incamping before the Castle he battred the wal on that side folowed thassalt Pellemelle with the french Spanish that were in his paie who going to the seruice in disorder retired without honor or profit But three dayes after obstinacie norisheth peril he recharged it with an other assalt with the strength of the whole Camp The first charge fell to Vitellozze and the Vrsins who colling out the flower and choice men of their bandes marched to the breach with a wonderful boldnes and very well assured order their vallours giuing great hope at that time to carie the victorie But those that were within fighting for their lyues and libertie were no lesse resolute to defende then the others were valiant to assaile They had so intrenched and fortefied the place that their industrie made amased their enemies who finding affore them a great ditche for depth and largenes and being beaten in the flanke with the furie of thartillerie were constrayned to retyre Ferdinand of Faruesa remeyning dead with many other men of marke without reckoning the great numbers whose bodyes smarted in the woundes they receyued The chaunces in warre are dyuers and haue in them many hidden fortunes which neyther the wysedome of the leadors can foresee nor the vertue of the souldiours resist nor any councell of man assure but running gouerned by certeine swyft destinies seeme to communicate in the qualitie of the wynde which no humaine wit can make setled but is caried by incomprehensible mocions frō one quarter to an other in a momēt For notwithstāding the resoluciō of the Fauētyns to fight it out to the last mā cōmitting their liues liberties to one perill yet hauing receiued great harmes by this assalt they began to take such coūcel of their presēt condicion that seeing on all sides general apparāce of daūger no exspectaciō of succors in a state so abādoned their cōfidence begun to turne into feare And as there was no possibilitie that their proper vallours only without fresh succors could make long resistance against so great an armie alwayes renued So they sawe that with increase of more harmes worse condicions they should in the ende eyther be taken by force or constrayned as a last necessitie to put them selues vnder the power of the victors And therefore their fortune making these feares reasonable in them they yelded to the Duke vppon couenaunt to haue their goods and lyues saued and that Astor theyr Lorde should remeyne in his libertie and to enioye wholly the reuenue of his proper possessions These couenants the Duke kept faithfully on the behalf of the people of Faenza But Astor a yoūg man of xviij yeares of an excellēt beuty his age innocēcie yelding to the disloialtie crueltie of the victors was reteined by the Duke with very honorable demōstraciōs vnder cooler that he shold remein in his Court But within few dayes after being sent to Rome after so went the bruite some had satisfied their vile vnnatural lust on him he was secretly put to death together with his bastard brother After the victorie of Faenza the Duke marched towardes Bolonia laying his plot not only to occupie that Citie but also to molest the Florentyns which were nowe become muche vnderfoote hauing added to the first discontentment of the frenche king newe occasions of disliking For being weary of the huge expenses which they had made continuing still for the furnishing of the warre with Pisa hauing suspiciō of the forces of the Pope Duke Valentinois they paied not to the king notwithstāding his great instāce the residue of the moneys which had ben lēt thē by the Duke of Myllā nor yet those sums which he pretēded to be due to him for the Svvyssers whom he had sent against Pisa The Florentyns contrary to their contract established with the Cardinal of Amboyse refused to furnish one paye for them to returne into their countrey for that they departed long affore the tearme of the seruice for the which they had receiued paye was exspired But the king to entertein alwayes that natiō in good friendship made good their paie of his proper treasor which he redemaūded of the Florentyns with sharpe words not admitting thexcuse of their inhability which was made greater by the ciuil discords that tooke their beginning of the disorders which were in the gouernmēt popular Wherein no man hauing a soūd care of thaffaires and many of the principal Citizens being suspected either for friends to the Medicis or as men desiring an other forme of gouernment things were oueruled more with confusion then with councell By occasiō of these trobles ciuil they made no prouision to satisfie the demaunds of the king but letting passe without effect the respits delaies which he had giuē thē they had made him much discontented And increasing his anger by thoccasion of their weaknes he required them to prepare to contribute to him the moneys other aides which they promised for thexpediciō of Naples He said that albeit they ought him none according to the couenants that were made betwene thē vnles they had recouered Pisa yet as touching him they ought to hold it for recouered seeing it was through their own falt that their victorie agreed not with their exspectaciō Of this was the cause either the desire of money which of his owne nature he loued much or the discontentmēt that they had not obserued the respits he had graunted them or rather the opinion he had that for the disorders in their gouernment the great number of friends the Medicis had in Florence he was hable to make
entred Auerso But as open warre ministreth many occasions to reuenge perticular wronges So Monsicur D'aubigny in his marching from Rome burned Marina and Caua with certeine other peeces of the Colonnoys being angry that Fabricio had put to executiō in Rome the messengers of certeyne Barons of the realme holding with the french which were gon thether to cōtract with him Afterwardes he tooke his way to Montfortyn where he thought Iulio Colonne would make resistance But hauing left it abandoned with verie litle honour Monsr D'aubigny passing further commaunded all the places which be along the way to Capua vntill the Ryuer of Vulturno neare Capua which being to deepe for the army to passe ouer without perill the vertue of their Generall founde out a way to passe by marching vp more high towardes the mounteyne wherof Federyk being aduertised retyred to Naples and abandoned Auerso which with Nola and many other places gaue themselues to the french whose whole strength was now brought into the confynes of Capua where they camped some on thislyde and some beyonde the Ryuer on the vpper side where the Ryuer beginneth to runne neare the towne And putting force to their fortune they battered it on all partes and charged it afterwardes with a furious assalt which albeit was not pleasant to them but were cōstrained to retyre from the walles with their many harmes Yet imparting no lesse terror and daunger to the defendantes the myndes of the Capteynes and Souldiors began to incline to accord the people of the Citie beginning to drawe into mutiny together with the regiments of Peasants withdrawne thether in great numbers But as in warres there be some insolencies which the Capteynes can not bridle and many negligences which be fatall instruments and occasions of perill So Fabricio Collonne the eight day after the Camp was planted hauing begun to Parley with the Count Catezzo vppon a Bastillion the negligent garde of those that were within as often hapneth when men be nearest accord gaue occasion to thennemies to enter And they vsing the lawe of victors tooke libertie to turne all things to the rewarde of their aduenture In so much as what for the greedines of Pillage and desire to reuenge the harmes receiued at the first assalt they put the whole towne to sack and made a wonderfull slaughter reteyning only for prisoners suche as remeyned free from theyr crueltie The licentiousnes of the victors was such that their crueltie raged vppon all ages sexes and qualities of creatures not sparing the virgins in religion whose bodies were a miserable pray to the lust of the souldiours And as many of them were solde afterwardes at Rome for a very small price so some of them esteeming it agreeable to their vertue to feare death lesse then the losse of honour threw them selues into welles and offred vp in Ryuers an oblacion of their vndefiled bodies It is sayde that besides other abhominacions worthie of prepetuall infamie many of the women which had escaped the first furie being withdrawne into a Tower vnder none other confidence then such as folow creatures in miserie The Duke of Valentynois who folowed the armie as the kinges Lieftenant went to take a view of them accompanied only with the Gentlemen of his house his guard And after he had considered not of their estates but of their beauties The compassion he showed was that he reteyned for his owne vse fortie of the most fairest of them Fabricio Colonno Dom Hugo of Cardona and all the other Capteynes and men of condicion were made prisoners amongst whom Rinucce Mariano who at the assalt had receiued a wound with a Cros bow shot being in the keeping of the soldiors of the Duke dyed within two dayes not without suspicion of poison The losse of Capua cut of all hopes to king Federyk to be hable hense forward to defend any thing Caietta yelded with a speed according to the felicitie of the victors And M. D'aubygny being come with his armie to Auerse the Citie of Naples left abādoned which made composiciō for three score thousād duckats Federik retired into the new castle immediatly after hauing only regard to his life in such extremity of fortune made couenāt with Monsr D'aubygny to deliuer vp within six dayes all the townes and fortes which he helde apperteyning to that moyetie of the deuisiō which shold discend to the french king Reseruing only for six moneths the Ile of Yschia during which tyme it should be lawfull for him to goe whether he would except in the realme of Naples And to send an hundred men at armes to Tarenta That he might take out of the newe Castle and the egg Castle what he would except thartilleries of king Charles which remeyned there That free pardon should be giuen to all faltes committed since the late king Charles conquered the realme of Naples and that the Cardinalles Colonne and Aragon should still enioy those ecclesiasticall reuenues which they had in the kingdome But within the rocke of Yschia might be seene drawne into one showe a true resemblāce figure of all the infelicities of the lyne of the old Ferdinād which was a spectacle verie pitifull For that besides the aspect of Federyk newly deuested of so noble a realme the consideration of his litle children ioyned to the lamentable condicion of Beatriss his sister redoubled his sorowes To the calamitie of his sister this increase of miserie hapned that after the death of her late husband Matthias that renowmed king of Hungary she receiuing promise of mariage of Launcelot king of Boemia inducing her to ayde him in the conquest of the same realme She was refused by him with great ingratitude after he had filled his delightes with the sweete fruites of her bodie and afterwardes maried an other by the dispensacion of Pope Alexander To this infelicitie was also ioyned Isabell affore tyme honoured with the titles dignities of Duches of Myllan but now no lesse wretched then the others for that almost at one tyme she suffred priuacion of her husbande of her estate of her only sonne Amongest these tragicall accidents I may not forget this notable example of thaffection of a sonne to his father A matter so much the more straunge by how much in those tymes the loue of children was rare towardes their fathers One of the sonnes of the L. G. Montpensier being gon to Pozzuolo to visit the sepulcher of his father suffred him selfe to be so much ouerruled with passion that after he had washed all partes of the monument with his lamentable teares he fainted and fell downe dead vppon the sepulcher of his father who had as litle sence of those his latest sorowes as he had feeling of so great a fault to giue such libertie to the rage of nature To men affilicted this is one cōsolacion to know the vttermost of their mishaps and when the perils be past that nourished their feares they returne to a
comofrte not to consider what they haue suffred but to remember that no worse can happen Euen so king Federyk making the extremest reckoning of his aduersities was resolued bearing a setled hate to the king of Spaine to recommit him selfe wholly to the honor and clemencie of the french king to whom he sent to demaund safeconduit and hauing obteined it he left all the residue in the rocke of Yschia where remeined also Prosper and Fabricio Colonne And the Yle remeyning as it did before vnder the gouernment of the Marquis of Guast and the Countesse of Francqueuille after he had sent parte of his people to the defence of Tarenta he went into Fraunce with fyue Gallies A councel euil taken sauing that men in aduersitie haue no libertie of election for that if he had bene in a place of libertie seeing to what tearmes the warres grew afterwardes betweene those two kinges he might happly haue bene holpen with many occasions afterwardes to returne into his kingdom But choosing rather to sit downe with the sweete fruites of a quietlyfe then to followe the bitter trauels of a kingdome broken his fortune brought him to this humilitie to accept suche condicions as were offred him by the king who gaue him to th ende he might remeyne in Fraunce the Duchie of Aniovv with so liberall a pension that it mounted euery yeare to thirtie thousand Duckats At his departure he sent order to those in whose confidence he had left the gouernment of Yschia that they should deliuer it vp to the french king and showing no lesse readines to render it then they were vnhable to keepe it he tolde them that the way to deffye their fortune was not to giue her leaue to exercise her malice to their vttermost ruine Consaluo was marched at the same time into Calabria where albeit was a generall inclinacion and desire to liue rather vnder the rule and Lordship of the french yet their aduersities ouerruling their disposicions he founde almost no resistance but with affections compelled was receiued into euery towne except Manfredonia and Tarenta But the destinie of the countrey running with his fortune after he had forced Manfredonia and the Castle he incamped with his armie in the confines of Tarenta where albeit he found greatest difficulties yet in the ende he had it by accord for that the Count Potenso to whose guarde the young Duke of Calabria had bene recommended by his father and freare Leonard of Naples Knight of Rodes and gouernor of Tarenta seeing no hope or possibilitie of further defence compounded to giue vp the Citie and Castle if within foure monethes they were not succoured In which composicion they receiued of him a solemne othe vppon the sacrament that he would leaue in libertie the Duke of Calabria who had secret commaundement from his father to come to him into Fraunce when he could no more resist his fortune But neither the feare of God nor regarde to his honor had more force then thinterest of thestate For Consaluo iudging what a matter of importance it wold bee in tyme to come if the person of the Duke were not in the power of the King of Spanie Thinking it lesse sinne to dispense with his othe then to lose that oportunitie would not suffer him to depart but assoone as he could sent him well accompanied into Spaine where the king receiued him and reteyned him neare about him in high familiaritie and honors due to his greatnes In these seasons thaffaires of the Pope proceeded with a prosperitie accustomed for that he had easely got all the estates which the Colonnoys and Sauelles held in the confines of Rome of the which he disposed one part to the Vrsins And the Duke Valentynois continuing his enterprise against Plombyn sent thether Vitellozze and Iohn Pavvle Baillon with new regiments For whose comming and the ill disposicion of his buisines Iacques Appyan the naturall Lord leauing the towne and Castle manned with Garrisons according to his fortune went with speede into Fraunce to see if he might obteine of the king who long affore had receiued him into his protection that for the regard of his owne honor he would not suffer him to perishe The king without couering his infamie by art answered him roundly that hauing promised the Pope not to oppose against him he could not minister to his distresse without doing wrong to the league sworne But as nothing is more swift then aduersitie which keepes his course by the violent mocion that dryues him So whilest the miserable Lord of Plombyn was in vaine soliciting for succours Pandolfe Petrucci rendered the towne to the Duke of Valentynois and within fewe dayes after the Castle his industrie no lesse thē his fortune turning all things to his discōfort In this course of the Popes selicities he maried his daughter Lucrecia wyfe affore to three husbands and now wydow by the death of Gismon Prince of Viselle bastard sonne to Alphonso king of Naples whom the Duke Valentynois had slaine to Alphonso eldest sonne to Hercules D'este with a porcion of an hundred thousande Duckattes in readie money and many other giftes of great value To this mariage so vnwoorthie for the house of Este which was wont to seeke societie with the famulies most noble Hercules and Alphonso consented partly for that the french king desiring to satisfie the Pope in all thinges was an importunate procurer of it but chiefly they thought by this meane if against so great a disloialtie there be any suertie sufficient to assure them selues of the armes and ambicion of the Duke Valentynois who bearing a great power by the treasor and authoritie of the sea Apostolike ioyned to the fauours which the french king bare him was the only man that was feared throughout the greatest parte of Italy euery one knowing that his ambicion was infinit and his couetousnes without limit The French king continued with great diligence the negociacion of peace with Maxymilian Caesar not only for the hopes he had to shake of by that meane exspences and suspicions and to obteine of him thinuestiture of the Duchie of Myllan which he desired much But also to haue oportunitie to offend the Venetians as being persuaded that his prosperities were greeuous to them and with all nourishing this opinion that they laboured secretly to breake the peace betweene Caesar and him But that which most stirred him to this inclinacion was a couetous desire as well for him selfe as at the persuacions of the Myllanois to recouer Cremona Guiaradadda townes which him self had accorded to them a litle before And also to get again Bresse Bergame and Creme auncient appurtenaunces of the Duchie of Myllan and lately possessed by the Venetians in the warres which they had with Phillippe Maria Viscounte To debate these thinges to better effect and to ordeine the prouisions necessarie for thexpedicion of Naples he had long tyme before sent to Myllan the Cardinal of Amboyse the tongue authoritie of whom
that time that he would deliuer out of prison Lodovvyk Sforce and indue him with conuenient meane to liue in the realme of Fraunce The safetie of this man the king of Romaines had shame not to procure for that his conscience put him in remembrance that the promises he had made him and the hopes he had vaynly reapposed in him had bene causes to hasten his ruine In which considerations hauing no power to do what he would at least he expressed inclination to do what he could in so much as when the cardinall of Amboyse went to him at Trent he wrought so much as he should no more be so straightly kept as he had bin making now importunate instance that he might remeine at libertie in the court of Fraunce or in suche quarter of the realme as it pleased the king The king promised also at his request that the exiles of the duchie of Myllan should returne whervpon were many difficulties in the negociation of Trent it was beleeued that he would kepe this capitulation being so greatly to the aduantage of tharchduke and Maximilian notwithstāding his ordinarie variations the Pope being cōprehended and no lesse agreable to the French king not so much for the desire he had at that time to make newe enterprises as for an ambicious respect to obteine thinuestiture of the duchie of Millan and to be assured not to be molested neither by Caesar nor his sonne In these seasons dyed king Federyk beeing wholly depriued of hope to recouer by accorde the kingdome of Naples notwithstanding he was perswaded afore euery one naturally suffreth him selfe to be beguyled by desire that the king of Spayne had a better deuotion to it then the Frenche king he considered not that in that tyme it was a thing vayne to hope for the restitution of so noble a Realme the examples being very rare in times farre more auncient and before wherein men were mose disposed to actes of vertue and nobilitie then they were in the time running he saw not also that it was a thing out of all likelyhood that he which had vsed so many deceites to occupie the moytie of the kingdome would nowe that he hath wonne all depriue him selfe of the fruite glory of his victorie Besides in the common reason discourse of affaires he might haue perceiued that the one made no lesse difficultie then the other onely he had more reason to doubt that he that was already possessed would not restore then he which helde nothing in the kingdome would not consent In the end of this yere Elizabeth queene of Spayne exchanged this life for a better she was a Lady of most honest honorable conditions won in the opinion of her subiects a right worthy name of magnanimity modesty discretion to her did properly apperteine the kingdome of Castillo which is the greater part of Spayne to the which she succeeded after the death of Henry her brother but not without bloud warre for albeit it was beleeued for a long time that Henry by nature was vnhable to procreation and for that reason Beltramise could not be his daughter which was brought foorth by his wife and by him nourished many yeres as a frute of his owne feede And albeit for that occasion Elizabeth daughter of Henry was acknowledged for Princesse of Castill a title nearest to the succession yet many barons of the realme rising after his death in fauor of Beltramise the king of Portugall ministring succors by armes in the right of a friend alie and confederat the factions cōming at last to battel the cause of Elizabeth was approued most iust by the issue of the fielde Ferdinand of Aragon her husband leading tharmy who likewise was discēded of the house of the kings of Castill conioyned to Elizabeth in the third degree of cōsanguinitie and he afterwards succeding by the death of Iohn his father to the realme of Aragon they both tooke vpō them by one ioynt right the title of king queene of Spayne for that the kingdome of Valence being vnited to the crowne of Aragon together with the countrie of Catalogna they were Lords ouer al the prouince of Spayne whiche is conteined betwene the Mounts Pirenei the Occean sea the Middle earthsea And vnder this title for that that region hath bin occupied by many kings of the Mores the title of many kingdomes is cōprehended euery one of thē making a title separat by him selfe except notwithstanding the kingdome of Granado which being at that time possessed by the Mores was afterwards by the vertue of this king queene gloriously subdued to the empire of Castille together with the title kingdome of Portugall the realme of Nauarre much inferior al which had kings particular But the kingdome of Aragon with Cicilia Sardignia and other Ilands apperteining by inheritance to Ferdinand were gouerned by him only without interposing the name or authoritie of the queene contrarie to the policie and course of gouernment in Castille the reason was for that that kingdome belonging by lawe of succession to Elizabeth and standing in a state endowed to Ferdinand things were administred vnder their common name aswell in demonstrations as in effects nothing beeing executed which was not debated ordeined subscribed by them both The title of the king of Spayne was common their Embassadours dispatched in cōmon their armies leauyed in common their wars administred in cōmon and neither of them in particular appropriating more then the other in authoritie and gouernment of the kingdome But by the death of Elizabeth without issue males the succession of Castille by the laws of that kingdome which regarding more the proximitie then the sex exclude not the woman belonged to Iane the daughter of Ferdinand her and wife to tharchduke their eldest daughter which had ben maried to Emanuell king of Portugal together with her litle sonne being dead long time before By reason wherof thadministration of the realme dowager apperteining by the end of the mariage no more to Ferdinand he was eftsones to returne into his litle kingdome of Aragon litle in cōparison of the realme of Castill for the straitnes of the countrey smal◠es of the reuenues and for that also the kings of Aragon not hauing absolute regall authoritie in all things be in many poynts subiect to the constitutions and customes of the same prouinces which limit much the power of their kings But Elizabeth drawing towards hir latest time ordeined by hir testament that Ferdinand so long as he liued should be gouernor of Castillo aswel for that she desired it might be kept in his first greatnes for the amitie that had bene mutual betwene them as also for that she knewe it concerned the profite of hir subiects to be continued vnder the moderate gouernment of Ferdinand and imported no lesse the commoditie of hir sonne in law and daughter who seeing in the ende they should likewise succeede Ferdinand had
agaynst those whom any of them should name and they named ioyntly in Italie the Pope and the French king apart named the Florentins That for strengthning of this peace there was ment to be made betweene the two kings a perpetuall confederation for the defence of their estates wherevnto the king should be bounde with a thousande launces and six thousande footemen and Ferdinand with three hundred launces two thousande Iennytairs and six thousande footemen After the peace was made and published wherin the king of Englande promised obseruation for both the parties the Barons of Aniovv who were in Fraunce hauing taken their leaue of the king went almost all with the Queene Iermana into Spayne the king vsing towards them at their departure a very small gratulation of their seruices past Isabell the widowe of Federike hauing her leaue went to Ferrara refusing to put her children into the power of the Catholike king In this towne of Ferrara Alphonso the sonne of Hercules beeing nowe succeeded to the Dukedome there hapned vpon the ende of the yere a straunge and tragicall accident suche one as had some similitude with the barbarous actions of thauncient Thebanes but for farre more lighte occasions if th unbridled furie of loue be lesse then the burning ambition and desire to reigne The Cardinall Hypolito d'Este louing feruently a young mayde his kinswoman who for her parte was no lesse amarous of Don Iulio naturall brother to the Cardinall and confessing her selfe to the Cardinall that that which aboue all other things made so vehement her affection to his brother was the sweete aspect and beautie of his eyes Loue is a Lorde of the worlde and aboue all naturall impressions hath a tyrannicall subiection ouer the creatures whom he possesseth for the Cardinall enuying the communitie of his brother turned his loue into ielous furie and setting espiall ouer Don Iulio when he should go out of the towne on hunting set vpon him in the fielde with a crewe of tormentors prepared to mischiefe whose violent handes the Cardinall in his owne presence suffred to thrust out the eyes of his brother for that they were the companions of his loue An action no lesse infamous to the Cardinall then intollerable to all humanitie and which afterwards trayned with it many occasions of seditious and Ciuil quarrels betweene the brethren Suche was the ende of the yere a thousande fiue hundred and fiue The ende of the sixt booke THE ARGVMENT OF THE SEVENTH BOOKE MAny treaties are made Pope Iulio the seconde takes the gouernment of Bolognia The Genovvaies rebell agaynst the French king The king of Aragon meeteth vvith the French king and communicateth vvith him The dyet is holden at Constance The king of Romaines demaundes passage of the Venetians to go take the Crovvne at Rome he inuadeth their lands and aftervvards maketh truce vvith them THE SEVENTH BOOKE OF THE historie and discourse of Guicciardin THESE were thaccidents of the yere a thousande fiue hundred and fiue whiche albeit left apparant hopes that the tranquilitie of Italie would recontinue the warres for the quarrell of Naples being nowe quenched yet suche is the mutabilitie of worldly affaires there began to appeare in other places seedes of newe innouations and chalenges tending to many ciuill calamities for Philip which nowe tooke vpon him the title of king of Castillo and was no lesse discontented that suche a kingdome was gouerned by his father in lawe inclined to thincitation of many Barons and prepared him selfe to passe into Spayne agaynst his will pretending as the trueth was that the late Queene had no power eyther to dispose or to prescribe lawes or to bequeath the gouernment of the kingdome after her death The king of Romains also taking stomack by the greatnes of his sonne solicited to passe into Italie And lastly the Frenche king albeit the yere before he was muche discontented with the Pope for that he had disposed and inducted the benefices whiche were voyde by the death of Cardinall Askanius and others in the duchie of Millan without his participation And for that also in the creation of other Cardinals he had refused to call the bishop of Achx nephewe to the Cardinall of Amboyse and the bishop of Baieux nephewe to Monsr Trymouille being earnestly solicited by the king who in those regardes had caused to sequester the frutes of the benefices which the Cardinall S. P. ad Vincla others of the Popes amitie possessed in thestate of Millan yet the king on the other side holding both suspected and feared the greatnes of Caesar and his sonne iudged it necessarie not to nourish occasions of reuenge but to reenter into reconcilement with the Pope to whom after he had releaced all the sequestrations he sent in the beginning of this yere the bishop of Sisteron thapostolicall Nuncio to negociate with him many plotts and offers agaynst the Venetians to whom he knewe the Pope could not but continue to beare an yll will with a hatred redoubled for the desire he had to recouer the townes of Romania An humor which the Pope did so muche the more dissemble by how much vntill that day he had proceded in al things so tractable respectiue that euery one tooke occasion to maruell greatly that he who in his estate of Cardinall had bene alway full of immoderate and aspiring thoughtes and who in the time of Popes Sistus Innocent and Alexander had bene many times thinstrument to trouble Italie expressed now that he was become Pope an estate for the most part administred with ambition and troublesome imaginations to be more easie and abated in courage then did well beare th ambicious profession which he had alwayes made to the contrarie not making any showe or demonstration to remember olde iniuries or to seeme to be like to him selfe So dangerous is dissimulation in the persons of great men whose authoritie and place shadowing their dispositions defends all things from blame though they haue nothing vnworthy of reprehension for the intentions of the Pope were farre other wayes then agreed with the propertie of his actions for that hauing a determination to surmount the former opinion that was had of him and to do more then was expected turned all his wittes deuises and labours contrarie to the custome of his auncient magnanimitie to heape vp a wonderfull masse of treasure to th ende that to the will he had to kindle the warre might be ioyned also the meane and power to susteine it And finding in that time that he was furnished with sufficient treasures and money he beganne euen then to discouer his thoughtes aspiring to right great things suffring nothing to stay th execution of that whiche he had pretended with so great studie secrecie and hope Therefore the Bishop of Sisteron being receyued and hard with a gladnes agreable to the nature of his desire was dispatched and sent backe agayne with diligence to solicite betweene them a new reunion and amitie wherein the
of Millan eight thousand duckets with ten thousand to be distributed in liberalities amongst his regiment and he cōfirmed vnder Bul subsigned the promise he had made before to create Cardinal his brother the bishop of Alby And yet turning all his wittes studies how he might annoy the Venetians to leaue quicker motions in the French king Cardinal Amboise to ayde him he would not at that time publish Cardinalls the bishops of Achx Bayeux according to the solicitatiōs that were made writts which were already subscribed About this tyme the king of Aragon passed by sea into Italie and embarking at Barcelonia there came to him a gentleman from the great Capteine who offred him selfe prepared to receyue the king and giue him all obedience To whome in recompence of his fidelitie and merites the king ratified not onely donation of the duchie of Saint Ange which king Federik had giuen him but also al his other profites which he possessed in the kingdome of Naples amounting to twentie thousand duckets in yerely reuenue together with the office of great Constable of the kingdome and promise to be great maister of Saint Iames both subsigned vnder the kings owne hande The king embarking at Barcelonia with no lesse contentment of the present then better hope hereafter was honorably receiued with his wife in all the ports of Prouence according to the French kings commandements and with the same oblation and reuerence was welcomed into the hauen of Genes where he was expected by the great Capteine who was gone thither to mete him not without thadmiration of many for that not onely the popular sort but euen the Pope him selfe nourished an opinion that aswell for his disobedience past as for the present suspitions whiche the king had in him he would passe into Spayne fearing to stande in the presence of the king The king of Aragon departing from Genes remeined many dayes at Portofino both for that the winde was contrarie and also he helde it not conuenient to be farre from the shore with his light galleis Whilest he soiorned at Portofino he was aduertised that king Phillip his sonne in lawe young in yeeres and well disposed in body had chaunged this life for a better within the towne of Burgos his infirmitie was a feuer raging with violent motions but of very fewe dayes continuance hapning in the very ripenes and full reputation of his age and in a season wherin he was lifted to his greatest felicitie as oftentimes is wonderfully expressed in the variation of fortune neuerthelesse the king in whom it was beleeued that for the desire he had to recontinue in the gouernment of Castille would eftsones turne sayle to Barcelonia kept on his first way and entred the port of Caietta the same day that the Pope marching to Bolognia made his entire into Ymola from whence he was conueyed to Naples and receyued into that Citie which was wont to reioyce in kings of Aragon with no lesse magnificence maiestie and honor of the Nobles then vniuersall desire and expectation of the communaltie for an opinion they had that vnder a king so glorious for the many victories he had obteyned aswell against thinfidels as the Christians and no lesse reuerenced for his high wisdome and temperature of spirite ioyned to the generall teapporte of his singular iustice by the which he had guyded his Realmes in tranquilitie he would also restore and releeue the kingdome of Naples of so many afflictions and oppressions and reduce it into an estate peasible and happie with restitution of the pottes which the Venetians helde there to the great displeasure of the whole kingdome There came to him to Naples from all partes of Italie many Embassadors not onely to congratulate and honor so great a prince but also for many practises occasions euery one beeing persuaded that with his authoritie and wisdome he would readdresse things and giuing a new forme to affayres he would be the eauen ballance and counterpeise for many matters for that both the Pope who helde himselfe yll contented with him for that he had hot honored him with legation and embassadors according to the custome studied to kindle him agaynst the Venetians thinking that for the desire to recouer the portes of Povvylla he had reason to wishe their declination and embasing And the Venetians of the contrarie solicited for many good respects to be recontinued in his amitie And also the Florentins with the other peoples of Tuskane negociated with him diuersly for the regarde of Pisa which this yere was lesse molested then others with the incursions of the Florentins not hindring their haruest either for that they were weerie of the charges or els that thexperience of the yere passed made them esteme it a thing vayne and without fruite knowing that the states of Genes and Lucques had agreed together to support that citie for one yere with a determinate and certaine charge whervnto P. Petrucci had prepared them before offring like portion of contribution on the behalfe of the Siennois notwithstanding on the other side beeing a man dissembled in all his intentions he obteined of the Florentins by disclosing thestate of the negociation and to th end to seperate himselfe from the rest that the truce which yet continued betwene the Florentins and Siennois should haue prolongation for three yeres with an expresse couenant that it should not be lawfull to the Siennois nor to Pandolffe to minister any ayde to the Pisans with whiche excuse forbearing to leauie any expenses for them he refused not to fauour them with all the counsels and actions he could in all other sortes About this yeere there hapned a newe and straunge accident of the tragedie whiche had beene begonne before Ferrara for Ferdinand brother to Duke Alphonso and Iulio whose eyes the Cardinall had violently caused to bee pluckte out but by the readie helpe of Phisitions were restored without losse of hys sight conspired together wyth the saide Iulio the death of the Duke Ferdinand who was nexte in succession after the Duke was moued to thys conspiracie by an aspyring desire to occupie that state the humour of dominion and rule carying him into dispositions of bloud contrary to honor nature humanitie And Iulio embraced the treason with so muche the more affection by howmuche he iudged that Alphonso had not ministred sufficient iustice to the wrong that was done him being withall out of hope to be able otherwise to wreake his reuenge vppon the Cardinall To these counsels they called as a partie the Counte Albertin Boschet a gentleman of Modona with whom albeit they had wonne and corrupted certeine felowes of base cōdition gouerning much the person of Alphonso for that they were his fauorits in matters of sport and delight and had many times sundrie oportunities to kill him yet being withholden by a certaine fatall timerousnes they let passe alwaies thoportunitie In so much as so it hapneth for the moste parte
when th execution of conspiracies is deferred the treason being detected Ferdinand with the other conspirators were imprisoned and Iulio who was fled to his sister at Mantua was by the direction of the Marquis sent prisoner to Alphonso being assured by his promise and fidelitie that he should not be touched with death But a little after the Counte Albertin being condemned iudicially was quartered with the others that were founde guiltie and the two brethren passed ouer to perpetuall prison in the newe castell of Ferrara In this place of the historie it is not inconuenient to touch somewhat of thaudacitie and industrie of duke Valentynois who being subtelly slyded downe by a corde out of the Rocke of Medina de Campo fledde into the kingdome of Nauarre to king Iohn brother to his wife where to th ende thistorie cease to speake any more of him after he had remeined certaine yeres in base condition the French king confisking both the duchie of Valence the pension of twenty thousand franks which he gaue him in supply of reuenue also would not suffer him to go into Fraunce bicause he would do nothing that might discontent the king of Aragon he was at last slayne by the conspiracie of an ambush commaunding ouer the men of warre of the king of Nauarre in the campe at Viano a litle place in the sayde realme Vpon the ende of this yere for that the yere folowing should not begin without matter of new warres the Genovvaies rebelled against the French king hauing no other incitation then of them selues the matter taking his fundation not of any desire to rebel but rather of the ciuil discords which caried men further then their former counsels and deliberations rebellion being of a condition to encrease in occasions as the fire is redoubled in heat by the fresh matter which it embraseth The citie of Genes a citie seated in a place most apt to cōmaund the sea if so great an oportunitie were not hindred by the pestiferous poison of ciuil dissentions is not as many other great townes in Italie subiect to one particular diuision but is deuided into many partyes and factions both for the relikes of the ancient quarrels betwene the Guelffes and Gibelins yet remeining there and also for the sedes of dissention stil growing betwene the gentlemen and populars by the which the whole nation of Italie hath bene much afflicted but specially many cities in Tuskane haue bene brought to extreme ruine for the communaltie not hable to beare the pride of the Nobles bridled much their authoritie power by many rigorous lawes and amōgst others suffring them to cōmunicate with al other offices and honors they excluded them particularly from the dignitie of Dukedome a supreme estate whiche was giuen for life to any other that was chosen notwithstanding by thinconstancie of that citie fewe or none were suffred to continue in that place tyll they dyed the seate of dominion beeing alwayes ielouse but moste casuall where it diuolueth by election which by his proper ambition nourisheth for the most parte a secrete subiection to alteration and fall No lesse great is the diuision betweene the families of the Adorni and Fregosi who from base condition and popular houses being risen to the dignitie of Capellaci so do the Genovvaies call suche as are aspired to any great potentacie contende together for the dignitie of duke which for many yeres hath continued for the most part in one of those two families for the gentlemen of the Guelffs and Gibelins not able to ascende to the place for the impediment of the lawes sought to make it fall to such of the populars as were of their faction And as the Gibelins fauoring the Adornes and the Guelffes the house of Fregosa tyme hath made those two families more noble and mightie then those of whome afore they folowed their name and authoritie So neuerthelesse all those diuisions are so confounded that oftentimes they that be of one part agaynst the partie opposite are in them selues deuided into diuers partes and of the contrarie conioyned in one with those that followe an other faction This yere began to kindle betweene the gentlemen and commons a debate which breeding at the first vpon the insolencies of certayne of the Nobles and working by litle and litle the most part of the mindes of both the one and other side ill disposed it chaunged qualitie ere it were long and of priuate contentions conuerted it selfe into the nature and habite of publike discordes easie ynough to kindle in cities so abounding in riches as did Genes at that time These quarels roase encreasing so farre that the people possessed with surie drewe into tumult and made violent slaughter of one of the families of Oria with certaine other gentlemen wherein offering all things to spoyle and ruine they obteined in that mutinie more by force then free will of the Citie that the day after it might be ordeined in the publike councels wherein were assistant very fewe of the Nobles that of those offices whiche afore were diuided equally betweene the Nobles and commons there might be hereafter distribution made of two partes to the people and one onely reserued to the Nobles to which deliberation Roccaber guyding the citie in the absence of Phillip Rauastin then gouernour for the king consented for feare of greater perils neuerthelesse the populars not beeing quieted for all this but ouercaried with their mutinous humors stirred vp within fewe dayes after a newe tumult and put the noblemens houses to sacke an outrage that compelled most part of the Gentlemen to abandon the citie finding no estate of suretie in their naturall regions These mutations being eftsones signified to the gouernour caused him to returne with speede out of Fraunce to Genes with a strength of an hundred and fiftie horse and seuen hundred footemen But neither with his authoritie his perswasions his presence nor with his forces coulde he reduce things to a better estate so irregulate is a communaltie or multitude once drawen into mutinie and their barbarous furie inuincible agaynst all reason order or good prescription No oftentimes he was compelled to apply him selfe to the will of the people making his authoritie rather to be plausible to the multitude then to punish their mutinies he passed ouer things with sufferance and obeyed the necessitie of the time commaunding to retyre and returne certayne other trowpes that were appoynted to come after him out of Fraunce These beginnings gaue courage to the Commons to become more insolent and as it hapneth often in Cities declined to sedition the gouernment contrarie to the will of many of the best sort of the Commons fell almoste absolutely into the power of the dregges of the people who in their furie created to them selues a newe magistracie or office of eyght men of the populars with a great authoritie And they the rather to keepe the whole incensed by the dignitie of their name were called
the Bishoprikes vacant in their iurisdiction without any respect to the sea Apostolike and lastly did intrude them selues into many things apperteining to the lawful authoritie of the Church By reason whereof bearing a setled inclination to enterteine amitie with the king he solicited him to passe into Italie and to haue conference together whervnto the king consented the Pope hauing afore in gratification of the kings requests consecrated Cardinals the Bishops of Bayeux and Achx. But the affections of Princes suffer alterations according to times and occasions the Pope vnderstanding afterwards how the king had determined to take armes agaynst the commons of Genes in fauour of the gentlemen tooke it to great discontentment for that hauing of long time frowned vpon the gentlemen he had alwayes borne fauor to the dispositions of the people wherein he made great instance to the king to be contented without changing the state popular to haue that citie in his obedience and persuaded him as much as he could to absteine from armes alleaging many reasons but chiefly the danger least by that meane some great alteration kindling in Italie the warres which they had determined agaynst the Venetians were not cut off or hindred The king bearing no inclination to these demaundes the Pope eyther ouerruled with anger or sorowe or els for that the olde suspition of the aspiring minde of the Cardinall Amboyse did eftsones stirre in him either by the naturall operation of himselfe or by the subtill suggestion of others whiche made him feare that he were not reteyned by the king when they should meete in one place and perhaps aswell for the one as the other occasion he published vppon the sodayne in the beginning of the yeere 1507. agaynst thexpectation of euery one that he would eftsones returne to Rome not for other reason then that the ayre of Bolognia was contrarie to his health and that his reuenues were much diminished by his absence from Rome This alteration of counsell brought no little maruell to euery one but specially to the king for that without occasion he would leaue vnperfect the practises he had so much desired to aduaunce and breake of him selfe the enterviewe and conference which he had somuche required and therefore calling into consideration the estate and intricate disposition of things he labored what he coulde to draw him from that new counsell and make him change opinion wherein his paynes were more hurtfull to him then vayne for that the Pope entring into a greater suspition for the request the king made made eftsones an obstinate confirmation of his first counsel departing from Bolognia vpon the ende of February he expressed how litle he could dissemble the contempt he had conceiued agaynst the king Afore he issued out of the Citie he set with vnfortunate signes the first stone of the castle which was made there by his commaundement neare the gate which leades to Ferrara in the selfesame place where Phillip Maria Viscounte duke of Millan had aforetime erected another with no lesse yll fortune And his newe anger agaynst the Frenche king hauing in some sort qualified his auncient hatred agaynst the Venetians and not minding to turne out of his right way he determined to passe by the citie of Faenza new controuersies hapning from time to time betwene the French king and him both for that he required that the familie of the Bentyuoleis might be expulsed the duchie of Millan notwithstanding they were referred to that habitation by his consent and also for that he would not render to the pronoterie the possession of those benefices which he had promised by his proper accorde and consent so often preuayled more in him the contention of his minde his wilfull election then eyther reason or equitie Which disposition the king labored not to appease with any art or diligence but standing aggreued for so great a variation and entring withall into suspicion least as the trueth was he gaue secrete encouragement to the people of Genes he forbeare not to threaten him openly and to obiect with iniurious words his infamous place and birth the Pope beeing discended of a very base place and trayned for many yeres in very vile estate And resoluing more and more in his first deliberation touching the affayres of Genes he prepared his armie with great diligence to go thither in person hauing well experienced by his former successes in the kingdome of Naples what difference there is to administer a warre in proper person and to recommende it ouer to the doing of Capteines These preparations amased nothing the Genovvaies being busie to take Monaco about the which they kept employed many vessels and six thousande men leauyed of the communalties and general multitudes of the countreis of Genes These bands were ledde and commaunded by Tarlatin a capteine of the Pisans who together with Peter Shortlegge and certaine vniuersall souldiours had bene sent by them in fauor of the Genovvaies And at Genes as they perseuered in their first offences adding alwayes some newe transgression the capteine of the Castell who till then had expressed no action nor had not bene molested by the conspirators vpon the sodain made many of the commons prisoners and began to vexe the hauen and citie with his artilleries This was eyther by the kings commaundement or vpon his owne authoritie ioyned to a desire to make pillage by reason of which Roccabertin conferring with the common danger of the towne the priuate feare he had of his owne person went his way not whither he woulde for extremitie leaues no libertie but whither the necessitie of his fortune suffred him the footebandes of the Frenche which were set to guarde the publike pallace retyring into the Castell A litle after the siege which had remeined afore Monaco many monethes tooke ende and brake vp the reason was that suche as were encamped afore it vnderstanding that Yues d'Alegre and many gentlemen were at hande to succor it with a strength of three thousande footemen of their owne pay and certaine other bands which the duke of Sauoy had sent had leauyed the siege hauing no corage to abide the armie that marched Besides the brute ranne that the maine armie appoynted for the king passed continually into Lumberdie by reason whereof those men rising into encrease of furie who ought to haue bene the authors of better counsels the commons that till that day had dissembled with words the rebelliō which they had exercised in dedes and neither forbearing to call vpon the name of the French king nor once touching his Armes nor remouing his ensignes nor banners out of the publike places created Duke of Genes one Paule de Noue a silkedyer a man for his vertues of no merite and for his birth and discending of very base place and condition declaring themselues in this manifest rebels for that to the creation of Duke was ioyned a declaration that the citie of Genes should beare no subiection to any prince The same so stirring the
the course of victorie he might easily haue oppressed in Italy whom he had listed all the potentates there standing more in feare of his power than any way prouided to resist perils But hauing regard to thestate of things and promise he had made he dissolued his armie the better to assure the Pope the king of Romains and the Venetians who were not without feareful suspitiōs that his descending into Italie was for some other cause then to range the Rebels of Genes reduce the towne to a policie But nothing could appease the fretting mind of the Pope who taking al things in the worst part complained eftsones not temperatly of the king as if it had bene by his meane that Anniball Bentiuole with six hundred footemen leauied in the duchie of Millan did assay in those times to enter Bolognia assuring that if he had preuailed in that action the king would yet haue declared him selfe more agaynst thestate ecclesiastick Wherwith the Pope being wroth notwithstanding he had before with great difficultie published Cardinals the bishops of Achx and Bayeux he refused to raise to that dignity the bishop of Alby complaining chiefly that by Monsr de Chaumont his brother the Bentyuoleis had suffrance to dwell in the duchie of Millan yea which was of greater consequence the Pope ouerruled indifferently with hate and suspition two violent passions in a minde placed in authoritie when the king first published that he would reduce the Genovvaies to obedience by armes signified by his Nuncioes peculiar letters to the king of Romains electors of thempire that the French king prepared to passe into Italie with a most mighty armie vnder cooller to reappease the tumultes of Genes which he might redresse with his authoritie his intention being to oppresse thestate of the Church and vsurpe the dignitie of the Empire The Venetians also ioyned with him in this certificat hauing the same feares of the cōming of the French into Italie with an armie so well addressed which aduertisements beeing cōmunicated with Maximilian whose inclination embrased naturally newe things and being at thinstant newly returned from Flanders where he had practised in vayne to take the gouernment of his litle sonne he assembled in the towne of Constāce the princes of Germany the free townes those are called the free cities which acknowledging by certen tributes determinate payments thauthoritie of thempire do gouerne thēselues notwithstanding in al things by their own lawes not seking to amplifie their territories but to preserue their libertie At this assembly appeared all the princes barons cōmunalties of Germany perhaps wyth more readynes in greater numbers thē had bin sene long time before in any dyot for thither resorted in person al the electors princes of Germany both ecclesiastike secular except such as were restrayned by lawfull impediments in whose places were sent either their sonnes their brethren or some very neare kinred to represent their personall presence All the free townes in like sort sent thither Embassadors In which generall assemblie aspect of thuniuersall body of Germany Caesar caused to be publikely read the Popes writ with many other letters significatorie from diuers places some of them expressing that the French kings intention was to aduaunce the Cardinall of Amboyse to the supreme sea of Rome and to receyue of him the imperiall crowne These aduertisementes breeding no small murmure in the minds of the audience ronne throwe the princes and barons with great varietie of iudgement some of thē fearing in dede thambition of the king but the most sort disdayning much so great an indignitie against the maiesty crowne imperial wherin as euery particular began to prepare himself to make knowne with words speches his opinion affection Caesar cutting of that inclination by his authority spake to them in this sort You see now my Lords what effects the long patience we haue hithervnto vsed hath brought forth what frutes are gathered of the smal reckoning that hath bene made of my former complaints expressed in so many diots And now your own eyes do behold that the French king who heretofore durst not offer him self against any thing that apperteined to the sacred empire but vpō occasiōs vrged and coollers very apparant is now in preparation with an open force not to protect our Rebels as he was wont not to vsurpe any particuler place which reasonably apperteineth to the Empire but taking the oportunitie of the tyme turning our patience into mockery and forming an aduantage and occasion vpon our long setled negligence he draweth his sworde to despoyle Germanie of th imperiall dignitie so honorably gotten and so long time continued by the vertue and vallor of our auncesters he is not entred into this boldnes by any coniecture or perswasion that eyther our forces are diminished or his powers encreased neither can he be ignorant by how much the region of Germanie is mightie aboue the nation of Fraunce both in maiestie of imperie in grauity of counsell in agillitie of bodies in multitude of Princes in obedience of subiects and generally without all comparison in valour of capteines and resolution of souldiours in moneys in munitions in disciplines and directions of warre with all other furnishmentes requisite to defende a violence and offende a proude enemie But he is caried into this ambicious enterprise onely by a hope that according to thexperience of things paste we will still dwell in securitie and negligence and that our proper dissentions and ciuill factions preuayle more with vs then the prouocations of glorie yea then the consideration of our particular safetie he thinketh that the same respects for the which we haue suffred him to our common shame to vsurpe the duchie of Millan that he hath nourished in our owne bosomes our ciuill quarrels and that he hath borne a defence and protection of our rebels of Thempire feeding vs lastly with vanities and errors as men gouerned by humours light and wandring he hopeth that the same suffraunce securitie solemne negligence will likewise keepe vs lulled asleepe to endure that by him shoulde be rauished from vs the dignitie of thempire and the glorie and felicitie of this Nation transported into Fraunce it woulde be a thing lesse infamous to our common name and to me in perticuler lesse greeuous and intollerable if it were knowen to the world that the power of Germanie were inferiour to the forces of Fraunce or that in the Almaines were not continued the same vertue whiche in all ages in all actions and in all fortunes was founde to beare reputation aboue the valour of the Frenche for the domage shoulde afflict me lesse then the infamie since at the least things shoulde not be imputed to our negligence and indiscretion whiche might proceede eyther of the condition of tymes or of the malice of fortune What greater calamitie can happen what miserie more then to be reduced to these tearmes eyther to wishe to be lesse mightie
other worldes had made their auncestors terrible to all estates and principallities of men by the meane of whose vertue both there was diuolued in general to the nation of Germains a liberal glorie with the dignitie imperiall in part particular many noble personages had aspired to much greatnes and dominion many of the best houses in Italie hauing by long prescription raigned in estates gotten by their valor These things were begon to be debated with so great forwardnes and inclination that it is manyfest no dyot to haue assembled of long time wherein was exspectation of so great euentes the multitudes perswading them selues vniuersally that besides the strength of all the other reasons the Electors with the residue of the Princes expressed a more quicke readines to thenterprise for a hope they had that for the minoritie of the children of king Phillip the Imperiall dignitie which had successiuely continued in Albert Federike and Maximilian all three of the house of Austriche woulde at last be passed into an other familie By these resolutions and agreementes the Frenche king was induced to dissolue his armie immediatly after the action of Genes both to take away thoccasion of so great a suspition and to leaue euery partie satisfied of thintegritie of his intention yea his owne person had eftsones repassed ouer the Mountes had it not bene for a desire he had to speake with the king of Aragon who prepared to returne into Spaine altogether disposed to resume the gouernment of Castille for that Iane his daughter was vnhable to so great an administration not so muche for the imbecillitie of her sex as for that by a superabundance of melancolie growen since the death of her husbande she was become somewhat estranged from her vnderstanding and also for the minoritie of the children common betwene king Phillip and her wherof the eldest had not yet attayned ten yeres Besides he was pushed forwarde by the desires of many whiche called him to that gouernment by a remembraunce that they had bene iustly gouerned and that those kingdomes had florished vnder him by a long continuaunce of peace the diuisions already begon amongs the great Barons together with the manifest signes of troubles to come muche encreasing this desire But his comming was no lesse desired of his daughter who wandring in minde in all other actions was neuerthelesse constant in this that she desired the returne of her father refusing obstinately agaynst the perswasions and importunities of many to subscribe with her owne hande to any expedition without whiche subscription according to the custome of those realmes the affayres occurrant had not their perfection For these reasons the king of Aragon departed from Naples where he remeyned but seuen monthes leauing vnsatisfied the great expectation that was had on him not so muche for the shortnes of tyme whiche ronnes in a voluble motion without respect nor for that it is harde to answere the conceptions of men which for the most part are inconsiderate and not measured with due proportions â–ª as for the many difficulties impediments that opposed against him by reason wherof he did nothing deseruing memorie for thuniuersall benefit of Italie nor any thing worthy of monument for the particuler profit of the kingdome of Naples for suche was his desire to returne eftsones to the gouernment of Castillo the principall piller of his greatnes that he reserued no oportunitie to thinke of the affayres of Italie onely he turned all his studies to deuise to keepe himselfe in amitie with the king of Romains and the French king to th ende the one vnder cooller to be grandfather to the little children of the dead king and the other with thopportunitie of his power giuing corage to who woulde oppose agaynst him shoulde giue no impediments to his returne And the obligation wherein he was bounde by the treatie of peace made with the Frenche king to restore the estates that had bene taken from the Barons of Aniovv and distributed eyther by couenant or by recompence to suche as had followed his faction hindred him to redresse and gratifie the kingdome of Naples for seeking not to estraunge from him the mindes of his good seruauntes he was constrayned to recompence those of Aniovve either with estates of equall reuenue whiche he must buy of others or with readie money wherevnto his Courtes of faculties and treasures woulde not suffice in which respects he was compelled not onely to raise improuementes vppon his reuenues and to refuse according to the custome of newe kings to distribute grace and exemptions and exercise any sorte of liberalitie but also with the incredible complaynt of euery one to taxe his peoples who expected to be discharged of their intollerable burdens the complaintes made by the Barons of both the one and other parte were nothing inferiour for that to such as were possessed besides that they resigned their estates with yll will necessitie made their recompences short and limitted and touching others there was restrayned as muche as was possible the benefite of restitution in all things wherein hapned any difference for that howe muche lesse was restored to those by so muche lesse was the recompence of others The great Capteine departed with him leauing behinde him a good will incredible and a renowne nothing inferiour of whom besides his merites prayses in other times his present liberalities then were most notorious promising and disposing giftes of great vallour for the which he solde a great part of his owne estates caring lesse to make him selfe poore then to fayle in suche an action of honor But the king of Naples departed very yll contented with the Pope for that demaunding thinuestiture of the kingdome the pope refused to giue it him but with those taxations and tributes wherewith it had bene giuen afore times to the former kings he made instance that there might be made to hym the same diminution which had bene made to Ferdinand his cousin and to his sonnes and nephewes demaunding thinuestiture of the whole realme in his owne name as successor of tholde Alfonso in which forme whilest he was at Naples he had receyued othe and homage notwithstanding in the capitulations of peace made with the French king it was disposed that touching the lande of Lauora and Abruzza the name of the Queene should be ioyntly acknowledged It was thought that the refusall which the Pope made of the inuestiture was the cause that Ferdinand woulde not speake with the Pope who remeyning at the same time in the rocke of Ostia it was sayde he taryed there to expect his passage But how soeuer the truth was the king of Aragon tooke his course to Sauona where it was agreed that he should haue enterview and speache with the Frenche king who staying for that cause in Italie was come thither from Millan assone as he vnderstoode he had taken passage from Naples In this enterview and conference the demonstrations on all sides were manifest free and full of
of things worldly and transitorie so those were the latest triumphant dayes of the great Capteine for that departing no more out of the kingdome of Spayne he had afterwards no meane to exercise his vertue neither in warre nor in things memorable for peace The two kings had conuersation together for the space of two dayes wherein were holden betwene them many discourses both long and secrete and Cardinall de S. Prassida the Popes Legate not admitted to that conference nor honored but generally but by that that might be comprehended by generall coniecture and also by the manyfestation of things afterwards they passed a reciprocall promise the one to the other to enterteine together a ioynt and perpetuall amitie and intelligence and that Ferdinand should labor to reconcile Maximilian and the French king to th ende that being all reunited they might declare and protest quarrell agaynst the Venetians wherin to expresse that they were no lesse carefull for things cōmon then for such as concerned them selues in proper and particuler they published an intention to reforme the estate of the Church and to that ende to call a Councell Neuertheles Ferdinand proceeded not with sinceritie but seeking to nourishe in that hope the Cardinall of Amboyse who thirsted muche to be Pope he lulled him so muche by that abusing meane that with no litle domage to thaffaires of his king he perceyued too late and that by many signes and demonstrations what difference were betwene the words and works of that Prince and what suttleties and euasions were in his counsels They communed together touching the cause of the Pisans wherein the Florentins had enterteined negociation both with the one and other of them during the whole yere for when the Frenche king prepared his armie agaynst the Genovvaies beeing discontented that the Pisans bare fauor to the rebellions of that people and foresecing how muche it would be for the commoditie of his affaires to haue the Florentins to recouer that Citie he gaue them hope that assone as he had repressed the mutinies of Genes he would conuert his armie to the deuotion of their seruice expressing in that promise as also appeared in the generall inclination of the Court that the auncient good will which had bene aforetime borne to the Pisans was for this occasion turned into hate But as euen the counsels of princes haue their variations imperfections so in their promises oftentimes is found litle certentie bearing more regarde to the trayne and euent of tymes then to accomplishe the wordes they speake for the Frenche king hauing performed his enterprise vpon the Genovvaies chaunged his determination with the Florentins both for the same reasons whiche made him dismisse his armie and also for that he would not offende the minde of the king of Aragon who assured him that he would so dispose the Pisans that they should willingly returne to thobedience of the Florentins from whom the Frenche king hoped by that meane to drawe no small quantitie of money To this the king of Aragon disposed him selfe but for many sundry occasions and albeit it had bene more agreable to him that the Florentins should not recouer Pisa yet knowing that it coulde not be long kept without great expences and difficulties and fearing withall least they should obteine it by the Frenche kings working he hoped when he was at Naples to haue bene able to induce the Pisans by his authoritie to returne vnder honest conditions to the obedience of the Florentins who promised so farreforth as the action were accomplished to confederat with him and to giue him within a certaine time an hundred thousande duckets but not finding in the Pisans that conformitie and deuotion whiche he expected to let that the gratification and recompence should not remeine onely to the Frenche king he then protested openly to the Florentin Embassadors that if they should attempt in any sort to reconquer Pisa without his ayde he would manifestly obiect his power agaynst them And the French king to turne him from those thoughtes which he had to manage that enterprise by armes he enterteined cunningly with deuises full of varieties sometimes perswading that he hoped to drawe them in the ende to some composition and sometimes he iustified that the Pisans were vnder his protection A matter no lesse false and contrarie then his deuises were vayne and fabulous for albeit the Pisans had made many solicitations to him with offers to indue him with the absolute iurisdiction of their towne yet enterteyning their requests with hopes keping his intentions dissembled he alwayes forbare to accept them knowing what it was to take vpon him the protection of a warre populer and confused But this matter being more particulerly debated in Sauona they cōcluded that it were good necessarie the Pisans should returne vnder the iurisdiction of the Florentins so farforth as either of thē might tast of the profit the same being the cause that the Florentins fearing to stirre to much the minde of the king of Aragon forbare to giue the spoyle that yere to the haruest of the Pisans an action wherein they had reapposed a great hope for that what by the want of vittels and weaknes of forces in the towne the Florentin souldiours ouerranne the whole coūtrey euen to their gates And the peoples of the maine countrey more mightie in numbers within the towne then the proper Citizens greeuing muche to loase the fruite of their trauell for the whole yere began to abate muche of their accustomed obstinacie Besides their generall cause was no more succored by their neighbours as before for that the Genovvaies ouergreeued with so many calamities had no more the same thoughtes Pandolffe Petrucci made wearie betweene importunitie and suspition founde also the charges intollerable and they of Lucquois albeit they ministred secretly to their wantes yet their habilitie was no more sufficient to beare out so great a burden being for the present no lesse heauie and intollerable then in expectation ielouse and full of perill The two kinges departed from Sauona the fourth day with the same demonstrations of concorde and amitie the one tooke his course by sea to Barcelonia and the other returned by lande into Fraunce leauing the other affaires of Italie in the same degree but with a greater discontentment of the Pope who taking of newe his occasion vpon the stirre made by Annyball Bentyuole had made instance by Cardinal de S. Prassida to the king at Sauona to deliuer vp to him as prisoners Iohn Bentyuolo and Alexander his sonne whom he kept reteyned in the duchie of Millan he alleaged that since they had broken the contract made in Bolognia by thinterposing of Monsr de Chaumont the king was at libertie and no further bounde to keepe his fayth offring withall that if his maiestie would satisfie his desire he would sende the Cardinall cappe to the Bishop of Alby The king aunswered that albeit he coulde discerne in them no sufficient apparance of fault
was published at that tyme that they would happly haue furnished hym with a greater proportion of men and money if Maximilian had consented that thenterprise alwayes vnder his gouernment and counsel had bin managed wholly in the name of thempire and that thelection of Captaynes had passed by order from thempire and distribution of the places that shoulde bee conquered to bee made according to the determination of the Dyot But Maximilian reteyning still a singler ambition in this iorney would admit no companion or communitie of name or authoritie albeit all went vnder a generall title of the name of the Empire and muche lesse suffer that the rewardes of the victorie should apperteine to any other then to him and his in so muche as standing better contented with the aydes they deliuered to him in this sort then to go better accompanied with an authoritie assistant there was made no other resolution And yet albeit it answered not thexpectation that men had conceiued afore yet ceassed not for all that the feare that was in Italie of his discending for it was considered that the souldiers which his subiects would giue him with suche as he would leauie of himselfe beeing ioyned to those bands that were erected in the Dyot he would come appointed with a very mightie armie compounded of bodies resolute and trayned and furnished with sundrie natures of artilleries A matter so muche the more to be feared by howmuche Maximilian for the disposition of his nature and long exercise in armes was very hable and sufficient in martiall discipline and could well beare with the labour of his body and facultie of his minde all aduersities and difficulties whatsoeuer A sufficiencie for the whiche he merited more and caried away greater reputation then had bene giuen to any Experours many ages before He labored besides to leauie and bring into his pay ten thousande Svvizzers whervnto albeit the Baylife of Dion and others sent by the French king did oppose obiect with great instance in the Dyots of that nation reducing to memorie thalliance cōtinued for so many yeres with the crowne of Fraunce and eftsones lately confirmed by the king raigning together with the many sorts of profits which their people 's receiued by the conuersation of Fraunce And on the other side they preferred their olde and setled quarels with the house of Austria their greeuous warres they haue had with Maximilian and lastly what indifferent perill and preiudice the greatnes of thempire brought to them yet all these notwithstanding in the parliamentes dyots of the Svvizzers appeared a manifest inclination desire to satisfie the demaundes of Caesar or at the least not to take armes agaynst him for that as was supposed they would not offend the generall name and state of Germanie which it seemed was intangled and ioyned to this action For this reason many doubted that the Frenche king if he were abandoned of the Svvizzers or that the Venetians fayled to ioyne with him being not furnished with a sufficient strēgth of footmē to resist the footbāds of thenemies hoping that the fury of Thalmains entring into Italy as a landflood would vanish and dissolue for want of money would retire his army into townes the likelihood wherof was alredy manifest in this that with a wonderfull diligence he fortified the suburbes of Millan with many other places in the duchie of greatest importance In regarde of which alterations and preparations the Venetians were trauelled in no lesse perplexitie of minde then the other regions of Italy and by howmuch their deliberations counsels were of greatest consequence by somuche more busye and greater were the paines and diligence that euery one tooke to haue them ioyne with him for Caesar from the beginning had addressed to them three Embassadors of great authoritie not only to solicite that he might haue free passage throw their dominions but also to induce them to contract with him a straiter alliance wherein should be agreed that they should participate in the rewards of the victorie protesting to them on the contrarie that it was in his power to accord to their preiudice with the Frēch king with the same conditions that so often had bin offred to him at diuers times On the other side both by his Embassadors the Orator of Venice that was resident in his court labored to perswade thē to oppose with maine hand against the cōming of Caesar as a matter of equal preiudice both to the one and other offering for his part the seruice of all his forces and to remayne their perpetuall confederate But in those dayes the senate was not contented that the tranquillitie of Italie shoulde be troubled neither were they caried into humors of newe tumults by the hopes that were offred to enlarge their dominions for they had proued by a smarting experience that the benefite and fruite of the conquest of Cremona did not counteruayle the suspitions and daungers wherein they had bene continually holden since they had the Frenche king so neare a neighbour They coulde willingly haue bene contented to be newters but beeing pressed with thimportunities of Themperour they stoode in a necessitie eyther to refuse or graunt him passage if they refused him they feared to be the first that shoulde be vexed and in gratifying his demaundes they offended directly the Frenche king beeing expresly forbidden in their reciprocall confederation to graunt passage to thenemies of the one or other And they were not ignoraunt that beginning once to offende him it woulde be great indiscretion after Maximilian were paste to be ydle beholders of the issue of the warre and expect the actions of two princes wherof the one would be an enemie to the name of the Venetian and the other hauing receiued no other pleasure then libertie of passage had no great occasion to be their friend Respects which wrought much with the Senate that it was necessarie to sticke openly to the one or other parties but to whether of them their opinions for thimportance of the matter were very differēt And therfore being no longer able to temporise in a cause so earnestly laboured by thembassadors of both princes they made it at last a councell matter in the Senate house of the Pregati where Nicholas Foskarin vsed this forme of reasoning If it were in our power to set downe a resolution by the which might be cōtinued the peace and tranquillitie of our commonweale amid so many conspiring deliberations of these great princes I am sure there woulde be amongst vs no varietie of opinion and counsell and muche lesse should any hope or offers leade vs inclined to a warre of so greate expences and petill as is lyke to be this whiche standes nowe in preparation But seeing in regarde of the reasons and causes so often debated amongest vs in our late assemblies there is no expectation to entertaine that common tranquillitie The principall reason wherevppon wee are to establishe our deliberation is to consider whether wee maye
whole or parte when the waye shall be made open in Italie and the hope of pray and spoyle layde afore them And we haue well seene what feare he hath alwayes had of the discending of the Almains and the king of Romains howe poore and disordered soeuer he be who if he were in Italie it were not reasonable to thinke that he should haue with him any other thing then a warre full of perils and aduersities and a peace yll assured and yet dearely bought It maye be he thirsteth to recouer Cremona and happly all the other townes but there is no conformitie or likelyhood that he will embrace a great daunger to get a thing whose value is lesse then thaduenture No it is more credible that he will proceede in this case rather with discretion then rashnes seeing by the consideration of the errors heretofore imposed vpon that king we shall finde that they proceeded of no other infirmitie then of his great desire to make his enterprises with suretie wherein I referre you to his examples in the actions of Naples and Cremona being induced to make partition of that kingdome and to deliuer to vs the citie of Cremona for no other reason then to make more easie the victorie of those warres so that it is more credible that euen at this present he will rather follow his custome and wise counsels then be caried with aduises sodayne and rashe seeing withall he remaineth not altogether depriued of hope to accomplishe his expectations with the fauor of an other tyme in more suretie and with better occasion whiche is a thing whiche mortall men are wont to promise to them selues easily therror beeing lesse to promise a chaunge and reuolution of worldly affayres then to perswade that they are alwayes firme and stable neyther doth that much amaze me which is sayde those two kings haue treated so often amongest them selues for that it is a custome with the Princes of our time to entertaine one an other artificially with vayne hopes and dissembled practises which for that in so many yeeres they haue brought foorth no effect it can not be that they were other then fayre showes fictions and shadowes of things or els nourished in themselues suche difficulties as they coulde not be resolued the very nature of th affayres resisting to take away the distrustes that are betwene them without whiche fundation they haue no meane to come to that coniunction So that I can not feare that for the couetousnesse of our townes the Frenche king wyll throwe himselfe headlong into so indiscrete a deliberation and muche lesse will he attempt an action so casuall for any suspition he hath of vs for that besides the great knowledge and experience he hath of our intentions hauing no want of perswasions and occasions to leaue his alliance the same reasons by the which we are assured of him will enterchaungeably holde him assured of vs for nothing can be more preiudiciall to vs then the king of Romains to haue anye estate in Italie no lesse for thauthoritie of thempire ouer whose amplification and greatnes we ought alwayes to stande fearefull and ielouse then for the ambition of the house of Austria pretending interest to many of our townes but moste of all for the neighborhoode of Germanie whose innundations can not but be too perillous for vs and our dominion we bearing withall a brute to haue all our counsells rype and measured and to erre more in beeing too harde and slowe then to proceede with too much rashnes and credulitie I denie not but things maye fall out contrarie to thopinion of men for that worldly actions oftentimes drawe with them effects straunge and farre aboue thexpectations and wisdomes of mortall men and therefore who coulde set downe any warrant or suretie were not of the least merite or commendation but since that can not be done without entring into moste huge daungers and difficulties we muste consider that oftentimes vayne feares are no lesse hurtfull then too great confidence and credulitie if we enter confederation with the king of Romains agaynst the Frenche king the warre muste necessarily be begon and continued with our moneys which we must also aduaunce to furnish all his prodigalities and disorders otherwise he will eyther accorde with the enemie or retyre into Germanie leauing vpon our shoulders the whole burden and perill of the quarrell we muste susteine a warre agaynst a moste mightie king of Fraunce Duke of Millan Lorde of Genes a prince enuironed with many regimentes of men at armes no lesse mightie in artileries and prouisions and at the brute of whose payes and money will draw to him from all nations infinite bands of footemen Besides what hope of good successe can be nourished in this enterprise seeing we can not but feare that in all those of Italie which eyther pretende agaynst vs or that we holde any thing of theirs or at least stande ielouse ouer our greatnes will not be a disposition to drawe into conspiracie agaynst vs but especially the Pope to whom besides his disdaynes towards vs the power of the Emperour in Italie will neuer be acceptable for a naturall hatred that hath alwayes bene betwene the Church and thempire the same making the Popes to haue no lesse feare of themperours in things temporall then they haue of the Turkes in matters spirituall And this coniunction happly may be more dangerous to vs then the vnion which we feare betweene the king of Romaines and the French king for that where is societie of many princes which pretend to be equall there commonly do kindle suspitions and debates by which oftentimes it hapneth that those enterprises which haue bene begon with no small reputation slyde easily into many difficulties and lastly into dissolution and ruine neither ought wee to make this a last consideration that albeit the French king haue enterteined certeine practises contrarie to thalliance which we haue with him yet we haue seene no effectes by the which we may say he hath delte vniustly with vs and therefore to leauie warre agaynst him would be no other thing then to merite imputation of infidelitie and faythbreaking on the contrarie whereof this Senate ought to buylde his principall fundation aswell for the honor as profite of the affaires which we haue euery day to manage with other princes Neither can it be profitable to vs to nourish and continually augment this opinion to seeke to oppresse dayly all our neighbours and to aspire to the whole monarchie of Italie I woulde in God we had in times past proceeded more considerately for almoste all the suspitions that at this present are heaped agaynst vs haue no other beginning then that heretofore we haue too muche offended them and it will not be beleeued that feare draweth vs to a newe warre agaynst the French king our auncient confederate but rather that we are caried with certayne ambicious and couetous inclinations ioyning with vs the king of Romains to winne vpon him one parte of
the duchie of Millan as we wonne vpon Lodovvike Sforce being ioyned with him In which time if we had gouerned our selues more moderately and not feared to muche suspitions vayne and light neither should the affayres of Italie stande presently in suche trouble and alteration neither we in whom should haue bene preserued a renowne of greater modestie and grauitie should not nowe be constrayned to enter into warre eyther with this prince or that prince more mightie then our selues Into which nature of necessitie seeing we are falne it can not but be more to our wisdome and profite not to depart from the confederation we haue with the Frenche king then ouerruled with a vayne feare or hope of benefites vncertayne and hurtfull to embrace a warre which alone and of our singuler power we should not be mightie ynough to support and in those consociates and assistantes which we should haue woulde be found more burden and charge then aduauntage or profite The opinions of the Senate were diuerse in so great a varietie of reasons but in th ende preuayled the memorie of thinclination whiche they knewe the king of Romains had long enterteined to recouer vpon occasion the townes holden by them which he pretended to apperteine to thempire or to the house of Austria Their resolution was to graunt him passage if he came without an armie but comming armed with a power they determined to denie him libertie to marche And in the answere they gaue to his Embassadors they seemed to perswade that that conclusion was made more by necessitie hauing regarde to the condition of the time present and confederation which they had with the Frenche than by any disposition or will to leaue him discontented for any matter They alleaged that albeit they were constrained by the same confederation to ayde him in the defence of the duchie of Millan with a proportion of men expressed in the same yet in this action they woulde proceede with a greater modestie without exceeding in any sort their limittes and boundes and except they were compelled to any action for the defence of Millan they would not oppose agaynst any other his aduauncement according to the true meaning of their affection who so farre as their power woulde stretche woulde neuer fayle him with those oblations and reuerences which became the Senate of Venice to beare to so great a Prince with whom they neuer had any thing thē a perpetuall amitie and alliance in commemoration whereof they sought not to enter into newe confederations and bonds with the French king but desired to communicate as litle as they could with the warres that should be betweene them hoping that Maximilian not to increase his owne difficulties would at least leaue their frontiers in peace embracing their affections according to the simplicity innocencie thereof to turne his armies eyther against Burgondy or the duchie of Millan But as enterprises of high importaunce are full of imperfections and drawe with them their proper impedimentes so Caesar beeing out of hope to ioyne with him the Venetians many other difficulties began to fall vpon him which albeit he labored to surmount with the greatnes of his spirite and conceptions apte to promise him dayly more hopes then impedimentes yet they delayed muche theffects of his resolutions and purposes for that both of him selfe he had not sufficient money to leauie his proportion of Svvizzers and furnishe the other expences necessarie for so great an enterprise and also the treasures that were promised to his ayde in the Dyot were not sufficient to furnishe the least part of the substance and body of the warre And the fundation whervpon from the beginning he had layde his greatest hopes that the communalties iurisdictions of Italie would for terror of his name and comming offer composition and contribution of money grew euery day lesse and lesse for albeit in the beginning many shewed a certayne deuotion yet the conclusions of the Dyot of Constance not answering thexpectation that was conceiued that the enterprise should rather be of the whole Empire and almost of all Germanie then his owne in peculiar and seeing happly into the mightie preparations of the French king and the newe declaration of the Venetians euery one remayned in doubt not daring in ministring to him things whereof he had most neede to offende so greatly the French king Neither were the demaundes of Maximilian such in the time when he was most feared as with their facilitie they might induce men to administer to his helpe for according to his conditions he demaunded muche of euery one wherein his rates imposed vpon the duke of Ferrara whome he pretended did owe to Blanche his wife the dowrie of his sister Anne dead many yeeres before were excessiue and his proportions to the Florentins no lesse intollerable vpon whom the Cardinal of Brexe managing his affaires at Rome and hauing power to compounde with them demaunded fiue hundred thousande duckets which demaunde for the immoderation thereof was the cause that they resolued to temporise with him till they discerned better what traine his affaires would take and withall foreseeing not to offende him they protested excuses to the Frenche king demaunding men which they sayd they could not accomplishe for thimpediments of the waste and spoyle to be giuen this yere to the Pisans in great preparation and for that the Genovvaies and other neighbours beginning eftsones to administer newe succors they were constrayned to stande continually prepared agaynst them In these regardes themperour fayling contrarie to his hope to haue his turne serued with the money of Thitalians hauing onely six thousande duckets of them of Sienna he made request to the Pope that at the least he woulde suffer him to take the hundred thousande duckets whiche had bene afore leauied in Germanie vnder cooller to make warre vpon the Turkes and beeing for that effect preserued in that prouince they coulde not be conuerted to any other vse without licence of the sea Apostolike he offred him also that where he could not satisfie his demaunde not to passe into Italie with an armie that neuertheles after he had restored to the duchie of Millan the children of Lodovvike Sforce the protection of whome he protested both to make the peoples of that state more fauourable and his passage more easie and lesse hatefull he would go on to Rome without armes to receiue the Crowne Imperiall leauing all his bands in the duchie of Millan But the Pope in whom appeared no more affection to the one then to the other refused also to satisfie him in this demaund alleaging that in suche a condition and estate of affaires he could not without his great daunger prouoke the armes of the French king agaynst him And yet Maximilian according to the propertie of his inclination beeing carefull credulous and quicke to execute all things of himselfe with paynes incredible amidde so many difficulties forgate nothing that might enterteine the brute of his discending and causing to
marche thartilleries towards many places of the frontiers of Italy he recontinued the practise to haue the twelue thousand Svvizzers who demaunding many thinges and propounding straunge exceptions gaue him not any certayne resolution he solicited the bandes that were promised him and trauelling in person from one place to an other for diuers expeditions he brought mens mindes into many confusions their iudgementes varying more through all Italie then earst had bene seene in any other action for in some the opinion of thenterprise was greater then euer and others supposed it to bee already in an estate declining which incertentie of minde was increased by himselfe who being of nature secrete and particular did seldome communicate his thoughtes with others and to th ende his intentions shoulde be lesse priuate in Italie he had ordeyned that the Popes Legate nor other Orators of Thitalians should not followe his person but keepe a parte in places remoued from the Court. Now was come the day appoynted for the assemblie of Thalmain companies of whō notwithstanding there mustred at Constance but a very small crew neither was seene any other preparations on his part then remouing of artilleries and studying by what meanes he might recouer money In so muche as beeing vncertayne with what forces in what time and on which side he would enter such as doubted him made mightie prouisions in many places some supposed he woulde make his entrie by Friul and others thought he would marche by Trent into the countrey of Verrona others iudged that comming by Sauoy or by Coma he would assayle the duchie of Millan hauing many of the exiles of that state in his campe others stoode in some doubt least he would make some stirre on that side to Burgondie In regarde of these feares the French king sent to the duchie of Millan many bandes of horsmen and footemen and besides other preparations leauyed for the defence of that state he dispatched two thousande fiue hundred Spanish footemen vnder the fauour of the king Catholike to whom Caesar complayned greeuously of suche a sufferaunce Monsr de Chaumont doubting the fayth of the Boromei surprised in the same time Arona a Castell belonging to that familie standing vpon the lake Maior into Burgondie the king had also sent fiue hundred launces vnder Monsr Trimouille gouernor of that prouince And to drawe away in many places the thoughtes and forces of Caesar he succoured continually the Duke of Guelders who molested the countreis of Charles the little sonne of themperour Besides all this he had sent to Verona Iohn Iacques de Triuulce with foure hundred Frenche launces and foure thousande footemen to the succours of the Venetians who had also sent to Rouera the Counte Petillano with foure hundred men at armes and many bandes of footemen to th ende to remayne there for the repressing of those stirres that might arise towardes Trent and to Friul were sent eight hundred men at armes vnder Bartlemevv Aluiano who long time before was entred into their payes But the first daunger appeared on that side which was least doubted for that Paule Baptista Iustinian and Fregosin exiles of Genes ledde to Casuola a towne belonging to Lodovvike Gonsagna feodar of thempire a thousande Almain footmen who marching secretly and with great diligence ouer the mountaynes and impassible places of the Venetian territorie had an intention to go to Genes after they had passed by the ryuer of Po along the mountaine of Parma This expedition being doubted of by Monsr Chaumont he dispatched suddenly to Parma many horsemen and footemen to giue impediment to thenemie which so cut off all hope from Thalmains to be hable to execute any thing agaynst Genes that they returned into Germanie by the same way but not with the same diligence and daunger for that the Venetians respecting their common benefite made a secret consent to their retyring There were at the same instant many of the exiles of Genes in the towne of Bolognia whiche driue the king into a suspition that this matter had bene wrought by the consent of the Pope of whose inclination and will many other thinges put him in doubt both for that Themperour was solicited to marche by the Cardinall S. Crosse notwithstanding more of his proper motion and disposition then for any other occasion and also thexiles of Furly being by chaunce issued out of Faenza and assaying one night to enter into Furly the Pope complayned that it was a matter compact betwene the Frenche king and the Venetians To these was added the conspiracie of a Monke who beeing prisoner in Mantua had confessed that he had practised with the familie of Bentiuole to empoyson the Pope and that he was solicited from Monsr de Chaumont to performe all his promises to the Bentiuolei by reason whereof the Pope proceeding by examination in forme authentike sent it to the king by Achilles de Grassi Bishop of Pesera and afterwardes Cardinall to make request that the trueth might be knowen proceeding to the punishment of suche as should be found guyltie in so great a wickednesse In so much as Alexander Bentyuole beeing suspected more then the residue was adiorned by the king to appeare and answere in Fraunce to such things as he was to be charged withall with these actions and incertenties ended the yere 1507. But in the beginning of the yere following the trauelling minds of them of Bolognia no longer disposed to nourish their tranquillitie drewe into conspiracie and being ledde by Anniball and Hermio Bentyuole who had intelligence with certayne young gentlemen of the familie of the Pepolies with others of race and yeres equall they approched vpon the sodayne Bolognia an enterprise not without perill for that the conspirators to th ende to lette in the residue had occupyed the gate of S. Mamola But as it is easie to represse a violence in the beginning so the people taking armes in fauour of thestate ecclesiastike the young men abandoned the gate with more feare then vallour and the Bentyuoleis retyred finding onely that safety in their aduenture This inuasion rather abated then inflamed the mynde of the Pope agaynst the Frenche king for that his Maiestie shewing great tokens howe muche it did discontent hym commaunded Monsr Chaumont to be readie to succour Bolognia and all that depended vpon it in all necessities and occasions he gaue order besides that from thencefoorth the Bentiuoleis shoulde not be receyued into any parte of the duchie of Millan by whiche restraynt Iohn one of the chiefest of them dyed about that tyme of displeasure for that muche lesse that he had bene accustomed afore he was expulsed Bolognia to feele the aduersities or bitter blowes of fortune seeing he had beene the moste happie of all the other tyrantes of Italie seruing a long time as an example of prosperous fortune for in the course of fortie yeres during the which he commaunded as he woulde in Bolognia muche lesse that he was touched with any heauie affliction seeing in all
that race of tyme he felte not so muche as the death of any his friendes he had alwayes for himselfe and children pensions appoyntmentes and great honours of all the Princes in Italie beeing followed withall with this felicitie to escape easily out of all waightie and dangerous affayres for all which graces good succedings he seemed besides the conuenient situation of that Citie to be principally beholding to fortune for that according to common iudgement he could not merit any thing by the propertie of his wit or by his wisdome and much lesse by any valour that was in his person Caesar nowe minding no more to deferre the mouing of armes dispatched a Heralte to Verona to publishe his resolution to passe into Italie to take Thimperiall Crowne and to require lodging for foure thousande horse Whervnto the gouernors of Verona hauing first communicated with the counsel of Venice answered him that if he would passe for no other occasion then to receyue the crowne they would honour him with all the offices and obseruaunces they could but they saw effects contrarie to his perswasions hauing already brought and bestowed vpon their marches so great proportions of men at armes and artilleries In regarde of which aunswere measuring by theÌ„ the deuotion of others Maximilian assone as he was come to Trent to giue beginning to the warre made a solemne processioÌ„ the fourth of February which he assisted in person hauing before him the Heralds of the Empire the Imperiall sworde naked and in the ende of the solemnitie his secretary M. Lange afterwardes Bishop of Gurce being mounted into a high seate or theater published in the name of Caesar his determination to passe in warlike aray into Italie he named him no more king of Romains but Emperour elect as are wont to be intituled the kings of Romains when they come to take the Crowne And forbidding the same day that none shoulde issue out of Trente after he had caused to be baked a great quantitie of Byskie and made baskettes of wood and sent by the ryuer of Adice sundrie boates and lighters loaden with prouisions he went out of Trente the nighte after a little before day with a thousande fiue hundred horse and foure thousande footemen not of those regimentes whiche were agreed to hym in the Dyot but of the peoples of his Court and proper estates taking the way that leades by those Mountaynes to Vincense At the same tyme the Marquis of Brandebourgh marched towardes Rouero with fiue hundred horsemen and two thousande footmen of the same countrey bodies with whom he returned the day after with no memorie of other action then that he presented himselfe before Rouero and demaunded in vayne to be lodged in the towne But themperour elect being comen to the mountayne of Siagne the foote whereof draweth within twelue miles of Vincensa after he had taken the landes of the seuen communalties a people so named dwelling in the toppe of the Mountayne vnder many exemptions and priuiledges of the Venetians and after he had filled vp many trenches whiche they had cast for their defence and to stoppe the waye he caused to be drawen thither many peeces of artillerie Heere it seemed that eyther his intention had imperfection or his fortune was contrarie to the disposition of the tyme for as mens mindes enterteined a wonderfull expectation of some good successe he retyred from this place the fourth daye after he departed from Trente and returned to Bolsana a towne further remoued from the confines of Italie then Trente wherein as it gaue occasion to euery one to wonder at so greate an inconsideration or rather inconstancie so so weake a beginning reuyued eftsones the myndes of the Venetians in so muche that as they had already interteined many bandes of footemen so they called to Rouera the Frenche companies whiche were at Verona with Triuulce and beginning to make greater preparations they stirred vp the Frenche king to do the lyke who marching towardes Italie sente before an armie of fiue thousande Svvizzers of his payes and three thousande payed by the Venetians that Nation for that Maximilian was not hable to minister paye to them being ronne without any regarde to thintertainment of the Frenche And yet after they were departed and payed they woulde not go vppon the landes of the Venetians alleaging for their reasons that they woulde not serue Caesar in any other action then for the defence of thestate of Millan A greater stirre but farre more wretched and vnhappie as wherein was nourished the beginning of greater thinges was kindled in Friul whither didde passe by the waye of the Mountaynes and by Caesars appoyntment foure hundred horse and fyue thousande footemen all bodies commaunded in his countrey of Tiroll Assone as they were entred into the valley of Cadora they tooke the Borowe and Castell wherein was a verye slender garrison together with the Magistrate of the Venetians that was within whiche beeing vnderstande at Venice they commaunded Aluiano and George Cornaro Superintendent remayning vppon the landes of Vincentin to make speedily to the succours of that Countrey and to keepe occupied the enemies on that side they sente towardes Trente foure lighte Galleys with certayne vesselles of other nature And at the same tyme Maximilian who was marched from Bolsano to Brunech and turning to the waye of Friul for thoportunitie of the passages and largenes of the countrey ronne through certayne valleys more then fortie myles within the territories of the Venetians with a strength of six thousand footmen leauied in those quarters and after he had takeÌ„ the valley of Cadora which leadeth to Treuisa leauing behind him the borow of Bostauro lately apperteining to the Patriarks of Aquilea he tooke the borow of S. Martin the borow of Pieua the valley which was kept by the Countes of Sâ—â—â—â—gina with other places adioyning he performed these incursions rather in the propertie of an inferior capteine then in the person maiestie of a king more contented with victories of meane persons places then seeking after actions of importance according to thexpectation of his name vertue And after he had speÌ„t some dayes in these trifling seruices he coÌ„maunded his coÌ„panies to draw to Treuisan and returned himself vpon the end of February to Ispruch to lay Iewels in paune make other prouisions for money wherof being rather a prodigal waster then a temperat distributer no reasonable quantitie could suffice to furnishe the necessitie of his affayres for that his wantes could not be satisfied with thabundance of things since he measured not his sufficiencie according to the nede of kind but after the rage of his opinion prodigalities But vnderstanding on the way that the Svvizzers had taken the pay of the French he was not a litle discontented with them and so went to Vlma a Citie of Svvauia to induce that ligne to ayde him as they had done in times past in the warre agaynst the Svvizzers he made also vehement instance
same beeing the cause that the Almains hauing eftsones reassembled reordeined their footemen returned with a thousande horse and six thousande footmen to Calliana distant from Pietra the shotte of a Crosbow And two hundred horsemen of the duke of VVittenbourg beeing gone from them the Venetians with foure thousande horsmen and sixtene thousand footemen came encamped before Pietra planting there a proportion of sixtene peces of artillerie Pietra is a Castel seated at the foote of a mountaine on whose right hand the way leades from Rouera to Trent and out of the same comes a very strong wall conteyning in length the shot of a Crosbowe and stretcheth euen to the ryuer of Adice and in the middest of the same is a gate of the which who is not maister can hardly hurt Pietra The two armies were within a myle one of another and they both had before them the Castell and the wall and on the one side the ryuer of Adice and on the other the mountaines and eyther armie hauing at their backes places of sure retraite And for that the Almains had the castell and the wall in their power they might when they liste driue the Venetian armie to feight which was impossible to the Venetians who for that they were inferiour in numbers muche lesse that they durst commit things to aduenture seeing they deuised onely to rayse impediments that thenemies should not carie the castell which was continually battered by their artilleries But the Almains in whom was indifferent the vertue of celeritie and courage perceiuing one day that their artillerie was slenderly garded gaue a furious charge vppon it and putting to flight the footemen that garded it they wonne with great valour two peeces and drew them to their lodginges This accident abated the stomackes of the Venetians who nowe iudging it but loste tyme to enterteine the action of Pietra whiche had deuoured many of their peoples brake vp and retyred to Rouero and the Almains returned to Trent where within fewe dayes after moste parte of the armie disbanded and were dispersed and the regimentes of the Dyot whiche neuer conteyned aboue foure thousande for all those in substance that assembled at Trent and Cadera were of the Countreys thereabout returned to their houses their tearme of sixe monethes beeing ended by whose example also moste parte of the footemen that were leauyed brake vp the seruice and departed Maximilian himselfe who was much troubled in going from one place to another to leauie prouisions practises could neuer be present at those actions but for that the Dyot of Vlma was referred to a time more conuenient beeing confused in himselfe with the multitude of affaires and shame of his successes withdrew himselfe to Cologne not being acknowen for many dayes where he was And being not strong ynough neither in men munition nor money to resist so great a storme hauing lost al that he held in the countrey of Friull with the other peeces affronting he found himselfe abandoned of all succours and in greater perill to be depriued of Trent if in the Frenche bandes had bene any disposition to ioyne with the Venetian armie But Triuulce who by the kings direction was resolued rather to pacifie then to prouoke woulde passe no further then was necessarie for the defence of the Venetians holding it as iust and honorable in the office he had to forbeare to afflict further themperour as to protect the Venetians Maximilian standing thus abandoned and desyring by some meane to put himselfe out of daunger sent since the ouerthrowe at Cadora one of his Gentlemen to Venice to demaunde truce for three monethes of which the Senate made no accompt hauing no disposition to make truce for lesse then a yere nor yet to giue any consent if the Frenche king were not comprehended in it But his daungers rysing in encreasing for the losse of Triesta and his calamities altering thinges into worse condition the Bishop of Trent as of his peculier motion perswaded the Venetians to truce alleaging by that meane and fundation a readie possibilitie and expectation of peace The Venetians aunswered that their minds were not estraunged from it so farrefoorth as they were not alone in the action but that there were libertie for the Frenche king to communicate In so muche as after this beginning there drewe to conference together the Byshop of Trent and serentane secretarie of Maximilian and for the Frenche king Triuulce and Charles Geffray president of the Parliament of Millan and for the Venetians Zacharia Contarin Embassadour particularly appoynted for that action They agreed easily for other conditions seeing as touching the time they were resolued that it should laste for three yeres and euery one to reteine that he possessed at that present with power to buylde and fortifie suche places as they commaunded This onely was the difficultie that the French would haue had a generall truce wherein should be comprehended suche confederates as euery one had out of Italie and especially the Duke of Gueldres but the Agents of Themperor stoode obstinately agaynst it for that he had determined the ruine of the sayd Duke They alleaged besides that the warre being managed wholly in Italie it was neither iust nor necessarie to communicate of any other things then such as touched Italie wherein albeit the Venetians did what they coulde to haue satisfied the desire of the Frenche king yet seeing little hope to dispose the Almains they were contented to embrace the truce in sorte as they had consented especially for a desire they had to deliuer themselues of suche a warre which was nowe brought wholly vppon their estate and no lesse to confirme in their obedience by the commoditie of the truce for three yeres the townes which they had conquered in those stirres They excused themselues to the Frenche with these reasons no lesse true then iust that neither the one nor the other of them beeing not further bound then for the defence of the matters of Italie and their confederation beeing grounded therevpon they had not to do to thinke vpon matters beyonde the Mountes which if they were not bounde to defende with armes they were not also bounde to deuise to assure them with the truce Vpon this controuersie Triuulce wrote into Fraunce and the Venetians to Venice whose Senate returned aunswere that if there could not be admission of other conditions that they should at least conclude the truce for Italie onely reseruing time and place for the Frenche king to enter wherevnto albeit neither Triuulce nor the President would not consent complayning greeuously that they woulde not so muche as tarie for the kings aunswer and that notwithstanding the President protested that a ioynt and common enterprise should not be determined but by ioynt and common consent alleaging withall howe litle were respected the kings amitie and alliance yet the Venetians forbare not to proceede and conclude with Maximilian and the contract running simply in their proper names they agreed that on the
The ende of the seuenth booke THE ARGVMENT OF THE EIGHT BOOKE MOST of the Princes of Christendome dravve into league at Cambray against the Venetians vvho being ouerthrovven by the Frenche king render the tovvnes of the Churche and make submission to the king of Romains Pisa returneth to the obedience of the Florentins The Venetians recouer the tovvne of Padua vvhich is soone after besieged by Casar Aftervvardes they make vvarre to the Duke of Ferrara The Pope giues them absolution of the Church censures THE EIGHT BOOKE OF THE historie and discourse of Guicciardin THE diuisions of Italie were not so tractable as that they could be reconciled with little labour nor the infirmities of the countrey so easie and priuate as that they stoode subiect to be readdressed or recured with light medicines But as it often hapneth that in bodies replenished with humors corrupt the remedie that is applied to repurge the maladie of one parte engendreth more daungerous infections euen so the truce made betweene the king of Romains and the Venetians in place of the vniuersall expectation of tranquillitie brought foorth to the Potentates and Communalties of Italie infinite calamities and cruelties of warre farre exceeding the examples passed for notwithstanding the regions of Italie for fourteene yeres had borne a perpetuall crosse of warres and mutations yet quarrells beeing oftentimes ended without effusion of blood and battels and skirmishes falling for the moste parte vpon the strangers only the peoples had lesse suffred then the princes and the naturall regions muche spared from the bloudie miseries and actions of warre But the gappe beeing opened to newe discordes in tyme to come there followed throwout all Italie and agaynst Thitalians themselues a miserable trayne of many calamities and cruell accidents infinite murders sackings destructions and spoyles of cities a libertie of warre no lesse offensiue to their friendes then hurtfull to their enemies and a lamentable violation of religion and all holy things with lesse reuerence and respect then if they were prophane and popular the lawe and equitie of things being measured by the wils of the souldiours and nothing iudged vnreasonable agaynst him that was hable to alleage authoritie might or will fruites ordinarie following diuill discorde and by so muche the more perillous and working by how muche they happen in a second mutation as all euils are more daungerous in a seconde degree then in the first The cause of so many afflictions in a generall consideration was thambition and couetousnesse of Princes of whom many of them coulde not brooke any limitation of power imperie or kingdome But if they be weighed in a particular consideration they may be seene to take their beginning of the too rasâ—e and insolent maner of proceeding of the Venetians by occasion whereof were ceassed those difficulties which till that time had holden in suspence and impediments the French king and Caesar from agreeing together agaynst them of whome the one beeing greatly kindled they put him in dispaire and at the same time moued the other to no small indignation or at the least gaue him meane to disclose vnder an apparant coolour that which he had long desyred for Caesar beeing netled by so many infamies and harmes receiued loasing part of his proper inheritaunce in place to conquer thestates of others was not to omit any oportunitie wherein occasion might be giuen him to recouer or repayre so greatslaunders and losses A disposition which the Venetians vndiscretly increased a newe since the making of the truce for that not sparing to aggrauate his indignation no lesse with vayne demonstrations then worse effects they receyued into Venice Aluiano with publike pompe almost resembling a ceremonial triumph And the French king albeit at the beginning he gaue a certen hope to ratifie the truce that was made yet expressing afterwardes the discontentment he tooke he complayned of the presumption of the Venetians to name him and include him as adherent and prouiding for their proper tranquillitie to giue him ouer and leaue him in the cares and trauels of the warre These dispositions of minde both of the one and the other began to burst out into speedie and manyfest experience for Caesar hauing no further confidence in his proper forces and lesse expectation that the Princes or peoples of Germanie would take to heart the iniuries that had bene done to him made as though he had a desire to confederate with the French king agaynst the Venetians as the onely remedie to recouer eftsones the honor and estates he had lost And the French king following the course and oportunitie of the tyme norished the same inclination the new disdayne renewing in him the memorie of ancient offences receiued in the warrs of Naples enterteining also a working desire to draw out of their hands Cremona other townes of the auncient possessions of the dukes of Millan Therefore to th ende that in remouing the impediments of things inferiour they might withall procede to those of higher degree they began to debate how to resolue the quarels betwene tharchduke and the duke of Gueldres whose safetie the Frenche king helde muche for recommended for thauncient alliance and commodities he had receyued by him The Pope did also communicate in this motion stirring vp at the same tyme the French king agaynst the Venetians beeing besides the auncient indignations newly kindled and made hatefull agaynst them for an opinion he had that by their meanes the exiles of Furly who were retired to Faenza had made a tryall to enter that Citie hauing withall receiued into their dominions the familie of Bentyuoleis chased by the king out of the duchy of Millan To these was added this imputation that in many things they had borne slender regarde to the authoritie of the court of Rome and of late experience had slenderly respected it in this which troubled not a litle the Popes minde the Pope had translated the Bishoprike of Vincense vacant by the death of the Cardinall S. P. ad Vincla his nephew to Sixtus his nephew also suborned by him into the dignitie of Cardinall and to those benefices But the Senate of Venice making small reckoning of this collation choase a gentleman of Venice who the Pope refusing to confirme him tooke boldnes to name him selfe Bishop of Vincense of the election of the moste excellent counsell of the Pregati But the Pope beeing not a little kindled for these obstinacies dispatched first to the king Maximus secretarie to the Cardinall of Narbona and afterwards the Cardinall himselfe who newly succeding the late Cardinall of Achx in his Bishoprike was called the Cardinall of Achx They were willingly receiued and heard of the king and brought backe with them the deuise of many meanes and plottes to put in execution that which he desired both without themperour and without any confederacie with him But the Pope shewed a more inclination to complayne then to determine any thing for that on the one side the vnquiet desire he had to make
armes to be leauyed agaynst the Venetians troubled his minde and on the other he seemed fearefull to be constrayned to depende too muche of the greatnes of an other but muche more was he moued by an auncient ielousie he had taken agaynst the Cardinall of Amboyse in whose respect it seemed greeuous to him that the armies of the French king should passe into Italie Besides thaffaires of greatest importance were somewhat troubled by the late presumption of the Pope disposing a litle before without the kings knowledge the Byshoprikes of Ast and Plaisance and withall for that the king resisted the newe Cardinall of S. P. ad Vincla to whom by the death of thother the riche Abbey of Cleruault neere to Millan was transferred to take possession of it so irresolute was the Pope wandring betwene feare and ambition and so inconstant the Frenche king obseruing to make his profite on the trayne euent of things for albeit the Pope coulde not bee resolued amyd so many difficulties yet in the end the French king and Caesar both applying with the course and oportunities of times determined to communicate secretly together agaynst the Venetians wherein for the better countenance and coolour to the action and withall to giue perfection to those things that should be debated there assembled in the towne of Cambray for Caesar the Lady Margaret his daughter Regent of Flaunders and of those other estates which were discended to king Phillip by the mothers right assisted for the regarde of this action by Mathevve Longo a secretarie of great credite with Caesar And for the French king was sent the Cardinall of Amboyse followed with certayne other particulars rather to furnishe his trayne then to communicate in thaction They caused to publishe a brute that these estates assembled to solicit a peace betwene tharchduke duke of Gueldres betwene whom they had set downe a truce for fortie yeeres And keeping alwayes vnknowen from the Venetians the true occasion the Cardinal assured by great othes to their Embassador that his king would continue in the confederation he had with them wherein also the Embassador of the king of Aragon folowed him rather not denying then graunting for that albeit that king was the first mouer of these conferences betwene themperour and the French king yet hauing continuation afterwards without him both the one and other of them were perswaded that the prosperitie of the French king would be intollerable to him and as touching the gouernment of Castillo would holde for suspected the greatnes of Caesar and therefore his thoughtes in that action were not conformable to his words At Cambray things were resolued in very few dayes without cōmunicating with thembassador of the king Catholike till after the conclusion which the tenth daye of December was solemnly confirmed in the great Church with the othes of Lady Margaret the Cardinall of Amboyse and the Spanishe Embassador In this publication they expressed nothing but that there was established betwene the Pope and eyther of those Princes a perpetuall peace and confederation but in Articles more priuate and secrete were conteined clauses of right great importance which being full of ambition and wholly contrarie to the couenauntes whiche Caesar and the French king had with the Venetians were couered with a preamble full of great pietie and affection to religion as though the diuersitie of words were sufficient to alter and chaunge the effects of things It was expressed in that preamble that for a common desire to beginne a warre agaynst the enemies of the name of Christ and thimpedimentes which the Venetians had giuen occupying ambitiously the landes of the Church which nowe they ment to remoue to proceede with better consent and agreement to so holy and necessarie an expedition And by the perswasions and counsels of the Pope the Cardinall of Amboyse as his procurer and with his authoritie and as deputed and authorised by the French king and by the personall solicitation of Lady Margaret assigned and authorised by the king of Romains and as gouernes to tharchduke and thestates of Flaunders And lastly by the consent of thembassador of the king of Aragon as fully appoynted by his king they were resolued to make warre vpon the Venetians euery one in his owne right to recouer the thinges they had vsurped vpon them which for the Pope were Faenza Rimini Rauenna and Ceruia for the king of Romains Padua Vincensa and Verona apperteining to him in the name of Thempire and the places of Friul and Treuisan beeing percell of th inheritance of the house of Austria for the French king were Cremona Quiaradada Bresse Bergama and Crema and for the regarde of the king of Aragon were the townes and hauens which had bene morgaged by Ferdinand king of Naples Tharticles were these that the French king was bounde to the warre in person and to giue the first reall beginning the first day of the next Aprill at what tyme also the Pope and the king Catholike should enter into the action That to th ende the king of Romains should haue iust cause not to obserue the truce that was made the Pope should demaunde succors of him as of the protector of the Churche and that after that the king of Romains should sende to him at the least a Capteine and should be bounde fortie dayes after the French king had begonne the warre to inuade thestates of the Venetians in person That which soeuer of them should recouer that which apperteined to him should be bound to minister ayde to the others till they had made a full and sufficient recouerie That they were all bound to defende one another in case the Venetians offred to oppresse them for any places that were recouered and not one of them in particular should compoūd or agree with the Venetians without a common consent that the Duke of Ferrara and Marquis of Mantua and who els would pretend the Venetians to vsurpe any place of theirs had libertie to be named in the league within three moneths and being once named to enioy all the benefits and fauours of the confederation in as full power and nature as the principalles of the same communicating with the fulnesse of authoritie for the reconquering of those things that they had loste That the Pope should sommon the Venetians vnder great paynes and curses to make restitution of suche things as they occupied of the Church That he should be iudge betweene Bianca Maria the king of Romains wife and the Duke of Ferrara touching the contention for an inheritance and succession of Anna her sister and sometimes wife to the sayd Duke That Caesar should inuest the French king in the duchie of Millan for him selfe Frauncis d'Angoulesme and to their issue males for whiche inuestiture the Frenche should paye to him an hundred thousande duckets That Caesar and the Archduke should not during the warre and six monethes after make any innouation agaynst the king Catholike for any respect of the gouernment
and titles of the realmes of Castillo That the Pope should exhort the king of Vngria to enter into the confederation That euery one should name within foure monethes his confederates and adherentes excepting expresly to comprehende the Venetians and the subiects freeholders of the confederates and that euery principall partie in the contract should ratifie all these articles within threescore dayes next following To this vniuersall league was adioyned the particular accorde betweene Tharchduke and the Duke of Gueldres wherin was agreed that restitution shoulde be made of those townes that were taken vppon Tharchduke in this warre but not in lyke sorte of suche as were taken vppon the Duke Assone as this newe confederation was concluded in this sorte all things that concerned the Venetians being kept as secret as might be the Cardinall of Amborse departed the day folowing from Cambray the Bishop of Paris and Albert Pio Counte of Carpi being first sent to the king of Romains to receiue his ratification in the name of the French king he made no delay to confirme al the articles with the same othe forme of solemnities with the which it was published in the Church of Cambray holding it but iust to ratifie the thing that so much tended to the confirmation of his estate and securitie as he helde it equall and reasonable to iustifie that by publike approbation which he had so long solicited by priuate desire and intention it is most certayne that albeit the wordes of the publication bare that thauthoritie of the Pope and king of Aragon did communicate in it yet the confederation was made merely without their assistance and consent An action which Caesar and the French king tooke wholly vpon themselues not doubting of the Popes and king of Aragons consent partly in regarde of their proper profite and partly for that according to the estate and condition of things present neither of them both durst gamsay their authoritie and particularly the king of Aragon to whome albeit the Articles in their due construction seemed both ielouse and intollerable for that fearing least the greatnes of the Frenche king would encrease to muche he preferred the suretie of the whole kingdome of Naples afore the recouering of one part which was holden by the Venetians yet expressing cunningly a readines dissembled and an inclination coÌ„trarie to the intentions of his mind he made present ratification with the same ceremonies which the others vsed But touching the Pope he made a farre more doubt of things wandring according to his custome betwene a desire to recouer the townes of Romania ioyned to a disdaine against the Venetians and a troublesome feare of the greatnes of the French king he sawe not howe dangerous it was to him for the power of Caesar to begin to stretch farre in Italie and therefore seeming that it was more for his profite to obteine by accorde part of that he desired then to recouer the whole by warre and sword He labored to induce the Venetians to render to him Rimini and Faenza wherein he forgat not to laye afore them that those daungers which threatned them by the vnion of so many Princes would be of greater terror and importance if he were concurrant with them in the confederation as to whose authoritie and place it belonged to pursue them with armes spirituall and temporall where if they rendred the townes which they had taken vpon the Church since he was Pope by which meanes he should make a ioynt recouerie of honor estates he should haue iust occasion not to ratifie that whervnto he had no interest either in assistance consent or authoritie he debated with them that as the confederation communicating nothing with the holy and supreme authoritie woulde easily dissolue and vanishe hauing in it selfe many difficulties so he sayde it was not reasonable they should doubt that he would not vrge to thuttermost his authoritie and industrie to keepe repressed in Italie the power of straungers which brought no lesse perill to the sea Apostolike then to their state In this perswasion he omitted nothing that might make aduaunced his cause which he followed no lesse with his authoritie and eloquence then with liberalities and offers Matters that moue not the least in a case of perswasion carying as they liste the minds of men affecting ambition or worldly desires The Senat drew to counsel vpon this demaunde some iudging it a thing of great importance to separate the Pope from Caesar and the French king and others thought it an action vnworthy and not sufficient to turne away the warre At last as in matters of debate and controuersie opinion oftentimes commaundes reason so the faction of suche as gaue the best counsell had caried it had not bene the reasons and perswasions of D. Treuisan a Senator of great authoritie and one of the procurers of the riche temple of S. Marke an honor next to the dignitie of the Duke of highest respect and reputation in the common weale of Venice he discoursed with reasons ful of efficacie and authoritie that it was an action contrarie to the dignitie profit of that renownâ—ed coÌ„mon weale to restore those townes which the Pope required and that the estate of their dangers would neither much encrease or diminish for the coniunction or separation of him from the other confederates for albeit in the negociation of the accord they had vsed the Popes name perhaps to make their cause seeme lesse dishonest yet in effect they had agreed without him hauing no necessitie of his consent and priuitie and therfore would become neither the more colde nor the more hotte in the execution of things they had concluded Of the contrarie the armes of the Pope were not of that valor and importance as to driue them to buy at so great a price the disposing of the same seeing that albeit they should be assayled at one selfe time by the others yet they might easily with a very slender garrison defende those cities which the regiments of the Church the very dishonor of souldiers men of seruice were not sufficient to take of themselues much lesse import much as touching the substance of the warre he sayd that in the stirres and heates of temporall armes men did litle respect either the reuerence or threatnings of armes spirituall which they ought not to feare to be more able to hurt them in that warre then they had done in many others namely in the expedition agaynst Ferrara In which the armes of the Churche coulde not let that they obteined not a peace honorable for them and infamous for the residue of Italie which with one vniuersall accorde in a time wherin it florished most with riches power and valour was banded wholly agaynst them And in reason concordance of causes he alleaged that it was not likely that the almightie omnipotent God would suffer that the effects of his seueritie and his mercy of his anger and his peace should rest in the
an authentike register of all the iniuries which the French kings in times past had done to thempire and nation of Germanie confessing that since the king had accompanied his promise with suche honor and fidelitie that he could do no lesse in common office then for his part to dissolue all remēbrances of things that might minister occasions to be vnthankfull to so great an affection The Cardinall of Amboyse came to him to Trent the thirtenth day of Iune to communicate of their common affaires who beeing receyued with demonstrations well testifying the amitie he bare to his king promised him on the kings behalfe a succor of fiftie launces In so muche that after they had with great agreement giuen directions for other affayres it was resolued that Caesar and the king should speake together in plaine feeld neare the towne of Gard vpon the Marches of both the one and others countreys For which cause the Frenche king prepared to be there at the day appoynted and Caesar in the same regarde came to Riua de Trente bringing in neither of their mindes any suspition the one allured by good experience of benefite and fidelitie and the other assured by the consideration of the same But suche are the variations of Princes and their ordinarie subiection to suspitions and ielousies that themprour after he had bene there onely two houres returned immediatly to Trenta signifying to the French king that by occasion of new accidents hapned at Friul he was constrayned to departe sodenly desiring him to stay at Cremona till he returned to giue perfection to the enterview determined This varietie if notwithstanding it be possible in a Prince so inconstant to finde out the truth many attributed to his credulitie lightnes of belefe some men blowing into his eares something that made him enter into suspition Others made this thoccasion that hauing so small a Court accompanied with a trayne ill appoynted he thought he coulde not present himselfe with that dignitie and reputation as might holde comparison with the pompe and greatnes of the French king who for his part desiring to dissolue his armie to be deliuered of so great a burden no lesse to returne with spede into Fraunce tooke his way to Millan not tarying for themperours signification notwithstanding the bishop of Gurce whom themperour had sent for that effect following him euen to Cremona solicited him muche to tarrie making promise that without all exceptions themperour would returne The discamping of the armie and person of the French king from the confines of Caesar diminished greatly the reputation of his affayres And yet albeit he was accompanied with suche multitudes of men that he might easily refurnish Padoa and the other townes yet he sorbare to sende garrison thither either for thinconstancie of his nature or that he thoughte afore hande to sette vppon some other enterprise or lastely that he interpreted it more to hys honour to discende into Italie wyth a greater armie And whiche more is he pretended as thoughe the former actions had had their due perfection that together wyth the ioynt forces of the whole confederates they should assayle the Citie of Venice A matter very plausible to the French king but greeuous to the Pope and no lesse impugned with open reasons by the king of Aragon About this tyme the Florentins put their laste hande to the warres agaynst the Pisans for after they had cutte off all succours and entrie of graynes into Pisa they leauyed newe bandes to th ende by aduauncing all thindustrie they coulde to choake all their course of vittelles bothe by sea and lande A matter that was subiect to difficultie for the neighborhood of the countrey of the Lucquois who when they coulde secretly doo it obserued wyth a verye negligent fayth their accorde newly made with the Florentins the necessities of their neighbours preuayling aboue the bonde of their promise othe or fidelitie But notwithstanding the secrete succours of those good neighbours the wante of vittayles more and more encreased within Pisa an affliction aboue all others least tollerable and most contrarie to the kinde of man expressing in that aduersitie a peculiar frayltie The souldiours of the playne countrey could not endure it which made those principalls of the Citizens in whose handes rested al publike resolutions being folowed with the greatest part of the youth of the Citie the better to loll the countrey souldiours with deuises accustomed to introduce by the meane of the Lorde of Plombin a practise of accorde with the Florentins An action wherein were artificially consumed many dayes and for whiche the Florentins sent to Plombin Nicholas Machiauel their secretorie the Pisans electing for Embassadors both Citizens and countrey men It was very harde to enclose Pisa for that it stoode in a felden large and full of dytches and marris neyther coulde the entry of vittelles be hindred by any easie meane speciallye by nighte bothe for the faythfull industrie of the Lucquois to refurnishe them and the desperate myndes of the Pysans refusing no perill wherein was anye oportunitie of prouision But to ouercome those difficulties the Florentine Capteines determined to deuide their armie into three partes bestowing one parte at Messana withoute the gate of Plagei the seconde at Saint Peter de Rene and Saint Iames ouer agaynst the gate of Lucquay and the thirde was appoynted to the auncient Temple of Saint Peter d'ingrado standing betweene Pisa and the mouth of Arna In euery campe beeing well fortified they bestowed a thousande footemen with conuenient numbers of horsemen And to let that none shoulde passe ouer the mountaynes by the waye of the vale of Osola whiche leadeth to the mount Saint Iulian they buylded towardes the great hospitall a Bastillion capable of two hundred and fyftie footemen By these impedimentes the Pisans fell more and more into want of vittelles who seeking to gette by pollicie that whiche they dispayred to obtayne by force deuised that Alphonso Mutulo a young man of Pisa but of base condition who beeing aforetyme taken prisoner by the Florentin souldiours and receiuing many pleasures of his keeper shoulde offer to bee thinstrument to make them surprise the gate that goeth to Lucquay Their deuise bare this meaning that at the same tyme that the campe whiche was at Saint Iames shoulde go by nighte to execute thenterprise they woulde not onely oppresse it when one parte was entred but also woulde charge the other campes of the Florentines whiche according to the resolution were to approache more neare the Citie but for that they made not their approche rashely nor in disorder the Pisans wonne no other thing by this practise but the lyues of certayne particulars who at the signe giuen were come to the first gate thinking to enter the Citie amongst whom was slayne with a shotte Paule de Parana captayne of a companie of lighte horsemen to the Florentins and Canaio de Pratovechio to whome Alphonso Mutulo had bene prisoner and vnder his assuraunce
bandes of thenemie being entred and gouerning those partes of the towne wherein laye their chiefest protection In so muche as standing thus abandoned of fortune and hope they were constrayned with the losse of many of their men to retyre with speede into the castell and Cytadell and they but weakly manned were by the necessitie of the present perill yeelded to discression within a fewe howres after they beeing no lesse vnhable to repulse a violence offred then they were negligent to foresee it afore it hapned By this meane the Venetians being eftsones made Lordes of the whole labored to appease the tumult and saue the Citie whereof the greatest parte by the insolencies of the others were ranged to their deuotion nothing receyuing spoyle or harme but certayne houses and stoare places of the Ievves whiche were afore declared enemies to the name of the Venetians This accident hapned the daye of S. Marina a daye solemnly celebrated at Venice by publike decree as a firste daye of their felicitie and beginning of the restoring of their common weale The brute of this victorie dyd muche to moue the whole countrey thereaboutes whiche had found imitation in Vincensa if Constantin de Macedonia had not entred with a very small strength But as there is no worldly thing more mightie then the course of fortune so by the felicitie of this conquest the Venetians became with a present diligence maisters of the whole countrey the commons of townes and popular multitudes ioyning fauor to the felicitie that folowed thē They recouered by this meane the towne and castelles of Leguagno a place of great conueniencie to trouble the countreys of Verona Padoa and Vincensa They made attempt also to take the tower Marquisano within eight miles of Padoa a passage of singular oportunity to dissresse the countrey of Mantua but by the reskewes which the Cardinall of Este sent their enterprise was defeated It was thought that the taking of Padoa did nothing stay the French king from returning beyond the Mountes and as he was vpon his discamping he made in the towne of Biagrasse newe conuentions with the Popes Legat by the which the Pope and the king bound eche other to a mutuall protection with libertie that either of them might contract with any other Prince so farre sorth as it was not preiudiciall to the present confederation The king promised not to holde in his protection nor to accept into the same hereafter any subiect homager or dependant eyther directly or indirectly of the Churche cancelling expresly all articles of protection vntill that daye A promise not muche agreable to the honour of so great a king for that a little before he had taken into his protection the Duke of Ferrara for a consideration of thirtie thousande duckets besides it was agreed that the Pope shoulde dispose by his discression the Bishoprikes that then were voyde in all the landes of the kings obedience but for suche as shoulde fall voyde within a certayne tyme they shoulde be at the nomination of the king for whose better satisfaction the Pope sent the Bulles of Cardinalshippe to the Bishop of Alby promising to indue him with the Hatte assone as he came to Rome Immediatly vppon the conclusion of this contract the king hasted out of Italie carrying with him into Fraunce no small glory for so great a victorie gotten with so swift a course vpon the Venetians And yet he caried home by this victorie neyther the more tranquillitie of mind nor greater assurance for his affayres A matter that often hapneth that in things obteined after they haue bene long desired men finde neither that contentment nor that pleasure which they imagined before yea men might discerne matter prepared to greater daungers and innouations together with a manifest incertentie of his minde by the deliberations he had to make by reason of those accidentes newely hapned for if thinges had good successe with the king of Romains his feare was farre greater of him then of the Venetians And if the greatnes of the Venetians beganne eftsones to be readressed he muste be constrayned to dwell in continuall suspitions and expences to keepe the things he had taken from them besides he must needes contribute to Maximilian bothe in men and money for that in abandoning him he was to feare least he would knitte with the Venetians agaynst him and withall least the king Catholike would not be of the faction and happly the Pope Besides meane aydes and succors would not suffice to interteine him in amitie with Caesar to whome he must minister so liberally as by them he might obteine the victorie agaynst the Venetians and on the other side if he sent him strong and hable succors besides that it coulde not but drawe with it intollerable expences and harmes yet he confirmed his owne daungers touching the greatnes of Caesar The king waighing thestate of these difficulties stoode in the beginning in doubt touching the mutation of Padoa whether he should holde it agreable or troublesome But conferring the suretie which the depriuation of the firme land frō the Venetians might bring to him with the perplexities and daungers which he feared to suffer by the greatnes of Caesar and with hope to obtayne of him by money in regarde of his necessities the citie of Verona which he desired muche as a place of singuler oportunitie to suppresse the mouinges on the side of Germanie he iudged it at last more to his profite and suretie to haue things remayne in that estate then for that there was great apparance of a long warre betweene Caesar and the Venetians both the one and other beeing made wearie by so continuall expenses would become more weake In this nature of opinion he stoode better confirmed when he had contracted with the Pope with whom he hoped to haue a confederation well assured and resolued And yet he left vppon the limittes of Verona Monsr de Palissa with seuen hundred launces to be disposed by Caesar no lesse for the preseruation of things gotten thē to obteine that which the Venetians stil possessed And because by the commaundement of Caesar they being conueyed into Vincensa the citie of Verona was assured which was in great daunger and suspicion for the small numbers of men of warre that were within it and by that meane the Venetian armie which lay encamped before the Citadell was retyred After the kings departure this good aduenture fell also to the Venetians Their horsmen which were within Leguagna made continuall incursions ouer the whole countrey euen to the gates of Verona doing many violences and harmes of warre agaynst whom the garrison of Verona could make no great resistance being but two hundred horsmen seuen hundred footmen by reason wherof the Bishop of Trent whom Caesar had appoynted gouernour ouer it determined to plant his campe there and for the better execution he called to thaction the Marquis of Mantua who expecting the preparations that were in hande laye incamped with those bandes
in Italie At Verona he receyued the othe of fidelitie in that citie Pe. Guicciardin father to the author of this booke with the other Florentin Embassadors couenanted with him in the name of the cōmon weale induced besides their owne respects by the perswasions of the French king to pay him in a short time xl thousande duckets for which promise they obteyned of him in most ample maner many priuileges for the confirmation aswell of the libertie of Florence as of the dominion and iurisdiction of the townes and estates which they helde together with remission and acquittance of all dueties and demaundes for times past Thus Caesar resting determined to returne into Germany to giue order as he sayde for the warres which he entended in the spring time sent for Monsr Chaumont to come and communicate with him of the present affayres he layed afore him by demonstration the perilles of the tyme and what daunger there were that the Venetians would recouer Citadella and Bassana places of greate importance which they prepared to assayle beeing made proude by the defence and successe of Padoa he feared the same opinion of their fortune would encorage them also to the like action agaynst Monselica Montagnana and Este the felicitie of victorie making men insolent and carying their mindes into enterprises aboue the proportion of their proper power and habilitie He alleaged howe necessarie it were to consider not onely of the protection of these places but also to enter into practise howe to recouer Leguague wherein being of himselfe not sufficient enough to leauie prouisions necessarie for suche effects it touched the king in good pollicie to minister ayde to him whose places were to fall into manyfest perill if the peces which he held were not supported To these demaunds Monsr Chaumont in whom was no power to make any certayne resolution gaue aunswere that he woulde see the king aduertised on whose behalfe he aduouched a minde conformable to his desires being all that apperteined to his place to promise well hauing no authoritie to assure After this conference Caesar went to Chiusa leauing the Marquis of Brandebourg for the garde of Verona And a little after Monsr de Palissa remayning with fiue hundred launces vpon the countrey of Verona alleaging the difficulties and incommodities of the place where he laye gate leaue with great importunities to retyre to the frontiers of the duchie of Millan for that the kings intention was that if his men of warre should remeine in garrison and do nothing they should not abide vpon his estate but should returne to the seruice of Maxymylian to exspect such enterprise as he would embrase but chiefly the action of Leguagua which notwithstanding it was much desired and solicited by him yet it was so long differred by his accustomed difficulties that the raines fell so fast by the propertie of the season that it was impossible to incampe in that contreye being for his lownes much subiect to waters for these impediments Caesar was driuen to desire truce for certaine moneths with the Venetians but they rising into courage by his disorders and seeing how slowly the confederats ministred to his ayde had more regard to the fortune that followed them then to the mocions he made iudging it not for their profite to consent to any ceassing of armes Amyd these suspicions and ielowsies of thinges thEmprour at last returned to Trente leauing those places that he held in great daunger and all the gouernments in Italy in generall dout for there began to appeare betwene the Pope the french king a new contencion the foundacion whereof albeit seemed to be layd vpon light occasions yet there was feare lest it was intangled with more secret practise causes of greater importance then such as were expressed The outward cause appearing was that a Bishoprik being void in Prouence by the death of thincumbent dying in the Court of Rome the Pope had disposed it against the wil of the frēch King who pretended such action to be contrary to the capitulacion which the Cardinal of Pauya had made betwene them wherein albeit the wordes bare not expresly that there should be equall respect and obseruacion touching the Bishoprikes falling in the Court of Rome as of such as fell vacant in other places yet he was assured no lesse by the mouth and promisse of the Cardinall which the Cardinall confessed not to be true more perhaps for feare then for other occasion The Pope affirmed the contrary alleaging that he tooke no knowledge of any thinge promised in priuitie and secret onely in the ratificacion he had regarde to that that appeared in the writing and particular articles wherein he had set downe distinctly all the contents of the capitulacion chapter by chapter And tharticle concerning the dying of the Byshops in the Court of Rome being not comprehended he was not bownde to thobseruation of that that was not expressed This did so much aggrauate the discontentement of them both that as the Kinge reiecting contrary to his custome the councells of the Cardinall Amboise who had alwayes aduised him to enterteyne agreement with the Pope made sequestracion of the frutes of all those benefices which the Churchmen resident in the Court of Rome held in the Duchie of Myllan So the Pope refused to indue the Bishop of Alby with the hat who according to the promisse made to the King was gone to Rome to receiue it And albeit the Pope ouerruled by the importunities of many friendes was brought in the ende to dispose of the Bishoprike of Prouence according to the Kinges minde And albeit there was eftsoones agreed betweene them a new forme of proceeding in benefices that hereafter shoulde fall in the Court of Rome and in that regarde the sequestracions to ceasse on the one side and on the other part the hat to be transferred to the Bishop of Alby yet these agreements sufficed not to moderat the minde of the Pope who was not a litle kindled for many reasons but specially for that hauing from the beginning of his Popedom transferred very vnwillingly the legacion of the Realme of Fraunce to the Cardinall of Amboise A matter hurtfull to the Court of Rome and bearing preiudice to his authoritie it was now most greeuous to him to be constrained to auoid displeasure with the french King to continue it to him he was ielous also that the same Cardinal aspired with all his thoughts meanes to the souereign seat therefore he stoode in feare dout of euery aduauncement and rising of the frenche These were the apparant causes of his discontentment but as farre as could be afterwards coniectured by his thoughts and disposicions he layed greater plots and aspired to farre greater endes desiring vehemently eyther for greedines of glorie or for some secret hatred against the french Kinge or atleast for the libertie of the Genovvais that the Kinge might lose all that he possessed in Italy iudging his greatnes a bridle to his
of their situacion they commaunde the citie were to put Verona in manifest daunger These castells were kept by the launceknights But in the other parte which is separat from this by the riuer is the olde castell looking towards Pesgara and hath his situacion almost in the middest of the citie going thorow the riuer with a bridge Not three bow shootings of drawing towards Vincensa standes the Citadell and betwene them both the walls of the citie ioyne without in forme of halfe a circle but within is a wall going from the one to the other which is in the middest of two great ditches the space betwene both the wals being called the subburbes of S. Zene which with the garde of the Citadell was appoynted for the lodging of the french Whilest armes were there as it were in rest Maxymylian solicited continually to make truce with the Venetians the Pope also interposing very diligently by the working of Achilles de Grassi Bishop of Pesero and his Nuncio And to this ende his Embassadors went to thospitall which is aboue Escalo to negociat with Iohn Coruaro and Lovvys Monseuigno Deputies for the Venetians But as all matters of state haue their proper difficulties and impediments so in this action the demaundes of Caesar were so excessiue that this conference tooke no effect to the great discontentment of the Pope who wished that the Venetians were deliuered of all trouble and with whom he had wrought so much to th ende there should be no matter of question to rēder to the Duke of Ferrara the towne of Comacho which they had burned before withall they had promised him to vexe no more thestate of the Duke of Ferrara to whom he gaue great fauor support both to make hi◠beholding to him for that he had obteyned and was to obteine by his meane and also he had hope that for these respects he would depend more vpon him then of the french king Against whom being in continual study to lay foundacions of right great importance he had secretly dispatched a Messenger to the king of England and begon to worke the Svvyzzers at that time inclining to some quarell with the french king To this action and for this reason came to him the Bishop of Ston whom the Latins call Sedunensis enemy to the french kinge and vnder that cooller pretending to be Cardinall and for that respect was receiued of him with great ioy About the ende of this yeare were accorded the king of Romains kinge Catholike betwene whom was some difference touching the gouernment of the Realmes of Castillo This controuersie was long debated in the Court of Fraunce albeit it suffered many great perplexities difficulties yet in the end it was guided to perfection by the meane vndiscreete councel of the Cardinal of Amboise who not considering how much this vnion was hurtful to the affaires of his king was caried perhaps by this ambicion that if by his working there might be stabilitie agreement betwene them it would be a degree to lift him to the Popedom being in this a daūgerous councellor to respect more his proper interests then the safetie of his contrey Such then was the power of his diligence and authoritie that he induced Maxymylian to consent that the king Catholike in case he had no yssue males shoulde be gouernor ouer those Realmes vntil their litle sonne Charles were come to the age of maioritie to whom should be no power to take vpon him the title of king during the life of his mother bearing the prerogatiue and iurisdiction of Queene for that in Castillo the issue males exclude not the general issue That the king Catholike should pay to Caesar fifty thowsand duckats that he should ayde him according to the treaty of Cambray vntil he had recouered all that apperteined to him And lastly to pay to Charles euery yeare forty thowsand duckats By this conuention the king of Aragon was confirmed gouernor ouer the Realme of Castillo standing nowe in state to haue faith credit with Caesar since both the controuersies were determined they both had equal interests touching their Nephew he might now more boldly looke into the meanes by the which he might hinder the greatnes of the frēch king which he held alwaies suspected for the regard of the kingdom of Naples About this time also the Pope entred into suspicion that the pronotary Bentyuolo remeining at Cremona labored secretly to returne into Bolognia against which accident he caused to be reteined in the pallaice of Bolognia for certaine daies Iulian de medicis And attributing all things to the ill disposicion of the french king he made knowne the feare he had that he would passe into Italy to subdue it make Pope by violence the Cardinal of Amboise And yet at the same time he spake without any regard in derogacion of the honor of Caesar as of a person incapable of such a dignitie by his incapacity had brought the name of the Empire into great contempt About the ende of this yere died the Count Petillano general ouer the Venetian armies a man for his age and graue experience in actions of warre of great name worthines with the Venetians of that credit and trust that they neuer feared he would put their state in daunger by rashnes or want of councell The yeare after which was 1510. the same dowts suspicions continuing warrs began to stirre on all parts but coldly according to the season for the Venetian army lying encamped at S. Boniface vpon the contrey of Verona helde Verona as it were beseged from whence Charles Baillon Federyk de Bossole Sacromoro Viscounte comming to their succors were charged by the stradiots who ouerthrew them taking prisoners Charles Sacromoro Federyk foūd sauety in the reskew of the french which issued out of Verona for their succors An other time they brake an other bād of frēch horsemen amongest whom Monsr de Clesy was taken prisoner on the other side fortune can both smile laugh two hundred frēch launces yssuing out of Verona with three thowsand footemen forced by assalt a bastillion towards Soaue which was garded by a band of six hundred footemen in their returne they ouerthrew a great multitude of paisantes But whilest the warre was occupied with these cold proceedings the minds of Princes were in great paine and care but specially Caesar had his perplexities who douting howe he might cary the victorie of the warre against the Venetians posting ouer according to his custome his affaires from one diet to an other had caused to be published the dyet at Auspurge and being kindled against the Pope for that the Electors of thEmpire pushed on by his authoritie made instance to negociate in the dyet rather for peace with the Venetians then for prouisions for the warre he had caused to departe from Auspurge the Bishop of Pesero his Nuncio he considered also that the deliberacions
of dyets were vncertaine tedious and full of difficulties the ende of one breeding the beginning of an other he sawe withall that the french king excused him selfe daily of the demaundes and enterprises that were tendred to him some times alleaging the sharpnes of the season sometimes requiring assignacion certain of the exspēces which were to be made eftsones protesting that by the traity of Cambray he was not bownd to ayde him alone but ioyntly with the Pope king of Aragon with whom it was reasonable that the proceedings were mutuall and common as the confederacion and bond were ioynt generall for these reasons he entred into resolucion that there was no remedie more readye for his affaires then to induce the french king to embrase thenterprise to take Padoa Vincensa and Treuisa employing his owne forces and taking sufficient recompense This demaund was wel liked by many of the kings councel who considering that till the Venetians were wholly chassed out of the firme lande the Kinge should dwell in continual exspenses and daungers perswaded his Maiestie vpon those reasons to deliuer him selfe of them at one blow and in one action making but one exspensse The Kinges minde was not altogether estraunged from this councell being caried happly with the same reasons and therefore albeit he inclined to passe in person into Italy with a mighty armie which he called mighty and puissant as often as he had in the same more then a thowsand six hundred launces with his gentlemen pensioners yet harkening to other councels by the cōsideracion of other reasons he stood suspended in mind expressing a confusion more then he was wont for that the Cardinal Amboise A man of great authoritie and stomacke afflicted with a long greeuous maladie forbare to manage his affaires which were wont to be dispatched wholy by his direction The king besides that of his natural disposicion he loued not much matters of exspenses was reteined also by a desire he had to Verona for thaccomplishing wherof it seemed to him a good meane to haue the king of Romains intangled with continual warres for which regard he had newly lent to him eighteene thowsand duckats to pay the launceknightes that lay in garrison in the citie and was bound to make it vp a further summe of fifty thowsand with cōdicion that he should not onely hold the Citadell for his securitie and pawne but also the old castel should be set ouer to him together with the next gate of the towne the better to haue free entrey and yssue And lastly for want of restoring the money within one yeare the towne of Valeggo should remeine to him in perpetuall gouernment with power to fortefie aswell the towne as the Citadell at the charges of Caesar These consideracions drewe the Kinges minde into no small perplexities but muche more was he troubled with feare least the Popes intencions would wholly varie and alter if he should either leade or sende into Italy a newe armie for the Pope no lesse full of suspicion then also ill contented that he should impatronise vpon Verona besides that he still kept a will enterteyned to absolute the Venetians did also all that he could to ioyne him selfe with the Svvyzzers for confirmacion of which disposicion he had sent backe agayne into that contrey the Bishop of Syon with money to distribute amongest them and promisse to indue him selfe with the holy cappe he sought also with all his diligence by what meanes he might estraunge the Kinge of England from the amitie of the frenche Kinge whome albeit his father at the instant of death had aduised for his securitie and benefite to continue in assured league with him and for that respect was yearely payed to him fiftie thowsand duckats yet being caried ouer with hotte humors of youthe and the great habilitie of treasor that his father had left him it seemed he had no lesse in consideracion the councells of those who for the desire of newe thinges ioyned to an auncient hatred which the English doe ordinarily beare to the french nation made perswasions to him for the warre then the wisedome and discreete example of his father who refusing all contencions with the frenche had gouerned his kingdome in great obedience and tranquilletie notwithstanding he had aspyred to a state newe and full of troubles All these consideracions vexing not a litle the minde of the frenche Kinge who the better to deuise for the affayres of Italy was nowe gone to Lyon he feared least his marching into Italy which the Pope detested openly would stirre vp some new innouacions by his meanes besides he sawe that the Kinge of Aragon disswaded him from it but vnder demonstracions of a friende and an indifferent louer of the common tranquillitie In so much as amyd those multitudes of dowtes which trauelled him on all partes he sawe no more certeine nor present councell then with great labor and diligence to studie so to appease the minde of the Pope that at the least he might stande assured that he were not his enemie and against him Wherein it seemed that occasion fauored him greatly for that it was beleeued that by the death of the Cardinall Amboise who was extremely sicke he shoulde be eased of those suspicions from whence it was supposed his ill contentments did principally proceede And for that the King was aduertised by good intelligence that the Cardinall of Auchx Nephewe to the Cardinall Amboise with others that managed his affayres in the Court of Rome had with great rashnes both in deede and wordes labored more to quicken and kindle then to appease and mollefie the Popes minde he woulde no more vse their seruice in those actions but sent to Rome in poste the Lorde Albert Pie Count de Carpy A personage in whome was indifferent the greatnes of his minde and expedicion of his witte he caried very large commissions not onely to offer to the Pope the Kinges forces and authoritie to serue his turne in all accidents and vpon all occasions but also in inclining as much as he could to his wil and nature he was to communicat with him frankely and simply the state of all thinges that were practised together with the requests that Caesar made to him and finally to referre to his arbitracion and wil whether he should passe into Italy or not and whether he should minister to thEmprour speedely or slowly he had also in charge to disswade the absolucion of the Venetians but before he ariued it was resolued and promised by the Pope the Venetians after long dispute and abode of their Embassadors there consenting at last to the condicions whereupon the difficulties stoode not finding any other remedie for their sauetie then to beioyned with him The condicions for the which thabsolucion was to be giuen were opēly published in the cōsistorie the xxiiij of February in presence of the Venetian Embassadors who confirmed them by writing according to thauthentike direction from their common weale These
any longer the excuses which his Capteines made vpon the season of the yeare with other difficulties he assembled them al together at Bolognia and told them he would march to incampe affore Ferrara A resolucion which was allowed onely by thEmbassadors of Venice either not to offende him in gainesaying his deuises or that by that occasion their souldiours should returne more neare their frontyers it was blamed of all the residue of Capteines and nations in the armie but in vaine for that he did not consult but commaund his authoritie making him tractable to nothing that was not conformable to his liking and will it was then determined that the armie should march to Ferrara but with this conduction that to let the french for succoring it they should attempt to take Mirandola if the difficulties were not greater then the aduenture This citie together with the towne of Concorda inherited by the sonnes of the Count Lod. Picqua and by Frauncisse their mother Tutor was kept vnder the deuocion of the french king following the authority of Ioh. Ia. Triuulco naturall father to Fraunciss by whose meane his Nephewes obteined thinuestiture of Caesar The Pope had receiued them long time before into his protection as appeared by writing but now he excused him that by the condicions of the present times he was constrained so to deale that those townes shoulde not be holden by persons suspected offering if they woulde willingly put them into his handes to redeliuer them immediatly after the conquest of Ferrara from that time it was douted the dout increased much more afterwards that the Cardinall of Pauya who was already suspected to interteine secret intelligence with the french kinge was artificially the Author of this councell Wherein he ment by thenterprise of Mirandola to hinder the beseeging of Ferrara the which citie at that time was neither well fortefied nor sufficiently manned besides the frenche men were made weary aswell in bodye as mind by their paynes and trauells passed the Duke in great weakenes and the kinge altered to make any more prouisions there Whilest the Pope with so great care and diligence managed thexpedicion of the warre the french king who was more inclined to practises then to armes recontinued with the Bishop of Gurce the negociacion of things which had bene begon And they carying in the beginning a shew of great facilitie proceeded now with greater delayes both for the slownes of the aunswers of Caesar and also for the dout that was conceiued of the king of Aragon Caesar and the frenche â—nge iudged it necessary to make him asserteyned of their intencion aswell in regard of the continuacion of the league of Cambray as for thaction that was to be done with the Pope if he still perseuered in the amitie of the Venetians and rested possessed of his auncient ambicion couetousnes to get immediatly to the Church the territories of Ferrara The cause of this dout against the kinge of Ferrara was that besides his other actions he had newly called home to the kingdom of Naples his regiments that were within Verona expressing this cooller that towards Ottranto the nauie of the Turke was discouered comming with a mind preiudiciall to him and his Realme The king Catholike after certeine dayes aunswered to the demaundes of Caesar and the french king taking in the same tyme occasion to purge him selfe of many thinges wherein Caesar and the french king complained against him That he had sent the bande of three hundred launces to the Pope according to the obligacion of thinuestiture respecting onely the defense of the state of the Church and to recouer the thinges that were thauncient demaynes of the same That he had called backe his men at armes from Verona for that the tearme was expired for the which he had promised them to Caesar and yet he woulde not haue reuoked them had not the feare of the Turke bene greater then other occasion That at Bolognia his Embassador interposed with others to worke the peace with Monsr Chaumont not to giue time to the succors of the Pope but to quench and put out so great a fire in Christendom knowing withal that to interteine warre with the Church was grieuous to the kinge That he continued still in one setled purpose to accoÌ„plish all that had bene promised in the league of Cambray and that he would doe more hereafter ayding Caesar against the Venetians with fiue hundred launces and two thowsand footemen That this was not his intencion to bind him selfe to new bands nor to be restrained to new capitulacions both for that he saw no vrgent occasion and also desiring to keepe him selfe free the better to make warre vpon the Infidels of Affrika he would not increase the daungers and calamities of Christendom which had neede of tranquillitie and rest That he liked well of the councell and reformacion of the Church if it were vniuersal that times did not repugne against it of which disposicion he asked no better a witnes then the french king in the speeches they had together at Sauonna but now the state of tymes were much contrary seeing that as peace and concord betwene Christians were the foundacions of councells and that there could be nothing agreed vpon to the vniuersall benefit without the vnion and consent of wills so it could not but be vnworthy to being the councell at such a tyme and in such sort that it might seeme to take beginning more by disdaine desire of reuenge then for the honor of God or zeale to the estate of the Christian common weale he sayde lastly but a parte to thEmbassadors of Caesar that it seemed somewhat intollerable that he should ayde him to preserue keepe his townes since he disposed them afterwards to the french king for money meaning expresly Verona Thus the intencion of the kinge Catholike being knowne by this aunswer the Bishop of Gurce on the one part in the name of Caesar and the frenchking on the other part in person delayed no longer to make a newe confederacion reseruing place to the Pope to enter into it within two monethes next and to the king Catholike and the king of Hungria within foure And for a necessary foundacion of the couenants that were made the kinge bownde him selfe to pay to Caesar an hundred thowsand duckats part in hande and the residue at tymes limited Caesar promised to passe into Italy in the springe with three thowsand horsemen and ten thowsand footemen against the Venetians In which action the king was bownd to send him at his proper charges two hundred launces and eyght thowsand footemen with sufficient prouision of artilleries And to rigge out by sea two light gallies foure bastard gallies That they should obserue the league made at Cambray and in both their names require obseruacion of the Pope and kinge Catholike Whereunto if the Pope were heard to beinduced for the regarde of Ferrara that the king should be bownd to hold him selfe contented
with that that should be reasonable But if the Pope would proue obstinat refuse to consent to their request that then they should prosecute the councel And for that cause Caesar should assemble the Prelats of Germany as the french king had done the Clergy of Fraunce to th ende to proceede further as they should after be aduised Assoone as these capitulacions were published the Bishop of Gurce receiuing many honors rich gratificacions of the king returned to his Prince And the kinge with whome the fiue Cardinalls that were parties to the calling of a councell had presently contracted that neyther he without them nor they without his consent shoulde capitulat any thing with the Pope expressed with vehement demonstracion in wordes the forward desire he had to discende into Italy in person leading such a power as shoulde be able for longe tyme afterwards to assure his affayres And to th ende that affore his marching they fell into no aduersitie or declinacion he sent to Chaumont to minister speedy succours to the Duke of Ferrara and at the same instant he added eight hundred launceknightes to the companie of two hundred launces which he had asfore sent to the Duke vnder the leading of the Lord of Chastillon On the other side the Popes armie after they had made with great delayes necessary prouisions and left Mar. Anth. Colonno for the gard of Modona with an hundred men at armes foure hundred light horsemen and two thowsand fiue hundred footemen went and incamped before Concorda which they forced the same day thartillery was planted And taking immediatly afterwards the castell by composicion they approched neare to Mirandola it drew now towards the ende of September happly the season of that yeare was much more sharpe then ordinarily it had wont to be In which respects and that the towne was strong being also beleued that the french would not leaue a place so conuenient the Capteines began to distrust of the victorie not hauing regard to the felicity of the Pope which made all things fal out well to him but iudged according to experience and pollicie which in matters of enterprise ought principally to guide men of warre Neuertheles the Pope promising to him selfe so assuredly the victorie of the whole warre that sending Cardinall Sinagale a new Legat into th armie for the discord that was betwene the Duke of Vrbyn and the Cardinall of Pauya he charged him in the presence of many that aboue all thinges when the armie should enter into Ferrara they should looke to the keeping of that citie The fourth day after the armie approached neare Mirandola the artillerie began to execute notwithstanding with no lesse trauell then discommoditie aswel for regard of the present season as for want of vittels which came very sparingly from Modona The reason of this restraint of vittells grew by thimpediments that the frenche gaue who hauing bestowed fifty launces within Guastallo as many within Corregia and two hundred and fifty in Carpy and hauing withall cast downe al the bridges occupied all the passages by the which reliefe might come from Mātua they kept the armie no lesse distressed with want of foode then the hardnes of the season hindred their other actions But as necessity is mighty to make men resolute so their extremitie stirred them vppe to a deuise that diminished their skarceties for that deliuering out a false brute that th armie would come and assayle Carpy such as were within being fearefull for that they were not furnished with artillerie did presently dislodge from thence leauing the place abandoned nor by compulsion but by feare About the ende of this yeare there fell vpon the person of the Pope some imputacion and infamie as though it was conspired by his priuitie and consenting that by the meane of Cardinall de Medicis there was practise with Marke Anth. Colonno and certeine younge gentlemen of Florence to kill Pe. Soderin Gonfalonier by whose working it was supposed that the Florentyns followed the french faction This suspicion was aggrauated by this coniecture that the Pope notwithstanding he labored by all his meanes and authoritie to winne that common weale yet he was neuer able to bring that to passe by practise by pollicie nor by compulsion which they refused for want of affection opinion and liking Besides a litle before at the french kings request and to the Popes discontentment they were broken of from the truce with the people of Syenna although they had refused to moue armes vntill six monethes after A thing which the king desired to hold the people in seare And lastly they had sent to the king two hundred men at armes for the gard of the Duchy of Myllan A matter demaunded by the king by vertue of their confederacion not so much for thimportance and necessitie of such a succor as for desire to make them enemies with the Pope In this estate of affayres did ende the yeare a thowsand fiue hundred and ten But the beginning of the new yeare was made notable by a matter not exspected according to the time present nor neuer read of in anye the actions or examples of ages past The Pope was ielous that there was not vsed that diligence in the seruice of Mirandola that was eyther necessary to such an enterprise or able to satisfie his desire wherein taking occasion of their slowe proceedings he interpreted to the ignorance and infidelitie of his Capteines but chiefly to his Nephewe that which reasonably proceeded of many difficulties for these respects together with his ambicion which helde him altogether subiected he determined to goe thether and aduaunce thinges by his presence preferring thimportunitie and violence of his minde affore all other regardes he considered not howe daungerous and vnworthye it was for the maiestie of suche a degree that a Pope of Rome shoulde in person leade armies against townes of Christians And much lesse was he carefull of the opinion and iudgement that the worlde woulde make of him to giue an apparant cooller and almost a manifest iustificacion to those factions as were in practise to call a councell and stirre vppe Princes agaynst him making their suggestion that his gouernment was hurtfull to the Churche and his vices infamous and incorrigible Suche speeches ranne thorow the Court suche coniectures were made some marueled at his furye some blamed his intemperance some feared the thinge they durst not vtter And euery one comparing his actions with the importance of his place and calling ▪ accused his indiscrecion wherein the Venetian Embassadors were no lesse forward then the residue The Cardinalls besought him with great instance his fauorits made reasons to perswade but durst not displease him And his whole Court obiected against the vnworthines of the iorney but his obstinat resolucion made vaine all their labours and deuises his singuler passion was inuincible against all reason in which disposicion he parted from Bolognia the second of Ianuarie accompanied with three Cardinalls
estats patrimonial to debate in what maner in what place the coūcel should be celebrated But as he was of natural cōdition variable inconstant an enuior of the greatnes name of the French so making no lesse vayne his proper promises then thexspectation that others had of him he declined afterwardes to inconstancie and listned to the perswasions of the king of Aragon who considering that what by the vnitie of Caesar with the French king and the embasing of the Venetians by their common armies and withall the ruine of the Pope by meane of the Councell the French might rise into a greatnes too ielouse and suspected laboured to perswade him that an vniuersall peace woulde fall out better for his purposes so farreforth as by it he obteined eyther the whole or the greatest part of those peeces whiche the Venetians vsurped vpon him he aduised him to sende to this effect some notable personage to Mantia with full power and labouring to induce the Frenche king to do the like he promised that he would also sende thither by which examples he alleaged that the Pope could not refuse to ioyne in the action lastly that he would not go agaynst the will of so many great Princes he tolde him that vpon the resolution of the Pope depended all the deliberations of the Venetians in whom was a necessitie to followe his authoritie as not beeing hable to stande alone for which reasons it was to be hoped that Caesar without difficultie without armes and without increasing the reputation and might of the Frenche king should to his perpetuall prayse reobtayne his estate together with an vniuersall peace And be it that it brought not foorth that successe which reasonably may be expected yet he should not be depriued of meanes to moue the warre at the time appoynted and with the same commodities and hopes But beeing cheefe of all Christian princes and protector of the church his iustifications would be the more augmented as also by suche a Councell would come the exaltation of his glorie for that it woulde appeare to euery one that as he principally had sought and desyred the peace and vnitie of Christians so by the obstinacie and wicked counsels of others he was constrayned to make warre These reasons no lesse by the grauitie of matter they expressed then by thauthoritie of the personage from whom they came were right acceptable to Caesar who at the same instant addressed letters to the Pope and to the French king To the Pope that he had determined to sende the Bishop of Gurce into Italie for that as apperteined to a Prince religious being protector of the church and chiefe aboue Princes Christian he was resolued in all that he might to procure the tranquillitie of the sea Apostolike and the vniuersall peace of Christendome sommoning him bearing thoffice of the high vicare of Christ to ioyne and procede with him in the same intention and to do that which belonged to the place name of Pope to th ende he were not constrayned to haue recourse to other remedies to establishe the peace of Christendome That he did not allowe the practise that was made to depriue the Cardinalls that were absent ▪ of their holy dignitie for that being absent not to any euill ende nor for hatred they bare to him neither could they deserue so great a payne neither was the authoritie of the Pope onely hable to impose it vpon them He tolde him besides that it was a matter very vnworthy and vnprofitable in so great troubles to make creation of newe Cardinalls since he was specially forbidden by the capitulations which the Cardinalls made with him when he was elected Pope He desired him to reserue that office tyll times of better tranquillitie when he should either haue no necessitie or no cause to preferre to so great dignities none but persons well allowed of for their discression their doctrine and good life To the French king he wrote that according to his vertuous disposition alwayes inclined to embrace a good and assured peace he was resolued to sende to Mantua the Bishop of Gurce to solicite a peace vniuersall wherevnto he beleeued with reasons and fundations not light nor vayne that the Pope whose authoritie the Venetians were constrayned to followe would readily incline the Embassadors of the king of Aragon concurring in thaction and promising the like on the behalfe of their king Therfore he desired him to send thither likewise his Embassadors with full power and in the generall assembly the Bishop of Gurce should beseech the Pope to do the like wherevnto if he made refusall the Bishop should denounce the councell in the names of them all hauing also giuen order that to make their procedings more iustifiable and to put ende to all controuersies the Bishop of Gurce shoulde indifferently vnderstande the reasons of euery one onely in all accidentes that he should holde this for certayne neuer to make any agreement with the Venetians if at the same time were not resolued the controuersies which he had with the Pope This solicitation pleased well the Pope not for any desire he had to peace and concorde but for that he perswaded him selfe to be hable to dispose the Senate of Venice to compounde with Caesar and so deliuering him from necessitie to remayne vnited with the French king he supposed to seperate him from him and the same easily to be made a cause of confederation of many Princes agaynst him But the Frenche king stoode not a little discontented with these resolutions bothe newe and vnexspected for that nothing hoping that an vniuersall peace would proceede of them he iudged that the least euill that might happen would be a protracting and delaying of th execution of those things which he had agreed with Caesar he feared also that the Pope promising to helpe Caesar to reconquer the Duchie of Millan and to indue the Bishop of Gurce with the dignitie of Cardinall and other graces ecclesiastike would separate him from him or at least beeing the worker of the composition with the Venetians to the aduauntage of Caesar he might be put into necessitie to accept the peace with conditions dishonest wherein one thing also that encreased his suspicion was that Caesar was newely confedered with the Svvizzers notwithstanding for defence only Besides he occupied in himselfe this perswasion that the king Catholike had bene the author of this newe counsell of whose intention he doubted muche for many reasons for he was not ignorant that his Embassador resident with Caesar made open trauell and solicitation to establish an accorde betwene Caesar and the Venetians he beleeued that he gaue secrete encouragement to the Pope in whose armie his companies and bandes of souldiours had remayned a longer time then he was bound vnto by the capitulations made touching thinuestiture of the kingdome of Naples he was not ignorant that to giue impediment to his actions he obiected him selfe manifestly agaynst the conuocation of the
trayne of nobilitie all their bands and followers beeing sumptuously apparelled The Embassador of Venice resident with the Pope came to meete him at the gate of the towne making signes of very great submission But he with a wonderfull pride and arrogancie both in his gestures and wordes shewed him selfe not a little discontented that he that represented the ennemies of Caesar coulde not so muche brydle his impudencie and boldnesse as to forbeare to come in his presence With this pompe he went vp to the publike Consistorie where the person of the Pope attended hym with all the Cardinalls There he expressed in short speeche but with very hawty and proude wordes that as Caesar had sent him into Italie in a desire to obteyne that that apperteined to him more by the waye of peace then by the rigour of warre so neuerthelesse there was no place or possibilitie for peace if the Venetians made not franke restitution of those things that belonged to him in any sort soeuer After he had declared thus much in publike audience he deliuered no lesse in priuat to the Pope nothing abating his hawtines and the day following he accompanied these seuere beginnings with actions no lesse proude arrogant for the Pope hauing by his consent appointed three Cardinals to negociat with him the cardinall S. George Cardinall Regina and Cardinall de Medicis who attended him at the houre assigned to meete together he sent three of his gentlemen to negociat with them excusing him selfe to haue other busines holding it in deede a matter of great indignitie to debate with any other then the Pope This indignitie with many others the Pope swallowed sweetely thincredible hatred which he bare to the French surmounting the disposition of his nature But in the accorde betwene Caesar and the Venetians which began first to be drawne into disputation there were many difficulties for albeit the Cardinall of Gurce who in the beginning had demaunded all the townes consented in the ende that Padoa and Treuisa should remayne to them with all their partes and appurtenances yet he stucke to haue them giue to Caesar in recompence a very great quantitie of money and that they should holde them of him in chiefe and resigne to him the rightes of the other townes Matters which coulde neuer be agreed vnto by the Senate of Venice wherein it was vniuersally concluded that it was better for their common weale hauing already so fortified Padoa and Treuisa that they feared not to loose them to preserue and keepe their money for that yf euer that tempest passed ouer there might fall out some occasion to recouer easily all the residue of their dominion On the other side the Pope nourished an importunate desire to haue them agreed with Caesar hoping to make that an occasion to estraunge him from the Frenche king in which regarde he pressed them partly by requestes and partly by threates to accept the conditions that were offred them But his authoritie was no more so great with them not so much for that they were not ignoraunt from whence proceeded so great a desire as for that they knewe that their association and companie was so necessarie to him if he were not reconciled with the French king that they made assured reckonings that he would neuer abandon them Neuerthelesse after the trauell of many dayes and muche disputation made the Bishop of Gurce abating somewhat of the harde conditions which he offred and the Venetians yeelding more to the vehement instance of the Pope then they had determined and withal thembassadors of the king of Aragon interposing in the action it seemed they came at laste to accorde the Venetians the better to retayne Padoa and Treuisa by the consent of Caesar paying huge summes of money but referred to long tearmes There rested onely a meane to reconcile the Pope and the Frenche king betweene whome appeared no other difference then for the quarrells of the Duke of Ferrara and to resolue them with the residue of the controuersies for without that Caesar was determined to establishe nothing the Bishop of Gurce went to speake with the Pope to whome he went but seldome beeing perswaded by the hopes whiche the Cardinall of Pauia and the Catholike kinges Embassadors had put him in that it woulde be a matter of very easie action And on the other side he knewe that the Frenche king hauing lesse regarde to dignitie then to tranquillitie was disposed to consent to many thinges which bare but little preiudice to the Duke of Ferrara But the Pope on the contrarie cutting him off at the first began to exhort him that agreeing with the Venetians he shoulde leaue at libertie the matters of Ferrara seeming to be sorie that Caesar knewe not thoccasion that offred to be reuenged with the forces and money of an other of so many great iniuries done agaynst him by the French and withall that he carried to be required in a matter wherein reasonably he should beseech others with great instance To whiche things when the Bishop of Gurce had replyed with many reasons seeing he was not hable to turne him from his opinion he tolde him he would depart without giuing other perfection to the peace with the Venetians And at the instant hauing according to the custome kissed his feete he departed the same day beeing the xv after his arriuall at Bolognia to Modona the Pope sending after him in vayne to call him agayne assoone as he was departed the Citie from Modena he tooke his way towards Millan complayning of the Pope for many things but specially for that whilest by his comming into Italie there was almost a general surceassing frō armes the Pope had sent secretly the Bishop of Vintemille sonne to the late Cardinall Fregosa to trouble the state of Genes neuerthelesse the Frenche men sette such good espiall of his iorney that they tooke him in the contrey of Mountferat all disguised and vnknowen as he was and from thence carried him to Millan where he made manifest detection of the cause of his going and the whole enterprise his present perill driuing him to seeke his safetie more by disclosing then by excusing When the Bishop of Gurce departed from Bolognia he required the Embassadors of Aragon seeming not a little discontented with the Popes obstinacie to see returned to the realme of Naples the three hundred Spanish launces whervnto they condiscended readily A matter which made men to maruell the more for that at the same time that the generall councell was in negociation with exspectation that the armies of Fraunce Germanie accompanied with the presence of their Princes should be most mightie in Italie the Pope besides the yllwill of the French king seperated Caesar frō him stoode depriued of the succors of the king Catholike Some doubted that in this action as almost in al others the counsels of the king of Aragon were different from his demonstrations and that his Embassadors had practised one thing in publike and an
other thing in secret with the Pope for that hauing prouoked the French king by new offences and in the same giuen a new memorie to auncient wrongs it seemed he ought to feare least the peace with all others came not to be the cause of great perills agaynst him the Venetians remayning weakned of estate of money and of reputation and Caesar no more mightie in Italie and more variable and prodigall then euer Others that discoursed more suttelly and deepely of things made this interpretation that notwithstanding al protestations that the king Catholike made to abandon the Pope yea though he reuoked his bandes yet the Pope dwelt firmely in this confidence that he would alwayes support and defende him in his greatest necessities considering that the embasing of him could not but be preiudiciall to the king Within foure dayes after the departing of the Bishop of Gurce the Pope sent after him the Scottish Embassador to debate of the peace with the french king wherin theffect was no lesse frustrate then the deuise and hope of the Pope were vayne And as by his departing the hopes of the peace were left troubled and lesse exspectation of agreement in so great a discorde of willes so by his going away also did ceasse the causes that had so long lingred Iohn Iacques Triuulce who thirsted in an honest ambition to do something worthy his vertue and auncient glory and by the which he might induce the king to knowe howe hurtfull it is to recommende the gouernment of warres a matter aboue all other humaine actions moste paynefull and harde and most requiring discression and experience not to captaynes hable and trayned but to young men vnexperienced and of whose vertue there is none other thing to giue testimonie then fauour and countenance Therfore continuing in his first resolutions notwithstanding the foote bandes of the Grisons were not yet arriued for the generall of Normandy vpon whome depended thexpeditions had deferred to sende men to leauie them both hoping that the peace woulde go forwarde and also seeking to auoyde expences to the king he brought the campe affore Concorda in the beginning of May conteining a thousande two hundred launces and seuen thousande footmen he tooke it the same day he presented his campe affore it wherein the securitie of the townesmen helped no lesse then his owne vallour for that being made feareful with the first execution of thartillerie whilest they sent Embassadors to make their composition with him the footemen of his armie entred the towne and sacked it the townes men beeing negligent in their garde by the hope they had in their Embassadors that were sent out to capitulat for their safeties After the taking of Concorda to th ende to giue no occasion to suche as enuyed him to charge him with partialitie as respecting more his proper profite then the kings seruice he left Mirandola behinde him and drewe towards Bonport a village vpon the ryuer of Panaro to approche so neare thenemie as eyther to constrayne them to dislodge or to fight out of their strength and by the same meane to cut off their vittels and prouisions As he was entred into the countrey of Modena and lodged in the village of Cauesse he sent Gaston de Foix with three hundred footmen and fiue hundred horsmen to do an enterprise vpon Iohn Paule Manfron that lay at Massa neare to Finale with three hundred light horsemen of the Venetians who hearing of their comming put himselfe in battayle aray vpon a bridge but the vallour of hys souldiours not answering his vertue and corage he was made prisoner being abandoned both of his fortune and fayth of his people After this th armie drawing neare to Bonport Tryuulce had an intencion to cast a bridge there where the channel which is drawne from aboue Modena out of the riuer of Panaro entreth into the riuer But thennemie to giue impediment to his passage ouer the riuer was already incamped in a place so neare that they distressed him with their artilleries wherwith Capteine Perault a Spanyard commaunder within the Church armie was killed as he walked along the rising of the riuer In that place the banke is very high by which help as it was easie to thennemie to distresse him so Tryuulce meeting with these impediments by a new councell cast his bridge somewhat higher A myle onely aboue the channel And hauing passed the channell he drewe towards Modena marching along the rising of Panaro and seeking out a place where he might more easily cast his bridge But because he saw alwayes affore him bands of horsemen and footemen of his enemies who were incamped neare to Frankcastell vpon the way of Romagna but their lodgings all enuironed with bankes and waters he came by the same way to the bridge of Fossalto two myles neare to Modona and there turning on the left hand towards the mounteine he passed without impediment the foard of Panaro which in that place hath his channell very large and without bankes from thence he encamped in a place called the beache of Panaro three myles from the armie Ecclesiastike The day after he drew towards Plumacce being refurnished with vittells from them of Modona by the consent of Vitfruch And likewise the same day the armie Ecclesiastike which durst not present them selues in plaine field supposing it very necessary to draw neare to Bolognia the better to preuent all mutinies and stirres in that citie the rather for that the famulie of the Bentyuoleis followed the french armie went and incamped at the bridge of Casalecquo three miles aboue Bolognia A place very strong and sure hauing his situacion betwene the riuer of Rene and the channel And by the commoditie of the mounteine at his backe it defendes Bolognia from all priuacion of the releeffe of the channell which comming from the riuer passeth into that citie This is that place wherein in the dayes of our Auncestors Ioh. Galeas Viscounte the mighty Duke of Myllan obteyned a most great victorie against the Florentyns the Bolognians and other states confedered his numbers farre exceeding the ennemies The day following Frankcastell was rendred to Tryuulce who after he had remeyned three dayes in the lodging of Plumacce both for thimpediment of the raines that fell and also to reuittell his people being then in great necessitie he came to incampe vpon the high way betwene Samoggia and Frankcastell where he stoode in great dout what he were best to doe for many difficulties that appeared to him in all deliberacions for he knew well enough that it would be to no purpose to execute any thing against Bolognia if the people made no tumult within And if he shoulde draw neare to it vnder hope of popular emotions he feared he should be compelled to retyre as Chaumont did not without diminucion of his reputacion And he knew that it would be a matter of greater perill and indiscression to go â—ight with thennemies encamped in places of strength and of aduauntage
Bolognia hapned through his fault by which occasion followed the fleeing of the armie followed him with a small traine And thrusting in amongest his gard of horsemen who for reuerence sake made him place he slew the Cardinall with his owne handes he might happly seeme worthy for the degree he held vpon whom violent handes should not be layed but touching his infinit vices he deserued most cruell punishment his faultes being farre greater then the opinion that went on them his vertues farre lesse then were conuenient for such a prosession Assoone as the report of his death was brought to the Pope he began to lamēt with miserable cryes and complaynings being not a litle moued for the losse of a Cardinall so deare to him but much more touched that such a holy dignitie fell into violacion almost euen affore his eyes by the handes of his owne Nephew with an example not vsed A matter so much the more greeuous to him by how much he made profession to preserue exalt the authoritie Ecclesiastike These sorowes he was not able to beare and much lesse to temper his furie in which respect as also with the presence of the place to pretermit the memorie of the fact he departed the same day from Rauenna to returne to Rome And to th ende that at one time he were enuyroned on all partes with infinit calamities he was no sooner arriued at Rymyny then he had aduertisement that within Modena within Bolognia and in many other cities there were fixed and set vp many placards in publike places by the which was denownced to him the conuocacion of the councell with citacion to go thether in person For as the Bishop of Gurcy after he was gon from Modena had trauelled certeine dayes by easie iorneies exspecting the aūswer of the Skottish Embassador who went from him to Bolognia for affayres which the Pope him selfe had propownded so he being eftsoones returned with aunswers very vncerteine the Bishop of Gurcy dispatched immediatly to Myllan in the name of Caesar three Proctors who ioyning with the Cardinalls and with the Proctors of the french king published the councell to be celebrated the first daye of September next in the citie of Pysa The Cardinalls made choyse of Pysa as a place no lesse conuenient for the oportunitie of the sea for those that were there to assemble then of speciall sewertie for the confidence the french king had in the Florentyns And withall for that many other places which though they might haue bene capable of such an assembly yet they were eyther inconuenient or suspected or atleast the Pope might refuse them with iust cooller There had bene no conueniencie to assemble it in Fraunce or in other place of the kinges obedience and Constance one of the free townes of Germany recommended by Caesar seemed for this action to beare no indifferencie notwithstanding it had bene made notable by that worthy councell wherein three Popes were deposed and the schisme confounded that had continued for fortye yeares in the Churche And in Thurin was more matter of suspicion to both partyes for the neighbourhood of the Svvyzzers and the estates of Fraunce Bolognia affore it was out of thobedience of the Churche was not sure for the Cardinalls and now it standes in the lyke case for the regarde of the Pope Moreouer in thelection of the towne of Pysa was partely respected the felicitie of an example paste touchinge the memorye of two councells which had beene there right happely celebrated the one when almost all the Cardinalls who abandoned Gregorye the twelue and Benet the xiij quarrelling together for the Popedom choase Pope Alexander the v. celebrating the councell in that citie And the other which was long tyme before celebrated in the same place about the yeare a thowsande one hundred and xxxvj by Innocent the second at such tyme as Peter Leon Antipape of Rome was condemned who making him selfe be called Anacletus the seconde with suche a schisme had not onely much troubled Innocent but also all the regions of Christendom The Florentyns had affore accorded Pysa to the french king who required it of them giuing them to vnderstand that Caesar no lesse then he was the Author of the conuocacion of the councell the king of Aragon also consenting and concurring in it In this action the Florentyns deserue to be praysed more perhaps for their silence then for their wisedome or constancie for eyther not hauing the courage to deny the king the thinge that was greeuous to them or not considering howe many difficulties and daungers might growe vppon them by a councell which was celebrated agaynst the Popes will they helde so secrete that deliberacion that was made in an assembly or councell of more then an hundred and fifty Citizens that the Cardinalls to whom the french king gaue hope of their conformetie were neuer assured that they had accorded neyther had the Pope any knowledge of it The Cardinalls pretended that the councell might be iudicially called by them without thauthoritie of the Pope for the present necessitie as they sayd that the Church had to be reformed not onely in her members but also in her heade meaning the personne of the Pope They published him to be so hardned in simonie and corrupted with maners infamous and damnable both vnfit to gouerne the Papacie and Author of so many vniust warres that he was incorrigible to the vniuersall slaunder of all Christendom for the sauetie and preseruacion of whome there was no other medicine sufficient then the conuocacion of a councell whereof seeing the Pope made no care they alleaged that the full and legittimat power of conuocacion was diuolued to them specially thauthoritie of the elect Emperour being adioyned and the consent of the right Christian king together with the Cleargie of Germany and Fraunce concurring They perswaded that to vse often this medicine was a meane not onely profitable but necessary for the diseased bodie of the Church both to roote out the olde errours and to resist such others as would of newe budde vp To explayne and interpret the dowtes which dayly hapned and to correct thinges which though in the beginning were sownd and well ordered yet in that tryall they appeared pernicious by experience That for these reasons the auncient fathers in the councell of Constance had wholesomely enacted and prouided that for alwayes afterwardes the councell should be celebrated from ten yeares to ten yeares The Popes had no other bridle then this to holde them from going out of the right way And without this weighing with the naturall frailtie of men the many inticements which nature breedes in vs to doe euill during our life what sewertie could remeyne to kingdoms and regions if he that tooke to him selfe all liberty and licence might stand exempted from all authoritie and were assured that he should neuer come to giue a reckoning of him selfe On the other side many occupied these reasons pertaking more with the doctrine of
the Diuines then of the Cannonistes that the authoritie to call councells was inuested onely in the person of the Pope yea though he were infected with all vices if onely he were not suspected of heresies That if the holy authoritie were otherwayes interpreted it would rest in the power of a few eyther for ambicion or for perticuler hatreds couering their wicked intencions with false coolers to alter and chaunge dayly the peasible estate of the Church A matter which ought not to be consented no lesse for the preiudice then for the ill example it brought They alleaged that be it that all medicines were wholesome yet if they were not ministred with due proporcions and in tymes conuenient they bare more of poyson then of medicine By which reasons condemning all those that had other opinions they called this assemblie not a councell but matter to deuide and seperat the vnitie of the sea Apostolike A beginning of schisme in the Churche of God and a councelling of Deuills The ende of the nynth Booke THE ARGVMENT OF THE TENTH BOOKE AFter the taking of Bolognia the french armie returneth to the Duchie of Myllan The councell that was to be holden at Pysa against the Pope is transferred to Myllan where many stirs happen The Popes armie beseegeth Bolognia The french men take Bressia The battell is giuen at Rauenna The Pope publisheth the councell at Rome And afterwards the affayres of the french begin to decline THE TENTH BOOKE OF THE historie and discourse of Guicciardin THE successe of the victorie hapning vpon the french king drewe all Christendom but principally the vniuersall regions of Italy to exspect in greate dowt of minde what he would further deliberat of his fortune for euery one gaue this iudgement that it was in his power to make him selfe Lorde of Rome and the whole state Ecclesiastike both for that all the Popes regiments together with the Venetians were dispersed and almost dissolued and also there remeyned not in Italy other armies able to make resistance agaynst the furie of the Victor And as for the Pope seeming onely to be defended with the name Maiestie of the place he stoode in all other regardes reduced to the discression of fortune his resolucion of mind only remeining to support the aduersitye of his estate Neuerthelesse the french king eyther the reuerence which he bare to religion reteyning him or the feare to stirre vppe other Princes against him driuing him to vse a moderacion in his fortune determined not to vse thoccasion of his victorie but with a councell perhaps more religious then profitable he addressed his commaundements to Ioh. Iac. Tryuulce to returne with the armie to the Duchie of Myllan leauing Bolognia to the Bentyuoleis and making restitucion of all other peeces which he occupied of the Church To these actions so gracious and affable he added wordes and demonstracions no lesse acceptable and full of pietie for he forbad throughout his Realmes to make any publike signes of gladnes And protested oftentymes in the presence of many that notwithstanding he had nothing committed against the sea Apostolike nor against the person of the Pope And much lesse done any thing but by prouocacion and constraint yet he would come to humilitie with the Pope and for the reuerence and deuocion he bare to that sea he would sue for pardon where he had done no offence he perswaded him selfe that the Pope knowing by experience what were the difficulties of his conceites and being reassured of the suspiciō which he had of him without occasion would with all his hart come to desire peace the practise and negociacion whereof had not bene altogether giuen ouer seeing the Pope since he parted from affore Bolognia had for that occasion sent to the king thēbassador of the king of Skotland continuing to solicit the same points which by the same Bishop had bene begon to be debated with the Bishop of Gurce In this disposicion to peace ioyned also the famulie of the Bentyuoleis who notwithstanding they followed thauthoritie of the king yet they signified to the Pope that much lesse they would expresse contumacie and rebellion to the Churche seeing they layed them selues downe with ready and franke mindes to liue and dye in that subiection wherein their fathers had continued by so many yeares And in token thereof they did not onely sette at libertie the Bishop of Cluse but according to the auncient vsage they lodged him in the pallayce as Liefetenant to the sea Apostolike Tryuulce departed with th armie and drew neare to Mirandola to recouer it notwithstanding at the request of Iohan. Fran. Piqua Vitfruch was entred vnder cooller to hold it in the name of Caesar And by protestacion had sent to require Tryuulce that because it was of the iurisdiction of thEmpire he should absteine from all violent action But finding in the ende that his vayne authoritie was not sufficient he went his way Tryuulce giuing him onely certaine promisses more honorable for Caesar in shewe then in effect The like did Iohn Fran. after he had safeconduit for goods and life And Triuulce hauing to follow no other expedicion sent to the gard of Verona fiue hundred launces and a thowsand three hundred launceknights vnder Capteine Iacob And reseruing to him selfe two thowsand fiue hundred Gascoins vnder the regiment of Capteine Molard and Mangiron which with the companies of the men at armes he sent dispersed into the townes of the Duchie of Myllan he gaue leaue dismissed all the other bandes of footemen But to the desire and hope of the king was nothing agreeable the disposicion of the Pope who rising into a newe courage by the reuoking of the armie And being euery day made more hard and obstinat by the thinges that in deede should haue made him more easie and tractable seing withall that at Rymyny where he yet remeyned he laye tormented with the gowte In the middest of so many perplexeties he sette downe more in the personne of a Victor then one that was vanquished and that by the meane and working of the same Skottishe Embassador That the Duke of Ferrara shoulde paye to him hereafter the tributes which he was wont to paye before the diminucion whiche had bene made by Pope Alexander That the Churche shoulde holde a Visdomino in Ferrara as the Venetians dyd before And that there should bee rendered to him Lugo with the other townes which Alfonso d'Este possessed in Romagnia These condicions notwithstanding they seemed to the kinge no lesse greeuous then to holde too muche of iniquitie yet the desire to haue peace with the Pope preuailing aboue all other respectes he made aunswere that he was contented to consent to all those demaundes so farre forth as Caesar might also condiscend and concurre in them But the Pope being now returned to Rome seemed with the place to chaunge both councell and will the perswasions of the king of Aragon helping no lesse then his naturall lightnes and mutabilitie
all notwithstanding that the Cardinalls alleadged that it was true in the beginning yet seeing they had preuented it the Councell that had bene instituted and called by them ought to haue place The Councell beeing published and the Pope reapposing more then euer in his right and withall dispayring to be hable to reconcile the Cardinall of S. Crosse who through ambition to be Pope had bene in effect the mouer of this alteration And likewise doubting to reclayme the Cardinalls S. Mallo and Cosensa for touching the others he was not without hope to reduce them to his obedience he published agaynst those three a threatning monition vnder payne of priuation of the dignitie of Cardinall and all Churche rightes and benefites if within threescore and fiue dayes they made not their apparaunce affore him And the better to dispose them to the Popes wyll the Colleage of Cardinalls sent to them an Auditor de la Rote to perswade and pray them that leauing their priuate contentions they shoulde eftsones returne into the vnion of the Churche offring to giue them suche forme of securitie as they desired In this time also the Pope eyther for that he was irresolute or laboured with some other passion of worse nature harkned continually after the practise of peace with the French king the which was solicited in his owne Court by the kings Embassadors and in the Frenche Court by thembassador of Scotlande and the Bishop of Tyuoli the Nuncio Apostolike And on the other side he laboured to make with the king of Aragon and the Venetians a newe confederation against the Frenchmen making all thinges lawfull and seemely that he supposed mighte turne to the aduauntage of his affayres About this time also the Pope sought to render Montpulcian to the Florentins not for any good he wished to them but for feare least the truce which they had with Sienna beeing expired they woulde call into Tuskane the French bandes to th ende to haue a greater strength to recouer that towne And albeit it was greeuous to the Pope that the Florentins shoulde recouer Montpulcian and that to hinder them he had already sent to Sienna Iohn Vitelli enterteined with an hundred men at armes by the Siennois and Guido Vaino with an hundred lighte horsemen leauyed and payed by him yet afterwardes considering better that by howmuche the difficultie appeared great by so muche more would the Florentins be induced to call them he determined to th ende to take from the king all occasions to sende armed bandes into a place so neare Rome to prouide for this daunger by a way contrarie Pandolffe Petruccio consenting o it whom the Florentins nourished artificially in the same suspicion The matter was debated many dayes for that small things oftentimes haue no lesse difficulties nor are no lesse harde to be resolued then suche as be of a greater nature Pandolffe to auoyde the hatred of the people of Sienna would the proceeding should be such that it might seeme there was no other remedie to assure him from the warre and not to alienate the Popes mind Moreouer the Pope he would that at the same time should be made betwene the Florentins and the Siennois a confederation for the defence of their estates And yet they feared on the other side that they of Montpulcian espying what was ment and practised would not preuent them in rendring them selues voluntarily winning by that meane the fauour of the Florentins who atchieuing their intention might afterwardes refuse to make the confederation For this cause Iohn Vitelli was sent to remayne within Montpulcian and the Pope sent thither Iames Simoner auditor de la rote called certayn yeares after to be Cardinal to th eÌ„d that by his working thaffaires of Montpulcian might be raunged and brought to conformitie In the ende there was made at one time a confederation for xxv yeres betweene the Florentins and the Siennois And Montpulcian returned into the hands of the Florentins Simoâ—et interposing for the pardon and confirmation of the auncient exemptions and priuileages For certayne monethes the warre and actions of hostilitie were more easie and tollerable betweene the king of Romains and the Venetians then had wont to be for that the Almains beeing neither strong in men nor prouided of money thought they did a seruice of no small importance if they kept Verona And the Venetian armie wanting sufficient forces to take that Citie were retyred betweene Soaue and Louigno from whence they made a sally one night and burnt both on this side and beyonde the ryuer of Adice a great quantitie of the fruites of thinhabitantes of Verona loasing notwithstanding in the action three hundred footmen as they retyred the greatnes of their pray giuing impedimentes to their vallour for the defence of their proper lyues But assoone as they heard that Monsr Palissa was comming to Verona with twelue hundred launces and eight thousande footmen their armie retyred betweene Vincensa and Leguaguo into a place of strength bearing almoste the forme and situation of an Ilande by reason of certayne waters and trenches that had bene there cut vp Neuerthelesse they tarried not in this place many dayes for that Monsr Palissa arriuing at Verona with a great parte of his armie and without exspecting the residue taking the fielde presently together with the Almains they retyred almost in flying to Louigne and afterwards with the same feare abandoning Vincensa and all the other townes together with Polisena Rouisne which sometimes was pillaged by the Venetians and sometimes prayed by the Duke of Ferrara they withdrew to Padoa and Treuisa their feare enforcing them to followe those meanes for safetie and refuge which were not so conuenient for their honour and reputation For the better defence of these cities many of the youth nobilitie of Venice came thither with minds resolued to share and coÌ„municate with the fortunes of those two cities holding it a iust office in Citizens contrey men to oppose their liues against the perills and iniuries done to their contrey The armie of the French and Almains sacked Louigne And Vincensa whiche was become a miserable pray to those that were the strongest in the fielde rendred itselfe But all these enterprises conquests were of small consequence for the substaunce of the warre so farreforth as the Venetians helde Padoa and Treuisa for that by the oportunitie of those Cities assoone as the Frenche succours were deuided from thAlmains they reconquered without difficultie the peeces they had lost by reason whereof after these proceedings and aduauncements the armie stayed many dayes at the bridge of Barberano exspecting there eyther the arriuall or the resolution of Caesar who beeing come betwene Trent and Rouiero deuising at one time howe to followe his pleasures in hunting wylde beastes according to his custome and to sende bandes of footmen to th armie promised to come to Montagnana sometimes pretending to embrace thenterprise of Padoa sometimes to execute vpon Treuisa and sometimes to
be exspected of their cōming no other thing then blood famine pestilence together with the perdicion both of bodies and soules of men by the originall and cause they gathered what would be the successe and effect and reasonably they could exspect no frute or confirmacion of vnity from such as began to sowe their labors with seedes of diuision Gaston de Foix who not many monethes affore the departing of Monsr Longueville had bene preferred both to the Duchie of Myllan and to the armie somewhat suppressed those murmures tending almost to a tumult and manifest sedicion he ioyned to his authoritie commaundements thretning and peynall constraining the Cleargie to celebrate seruice as they were wont and enioyned the Commons to speake more modestly hereafter In regard of these difficulties the beginnings of the councel were continued with very litle successe or issue The plots that had bene layd with so great deuise study brought forth euents quite contrary to thexspectacion of the authors thinges debated by long time deepe discourse of councel drew no resolucion according to the weening cōiectures of the parties where sownd meaning goeth not with the wisdom imaginacions of men there their workings are ful of frailty the whole body of their actions clothed with imperfections But the thing that most troubled the hopes of the Cardinals was that Caesar did not onely from day to day deferre to send eyther Prelats or Proctors notwithstanding the consent he had giuen that often tymes reassured by perpetuall promisses to the french king the Cardinal of S. Seuerin but also he alleaged for his excuse being happly induced councelled by others that it was not agreable to his dignitie to send to the councel of Pisa the Prelats of his proper estates territories if both the example and name of all Germany were not concurrant in thaction And for that cause he sayd he had called a conuocacion of the Prelats of Germany at Auspurge to deliberat of some ioynt vniuersall forme of proceeding to be vsed touching the councel assuring notwithstanding the french mē that vnder that meane he would so work as they should all be sent Moreouer he much troubled the kings mind with his varietie diuers maners of proceeding for besides his vncertein cold dealings in the affaires of the coūcel be inclined fully opēly to the mocion of peace with the Venetians which was solicited by the Pope the king of Aragon with many offers And on the other side cōplaining bitterly against the king Catholike both for that contrary to all shame he had so apparantly impugned the league of Cambray also in this new confederacion which he rather called traison he had named him but as accessary he suborned Galeas S. Seueryn to goe to Rome in person as enemie to the Pope but refurnished by the king for the greatest part of his armie and releeued with great quantities of treason And yet he made no declaracion of these thinges with such assurance as it could not be doubted what he would at last determine notwithstanding all his demaunds were satisfied to him In this sort the kinges mind was eftsoones trauelled with his accustomed suspicions that if he abandoned Caesar he left him at liberty to ioyne with his enemies And if he would still sticke to him and susteine him his alliance would be bought with too deare a price and yet doubtfull what frute would reuert of it well knowing by experience of thinges past that oftentymes his owne disorders did hurt him more then his forces did ayde him yea the king was not able to iudge in him selfe which would most hurt him in this action either the well doings good successe of Caesar or the contraries besides the king Catholike nourished him enterteyned him as much as he could in that doubt And to make him proceede more slowly in the prouisions of the warre he gaue him hope not to stirre in armes The king of England did the like and for the same causes who had made aunswer to the french Embassador that it was not true that he had consented to the league made at Rome but that he was fully determined to keepe thalliance which he had with the french king Besides at the same time the Bishop of Tyuoly proponed peace in the name of the Pope so farre forth as the king would no more fauor the councell and withdraw him selfe from the protection of Bolognia for the which he offered to giue assurāce that the Pope should dresse no more new enterprises against him The king seemed lesse displeased with the peace notwithstanding it bare hard condicions thē to put him selfe to the daungers exspenses of the warre which by computacion seemed infinit hauing to make resistance against his enemies and to refurnish the wants of Caesar Neuerthelesse disdaine drew him almost to be forced by the king of Aragon to make peace for feare of warre besides that it was a matter very hard to assure him that the Pope would obserue the couenants of peace after he had recouered Bolognia should be deliuered from the feare of the councell he doubted also that when he should be ready to consent to the condicions offered the Pope would draw backe as he was wont to doe at other tymes In which maner of proceeding besides that his dignitie should be offended and his reputacion diminished Caesar would hold him selfe iniuried for that leauing him in warre with the Venetians he sought of him selfe alone to conclude the peace Therefore he made precise aunswer to the Bishop of Tyuoly that he would not condiscend to subiect Bolognia to the Church in other forme then it had wont to be in auncient tymes And at the same time to establish a firme resolucion with Caesar who lay at Bruuech a towne neare to Trente he sent to him in great diligence with very large offers Andre de Burgo Caesars Embassador resident with him At this time certeine of his subiects of the contrey of Tyroll occupied Batisten a place of very great strength in the entrey of the vallye of Caldora The practises of the peace being wholly broken dissolued the first thoughts deuises of the king were that when Monsr Palissa leauing in Verona three thowsand footemen to appease Caesar not well contented with his departure should haue led the residue of the bands to the Duchie of Myllan there should be made new leauies of footemen And so all the armie being reassembled they should marche to assaile Romagnia hoping to occupye it either all or in parte before the Spanyard should approach And then either to march further according to occasions or at least to enterteyne and beare out the warre vpon the dominions of others vntill springe time when the king passing into Italy in person with all the forces of his kingdom hoped to make an vniuersall suppression of his enemies But as he stoode wauering in this deuise his resolucions not proceeding with
sauetie and the other part for glorye ioyned to a desire to sacke a citie so full of riches The Capteines besides their office to commaund and dispose most often tooke the places of meane soldiours the vertue of Monsr de Foix being singuler aboue the residue At last the Venetian armie were driuen from the place after they had made a wonderfull defense In so much as the Conquerers who nowe deuided them selues into two bandes made their entrey the one by the citie and the other by the Citadel finding in euery quarter and corner a meruelous resistance by the soldiours and by the people In whom it seemed their aduersitie had nothing diminished their vertue But the french men being alwayes followed with victorie passed thorow all impediments and chassed all their ennemies that stoode affore them They gaue not their mindes to pillage vntill they sawe them selues absolute Maisters of the towne such was their direction of their Capteine whom they obeyed and obserued so iustly that what soeuer he were that did otherwayes he was forthwith slayne by his fellowes In these encownters there dyed of the french parte many footemen and a greate number of men at armes But of thennemies were left on the ground eyght thowsand dead carkasses part of the people and part of the Venetian soldiours which were fiue hundred men at armes eyght hundred light horsemen and eyght thowsand footemen amongest whom was Contaryn commaunder of the stradiots who was slaine vpon the greene with a bullet of a harquebuze All the residue were taken except two hundred stradiots who fled by a posterne neare the gate of S. Nazareth albeit with no better fortune for that falling vppon the french armie which remeyned without the towne they were almost all taken or killed They also immediatly after the execution entred the towne by the same gate and falling to pillage aswell as the residue they enioyed the trauells and daungers of others Andrevv Gritty Anth. Iustynian whom the Senat had sent into that citie as gouernour remeyned prisoners together with Ioh. P. Manfron his sonne the Knight de la Volpe Baltazar Scipion one of the sonnes of Anth. de Pio Count Lovvys Auogato and one of his sonnes and Domynik Busechio Capteine of the stradiots These being chieftaines of th armie were reserued as miserable examples of their owne calamitie they were by the wretchednes and fortune of prisoners disposed caried about as best pleased the appetit of the Victors sometymes brought to behold the dead bodyes of their companions and friends A spectacle lamentable to be compelled to see those men deade whom in life they so much honored and loued And sometymes appoynted to stande in the presence of thennemie taking speciall glorie in that which to them could not be but an increase of discomfort by strait commaundement of Monsr de Foix the honors of the women of religion were kept vndefiled but their goods together with such others as for protection were conueyed into their couents were made a praye to the Capteines Count Lovvys was executed in the market place Monsr de Foix being present and seemed to holde it a sacrifice best acceptable and pleasing to his eyes his two sonnes albeit they were for a tyme deferred suffered in the ende the same payne thauthoritie of the Victor raigning very iudicially ouer the liues of whome soeuer it pleased him In this sort by the vallour fortune of the french men of whom they of Bressia vaunted to be discended fell into this extremitie that citie for nobilitie digniue nothing inferior to any other citie of Lombardye but in riches and plentye farre aboue them all except Myllan And as the miseries that warre draweth with it are infinit so the whole citie for seuen daies together was exposed to the couetousnes to the lust and to the crueltie of soldiours thinges sacred aswell as prophane being percell of the pray And no lesse the liues then the goods of men committed to the discression of spoylers This victorie brought great reputacion to the name of Monsr de Foix Italy no lesse then the other regions of Christendō resounding much his glory that by his celeritie and vallour in the space of xv daies he had compelled the armies Ecclesiastike and spanish to discampe from before Bolognia ouerthrowne in the plaine fielde Ioh. P. Baillon with part of the Venetian regiments and reconquered Bressia with so great a slaughter of soldiours and other sortes of peoples it was confirmed by the iudgement of wise men that touching enterprise and matters of warre Italy had not felt the like of long time the aduersitie farre exceeding the memorie and example of all times past After the action of Bressia together with the other places that were lost of whom Bergamo drawne into rebellion by the ayde of very few of the towne had by cōmon consent reuoked the french men before Monsr de Foix made his entrye into Bressia And after Monsr de Foix had set downe a forme to th affayres of Bressia and had somwhat refreshed and reordered his armie made wearie with so great trauells and no lesse disordered partly by keeping and partly by distribucion of the spoyle he determined according to the kinges commaundement to go seeke the armie of the confederats which after his departure from before the walls of Bolognia was stayed vpon the landes of the Bolognois To this direction the king was constrayned by many vrgent accidents which droaue him into necessitie to take newe councells for the sauetie and benefit of his affayres for he discerned manifestly that he should haue warre with the king of England notwithstanding that king had in franke tearmes affore assured him the contrary And since kept him in suspence with tokens and wordes doubtfull The actions which were quite contrary to his promisses could be no more couered for that there came aduertisement from Rome howe he had at lust approued and ratified the league by writing Besides the french king was not ignorant that in England were made great preparacions of men and ships and in Spayne was rigged a great nauie to passe into England where was an vniuersall disposicion in all sortes of the people of that region to make warre vppon the Realme of Fraunce To this humor of the king people was much helping the arriual of a galeass from the Pope laden with Greeke wines with cheeses and other prouisions which distributed in his name to the king Barons and Prelats of the Realme were receiued of all with a wonderfull gladnes The common sort of people which oftentymes is no lesse caried by vaine and small thinges then by matters more graue and great ronne with generall admiracion to beholde the galeasse accounting it so much more to their pleasure and glorie by how much they had neuer seene in that I le any vessell bearing the Popes banners At last Bishop Morton who had long negociated betwene the Pope and the french king induced either by his conscience or
Barons of Rome which were not of the conspiracie with the others He heard willingly the comfortes of the two Embassadors but so as oftentimes he aunswered them with words full of reproche and disdayne He dissembled alwayes in incertenties whiche for the moste parte deceiued the wisedomes of suche as gaue him counsell About this time came Iulio de Medicis knight of the Roades and afterwards Pope him the Cardinal Medicis vnder the leaue of the Cardinall S. Seuerin sent from th armie vnder cooller to recommende him selfe to him in so greate a calamitie but in dede to relate vnto him in what condition and state things stoode The Pope vnderstanding by him at large how much the Frenchmen were weakned of howe many capteines they were depriued and made naked and howe many valiaunt bodies of souldiours they had lost how many lay hurt and for many dayes would be vnprofitable what spoyle of horses they had suffred and howe one parte of the armie was dispersed abroade by reason of the sacke of Rauenna the Capteines vncertaine of the kings will and not at good agreement amongst them selues because Monsr Palissa refused to endure thinsolencie of the Cardinal S. Seuerin vsurping the office of a Legate and a capteine that there were secret murmures of a discending of Svvizzers and no apparant token sene that the armie could marche so soone This discourse recomforted muche the Pope who causing the reporter to be brought into the consistorie he willed him eftsones to relate them in the presence of the Cardinalls in the same forme of discourse which he had vsed to him apart To these was added the doing of the Duke of Vrbin who whatsoeuer moued him chaunged councel sent to offer the Pope two hundred men at armes and foure thousande footemen Notwithstanding these reapportes and all the comfortes they brought with them the Cardinalls continued to aduise him to peace A matter whiche albeit in wordes outward actions seemed not vnplausible to him yet in mind he was not resolued to accept it but for a last remedy yea albeit for the present there appeared no present cure or salue for the sore yet he would rather choose to go from Rome so farreforth as he were not out of all hope that his cause might be supported by the armies of princes and principally that the Svvizzers would stirre who showing great inclination to his desires had many dayes before forbidden the French kings Embassadors to be in the place wherein were assembled the deputies of all the Cantons to determine vpon the Popes demaundes In this estate of affayres there appeared some hope of peace for that before the battell of Rauenna the french king what with the consideration of the daungers that hong vpon him on all sides and what with the despite of thinconstancie of Caesar the hard conditions he proponed respects that much induced him to yeld rather to the Popes will in many things had secretly sent Fabricio Caietto brother to the Cardinall Finalo to the cardinalls of Nantes and Strigonia who had not yet altogether abandoned the negociations of peace his charge was to require thē to propound to the Pope that he was cōtent to render vp Bolognia to him That Alfonso d'Este should giue vp to him Lugo with the other townes that he held in Romagnia That he should be bounde to paye him his auncient tributes and to make no more salte vppon his grounds And that he would agree to thextinction of the councell he demaunded no other thing of the Pope thē to haue peace with him that Alfonso d'Este might be absolued of the paynes and restored to his auncient rightes priuiledges That to the family of Bentiuoleis who should remaine in exile their proper goodes should be reserued the dignities restored to the cardinals prelates which had folowed the councell Which conditions albeit the two cardinals feared that the king would no more consent vnto by reason of the victorie that had succeeded since yet they durst not propound them in other maner And the Pope seeing them so honorable for him not yet willing to manifest that which he had secretly determined in him selfe iudged not that the king could refuse them but peraduenture that it was more profitable with these enterspeeches to staye the kings armie to haue the better leasure to see what would be done by those in whom he had reaposed the residue of his hopes So that the Cardinalls still importuning him he subsigned those articles the ninth day after the battell of Rauenna giuing to the Cardinals his fayth promise to accept them if the king did confirme them He sent also by letters to the Cardinall Finale remaining in Fraunce but absented from the Court for feare to offende the Pope and to the Bishop of Tiuoli who kept the place of legate in Auignon that they should go to the king to debate of these things but he sent them no authoritie nor power to conclude them Vntill this time th affayres of the Pope went but in an euill course vntill this day was aduaunced the full of his calamities his daungers but after this day worldly affaires haue their ordinarie mutations his hopes began to appeare greater and the wheele of his fortune ceased not with an incredible swiftnes to turne to his greatnes The thing that gaue beginning to so great a mutation was the sodayne departing of Monsr Palissa out of Romagnia he was reuoked by the generall of Normandy for feare of the discending of the Svvizzers and for that cause he drewe his armie towards the duchie of Millan leauing in Romagnia vnder the Legate of the councell three hundred launces three hundred light horsemen and six thousande footemen with eight peeces of great artilleries The feare of the comming of the Svvizzers was made greater for that the same generall thinking to do a seruice more agreable to the king had vndiscretely dismissed the Italian footmen and parte of the French footemen immediately after the battell of Rauenna contrarie to all reason pollicie and that which the present affayres required By the departure of Monsr Palissa the Pope was deliuered of the feare that troubled him moste he was more confirmed in his obstinacie and it helped him greatly to assure the affaires of Rome for the better oportunitie whereof he had leauyed certayne Romaine Barons with three hundred men at armes and debated to make capteine generall Prosper Colonno the rather for that the courages of suche as desyred newe thinges beeing abated Pompey Colonno that made preparation at Montfortin consented by the working of Prosper to depose Montfortin into the handes of Marke Antho. Colonno for the Popes suretie reteyning basely in his handes the money he had receyued of the French king By this example also Robert Vrsin who was come affore from Petillano vppon the landes of the Colonnois to leauye armes keeping likewise in his handes the money he had receyued of the Frenche king was brought in afterwardes by
the meane of Iulio Vrsin receyuing of the Pope in recompence of his disloyaltie the Archbishoprike of Regge in Calabria Only Peter de Margana was ashamed to kepe the money he had receiued doing the same happly with a councell no lesse honorable then happy for that otherwayes he had iustly payed the merite and payne of his deceite beeing not long tyme after taken prisoner by the successor of the king raigning But nowe the Popes mynde beeing greately confirmed by reason of these thinges and hauing no more to feare eyther enemies forreine or domesticall the thirde daye of Maye in greate solemnitie he gaue beginning to the Councell in the Churche of Saint Iohn Latran beeing nowe assured that not onely the moste regions of Italie woulde come thither but also the Realmes of Spayne of Englande and of Hungary In this firste action he was in person in habite pontificall accompanied with the colledge of Cardinalls and great multitudes of Bishoppes where the Masse of the holy Ghost besides many other prayers being celebrated according to auncient custome and the fathers exhorted with a publike oration to inclined with all their hartes to the publike benefite dignitie of christian religion it was declared the better to lay fundatiōs for other matters that afterwards should be ordeined that the councel assembled was a true a lawfull holy councel that in the same remayned vndoubtedly all the authoritie and power of the vniuersall Churche Ceremonies assuredly both goodly and holy and hable to pearce euen into the heartes of men if it might haue bene beleued that the thoughtes and intentions of the authors had bene such as were their words In this sort did the Pope gouerne him selfe after the battell of Rauenna But the french king notwithstanding that after the death of Monsr de Foix which somewhat troubled the ioy of the victorie as one whom he loued dearely had commaunded Monsr de Palissa and the Legate to leade the armie vp to Rome assoone as they could yet he seemed to abate of that inclination and began to returne with all his deuises to the desire of peace fearing that at one tyme and from many places great stormes woulde thunder vpon him and trouble his affayres for notwithstanding Caesar diminished nothing of his promises that he would remayne firme with him assuring that the truce made with the Venetians in his name was concluded without his consent neither would he ratifie it yet besides the feare of thinconstancie of Caesar and doubt whether his promises were dissembled it seemed to the king that for the conditions which he demaunded he should haue a companion in time of warre chargefull to him and to the proceeding of the peace very preiudiciall and hurtfull fearing that by his interposing he should be constrained to consent to more vnworthy conditions Besides all these he had no more doubt that the Svvizzers would ioyne with them of the league And he was sure he should haue warre with the king of Englande who had already sent a Herald to signifie to him that he pretended to be ended all confederations and couenantes betwene them for that in them all was comprehended this exception that he should make no warre neither against the Church nor agaynst the king Catholike his father in lawe Therefore the king vnderstanding with a great pleasure that the Florentins were solicited to worke the peace he dispatched spedely to Florence the president of Grenoble with verye large commission to th ende matters might be debated more at hande and if neede were he might go vp to Rome And knowing afterwards by the subscription of the articles that the Popes inclination was more ready then he seemed he gaue him selfe ouer for his parte wholly to the peace And yet fearing least for the retyring of his armie the Pope would eftsones returne to his obstinacy he sent to Monsr Palissa lying then at Parma to marche agayne immediatly into Romagnia with part of his regimentes spreading a brute that it was to passe further It seemed to him a matter greuous to deliuer vp Bolognia not so much for the instance that Caesar made to the contrarie as for the feare he had that notwithstanding the peace the Pope woulde continue his euill minde towards him and therfore it could not but be an action preiudiciall to him to depriue him selfe of the towne of Bolognia which was as the fort and bulwark of the Duchie of Millan And besides the Cardinall Finalo and the Bishop of Tiuoly being come without expresse authoritie to conclude he interpreted that to an apparant signe that he had dissemblingly giuen his consent partly for the straytes and daungers wherewith he stoode enuironed Neuerthelesse at laste he determined to accept the sayde articles vnder certayne limitations and yet not such as by them the substance of things should be troubled or altered With which aunswere the Secretorie of the Bishop of Tiuoly went to Rome demaunding in the kings name that the Pope would sende authoritie to the Cardinall and the Bishoppe to conclude or els that he would call affore him the President of Grenoble who was at Florence to whom was recommended sufficient power to doe the like But the hopes of the Pope augmented daily and by consequent if he euer had had any inclinacion to the peace it was now diminished he being a man more disposed to obserue and followe tymes then to respect and imitate the qualitie of his calling About this time arriued the commission of the king of England by the which being dispatched since the moneth of Nouember he gaue power to the Cardinall of Yorke to enter into the league The reason why he was so long in comming was the longe course he had by sea hauing bene affore in Spayne Caesar also after very longe doubtes had newely ratified the league made with the Venetians beeing principally pushed on to that action for the hopes which the kinges Catholike and of England gaue to him of the Duchies of Myllan and of Burgondye In like sort the matter that much helped to confirme the Pope were the very great hopes which the king of Aragon put him in who hauing the first knowledge of the ouerthrow by letters from the french king written to the Queene expressing that Guaston de Foix her brother was dead with great glorie carying with him the reputacion of a famous victorie obteyned vpon his enemies And afterwards more perticularly by aduertisements of his owne people comming somewhat later for thimpediments of the sea And for that withall it seemed to him that greater perill would growe to the kingdom of Naples he had determined to sende into Italy the Great Capteine with a strength of new men A remedy which he was driuen to vse hauing almost no choyse of others for notwithstanding in outward show he semed to respect much the Great Capteine for his behauior in the kingdom of Naples yet he both suspected his greatnes and durst not trust him with authoritie The Pope then being
confirmed by these occasions at suche time as the Secretory of the Bishop of Tyuoly ariued with the articles that had bene debated putting him also in hope that the limitacions added by the king to moderat thinfamie that might grow to him by abandoning the protection of Bolognia should bee referred to his will he determined altogether not to accept them But making semblance of the contrary in regard of the subscripcion faith he had giuen to the Colleage of Cardinalls A manner which some times he vsed contrary to the opinion that went on him to be alwayes vpright and iust he caused the articles to be red in the Consistorie and asked aduise of the Cardinalls Wherevpon the Cardinall Arborenso a Spanyard and the Cardinal of Yorke an English man according to a secret packt affore the one speaking for the king of Aragon and the other in the name of the king of England perswaded him to perseuer in his constancie and not to leaue abandoned the cause of the Churche which he had embrased with so great honor They alleaged that all the necessities that had induced him to harken to these offers were remoued and ceassed And that nowe it was manifestly seene that God woulde not suffer his shippe to perish though for some purpose vnknowne to the wit of man he had suffered it to lye open subiect to sondry stormes They told him it was not reasonable that he made peace onely for him self much lesse to debate it without the participacion of the other confederats the action being common and deuided from all particularitie Lastly they exhorted him to consider well what preiudice it might bring to the sea Apostolike and to him to seperat him selfe from true and faithfull friendes to embrace the amitie of enemies reconciled By the operacion of these councells the Pope openly refused the peace And within a very short time after proceeding in his auncient furie he pronownced in the Consistorie an admonicion against the french king charging him to release the Cardinall of Medicis vpon the penalties ordeyned in the holy Cannons But he forbare to publish it for that the Colleage of Cardinalls beseeching him to deferre asmuch as he could rigorous remedies offred to worke by letters written in the name of them all by the which they would both comfort him and beseech him as a right Christian Prince to set him at libertie The Cardinall de Medicis was caried to Myllan where he was kept vnder reasonable and easie garde And albeit his fortune had brought him subiect to the power and disposing of others yet such was his vertue spirit that thauthoritie of the sea Apostolike shined in him together with a wonderfull reuerence of religion And about this time beganne to appeare a great contemning of the councell of Pysa the cause whereof was not onely abandoned of others with deuocion with diligence with faith but also euen of such as affore had followed it with armes and fauored it with affection with studie with resolucion for the Pope hauing sent to the Cardinall of Medicis full power both to absolue from all paines and cursings the souldiours that would promise to beare no more armes against the Churche and also to giue libertie of holy buriall for all the bodies that were slaine at the battell A fauor demaunded with great importunities The concurse of people was wonderfull and no lesse maruelous the deuocion of them that came to demaund and promise such matters yea the Ministers and officers of the king were not against it onely it was not without manifest indignacion of the Cardinalls who saw euen before their eyes and in the place where was the seate of the councell the souldiours and subiects of the king contrary to his honor against his profit vpon the landes of his iurisdiction and without respecting any thing thauthoritie of the councell ronne after and follow the Romaine Church acknowledging with great reuerence as Legat Apostolike the Cardinall Medicis being prisoner great is the force of a people and multitude beginning to vary and chaunge And so much more preiudiciall and perillous their reuolt by how much vpon their numbers and forces depende principally the estate and exspectacion of affayres Nowe because the truce was ratified by Caesar notwithstanding his agents that were within Verona menteyned that it was nothing the french king called home one part of the bandes that he had in garrison in that citie as seruing to small purpose And hauing reuoked also the band of two hundred gentlemen the Archers of his garde and two hundred other launces fearing the threats of the king of England he knewe by the suspicion he had of the Svvyzzers which was redoubled in him that he should neede greater forces in the Duchie of Myllan for which cause he had pressed the Florentyns to send him into Lombardye three hundred men at armes as they were bownd by the couenants of confederacion betwene them for the defence of his estates in Italy And for that that confederacion drew to end within two monethes he compelled them the memorie and reputacion of the victorie being yet fresh to confederat with him of new for fiue yeares Wherein he bownd him selfe to defend their estates with six hundred launces and the Florentyns for their partes promised to furnishe him with foure hundred men at armes for the defence of all that he possessed in Italy And yet to auoide all occasions to enter warre with the Pope they excepted in the generall obligacion of defence the towne of Cotignole as if the Church might pretend right to it But nowe were apparantly disclosed right great daungers to the affaires of the king for that the Svvyzzers at last were determined to send six thowsand footemen to the pay of the Pope who had demaunded them vnder cooller to employ them against Ferrara Those that in this action susteyned and fauored the kings side could obteyne no other thing but to protract and deferre the deliberacion till that tyme And against those men the Communalties of people made vniuersall exclamacion in their parliaments for the wonderfull hatred they bare to the name of the french king They affirmed that the king rested not contented with this kind of ingratitude to refuse to encrease a litle the pensions of those by whose blood and vallour he had won perpetuall reputacion accompanied with a great estate but also with wordes full of reproche he had despised and reiected them as Villaines as though all men in the beginning were not conceyued vnder one element were not cast in one molde and had not one maner of creacion vpon the earth and as though any mortall man were nowe either great renowmed or noble whose Auncestors in the beginning were not poore vnknowen basely discended That he had begon to wage footemen of the launceknightes to show the contempt he had of their nation for the seruice of his warres perswading him self that suffering priuacion of his pay they could not
could suffer no delay of action went out and sette vppon them at the village of Paterna where they were constrayned to retyre within the towne with the losse of more then three hundred men Conquest draweth with it ambicion insolencies and couetousnes And with men of warre triumphing in the victorie all things seeme to hold of equitie that they do in their rage and couetousnes for the Svvyzzers remeyning alone in the Duchie of Myllan and Pyemont deuised how to taxe and rate the whole contrey being now wholly assured of the french men And albeit the french king for the great affection he bare to the Duchie of Myllan was hardly brought to abandon altogether the affayres of Italy yet necessitie compelled him to harken to the councells of such as aduised him to deferre those deuises to an other tyme and dispose his witts for that sommer to defende the Realme of Fraunce The rather for that the king of England according to the contract made with the king Catholike had sent by sea an armye of six thowsand footemen to Fontarabio A towne of the kingdome of Spayne standing vppon the Occean sea the chiefe ende of this iorney was that ioyning to the companies of the sayd king Catholike they might in one mayne force assayle the Duchie of Guihen he beganne also with an other nauie to skower all alonge the coasts of Normandye and Brittaine to the great astonishment of the peoples of those prouinces Moreouer the french king had no hope to drawe agayne Caesar into amitie with him for that he vnderstoode by the Bishop of Marseilles his last Embassador resident in his Court that he bare a minde farre estraunged he aduertised him also that Caesar had not enterteyned him with so many hopes nor for other regarde debated with him vppon so many matters with so fayre apparance then to wynne occasion to oppresse him when he thought least of it or at least to gyue him as it were some violent and deadely blowe as he gloried that he had done at such tyme as he reuoked the launceknightes Thus Italy being for this yeare assured from the armies of the french king whose souldiours notwithstanding helde as yet Bressia Crema Leguague the castell and lanterne of Genes the castell of Myllan the castell of Cremona with certeine other fortresses of that estate There were discerned amongest the confederats many signes of difference and disagreement for the diuersitie of their wills and their endes for as the Venetians desired to recouer Bressia and Crema as due to them by the articles of capitulacion for that they had borne out the daungers troubles of the warre A matter which the Pope desired likewise for them So on the other side Caesar from whose will the king of Aragon at last could not be seperat thought to appropriate them to him selfe and also to depriue the Venetians of all that had bene iudged to them by the league of Cambray Besides Caesar and the king of Aragon practised but very secretly to make to diuolue the Duchie of Myllan to one of their Nephewes A working quite contrary to the Pope and the Svvyzzers who labored apparantly as much as they could that according to the vniuersall resolucion and consent from the beginning Maxymylian sonne to Lodovvyk Sforce might be restored to the place of his father after whose fall he had remeyned alwayes in Germanye The matter that moued the Pope was a feare he had least Italy shoulde fall into a miserable seruitude of the Almaines and Spanyards And that which induced the Svvyzzers was a desire for their owne profit that that estate shoulde not bee brought into the power of so mightie Princes but rather to stande subiected to one that could not menteyne him selfe without their ayde and succours Which election as it depended almost wholly vppon those in whose power was that estate and for the feare of their forces so the Pope the more to confirme them in that wil and in all necessities to haue in his hande the bridle with the which he might moderate thambicion of Caesar and the kinge Catholike did all that he could to winne their amitie And for that cause besides the great account he made publikely of the nation of Svvyzzers raysing to the starres the actions they had done for the sauetie of the sea Apostolike he gaue them yet for their greater honor the banners of the Church with this glorious title to bee the Champions and defenders of the Ecclesiastike libertie Besides these diuersities the Viceroy had readdressed the spanish companies which after the battell were retyred with him into the kingdom of Naples And beginning eftsoones to march and to passe with them into Lombardye the Pope and the Venetians refused to recontinue the payes of forty thowsand duckats by the moneth which had bene discontinued since the ouerthrowe Their reason was that seeing the frenche armie was chassed home they stoode no more subiect to suche bonde for that it was to ceasse by the articles of the confederacion when soeuer the frenche were expulsed out of Italy Whereunto was replyed on the behalfe of the King of Aragon that it could not bee sayde that the Frenche King was dryuen out of Italy so long as Bressia Crema with other many stronge places stoode at his deuocion Moreouer the Kinge of Aragon together with Caesar complayned in that the Pope did appropriat to him selfe the profitts of the victorie that was common to them both And vsurped that which manifestly apperteyned to an other making him selfe Lorde vnder cooller of certeine reasons subborned or at least so olde and withered that their force was gonne vppon Parma and Plaisance cities which the Lordes of Myllan had holden so long tyme as freeholders of thEmpire The diuersitie was also expressed for matters that concerned the Duke of Ferrara for as the Pope on the one side nourished his auncient couetousnes to vsurpe that Dukedom so on the other side the king of Aragon who desired to preserue protect him stoode yet discontented with the iniurie that was offered to haue staied him at Rome contrary to the law of faith safeconduit giuen for these reasons the Pope deferred to vexe Ferrara exspecting perhaps the yssue of affayres of farre greater importance whereof Caesar not thinking good that any resolucion were made without him dispatched into Italy the Bishop of Gurcy whom he had appoynted to that expedicion euer since after the battell of Rauenna there was negociacion of peace betweene the Pope and the French king he appoynted to sende him then for the feare he had least they compownded amongest them selues without respecting him and his affayres but the mutacion of thinges hapning afterwards he still continued his deuise to sende him In like sorte fell into consideracion the affayres of the Florentyns who beeing filled full of suspicion began now to feele the frutes of the newtralitie which vndiscrâ—etely they had vsed finding with all that it was not sufficient to beare themselues vpon the
please the wills of the Svvizzers Touching thassignation of the maner and time it was referred till the Bishop of Gurce mette with the Pope to whom he was to go both to conclude thalliance betwene Caesar and him and to solicite peace with the Venetians and so by the meane of common alliance to confirme Italie in her auncient suretie that the Frenche king should no more trouble it In that assembly also was disputed the expedition against the Florentins wherein Iulio de Medicis made instance aswell in his owne name as for the Cardinall he proued that the alteration of that state would be easie for the diuision amongest the Citizens for thaffection of many that desired their returne for the secrete intelligences they had with sundrye noble and mightie personages And withall for that one parte of the men at armes of that common weale being in Lombardie and an other moytie inclosed within Bressia they had not sufficient forces to make defence agaynst an assault so sodayne Lastely besides the money he offred he showed the frute that woulde come by restoring them to their former dignitie for the authoritie and power of that Citie beeing taken out of the handes of one that depended wholly vpon the French king it would fal to thadministration of persons who standing discontented and wronged by that king had no reason to depende or holde vpon other alliance then of the confederates Barnard de Bibiena afterwardes Cardinall vrged this matter muche in the name of the Pope who for that occasion had sent him to Mantua a man for his learning no lesse meete for this legation then for his affection moste friendly to the Medicis in whose house both he and his brothers had bene trained vp euen from their youth Iohn Vittorio Soder in a Lawyer and brother to the Gonfalonnier was at this time Embassador to the Florentins with the Bishoppe of Gurce to whom nothing was sayde nor any thing demaunded eyther by the Viceroy or in the name of the league Onely the Bishop declared to him the daunger and howe conuenient it was that they accorded with Caesar according to the demaundes made before offring that Caesar and the king of Aragon should receiue them into protection But the Embassador in whom was no power to conclude could do no other thing then aduertise the common weale and exspect aunswers neither did he solicite the Viceroy by him selfe or by others nor vsed any diligence to hinder the workings of the Medicis hauing no fulnesse of authoritie he was driuen to be silent in thinges that concerned directly the safetie of the common weale And yet the matter of it selfe was not without many difficulties both for that the Viceroy had not so great an armie as to aduenture to make triall of his forces without necessitie and also the Bishop of Gurce to let the Venetians for recouering Bressia or to make any greater proceedings desired that the Spaniards might passe into Lombardie with all speede conuenient By these considerations it was beleeued that if the Florentins forbearing their nigardnes as the present perills required had consented to contribute to Caesar the money he demaunded and releeued the Viceroy with some small summe whereof he had great necessitie they had easily turned away and auoyded the storme yea the Bishop of Gurce and the Viceroy might perhaps with better will haue entred into couenant with the common weale of whom they were certayne to receiue the things that should be promised then with the Medicis who had no habilitie to giue them any thing if first they returned not to Florence with armes But the cause of that Citie being almost abandoned eyther by the negligence or by the malice of men it was determined that the Spanishe armie together with the Cardinall and Iulian Medicis shoulde marche towards Florence In which expedition the Pope had declared the Cardinall Legate of Tuskane with fulnesse of power to leauie the souldiors of the church and wage suche others of the townes adioyning as he shoulde thinke conuenient for that seruice The Pope omitted nothing that might aduaunce this enterprise rather applying his authoritie to his will then to the equitie of the matter But assone as the assembly of Mantua was broken vp the Viceroy returning to the territories of Bolognia caused his armie to marche with speede agaynst the Florentins who had very small respite to make necessarie prouisions for that they were not aforehand aduertised of the resolutions of Mantua The Cardinall ioyned with the Viceroy assoone as he drewe neare the frontiers hauing caused to be drawen from Bolognia two Cannons to supplie the want of the Spaniards who had no peeces of batterie Also Frauncis Vrsin and the Vitelli capteines for the Churche came thither to him but without their bands of souldiours both they and the other companie of the Church being forbidden by the Duke of Vrbin who notwithstanding Iulian Medicis had had some bringing vp in his Court A matter to moue fauor and that he had alwayes professed to desire the greatnesse of the Medicis which was a strong argument of affection refused to refurnishe them with artilleries or any sort of succours eyther of his souldiours or subiectes though the Pope had commaunded the contrarie by large letters aswell to him as to other townes subiect to the Churche Assoone as the Viceroy was entred vpon the landes of the Florentins there came to him an Embassador who in the name of the whole common weale declaring the respectes they had alwayes borne to the king of Aragon both what were their actions in the laste warres and also what that king might hope for of suche a Citie receyuing it to his amitie besought him afore he passed further to signifie what it was he demaunded of the Florentins for that in demaundes reasonable and not exceeding their power they would willingly satisfie him The Viceroy aunswered that his comming had not bene determined onely by the king Catholike but also by all the confederates for the common suretie of Italie seeing that so long as the Gonfalonnier remayned in that administration they coulde not be assured that that common weale would not followe the French king and be seruiceable to his occasions Therefore he demaunded in the name of the whole league that the Gonfalonnier might be depriued of the gouernment and that there might be instituted a forme of policie not suspected to the confederates which coulde not be vnlesse the Cardinall and Iulian Medicis were restored to their naturall countrey That if they would consent to these things they should finde agreement in the residue more easily Lastely he willed him to signifie this reapport and his intention to the state of Florence and yet he woulde not staye his armie tyll aunswere were returned At Florence immediatly vpon the brute of the marching of the Spaniards mighte be discerned an vniuersall astonishment in the mindes of men bothe doubting that the Popes forces woulde inuade them on some other side and fearing
ordered helde no honorable place But the consente of the Viceroy was necessarie who exspecting the firste payment whiche for the diuisions in the Citie coulde not so soone be made kepte as yet within Prato and had no fancie what soeuer was the cause that any newe chaunge shoulde bee made in the Citie of Florence notwithstanding the Cardinall ioyning to hym the Marquis of Paluda and Andrevv Caraffe capteines in the armie tolde him that the name of the Spaniards coulde not be but very odious to a Citie agaynst whiche they had done so many harmes That in all occasions they woulde sticke alwayes to thennemies of the king Catholike and that there was daunger least when the armie should departe they woulde reuoke the Gonfalonnier whom they had expulsed by constraint By these perswasions he consented to the Cardinall who assone as he had made agreement resolution of affayres with him came with diligence to Florence into his houses where many capteines and souldiors of thItalians entred some with him and some seperate the Magistrates being affrayed to let their entry for feare of the Spaniards that were at hande The next morning the councell of the multitude of Citizens beeing assembled at the publike pallace to consult vpon thaffaires present Iulian de Medicis being present and assisting the action the souldiours charged the gate of the pallace and climbing vp by ladders they made themselues maisters of the pallace and made pillage of the siluer vessell which laye there of store for the vse and seruice of the Citie There the Citie together with the Gonfalonnier compelled to giue place to thinsolencies of suche as coulde do more with armes and weapons then the Magistrate with reuerence and authoritie called together with the ringing of the great bell by the direction of Iulian de Medicis the people to parliament vpon the pallace grene where suche as went thither being enuironed with armed souldiours and the yong men of the Citie that had taken armes for the Citie they consented that to fiftie Citizens of the Cardinals naming shoulde be giuen the same authoritie ouer publike businesse which all the people had A forme or state of power which the Florentins call Ampla balia By the decree of these men the gouernment being reduced to that forme which it caryed before the yere a thousand foure hundred nintie and foure a garrison established within the pallace the Medicis resumed vpon them the selfe same state of greatnes which their father had but their gouernment was more imperious and with a power more absolute In this sorte and with armes was oppressed the libertie of the Florentins beeing brought to that degree of aduersitie principally by the disagreementes of the Citizens It was thought it had not falne so farre if they had not behaued them selues with great negligence in the defence of the common businesse specially in the laste times not speaking of the newtrality which they vsed very vndiscretly the cowardise of the Gonfalonnier giuing too muche head to thennemies of the popular gouernment The king of Aragon had not from the beginning so great a desire to reuerse the libertie as to turne away that Citie from thalliance of the Frenche king and to drawe some sommes of money to paye his armie In so muche that assone as the Frenche had abandoned the Duchie of Millan he sent to tell the Viceroy that whether the affaires occurrant shoulde drawe him to an other enterprise or for any other occasion he should knowe that the restitution of the Medicis woulde be of harde action that he should take libertie to determine according to the condition of times and agree or not agree with the Citie according to the meane that brought the best oportunitie to his affayres This was his commaundement in the beginning but being afterwardes discontented with the Pope for the violence he would haue done at Rome to Alfonso d'Este and entring withall into suspicion for the threates he gaue publikely agaynst straungers he gaue playnely to vnderstande to the same Embassador of Florence that came to him in the beginning of the warre enioyning no lesse to the Viceroy that there shoulde be no stryuing to alter the gouernment In whiche deuise these two reasons were indifferent to him he iudged that eyther it would be a thing of more suretie to him to preserue the Gonfalonnier who was enemie to the Pope or else he feared that the Cardinall of Medicis being restored would not more depende of the Pope then of him But his last deliberation came not to the knowledge of the Viceroy vntill the daye after the common weale was reduced to the power of the Cardinall By this discourse it may be discerned that if the Florentyns after the french were chassed had looked to assure their affayres by some agreement or at least had made them selues strong with men and soldiours trayned eyther the Viceroy had not marched against them or at least finding resistance he would easily haue bene brought to composicion for money But their destinie was against their sauetie beeing besides the coniectures and comprehension of mans wisedom warned of the perills that were towards them by certein signes in the ayre for not long affore the lightning that fell vpon the gate that leades from Florence to Prato caried away from an auncient shield of Marble a golden flower de Lys which is the enseigne or armes of the french kings An other tyme a flashe of lightning discending from the toppe of the pallaice into the chamber of the Gonfalonnier touched no other thinge then a great vessell of siluer wherein the lotts are wont to be put when they come to bee made equall for the creacion of the great Magistrat And afterwards falling downe it stroke so violently a great stone which laye at the foote of the stayres and bare vp the burden of the building that beeing remoued from his place without any other hurt it seemed that the handes of men had taken him out with a wonderfull knowledge in Archytecture About these tymes or a litle before the Genovvais beating vpon the castell of Genes with thartilleries which the Pope had lent them the castell keeper beeing corrupted with a bribe of ten thowsand duckatts deliuered it vppe to the townes men This treason of the keeper moued partely by feare for that an armie by sea which was sent out of Prouence for the defence of the towne hauing not courage to take land were retyred by whose cowardisse he had no hope to bee succoured But the lanterne held out for the king wherein the same day certeine french vessels had conueyed vittells and other necessary prouisions Assoone as the matters of Florence were dispatched and the money receiued The Viceroy remoued his armie to march to Bressia About which citie the Venetians hauing now appaised the wills of the Svvyzzers were encamped and laye affore the gate of S. Iohn battering at one tyme both the towne and the castell with artilleries planted vpon the
the way that is vppon the toppe of the Pireney hills they tooke by assalt the towne that standes at the foote of the hills wherein was Baldes Capteine of the garde to the king of Aragon with many bandes of footemen And if to wynne the way of the willowes they had vsed the celeritie that the consideracion of the seruice required famine onely had beene sufficient to vanquishe the spanishe armye enuyroned on all sides with ennemies with ill wayes with ill fortune and with wantes But the diligence of the Duke of Alba preuented thennemye and preserued him selfe for that leauing in S. Ioh. Pie de Porto a thowsande footemen with all thartillerie he passed to Pampelune by the waye of the willowes affore they came thether So that the King of Nauarre and Palissa beeing disapoynted of that hope to whom also the Daulphin had sent a newe strength of foure hundred launces and seuen thowsande launceknightes made their approches to Pampeluna with foure peeces of artillerie which they had drawne with great difficultie by reason of the steepenes of the mountaines They gaue the assalt but with a fortune farre inferior to their forwardnes for that being not able to cary by their vallour that they were denied by the present season being then December and by the want of vittells being falne into a contrey barreine they repassed the Mountes Pireney vpon the which they were constrayned to leaue thartillerie both for the difficultie of the passages and for thimpediments of the paisants of those hills And at the same tyme Monsr de Lavvtrech who was entred Biskay with three hundred launces and three thowsand footemen making waste and pillage of the whole contrey after he had in vaine assalted the towne of Saint Sebastian he repassed the mountes and returned to the armie which now brake vp both hope and feare ceassing on all partes and the whole Realme of Nauarre remeyning free and peasible to the king of Aragon About this time there was a detection of a conspiracie that Ferdinand sonne to the late Federyk king of Naples who called him selfe Duke of Calabria had secretly conspired with the french king and to steale to the french armie not farre from the towne of Logrognia where at that time was the king of Aragon who sent him to the castell of Sciatyua whither the kings of Aragon are wont to send prisoners personages of name merit either for their nobilitie or for their vertue for this conspiracie was quartered Philip Coppolo a Neapolytane who was the secret Messenger to the french king in these actions Such is the alteracion of the state of worldly thinges that he was executed in the seruice of him whose grandfather by the father side had cutte of the heade of Counte de Sarny his father The detection of this conspyracie was of some consequence for th affayres of Italy for as it had his beginning of a certeyne gray Freare which the Duke of Ferrara had secretly sent to Ferdinand so the Kinge Catholike hauing already an inclinacion to satisfie the Popes will tooke this matter so to harte that he commaunded the Viceroy and his Embassadors resident with the Pope to conuert when they thought good his armye agaynst Ferrara seeking to exacte no further taxacions of money then suche as shoulde bee necessary to enterteyne them These were the accidents of that yeare both in Italye in Fraunce and in Spayne their yssues beeing diuerse as their causes were seuerall Nowe followeth the yeare a thowsand fiue hundred and thirteene no lesse full of occurrants straunge sundry then the other In the beginning of this yeare armes ceassed on all partes for that neither the Venetians molested others nor any other moued against them onely the Viceroy marched with three thowsand footemen to incampe affore the rocke of Tressa which immediatly was giuen vnto him vnder condicion that the bodies that were within should departe with goods and life saued But euery one vniuersally was troubled with the consideracion of thinges to come They sawe that the french king deliuered from forreine armes and eftsoones reincouraged both for the great leauy of launceknightes he had made and for thencrease of his numbers of men at armes had nothing in so great desire as to recouer the Duchy of Myllan Which disposicion albeit was very violent in him and no lesse desire to hasten the warre whilest the castells of Myllan Cremona were yet kept by his soldiours yet looking into the great impediments offered by thopposing of so many ennemyes and beeing not yet assured that the king of England woulde not make stronge warre against him the next sommer he determined to enter into no action onlesse he seperated some one of the confederats from the common allyance or else to wynne to him the amitie of the Venetians of these thinges the yeare past gaue him many hopes that some one of them might happly succeede to him for at that tyme that the Bishop of Gurcy went from Rome to Myllan he heard graciously by the way one of the familiar friendes of the Cardinall S. Seuerin sent to him from the french Queene and afterwardes he had sent into Fraunce one of his men to make these ouertures that the king should be bownd to ayde Caesar against the Venetians That the mariage should goe forward betweene the second Daughter of the king and Charles Nephewe to Caesar That to the Daughter should be giuen in dowrie the Duchie of Myllan That the king besides should giue vppe to his Daughter and his future sonne in law the rights he pretended to the Realme of Naples And because simple wordes and promisses should not stand to Caesar as a sewertie he required that the Daughter might be immediatly put into his handes And that when the king should haue recouered the Duchie of Myllan Cremona and Guiaradada shoulde bee to Caesar The king hoped likewise that he might easily ioyne to him the Venetians who were not a litle angrie at that time that the Viceroy occupied Bressia but much more for the matters which afterwards were accorded at Rome betweene Caesar and the Pope Therefore from that time the king had caused to come secretly to his Court Andrevv Gritty who being taken within Bressia remeyned as yet prisoner in Fraunce he wrought so also that Ioh. Ia. Tryuulce in whom the Venetians reaposed much did send to Venice one of his Secretories vnder shadowe of other affayres There offered him withall a certeine hope to be able to compownd with the king of Aragon who according to his custom often times to debate in his affaires by the negociacion of men religious had sent secretly into Fraunce two gray Frears to th ende that expressing howe they were touched with a conscience and zeale to the common benefitte they might beginne to negociat with the Queene in some pointes either concerning the peace vniuersall or particular betwene the two kings Wherein neuerthelesse there was no great hope the king knowing well enough that he would still
gaue this as a warning and lesson that that man was neither to be excused nor esteemed worthy of compassion who beeing once beguiled by an other returneth eftsoones to reappose confidence in him An enemie reconciled charitie leades vs to loue him but wisedome willeth vs not to trust him and to a friend once disproued there can be no greater daunger then eftsoones to reenter into confidence with him The Cardinall of S. Seuerin was of an other opinion who as his aduersaries sayd crossing Tryuulce more through enuie then for other occasion for that with his brethren he had alwaies defended the Gebelin faction in Myllan replied in the contrary that nothing could be more profitable to the king and his seruices then in ioyning with Caesar to breake the vnion of thennemies specially the confederacion being made by such meane as they might hope it would last That it was the propertie of Princes in their councells and deliberacions to preferre alwayes profitte affore good will affore hatred and affore other affections And what greater benefit could be done to Caesar then to ayde him presently against the Venetians with hope that his Nephew should come to succeede in the Duchie of Myllan That Caesar being seperat from the others the king Catholike would not obiect against his authoritie as well for thinterests of his Nephew as for other regards Moreouer that as nothing could more amaze the Pope then this confederacion so of the contrary to confederat with the Venetians was full of indignitie since there must be accorded to them Cremona Guiaradada members so conuenient to the Duchie of Myllan that to recouer them the king had stirred vppe all the worlde And yet if the vnion of the others were not broken and deuided the confederacion with the Venetians would not suffice to obteyne the victorie At last this opinion caried the king the rather for thauthoritie of the Queene who desired greatly thaduauncement of her Daughter onely her desire was accompanied with this condicion so farre forth as it might bee obteyned that till the consummacion of the mariage the younge Damesell might remeyne with her And she to bind her faith and promisse to keepe her in the name of Caesar as the spowse assigned for his Nephew to whome she would redeliuer her assoone as her age and yeares made her able to the full office of mariage But the Kinge beeing afterwardes certefied that Caesar woulde not agree vnder this forme of lymitacion but rather that he foysted in those offers for the tyme and by suttletie to detract his diligence and giue him cause to proceede more slowely in his other plottes he brake off from this practise and sent backe againe for Monsr de Asperot brother to Monsr de Lautrech already gone from the Court with his commission to finde the Bishoppe of Gurce On the other side the feare of the vnion betweene the king and the Venetians encreasing dayly the king of Aragon aduised Caesar to render Verona and to transferre the warre into Burgondy by the helpe of the money which he shoulde receiue of the Venetians and with the Spanishe armie Of this aduise was the Bishop of Gurcy who hoping to be hable to moue Caesar by his presence nowe returned into Germanie being followed not onely of Dom Peter de Vree which was come with him but also of Iohn Baptista Spinella Count of Carriato Embassador to the sayde king of Aragon resident with the Venetians And because no newe difficulties should breake of the matters that were nowe in action he induced first the senate to make truce with Caesar for the whole moneth of Marche And those Embassadors gaue them their fayth that Caesar shoulde render Verona if they would promise him within certayne times two hundred and fiftie thousande duckets and for yerely pension fiftie thousande In these alterations of affayres and in these times so deuided and conspiring the Pope fell sicke And happly he was then more full of high conceites and trauelling thoughts then at any time before for notwithstaÌ„ding he had brought his fortune to be equall to his desires obteined the thing he aspired vnto yet his deuises plots did nothing diminish but grewe increasing by the same meane which should haue satisfied them he had determined in the beginning of the spring and first opening of the yere to sende to thenterprise of Ferrara which he so muche desired and his opinion was that that state was hable to make no resistance both for that it was naked of all succours because the Spanish armie was to ioyne with his companies He had secretly bought of Caesar for the price of xxx thousande duckets the Citie of Siena for the behoofe of the Duke of Vrbin to whom except Pesera he woulde neuer giue any thing of thestate ecclesiastike to th ende to reserue to him selfe the whole glorie to haue simply and onely studyed for thexaltation of the Churche he agreed to lende to Caesar fortie thousande duckettes receyuing Modona in gage he threatned them of Lucquoy who in the heate of th affayres of the Duke of Ferrara were become lordes of Garsagnana making instance that they woulde deliuer it to him He was out of conceite with the Cardinall of Medicis for that he thought him to cleaue more to the king Catholike then to him And because he knewe he was not hable to dispose of the Citie of Florence as he thought he studied already newe plottes and newe practises to alter that estate He was yll contented with the Cardinall of Sion from whom he tooke the name of Legate and enioyned him to come to Rome for that in the Duchie of Myllan he had appropriate to him selfe a yerely rent of more then thirtie thousande duckets of the estates and goods of diuers persons The better to assure the Duke of Vrbin of Sienna by intelligences of his neighbours he had of newe taken into his paye Charles Baillon to chafe out of Perousa Iohn Paule who by affinitie was very neare ioyned to the sonnes of â—andolffe Petruccio successors to the greatnes of their father He would of newe create Duke of Genes Octauian Fregosa deposing Ianus from that dignitie an action wherevnto did consent the others of the house of Fregosa because for the degree that his auncestors helde in that state it seemed best to apperteine to him He studied continually either howe he might worke out of Italie the Spanish armie or cut it in peeces by the ayde of the Svvizzers whom aboue all others he exalted and embraced In this deuise he had this intention that the kingdome of Naples beeing occupied by him Italie should remayne free from straungers A speeche that often passed out of his mouth and to that ende he had hindred that the Svvizzers did not confederate with the king Catholike And yet as though it had bene in his power to batter all the world at one time he continued his accustomed rigour agaynst the French king and notwithstanding he had heard a message
without hope the last extremitie of vittells they agreed to leaue the towne the horses and liues of the souldiours saued if they were not reskewed within two dayes And it is not to bee douted that their holding out by the space of fiftie dayes was not a thing that greatlie profited the realme of Fraunce who by the benefite of the long suffering of Torvvaine had respit to temporise and prepare against many other greater afflictions which otherwise so mightie an armie of enemies would haue brought vppon them euen to the shaking of the Crowne of Fraunce A litle before Maximilian Caesar was come in persone into the Englishe armie reuiewinge and layinge out those places wherein in his youth he had with so great glorie ouerthrowne the armie of the French king Lovvys the eleuenth Who whilest he remayned in the campe the affayres of the warre tooke their chiefest direction and gouernment from him The Frenche king was not onely trauelled with thEnglishe armies but also with greater daunger he had his vexacions by the Svvizzers for the commonalties of those regions desiring with an vniuersall minde that the king should disclaime from all titles and rights which he pretended to the Duchie of Millan wherin for that he did nothing their hatred redoubled towardes him they had entred against him many actions of hostilitie and sette on fire many houses of priuate persons of Lucerna whome they suspected to beare fauor to thaffaires of the Crowne of Fraunce And proceeding continuallie against all men noted of like suspicion they had brought all the chiefetaines and principalls of them to sweare to suffer all the pensions to go in common so falling into armes by publike order they entred almost by heapes into Burgondy their numbers being xx thowsand footmen a thowsand horsemen In which action they had certeine proporcions of artillerie from Caesar who either according to his inconstancy or for ielousie he had of them refused to go thither in person notwithstanding he had promised both to the king of England to theÌ„ Being drawne into this strength power of warre they went incamped affore Dyon the chiefe towne of Burgondy wherin was Monsr Trimouille with a thowsand lauÌ„ces six thowsand footmeÌ„ These natures of coÌ„mons popular peoples hauing some dout of their Capteines who began already to communicate with the french tooke vpon them the managing of thartilleries and fell to batter the towne of whose defense Trimouille douting much he had recourse to the last remedies made with theÌ„ a sodain accord without exspecting any commission from the king on whose behalfe he made this contract to renounce all the rights claimes he pretended to the Duchy of Millan to pay them six hundred thowsand crownes within a certeine tearme for thobseruation of which couenant he gaue him foure ostages persons very honorable and of great condicion And for the Svvyzzers they were bownd to no other promise then to returne to their houses A matter which tyed them not to rememe for afterwards friendes to the french king but left them at libertie to returne when they list to thinuasions of his kingdom Assoone as they were possessed of thostages they brake vp and dissolued their army immediatly alleaging for their excuse with the king of England for entring into this couenant without his consent that they receyued not in tyme conuenient the money he had promised them It was thought that this capitulacion was the cause of the sauing of the whole Realme of Fraunce for that the taking of Dyon had put into the hands of the Svvyzzers a free power to ronne vp without resistance eueÌ„ to the wals of Paris And it was not vnlikely that the king of England passing the riuer of Somme would not haue taken the field to ioyne with theÌ„ A matter which the french could not let for that neither the duke of Gueldres being theÌ„ come nor in the armie aboue six thowsand launceknights they were constrayned to keepe them selues inclosed within townes But the king was not a litle discontented with the resolucion complayning not a litle against Monsr Trymouille both for the summe of money he had promised and much more that he had bound him to the resignation of his titles interests as anaction of too great preiudice farre vnworthy his greatnes the glory of the crowne of Fraunce for which cause albeit the dauÌ„ger had bene great if the Svvyzzers in their wrath had eftsoones returned to assaile him yet reapposing much in the approch of the winter and in the difficultie that they could not reassemble so soone being with all resolute to ronne all fortunes rather then to depriue himselfe of his rightes in that Duchie which he loued dearely he determined not to ratifie thaggreement yea rather he beganne to propownd to them newe offers which much lesse that they did harken vnto seeing they did coÌ„stantly reiect them with these bluddy threats that if the ratification came not within a certeine tyme they would cut of the heades of thostages Torvvaine being taken whereunto thArchduke aspyred by pretence of his auncient right and the king of England chalenged it to be his by the iust prerogatiue of conquest and warre Caesar and he fell to this point for thauoiding of discord to cast downe the wals to the ground notwithstanding such violence was forbidden by the capitulacions made with them of Torvvaine immediatly after Caesar went from tharmy giuing this iudgement vpon thexperience trial he had seene that in matters of warre thenglish were more resolute then wel a duised lesse suttle politike then wel disciplined trained From Torvvain the king of England went to incamp before Tornay A towne very stronge and riche and of great deuocion of long tyme to the crowne of Fraunce but so inuironed with the contreyes of thArchduke that it was impossible to the french to reskewe it so long as they were not maisters of the fielde The french king was not a litle glad of this enterprise fearing least the ennemie caried with victorie and wealth would not transferre his forces into the body and partes of his Realme of more importance A feare which put him into no small perplexities for notwithstanding he had now areared a mighty armie wherein besides the fiue hundred launces which he had bestowed in garrison in S. Quâ—ntyn were two thowsand launces eight thowsand light horsemen Albanois ten thowsand lauÌ„ceknights a thowsand Svvyzzers eight thowsand footemen of his owne nation yet it was farre inferior to the power and multitudes of thenglish armie which by the continuall slocking of souldiours was as the reaport went resupplyed to the number of foure skore thowsande fighting men By the consideracion of which inequalitie of forces the french king who had no great hope to be able to defende Boleyne and those partes of the contrey that are beyonde the riuer of Somme which he feared thEnglish would oppresse looked how to defend Abeuille
that he knewe well enough the estate of that daunger but on the other side was to be considered the perill that might breede of the disunion of those kings that in a matter of so greate importance it was harde to ballance things perfectly and to finde a councell that were wholly cleare from those daungers That in all euentes the Svvizzers woulde defende the duchie of Millan And lastly he answered that it was necessarie in deliberations so vncertayne and difficulte to referre one part to tharbitrement of aduenture and fortune What soeuer was the cause eyther for the authoritie of the Pope or by the proper inclination of the parties there began immediatly a practise of accorde betwene the king of Englande and the Frenche king The mocions and forespeeches of it were begon by the Pope with the Bishop of Yorke and were with diligence caryed into England whither for that busines the king sent the generall of Normandy but vnder culler to treate for the deliuery of the Marquis of Rhothelin Assone as he was come there was proclaymed a surceassing of armes by lande onely betweene the two Realmes so long as the generall remayned in Englande The king of Englandes inclination to peace was encreased by the occasion of newe iniuries for where Caesar had promised not to ratifie without him the truce made by the king Catholike he sent notwithstanding to the same king thinstrumente of ratification and by a letter whiche he wrote to the Frenche king he ratified in the name of Caesar but reteyned thinstrument the better to vse his artificiall semblaunces and demonstrations Assone as the negociation was begonne betweene the two kinges the Pope desirous to purchase grace with them bothe sente by poste into Fraunce the Byshoppe of Tricaro to offer him all his authoritie and facultie and to that ende he arryued in Englande by the suffraunce of the sayde king At the firste opening of this practise for peace there fell out manye difficulties for that the kinge of Englande demaunded Boleine in Pikardye wyth a greate summe of money But at laste all the differences fell vppon the towne of Tornaye the kinge of Englande stryuing to reteyne it and the French obiecting some difficultie In so muche as the king of Englande dispatched in poste to the Frenche kinge the Bishop of Tricaro whom he charged without imparting in what nature of particularitie consisted the difficultie to declare to the king from him that in regarde of so greate a benefite he shoulde not stande vppon so many suttle difficulties but to consider that in a Prince reason shoulde beare more imperie then passion The Frenche kinge because he woulde neither do wrong to his Crowne nor yll content hys people the towne of Tornay beeing verie noble and loyall to the Crowne of Fraunce caused the matter to be debated in full Councell wherein was an assistaunce of the principalles of his Courte who aduised him with one voyce to embrace peace yea vnder the condition offred And yet in that tyme the kinge Catholike dyd what he coulde to breake it offering the king manye plottes and deuises but specially to minister to hym all his meanes and fauours to conquer the duchie of Millan But the aunswere beeing returned into Englande that the Frenche king stoode contented with the resolution of Tornaye the peace succeeded and was concluded in the beginning of August betweene the two kings duryng theyr lyues and for one yeare after their death In the capitulation it was expressed that Tornay should remayne to the kinge of Englande to whome the Frenche kinge shoulde paye sixe hundred thowsande crownes and that in suche sorte of distribution that the Frenche kinge shoulde make payment of an hundred thousande frankes euery yeare till the full payment was satisfied That they shoulde bee bounde to defende their estates mutually and reciprocally with tenne thousande footemen if the warre wente by lande and with six thousande onely if the warre were made by sea That the french king should be bounde to serue the king of Englande in all hys affayres with twelue hundred launces and the king of Englande likewise to minister to his seruices with ten thousande footemen Thexpences to be defrayed by either of them that should haue nede of the men Both the one and other of them named the Skottishe king tharchduke and the Empire But Caesar and the king Catholike were not named The Svvizzers had a nomination but it bare a condition that who soeuer woulde defende agaynst the French king the estate of Millan Genes or Ast should be excluded out of the nomination This peace which was made with a wonderful readines was confirmed by the mariage of the kings sister of Englande with the Frenche king vnder condition that he should acknowledge to haue receiued foure hundred thousand crownes for her dowry The contract or handfestings were made in Englande where the king Catholikes embassador was not in presence for the great hatred the king of Englande bare to the king his maister And euen vpon the conclusion and resolution of this peace came to the Courte of Fraunce thinstrument of ratification which Caesar had made together with his commission and the king Catholikes for conclusion of the mariage that was solicited betwene Ferd. d'Austriche and the seconde daughter of Fraunce not yet foure yeares of age But the practise of that mariage vanished presently by reason of the peace that was now established And the Frenche king to satisfie better the king of England gaue order that the Duke of Suffolke Capteine generall of the Launceknightes that were in his pay should departe the dominions of Fraunce in whom the honors recompences that the king made to him ouercame all occasions of discontentment the bountie and liberalitie of the one being no greater then the affabilitie and disposition of the other The Pope had also in this time made new aliances for that according to his dissimulations he wished on the one side that the frēch king should not recouer the duchie of Millan and on the other side he sought to enterteine the king and the other princes as much as he could with sundry meanes And therfore he had delt with the king by the Cardinall S. Seuerin who managed his affayres in the court of Rome that seing the times suffred not to knit betwene them a more great and more discouered aliance that at least there might be layed a beginning fundation whervpon might be raysed a hope to accomplish at an other time a more straite intelligence to those ends he sent him the particularities of articles But the french king notwithstanding he made demonstration to like well of the motion did not answer so directly spedily as was looked for he was xv dayes in resoluing either for thimpedimēt of other affayres or that he exspected some answere from an other place to th ende to proceede according to the trayne of affayres By which delaying the Pope entred into newe capitulations for a
of the king of England he did not of new determine to make warre but rather did enterteyne and recontinue the plot that was layed before Therefore because they would not be taken vnprouided they fell to solicit a confederacion with the Pope and with the Svvyzzers But the Pope enterteyning both parties with wordes gracious and studying to nourish them all with diuers hopes deferred stil to make any certaine declaracion And touching the Svvyzzers their former hatreds did not onely still continue but by time were made greater by increase of occasions for that the causes that had taken their beginning of griefes publike bothe for the deniall of augmentacion of their pensions for the calling of launceknightes to the kinges paye and for the disdaynefull and iniurious wordes deliuered against their nation were redoubled and reincreased of priuate sorowes displeasures and ambicious desires The same rising both vppon an enuie which the Commons bare to many perticulars receiuing giftes and pensions of the king also for that those factions that most hotly obiected them selues against such as followed the french amities which commonly were called at that time Gallizzanti being by that meane aduaunced with the fauor of the Commons into reputacion and greatnes feared a diminucion of their authoritie if the common weale were of new reallied with the french In so much that the councell disputacion of affaires passing not in a coursse of publike zeale but with ambicion and dissentions ciuill these bearing more credit then the Gallizanti it was obteyned that they should refuse the vnreasonable offers of the french king In this disposicion of mindes and affayres thEmbassadors of Caesar king of Aragon Duke of Myllan assembled and met affore the Svvyzzers contracted with them in the name of their Princes a confederacion for the defence of Italy reseruing a respit for the Pope to enter vntil the Monday of the lent following In this capitulacion it was agreed that to compell the french king to disclaime all his rights interests in the Duchie of Myllan the Svvyzzers receiuing monethly of the other cōfederats xxx thowsand duckats should inuade either Burgondy or Dauphyne And the king Catholike with a mightie army should make strong warre vpon the realme of Fraunce either vpon the side of Parpignan or Fonterabye By these inuasions the confederats pretended that the french king cōpelled to apply to the defense of his own realme should haue no oportunitie to molest the Duchy of Millan though he had made a resolucion agreable to his will this deliberacion of the king was kept secret vntill the moneth of Iune but at last such was the greatnes and care of the seuerall preparacions that they could no longer dissemble so great and apparant stirres The prouisions of money were great vniuersally reached to all the parts in the realme he leauied many bandes of launceknightes he caused to be drawne towardes Lyon great stoare of artilleries And had lately sent into Guyhen to leauy tenne thowsande footemen from the marches of Nauarro vnder Peter of Nauarro who was newly entred into his pay This was the reason that he ioyned him selfe to the french seruice the king of Aragon was discontented with him and charged him most of all others with the ill successe of the battell of Rauenna he would not pay his ransom that was rated at twentie thowsand duckats which the late king had giuen to the Marquis of Rottelyn to recompense in some parte the hundred thowsand crownes which he had paid in England for his ransom but the new king electing him to his seruice defraied his ransom at his first comming to the crowne tooke him into his pay which yet the sayed Peter of Nauarro would not accept till for the safetie of his honor he had sent to the king of Aragon to excuse himselfe that being abandoned of him he gaue place to necessitie renouncing notwithstanding the estates which he had giuen him in the kingdome of Naples By this time it was manifest to all the worlde that those preparacions tended to make warre vpon the Duchie of Millan that the king determined to goe thether in person So that the kinge beganne in demaundes and speaches discloased to require the Pope to ioyne with him wherein he vsed besides many other instrumentes and perswasions by the meane of Iulian his brother who had newly taken for wife Philiberta sister to Charles Duke of Sauoye and aunt to the king by the mothers side his dowrie being assigned to him vpon the hundred thowsande crownes which the Pope gaue him This gaue the kinge some hope that the Pope respecting the alliance would be readily inclined to embrase his amity the rather for that he hauing before treated with the king Catholike to mary Iuliā with one of his parentes which was of the house of Cardoua it seemed he had preferred that alliance to the other more for his owne regard then for other reason he douted not also that Iulian would not willingly help forward for desire to get by that meane some estate by the which he might furnish thexpenses conuenient to so great a mariage with all the better to establish the perpetuall gouernment which the Pope had newly giuen him of the cities of Modona Reggia Parma and Plaisance which being not supported by the fauor of mightie Princes he had litle hope to be hable to keepe them after the death of his brother But the king began euen now to fall from his hope both for that the Pope had transferred to the king of Aragon for two yeres the moneys and collections called the Croissards of the realme of Spaine whereof it was thought he would draw by way of contribucion aboue a million of duckattes And also for that he heard with great inclinacion Alberto Carpy Ier. Vich Embassadors of Caesar and the king Catholike who did not only keepe almost alwayes about him but also it seemed the Pope did communicate with them all his councells Neuerthelesse the Pope interteined the king in suspence both giuing good wordes and showing sounde intencion to those that negociated for the king but alwayes without any resolucion as one that desired aboue all other thinges that the Duchie of Millan shoulde not bee possessed by forreyne Princes Therefore the king whom it imported to bee better assured of his intencion addressed to him newe Embassadours amongest whome was VVilliam Buda of Paris a man in science of humanitie eyther Greeke or Latin of most absolute and onely erudicion of all the learned men of our time Afterwardes he sent to him in the same legacion Antho. Maria Paluoisino A man verie acceptable to the Pope seeking to omitte no meane wherein might bee any oportunitie to aduaunce his purpose But all was labour loste for that before his comminge euen from the moneth of Iulie he had verie secretlie contracted with the others for the defense of the estate of Myllan Notwithstandinge seekinge to keepe couered that resolucion
castell fifteene hundred Svvizzers and fiue hundred Italians and gaue hope to the Duke that the same bands and regiments would returne speedely to his seruice and giue reskew to the castell with this property of hope Maximilian Sforce accompanied with Iohn Gonzago Ierom Morono with other gentlemen of Millan inclosed him selfe in the castell after he had with great difficultie consented that his brother Frauncis Duke of Bary should go into Germanie The Cardinall of Syon tooke his iorney towardes Gaesar to solicite for succours giuing his faith to returne to the seruice with expedicion Thus was the city of Millan abandoned and giuen vp to the French king neither their vallour nor their fortune being able to minister any further protection amid so many hard aduersities And as it is a course ordinary in humane chaunces that one infelicity neuer comes alone so besides their subiection they suffered this propertie of calamity to pay to the king such quantities of treasor and money as it pleased him to impose vpon them only his person forbare to enter the towne so long as the castell helde good for the enemies holding it a matter vnworthie the maiestie of a king to make his entrie into a towne which was not wholly and absolutly in his power In the place where he had wonne the battell he caused Masses to be song solemnly for three dayes the first was to thanke God for his victorie the seconde to pray for the soules of those that were slaughtered in the battell and in the third he made supplication for peace and in perpetuall memorie of his victorie he built in the same place a chappell of deuocion immediatly vpon the brute of this battell all the townes and castells of the Duchie of Millan followed the fortune of the victory except the castells of Cremona and Millan to the which was appointed Peter of Nauarre who assured that he would carie it in lesse then a moneth A matter that seemed vnreasonable in thopinion of wise men both for that the castell bare good fortificacions and also for the plentifull proportion of all things necessary for defence yea hauing within it a resolute garrison of two thowsand men of warre The Viceroy receiuing aduertisement of the french victorie remeined a very few dayes in the place where he was incamped and that more by necessity then by will hauing no reason nor oportunitie to remoue his armie for want of money But being at last refurnished with some litle proporcion and borowing besides of Lavvrence de Medicis six thowsand duckats he brake vp and withdrewe to Ponto de Nuro with intencion to goe to the Realme of Naples for albeit the Pope vnderstanding what was hapned had in the beginning represented to the world the constancie of his predecessor hauing withal the Embassadors of the confederats to perswade him to make head against fortune and to labor either to hold the Svvyzzers in good disposicion or at least vpon their reuolting to take in their places the launceknightes yet he discerned that it could not be but that the remedies and prouisions would fall out too slow for his perills and that he should be the first that should suffer for that though the respect and reuerence of the Church held the king from molesting the state Ecclesiastyke yet he could not beleeue that it was able to conteyne him from assailing Parma and Plaisanca as members depending of the Duchie of Myllan and much lesse hold him frō molesting the state of Florence A matter wherein al regards did ceasse and for the which he would thinke him selfe as deepely offended as if violence were directly offered to the state of the Church It was not without cause that he feared these inuasions for that the king had already giuen order to cast a bridge ouer the riuer of Pavv neare to Pauia to send to take Parma and Plaisanta and afterwards if the Pope refused his amitie to proceede by the way of Pontresmo to chasse the Medicis from the towne of Florence But amyd these deuises and preparacions The Duke of Sauoye and Bishop of Tricaro the Popes Nuncio by commission of the Pope treated with the king who was not without vehement desires to be accorded with him fearing perhaps new allyances to be made against him bearing a wonderfull reuerence and inclinacion to the sea Apostolike for the terrour that was thorow the whole Realme of Fraunce by reason of the persecutions receiued by Pope Iulio In these respects there was concluded betweene them a present confederacion for the defense of the states of Italy wherein was particularly expressed that the king shoulde take vppon him the protection of the person of the Pope the state of the Church Iulian and Lavvrence de Medicis and the estate of Florence That the king should giue an estate in Fraunce and pension to Iulian and to Lavvrence a pension a companye of fifty launces That he should consent that the Pope might giue passage to the Viceroy thorow the states and iurisdiction of the Church to returne with his armie to the kingdom of Naples That the Pope should be bound to make depart out of Verona the souldiers he had there and withall to countermaund the companies sent to the succours of Caesar against the Venetians That he should giue vp to the french king the cities of Farma and Plaisanca and in recompense thereof the king to agree that from thence forward the Duchie of Myllan should be bound to leauy for his vse the salts of Ceruia A matter of great profit to the church and wherein the Pope had already agreed with the Duke of Myllan in the confederacion he made with him That there should be made an arbytracion and compromisse in the person of the Duke of Sauoye to iudge whether the Florentyns had broken the confederacion made with king Lovvys and if they haue offended that way then he to haue power to impose such penaltie as they haue deserued This the king sayde he demaunded more for satisfying of his honor then for other respect Assoone as this conclusion was made the Bishop of Tricaro went to Rome in post to perswade the Pope to ratifie it And Lavvrence de Medicis to giue occasion to the Viceroy to depart the sooner withdrew to Parma Reggia the companies that were within Plaisanca touching him selfe he went to the king to obteyne his good grace and fauor and to perswade him that in all estates of tymes and chaunces of thinges he would depend vpon him vsing in that office or offer of Court the aduises of his Vncle which were more full of suttletie then of good meaning It was much a doe to induce the Pope to this ratification for that it brought no litle displeasure to him to loase Parma and Plaisanca He coulde willingly haue temporised to see what the Svvizzers woulde first determine who hauing called a Parliament at Surich the principall Canton of the whole nation and most enemie to the French debated to giue
hopes that had bene giuen and also for an exspectation of eyght thousande footemen to come out of Germanie whiche the Capteines that laye about Bressia had no confidence to be hable to hinder The Venetians to couer someway thignominie of their retrait were contented to agree with the defendauntes of Bressia that if they were not succoured within thirtie dayes they would abandon the Citie and go out of it with their ensignes displayed their artilleries and what else apperteined to them A promise whiche euery one knewe would serue to no purpose for th assurance they had of succours only it was a thing profitable to them of Bressia to be deliuered in the meane whyle from aduersities and afflictions Afterwardes the Venetians put eyght thousand footmen within Bre â–ª a towne subect to the Counts of Lodrono but assone as they heard the launceknights marched to whom the Castell of Auso was rendred they retyred cowardly to th armie The capteins themselues showed no greater resolution corage who fearing to be charged at one time both by those bands the defendantes of Bressia and also by Mark Antho â–ª Colonno with the regiments that were within Verona retired to Gueda whither they had sent afore being assured of that accident their greatest sortes of artillerie and almost all their baggage And the launceknights that entred into Verona without impediment returned into Germanie after they had refurnished it of vittells and reenforced the garrison During these accidents and enterchaunge of affayres the Pope and the French king had agreed vppon an enteruiewe at Bolognia A place which the king accepted affore Florence because he would not be farre remoued from the Duchie of Millan And chiefly for that the Duke of Sauoye managed continually the negociacion of accord betweene him and the Svvyzzers But some thought he made election of that place for that in passing into Tuskane he should be constrayned to leade with him a great trayne of souldiours to th ende he should not enter into Florence with a lesse pompe then did the late king Charles before him for dressing of which pomp it behoued him to spend certeine daies in deferring a matter by so much more grieuous and intollerable to the king by how much besides generall respects it would breede occasion to make him reteyne yet longer the whole armie whereof albeit the exspenses were great yet made he no reckoning nor resolucion to send away any parte of it so long as his person remeyned in Italy Thus the Pope entred into Bolognia the eyght daye of December and after him the king made his entry within two dayes and to receiue him were gone to the confyns of the contry of Reggia the Cardinalls Fiesquâ— and Medicis Legats Apostolyke The king entred without many bandes of souldiers and with no great trayne of Court and Courtyers And beeing conueyed according to the manner of kinges into the publike Consistorie affore the Popes presence he offered in his owne person his great Chauncellor deliuering the speech for him the obedience which till then he had not protested They were lodged three dayes together in one pallace showing one to another right great and manifest tokens of good will and amitie They confirmed at this meeting with wordes and promisses the obligacions and contracts passed affore and debated besides of many thinges touching the Realme of Naples which for that the king was in no readines to assayle at that tyme he contented him selfe with the great hope and assurances which the Pope gaue to fauor him in that enterprise eyther assoone as the king of Aragon should dye who in reasonable iudgement coulde not longe liue or when the confederacion which he had with him should be ended which yet had continuance of sixteene monethes The king also besought the Pope to render to the Duke of Ferrara Modono and Reggia whereunto he condiscended so farre forth as the Duke repaied xl thowsand duckats which he had giuen to Caesar for Modona withall make recompense for such summes of money as he had disbursed in exspenses for both the cities Lastly the king was a sutor for Frauncis Maria Duke of Vrbyn who beeing waged and interteyned by the Church with two hundred men at armes and appoynted with Iuliande Medicis to goe to th armie and afterwards that charge beeing transferred to Lavvrence by reason Iulian was sicke he refused to go thether alleaging he would not accord to Lavvrence that which against his dignitie he had suffered for friendships sake in Iulian to beare the place of a simple Capteine and subiect to thauthoritie of an other and that in the armie of the Church wherein he had ruled so oftentymes as generall and soueraigne Commaunder of all Moreouer he reuoked those souldiours in his paye that were on the way notwithstanding his promisse to sende them on to the seruice he had also secretly compownded or at least was in action of composicion with the french king like as also euer since the kinges victorie he had not ceassed by speciall working to kindle him against the Pope who taking thoceasion of those iniuries and casting by all his deuises to make fall to his house that Duchie refused to the kinge his demaunde reducinge to his remembraunce by sweete wordes of what consequence it woulde be for thaffaires of the Churche to giue boldnesse to his subiectes to rebell by so hurtefull an example These reasons induced the king to conforme him selfe to the Popes will notwithstandinge in regard of his honor he would gladly haue purchassed safetie for him that was falne into daunger for being faithfull to his seruice Wherunto he was perswaded by many of his councell and most of his Courte who vnder the example of the late king proued howe vnwise a councell it was to giue harte and countenaunce to the Duke Valentynois to oppresse the inferior Lordes of Italie a matter that made him rise into that estate of greatnesse that if God had giuen longer life to his father Pope Alexander his ambicion coulde not but haue bene verie preiudiciall to the affayres of Fraunce The Pope promised to giue the king power to leauie the tenth parte of the Churche reuenues of the realme of Fraunce for the arearing of an armie And gaue also his consent that the king should haue the nominacion of benefices which alwayes affore hath apperteyned to colledges and Chapters of Churches a matter that fell out muche to the profitte and purpose of the kings of Fraunce not only hauing by that meane the facultie to dispose at their owne arbitracion and will many riche benefices but also the annates of the frenche Churches shoulde afterwardes be payed to the Pope according to the true vallue and not as the auncient taxacions being farre lesse required Wherein the Pope found him selfe deceiued for when his Deputies and commissaries for the realme of Fraunce sought to proceede against those that conceiled the true vallue they coulde finde no proofe nor testimonie and muche lesse haue
meane to execute against the parties so that dispatches went out according to the olde rates The king for his parte promised not to take into his protection any of the Cities of Tuskane And albeit afterwardes he required to haue libertie to protect the people of Lucqua who offered him fiue and twentie thowsande duckats saying he was bounde to that protection by thobligacion of his predecessor yet the Pope would giue no consent but promised for his parte that he woulde forbeare to molest them in any sorte Lastly they agreed by indifferent consent of them both to sende frear Giles Generall of the Augustins and an excellent preacher to Caesar in the Popes name to dispose him to render to the Venetians Bressa and Verona taking a recompense of money And so vppon the expedicion of these matters but not sette downe by wryting except tharticle for nominacion of benefices and payment of the Annats according to the true vallue the Pope in fauour of the king pronounced Cardinall Adrian de Boisy brother to the great Maister of Fraunce and of the greatest authoritie with the king and in the generall gouernment That the enteruiewe brake vppe the king departing from the Pope verie well contented and in great hope to haue him his perpetuall frende who for his parte expressed no lesse with all reasonable demonstracions but in his minde he nourished other impressions for that bothe it was a matter no lesse greeuous to him then affore that the Duchie of Myllan shoulde be possessed by the Frenche king and Parma and Plaisanca restored and also that the Duke of Ferrara should be eftsoones reinuested in Modena and Reggia And yet all these not long after turned to vanitie and smoake for that the Pope being gone from Bolognia to Florence remeining there about a moneth had receiued of the Duke promises of the money that should be payd assoone as he should enter into possession being there set down in writing by common consent thinstrumentes that were to passe betwene them the Pope neither denying nor accomplishing but interposing many delayes and excuses refused to giue perfection to things The king being returned to Myllan dismissed his armie except seuen hundred launces six thowsand launceknightes and foure thowsand frenchmen such as they caladuenturers whom he left for the gard of that estate And for his owne person he teturned into Fraunce with great speede about the first beginning of the yeare 1516. leauing behinde him as his Lieftenaunt Charles Duke of Burbon he thought he had left his affayres in Italie in good estate of sewertie both for the allyance newlie contracted with the Pope and also for that about that time he was newly compounded with the Svvyzzers who notwithstanding the perswasions of the king of England to haue them to reenter into armes against the frenche king renewed with him thalliance by the which they bound them selues to furnishe alwayes for his seruice and at his paye both in Italie and out of Italie for defense and offence and against all nations suche numbers of footemen as he would require and that vnder their vniuersall name and publike enfeignes onely they excepted to beare armes against the Pope the Empire and thEmperour And on the other side the king confirmed to them of newe their auncient pensions with promisse to paye them within a certaine time the six hundred thowsand duckats agreed vpon at Dyon with three hundred thowsande if they gaue vp to him the villages and vallies apperteyning to his Duchy of Myllan A matter which the fiue Cantons that possessed those places refusing to do as also to ratifie the accord the king began to pay to the other eight Cantons that parte and porcion of the money that apperteined to them who accepted it but vnder this expresse condicion that they should not be bound to take his pay against the fiue Cantons About the beginning of this yeare the Bishoppe Petruccio an auncient seruant to the Pope chassed out of Siena by the Popes aide and some helpe from the Florentins Borgueso sonne to Pandolffe Petruccio his cossing and impatronised him selfe vpon the place the authority and gouernment remeining by equity in the possession of his said cossing the Pope had two respects inducing him to this actiō the one for that that citie standing betwene the estate of the Church and the dominion of the Florentins was gouerned by a man wholly at his deuocion the other was much more particular and mouing for that he hoped with the fauor of some good occasion to make it fall into the gouernment of his brother or his nephew wherein he douted nothing of the Bishops consent hauing already framed him tractable to all his desires and ambicions The warre continued kindeled betwene Caesar and the Venetians who for their partes desired to recouer by the aide of the frenche king Bressa and Verona But for other places and regions of Italie things seemed to stand in a peasible estate onely there beganne to burst out mocions of new stirres that were pushed on by the king of Aragon who fearing least the greatnesse of the frenche king would bring some aduersities to the realme of Naples delt with Caesar and the king of Englande to recontinewe the warre A matter not onely of no great difficultie and hardnesse to drawe Caesar vnto being both desirous of innouacion and newe thinges and also was not able easily to kepe the townes which he had takē from the Venetians But also it was fullie concluded and agreed vnto by the king of England The remembraunce of the late infidelitie and breache of promise of his father in lawe being of lesse power in him then either his present emulacion or auncient hatred against the crowne of Fraunce besides he was enuious that the Skottish king being in minoritie should be gouerned by people of his appoyntment or any waye depending on him These matters had bene followed both with better councell and greater forces if during the negociacion the death of the king of Aragon had not hapned who after he had bene vexed with a long indisposicion died in an inferior village called Madrigalege as he went to Seuile with his Court he was a king excellent in councell and so furnished with al other properties of vertue that he bare no occasion matter of reprehension if he had bene constant to keepe his promisses for touching thimputacion of nigardnes or the reapport that went of him to be straite in exspenses it was proued vntrue by the testimonie and discouerie of his estate after his death leauing behinde him no amasse of treasor notwithstanding he had reigned xlij yeares But it hapneth oftentymes by the corrupt iudgement of men that in a king prodigalitie is more praysed though the raking and oppression of subiects be ioyned to it then a sparing straitnes wherin is nourished an orderly absteyning from taxing the goods of others To thexcellent vertues of this Prince was ioyned a most rare and perpetuall felicitie
foure dayes to the obedience of the Church But the Castell of Sinigalo made no delay to folow the course of the victorie as also the strong Castell of Pesero after it had bene two dayes executed with artilleries compounded to giue vp if within twentie dayes it were not reskewed so farfoorth as during this time of truce or exspectation of succours there were no casting of rampiers nor other sort of fortifications which condition being yll performed was the cause that Tranquillo receiuing no reskew within the tyme appoynted refused to deliuer it vp and beginning a fresh to recontinue the warre he made new sallies and actions vpon thenemy without which made his destinie the harder for that the batterie beginning to play with greater furie the souldiors within the Castell preferring their owne safetie affore the wyll of Tranquillo drewe into mutinie agaynst him and deliuered him vp into the hands of the capteines who condemned him to be hanged for his promise breaking Not many dayes after was rendred the castell of Maiuola a place very necessarie to besiege S. Leo for that it is but a myle distance and hath his situation directly opposite And they bestowed about S. Leo two thousande men to th end to keepe it besieged And albeit for the strong situation there was no hope to carie it but by the laste necessitie whiche is hunger yet it was surprised within three monethes by an inuention of a maister Capenter who clymbing by nighte by the benefite of a very long Ladder vp to a clyffe or dependant supposed to be most inaccessible of all that mountayne he tooke away his ladder and remayning there all the residue of the night he began at the firste appearing of the day to clyme higher with certayne fastning instrumentes of yron and got at laste with greate aduenture to the top of the mountayne and so discending agayne and with his yron instrumentes making easie certaine of the places that were of most difficultie he returned the night folowing to the campe by the helpe of the same ladder that caryed him vp he declared to the capteines that the mountayne was accessible and that in the enterprise the danger was greater in opinion then in aduenturing in so much as a night was appoynted when he was sent thither with the same ladder that he first vsed And as it was reasonable that he should be guyde of thaction that was the first author of thinuention so there were committed to him a hundred and fiftie footmen of choyse with whome staying vpon the sayde cliffe or dependant they began at the opening of the day for it was impossible to climbe higher by night to mount vp those very harde and straite places esteeming nothing of the perill when they considered what glorie was in the aduenture with this labour about thirtie of them ouercame the difficultie of the place and gotte vp to the toppe of the mountayne with a drumme and six ensignes and hiding them selues vpon the ground to exspect their companions that were a climing when the watch being then releued espyed them as they laye in ambushe vpon the earth The watche gaue the alarme when the souldiors being now disclosed not tarying for their felows gaue the signe to the army in the camp who according to good direction tooke knowledge of the successe of the climers and with great store of ladders offred a present assault to the mountayne in many places Their chiefest reason in this assault was to drawe away those that were within who after they had somewhat serued the places they were apponted vnto and discrying already vpon the playne of the mountaine six ensignes aduaunced they ranne to enclose themselues within the Castell that was hewed out of the mountayne hauing now more feare of their lyues then confidence in the inuincible strength of the place The residue by this time beeing clymed vp to the top of the mountaine they began to commaunde the whole place opening the way to others that as yet with great payne difficultie were labouring to winne the top of the hill But the resolution of the clymers beeing farre aboue the vallour of the defendantes in whom also the sodennesse of the fortune redoubled their feare the mountayne became a rewarde to the labours of those that had aduentured to clymbe it when the Castell also well prouided of all thinges to holde out sauing of vallour and fidelitie yelded the seconde day In so much as vpon the conquering of this estate which together with Pesera Siuigalo seperat members from the Duchie of Vrbin was not worth in reuenue aboue xxv thousande duckets The Pope pursuing the processe he had begon published sentence depriued Frauncis Maria and in the consistory inuested his nephew Lavvrence wherin for a more hable and sufficient cōfirmation of his doings he annexed to the Bull which he dispatched for that action the subscribing of the proper hands of all the Cardinalls sauing of Dominike Grimani Bishop of Vrbin and an auncient frend to the Duke who would not be concurrant in so manifest a wrong for that cause fearing the Popes indignatiō he departed afterwards from Rome whether he neuer returned so long as he liued The french king was discōtented with thoppression of the duke of Vrbin the rather for that he suffred priuation of his estate for being cōfederat with him But he stood much more displeased for many other things that the Pope did for Prospero Colonno abiding at Basseta a town of the Paluoisins at such time as he was returned frō Fraūce afterwards being come to Modona for feare of the frēchmen whither likewise was retired Ier. Morono who also stood in dout of thē for that contrary to their promises they had cōmanded him to go into Fraunce There was conspiracie whilest Prospero lay at Modona afterwards at Bolognia to surprise secretly some place of importance in the duchie of Millan by the working of some of the banished men In this practise was also concurrant Mucio Colonno to whom the Pope hauing priuity in these actions had graunted harbour for his bandes of souldiors vpon the territories of Modena Moreouer the Pope had perswaded the king Catholike for so was tharchduke called since the death of his grandfather by the mother side to make no newe conuentions with the Frenche king And on the behalfe of the Svvizzers Emius Bishop of Verulo and the Popes Nuncio to whom afterwards euen in his latest yeares was transferred the creation and dignitie of Cardinall stirred vp the fiue Cantons to folow the amitie of Caesar besides many other offices displeasing to the king So that concurring also at the same time a practise betweene Caesar who remayning betwene Trent and Ispurch terrified the French men more with demonstrations then with effects and the king of Englande and the Svvizzers to make a newe inuasion vppon the Duchie of Millan The Frenche king suspected that these matters were wrought with the will and priuitie of the Pope
whose euill affection also appeared in other actions making many exceptions and difficulties to confirme vnto him the tenth of the benefices of the realme of Fraunce which he had promised him at Bolognia And yet so great is the respect and maiestie of a Pope the king so labored to appease him with offers offices that albeit after the departure of Caesar he had determined to molest Mirandula Carpy and Correge as townes imperiall to th ende to make some leauyes of money of them yet he forbare from all action in regarde of the complaynings of the Pope who had receyued affore into his protection the Lordes of those townes Moreouer the Mores of Affrica commaunding the sea inferior with many vessels he offred to sende him for the suretie of those seas his nauie of ships which Peter of Nauarre armed at Marseilles by his consent for thinuasion of the streames and creekes of Barbarie with a strength of six thousande footemen But notwithstanding all these offers obseruances the Pope perseuered in his opinion and as sometimes he would vse deniall sometimes occupie excuses yet he would neuer so muche as consent to that demaunde the king had made to him with great instance to call out of Svvizzerlande the Bishop of Verulo and much lesse would he remoue Mucio Colonno from the territories of Modona where he fained he remained of his owne authoritie vntill by the departure of Prospero from Bolognia and all that practise dissolued into smoke there was no more necessitie of his abiding there Only the breaking vp from thence was a matter of great aduersitie to Mutio for that entring afterwardes by night into the towne of Ferma with the forces of the Colonnois and with certayne bandes of footemen Spanish as he was busie in sacking the Citie he receyued a blowe whereof he dyed within fewe dayes after In this estate of affayres and the Senate of Venice making instance for the recouerie of Verona Monsr Lavvtrech with his armie of sixe thousand Launceknightes whome the Venetians agreed to paye for that enterprise came to the riuer of Adice to th ende to passe to Vsolinguo and so to encampe affore Verona together with the Venetian armie But what by the rumour of the comming of the Svvizzers nowe redoubled and the suspicion recontinued of the being of Prospero Colonno at Modona where also remayned the Cardinall of S. Maria in Portico he retyred to Pesquiero not without the complaintes of the Venetians making distribution of his bandes both on this side beyond the riuer of Mincia And notwithstanding the said suspicions were ceassed and that from a regiment of two thousand footmen both Spanish and Launceknightes were gone to the paye of the Venetians and more did go dayly yet he remayned in that place more then a moneth exspecting as was sayde bothe a newe prouision of money out of Fraunce and a greater proportion of artillerie municions and money from the Venetians But the true cause of his temporising was to obserue what would be the issue of the treatie betwene his king and the king Catholike for the Frenche king knowing howe muche and howe necessarily his amitie did import the king Catholike both to remoue the difficulties of his passage into Spayne and to assure him of thobedience and iurisdiction of his kingdomes he seemed not content with the matters that had bene agreed vpon affore at Paris but deuised both to impose vpon him more harder conditions and by his working to haue peace with Caesar which he could not bring to passe without rendring Verona to the Venetians And touching the Spanishe king whose minoritie hauing not aboue fyfteene yeares was wholly gouerned by Monsr de Cheures he refused not to applye his deliberations to the present time and necessitie of thinges By reason whereof on the parte of the Frenche king were sent to Noyon the Bishoppe of Paris the greate maister of Fraunce and the President of the Parliament of Paris And for the king Catholike were Monsr de Cheures and the great Chauncellor of Caesar In whiche respite or intermission the rigour of armes and hostilitie as is the custome of warfaring of our tyme was continually imployed agaynst the poore paisantes and countrey men Monsr de Lavvtrech lying still to see what woulde come of the negociation for by the benefite of a bridge which he had buylded at the village of Monzarban he beganne to cutte downe the corne of the countrey of Verona and gaue libertie to his light horsemen to make incursions in all places He sent also one parte of his armie to incampe vppon the landes of the Mantuans making hauocke of the commodities of that countrey with so vniuersall and generall domage that to redeeme their harmes together with the retyring of so daungerous an enemie the Marquis of Mantua was contented to contribute to him twelue thousande crownes And the souldiors of Verona executing dayly hostilities vppon the territories of Vincensa and Padoa put to sacke the wretched Citie of Vincensa Afterwardes Monsr de Lavvtrech bearing compassion to the great complayntes of the Venetians passed the ryuer of Adice by a bridge whiche he caused to be sette vp at Vsolingua and afterwardes hauing made a greate praye of the countrey for it was neuer thought that th armie would passe on that side he drewe neare to Verona to besiege it winning Chiusa in the meane whyle by the ayde of the countrey men to make more harde the passage of succours that were to come out of Germanie Neuerthelesse the same daye that he approched to Verona the regimentes of Launceknightes beeing nowe three monethes since they had bene enterteined with the money of the Venetians eyther of their voluntarie will and motion or by the secrete subornation of Caesar protested openly that they woulde not serue at the siege of a towne possessed by Caesar and wherein the Frenche kinge had no principall interest By whiche mutinie drawing with it a suspicion of greater conspiracies Monsr de Lavvtrech repassed Adice and incamped a myle from the walles of Verona to whome the Venetian armie wente to ioyne with him not supposing it sufficient for their suretie to remayne on the other side the ryuer thoughe their armie conteyned a strength of fiue hundred men at armes fiue hundred light horsemen and foure thousande footemen About this tyme the deputies of those two kinges passed capitulations in this sorte in the towne of Noyon That there shoulde be a perpetuall peace betweene the French king and the king of Spayne with the like confederation for the defence of their estates agaynst all the worlde That the French king should giue in mariage to the king Catholike his daughter being then but one yeare of age and he to indue her for dowry with the rightes whiche he pretended to apperteine to him in the kingdome of Naples according to the partition made afforetime betwene their predecessors but vnder this couenaunt that vntyll she bare an age hable to be maried the
those that were besieged that in the Citie so many monthes afflicted by thennemies that kepte it alwayes straytely enuironed the stoare of vittells beganne to diminishe and no hope to be resupplyed but in very small quantitie and that by stealth vsing the pathes of the mountaynes for the commoditie of that poore releefe But as the affaires of Verona stoode in these tearmes there came to the reskew of that Citie a regiment of nine thowsand launceknightes sent by Caesar who ariuing at Chiusa tooke it by composition and made them selues Lords of the castell of Coruaro which is a peece standing vpon the next hill to Adice drawing towards Trenta and cōmaunded many times by both the parties in the warre betwene Caesar the Venetians Monsr Lavvtrech either fearing in deede or dissembling to be amazed at the new supply of launceknights leauied his campe against the mindes of the Venetians and retyred his armie to Villefranche carying with him one parte of the Venetian regiments and the other parte vnder Iohn Pavvle Manfron withdrew to Boseto beyond the riuer of Adice by a bridge prepared for their passage Insomuch as the Venetians hauing nowe no further confidence to carie Verona sent all their great artilleries to Bressa And the launceknights without any impediment incamped at Tomba where the french army was lodged affore one part of them entring into the City the other parte remeyning without which returned after Verona was reuitteled There remeyned for the gard of Verona a strength of seuen or eight thowsand launceknights for that the most parte of the spanishe bandes that could holde no agreement with them were passed to the Venetian campe vnder Cronell Maldonato And in common iudgement that reskew or succours was of small momēt for that they brought not with them other stoare of money then xx thowsand Florins of the Rhein which the king of England had sent during the time of their tarying there they cōsumed so much vittells that it was almost equall to that quantitie which they had brought with them By reason of those bands that were retired to Villefranche from whence they committed manifest hauoke and spoyle vpon the partes of Verona and Mantua the Venetians were compelled least the frenchemen whome no commaundement that was made to them on the kings behalfe could make to stay should departe to their garrisons to take order that the Citie of Bressa should wholly furnish them of necessary vittells an exspence rising to aboue a thowsand crownes a day At last things beganne to incline manifestly to peace for that it was knowen that Caesar notwithstanding his former solicitacion to his sonne in law not to compound with the frenche king preferring the couetousnes of money affore the hate he bare naturally to the french also affore his auncient ambicion to make him selfe Lord of Italie had not only accepted and ratified the peace but also determined to render Verona according to the forme of those conuencions from this succeeded an other matter to the benefit of the frenche king that all the Cantons of Svvizzers seeing armes hostilitie deposed betwene Caesar the king were contented to compound with him as the Grisons had done before in which action Galeas Visconte did what he could who being banished and a rebell protested by the king wonne of him by this meane libertie to returne into his countrey restitucion to all his goods and recompense of many graces and honors The composicion was that the king should pay to the Svvizzers within three monethes an hundred fifty thowsand duckats and from thence forwarde an indument of perpetuall yearely pensions That the Svvizzers should be bounde to deliuer to his pay by publike decree so often as he should demaund a certaine number of footemen wherin notwithstanding the proceeding was diuerse for that the eight Cantons were bounde to furnishe that proporcion whensoeuer he should enter into any enterprise to offende the estates of an other and to the fiue Cantons the couenant bare no other obligacion then for the defence of his proper estates That it shoulde be in the power of the Svvizzers to render to the french king the castells of Lugan and Lugarno which bee passages of great strength and of no lesse importance for the sewertie of the Duchie of Myllan And in case they would make restitucion the king to paye to them three hundred thowsand duckats But they rased them to the ground immediatly vpon the making of the composicion This was the discourse of thinges in Italy in the yeare a thowsand fiue hundred and sixteene But in the beginning of the yeare following the Bishop of Trente who was come to Verona made offer to Monsr Lavvtrech to deliuer vp that citie to the french king within six moneths according to the contents of the capitulacion seeing he held it in the name of the king of Spaine But there remeyned this difficultie whether the tearme should begin from the day of the ratificacion of Caesar or from the time it was acknowledged that Verona was holden by the king catholike And vpon this albeit there passed a disputacion for certeine dayes yet for that the garrison of footemen that were within Verona drewe to mutinies vpon the demaund of money the Bishop of Trente was constrained to followe those affayres with a greater haste And therefore taking the beginning from the day that he had receiued commission from Caesar he agreed to deliuer vp Verona the fifteene daye of Ianuary At which daye he passed the assignement to Monsr de Lavvtrech who receiued it in the name of the french king the said Bishop receiuing of the Venetians the first fifty thowsand duckats together with the fifteene thowsand which by the capitulacion they were bound to pay to the garrison in Verona and also assured fidelitie and promisse of Monsr de Lavvtrech to see drawne to Trente the artilleries that were within Verona Monsr Lavvtrech at the same instant redeliuered the citie ouer in his kinges name to the Senat of Venice Andrevv Gritty standing then as Deputie and assigney to that state great was the gladnes of the nobilitie and whole communaltie of Venice for that after so long and daungerous a warre drawing with it so many calamities and exspenses they had reclaymed to the general body of their dominion so principal a member esteeming the reward of the warre farre aboue the burden and charges of the same although by the reapport of such as haue written of their doinges they consumed during all the warres they made since the league of Cambray fiue myllions of duckats whereof they leauyed fiue hundred thowsand of the sale of offices lastly the inhabitants of Verona reioysed no lesse then the residue together with all other cities and iurisdictions subiect to their common weale hoping now to be deliuered and dispensed withall from so many afflictions which so long a warre had throwen vpon them sometymes by the one armie and sometymes by the other The ende of the tvvelfth Booke
and made weake by the minoritie of their king who was gouerned by Priestes and the Barons of the Realme Others were of opinion that he had addressed all his thoughtes to thinuasion of Italie taking his encouragement vpon the discord of the Potentates and naturall princes whom he knewe to be muche shaken with the long warres of those regions To this was ioyned the memorie of Mahomet his grandfather who with a power farre lesse then his and with a small Nauie sente vppon the coastes of the Realine of Naples had wonne by assault the Citie of Otronto and sauing he was preuented by death had bothe opened the waye and established the meane to persecute the regions of Italie with continuall vexacions So that the Pope together with the whole Courte of Rome beeing made astonished with so greate successe and no lesse prouident to eschewe so great a daunger making their firste recourse to the ayde and succour of God caused to bee celebrated through Rome moste deuoute inuocations whiche he dyd assiste in presence bare foote And afterwardes calling vppon the helpe of men he wroate letters to all Christian Princes bothe admonishing them of the perill and perswading them to laye asyde all ciuill discordes and contentions and attende speedily to the defence of religion and their common safetie whiche he affirmed woulde more and more take encrease of most grieuous daunger if with the vnitie of mindes and concordances of forces they sought not to transferre the warre into thempire of the Turkes and inuade thenemie in his owne countrey Vpon this aduise and admonition was taken the examinacion and opinion of men of warre and persons skilfull in the discouerie of countreys the disposing of prouinces and of the nature and vsage of the forces and weapons of that kingdome and therevpon a resolucion being set downe to make great leauyes of money by voluntarie contribucions of Princes and vniuersall impostes of all people of Christendome it was thought necessarie that Caesar accompanied with the horsemen of Hungaria and Pollonia Nations warlike and practised in continuall warres agaynst the Turke and also with the footmen of Germanie should sayle along Danubi into Bossina called aunciently Misia and from thence to Thracia and so to drawe neare Constantinople the seate of the Empire of the Ottomanes That the Frenche king with all the forces of his kingdome the Venetians and the other potentates of Italie accompanied with the infanterie of Svvizzerlande should passe from the port of Brindisi in Albania a passage very easie and short to inuade Grece a contrey full of Christian inhabitantes and for the intollerable yoke of the Turkes moste ready to rebell That the kings of Spayne of Englande and Portugall assembling their forces together in Cartagenia and the portes thereaboutes should take their course with two hundred shippes full of Spanishe footemen and other souldiors to the straite of Galipoli to make roades vp to Constantinople hauing first subdued the Castles and fortes standing vpon the mouth of the straite And the Pope to take the same course embarking at Antona with an hundred shippes armed With these preparacions seeming sufficient to couer the lande and ouerspread the sea it was thought that of a warte so full of deuocion and pyetie there coulde not be but hoped a happie ende specially adding the inuocation of God and so many seuerall inuasions made at one tyme agaynst the Turkes who make their principall fundacion of defence to fight in the playne fielde These matters were solicited with no small industrie and to stoppe all matter of imputacion agaynst thoffice of the Pope the mindes of Princes were throughly sounded and an vniuersal truce for fiue yeres betwene all the Princes of Christendome published in the consistory vpon payne of most grieuous censure to suche as should impugne it So that the negociacion cōtinuing for all things apperteining to so great an enterprise he assigned Embassadors to all Princes to the Emperour he sent the Cardinall S. Sisto to the Frenche king he dispatched the Cardinall of S. Maria in Portico the Cardinall Giles to the king of Spayne and the Cardinall Campeius to the king of Englande All Cardinalles of authoritie eyther for their experience in affayres or for opinion of their doctrine or for their familiaritie with the Pope All which things albeit they were begonne with greate hope and exspectacion And the vniuersall truce accepted of all men And all men with no litle ostentacion and brauerie of words made shewe of their readines with their forces to aduaunce so good a cause yet what with the consideracion of the perill esteemed vncerteine and farre of and extending more to one Prince then to an other And what by the difficulties long tract of time that appeared to introduce a zeale and vnion so vniuersall priuat interests and respects perticular seemed to preuayle more then the pietie of the expedicion Insomuch as the negoclacion stoode not onely naked of all hope and yssue but also it was followed very lightly and as it were by ceremonie this beeing one propertie in the nature of men that those things which in their beginnings appeare fearefull doe daily take such degrees of diminucion and vanishing that onles the first feares be reuiued by new accidents they leade men in processe of tyme to securitie which propertie of negligence both touching the affayres publike affection of priuate and perticular men was well confirmed by the death that succeeded not longe after to Selym who hauing by a longe maladie suspended the preparacions of the warre was in the ende consumed by the passions of his disease and so passed into the other life leauing so greate an Empire to Solyman his sonne young in yeares and iudged to beare a witte and minde not so disposed to the warres although afterwardes theffectes declared the contrarie At this tyme appeared betweene the Pope and the Frenche kinge A moste greate and strayght coniunction for the kinge gaue to wife to Lavvrence his Nephewe the Ladye Magdaleyne noblye descended of the bludde and house of Bolognia with a yearely reuenue of tenne thowsande crownes whereof parte was of the kinges gifte and the residue rising of her owne patrimonye Besides the kinge hauing borne to him a sonne the Pope requyred that in his Baptisme he woulde impose vppon him his name By which occasion Lavvrence making preparacions to goe to marye his newe wife for his more speede performed his iorney by poste into Fraunce where he was receiued with many amities and much honor of the king to whom he became very gracious of deare accompt the rather for that besides other general respects he made a dedication of him selfe wholly to the king with promise to follow in all accidents his fortune he brought also to the king a writ or warrant from the Pope by the which he graunted to him that till the moneyes collected of the tenthes and by other meanes of contribucion were expended vppon the holy warre against the Turkes he might
dispose it to his owne vses so farre forth as he would make promise to restore it whensoeuer occasion necessitie would call him to defray it to that end it was gathered for his warrant boare also to deliuer to Lavvrence of the same treasure fifty thousand crownes And whereas the king till that day had dissembled not to execute the Popes promise made to him vnder writing for the restoring of Modena and Reggia to the Duke of Ferrara notwithstanding the tearme of seuen moneths were past And knowing withall that he could not offer to the Pope a thing more greuous then to vrge him to that restitucion he redeliuered into the hands of Lavvrence the said writ of promise making a greater reckoning as it often hapneth amōgest mortall men of the stronger then of the weaker About the same time the Venetians by the operacion of the French king prolonged the truce they had with Caesar for fiue yeares with condicion to paye for euery one of the fiue yeares twentye thowsande crownes and to euery one of the exiles that had followed Caesar the fourth parte of their goods yearely beeing rated at the value of fiue thowsande crownes it was supposed that Caesar would haue bene induced to haue made peace with them if they would haue gratified him with a greater summe of money But this truce was not a litle agreeable to the french king for that the Venetians not standing fully assured had the greater reason to make deare accompt of his amitie and that to Caesar was giuen no power with the money he had of them to dresse any innouacion Insomuch as matters on all sides tending to peace and concord the differences betwene the French and English were also reconciled And for the more stabilitie of which agreement it was confirmed with a contract of parentage allyance wherein the king of England promised to giue his onely Daughter to whom hauing no sonnes there was hope of the discending and succession of the kingdom to the Dolphyn the eldest sonne of the crowne of Fraunce Adding for a porcion foure hundred thowsand duckats Both the one and the other boare yet so tender age that infinit accidents might happen before perfection of yeares woulde make them able to establish matrimony There was made betwene them a league defensiue wherein were comprehended Caesar and the king of Spayne in case they would ratifie it in a certeine tyme The king of England bownd him selfe to restore Tornay receiuing presently for defrayments exspended vppon that towne two hundred and lx thowsande duckats and three hundred thowsande to be defalked of the porcion and to paye three hundred thowsand more in the space of twelue yeares The French king also was bownd that if the peace and the parentage followed not to render vppe agayne into the handes of thEnglish the towne of Tornay Many Embassadors were sent from both the Realmes to negociat this league and to receiue the ratificacions and othes by whome in the Courts of both the kinges the actes of thaccorde were dispatched with greate solemnitie and ceremonie with a resolucion of an enteruiewe of bothe the kinges betweene Callice and Bolleyne immediatly after the restitucion of Tornay About the same tyme the Daughter of the French king appoynted to bee maryed to the king of Spayne beeing deade the former peace and capitulacion was eftsoones reconfirmed betweene them wherein was promised the mariage of the seconde Daughter of Fraunce Both the kinges celebrated this coniunction with moste greate demonstracions of perfect amitie for the king of Spayne hauing payed in at Lyons an hundred thowsand duckats ware publikely the order of Saint Michaell vppon the daye of the celebracion of the same and in recompense of that honour the Frenche kinge vppon the daye dedicated to Saint Andrevve was honorably attyred in the robes and couller of the golden fleese Thus the affayres of Italy standing in good estate of tranquillitie there remeyned onely discontented and in ill disposicion Iohn Ia. Triuulce whom neither his olde age reduced almost to the last time nor his vertue so oftentimes expressed in the seruice of the house of Fraunce could any way aide or comfort for as in him selfe were bred some occasions partly by his ambicion which was suspected and partly through his impaciencie which the condicion of olde age might reasonably excuse So he was crossed by the suttle humors of suche as did enuye him but chiefly and vehemently quarrelled withall in many thinges by Monsr Lavvtrech by whose instigacion the king was drawne into suspicion of him that not onely his owne person but also the whole famulie and house were too much agreeable to the Venetians Wherein they tooke the consideracion of their suspicion not onely for thinterest of the faction of the Guelffes and many other actions and tradicions of times past to kepe him enterteined in the grace of the Venetians but also for that Theoder Triuulce was become their gouernor and Rene a member of their family was newly receiued into the pay of that state By reason of which after Galeas Viscount by the death of Fr. Barnardin Viscount was become chiefe of the Gebelin faction the king indued him with thorder of S. Michaell and allowance of pensiō to thend to oppose him against Triuulce with a greater authority hauing withall the ready hand of Lavvtrech to push on his reputacion credit as often as occasions occurred to doe any thing to the disaduantage of Triuulce The passage of which things as they brought no litle diminucion to the authority of the old Triuulce so hauing no pacience to dissemble the wrongs which he knew he had not deserued he made his daily cōplaints was so much the more hated suspected Lavvtrech with his other aduersaries made this no litle occasion to reproch him and accuse him to the king that he had made him selfe a burgeis inrolled with the Svvizzers as though he woulde vse their meane to be supported against the king happly aspire to greater things so apt is enuy to subborne suggestions so ready to enforce them daungerously to the ruine of those against whom she contendeth and as Triuulce notwithstanding his old age which was now in thestate decrepit thinfirmities of a body broken which draweth after it dispensacion from trauel was gone into Fraunce to iustefie himselfe so Monsr Lavvtrech after his departure restrained vnder reasonable gard by the kings directiō at Vigeuena his wife grādchild borne of the Count of Musocque his only sonne deceased which degree of rigor or hard dealing was wel expressed vpon himself at his cōming into Fraunce for that muche lesse that he was receiued of the king with the same aspect countenance honor that he was wont seeing of the cōtrary he reproched to his face his amity correspondency with the Svvizzers assuring him that no other thing held him from punishing him as he had deserued then the consideracion of thuniuersall renowme that ran though not true
in many partes of the merits seruices he had done to the crowne of Fraunce vpon the kings displeasure which cōmonly worketh many daungerous impressions in the mindes of men he renownced disclaimed al society introduction with the Svvizzers and not many dayes after following the court he fell sicke at Chartres where he gaue vp to the king his innocency and complaintes and made to God the last reckoning of his aged daies he was a man in the iudgement of many cōfirmed by sundrie experiēces of singular vallour in the discipline of warre ran a race alwayes opposed to thinconstancy of fortune who according to her mutability made him feele thoperaciō of both her humors somtimes reioising in her fauor earst again finding her sower of bitter tast By his cōmaūdement were written vpon his tombe these words not disagreable to the condicion course of his life I find the rest vvithin my graue vvhich in my life I could not haue About this time Caesar desiring after his death to establishe the succession of the Romaine Empire in the person of one of his grandchildren treated with the electors to choose one of them king of Romains a dignity which draweth with it an immediat succession to the Empire after thEmperours death without other election or confirmacion And bicause none can aspire to suche election vntill thEmperour elect haue obteyned the Crowne Imperiall he made instance to the Pope that by a newe example he woulde accomplishe his Cronacion in Germanie by the handes and deputacion of certeyne Cardinalls Legats Apostolyke for that action And albeit Caesar had affore wished that that dignitie might be transferred to Ferdinand his grandchilde as a degree to supporte him the elder hauing diuolued to him so greate a puissance of estates and albeit he iudged that for the better continuaunce of his house in fame and honor and to meete with all ill accidentes that runne vpon the eldest it were better that two personages were great then one alone ▪ yet what by the operacion of many his Courtiers and by the perpetuall labor of the Cardinall of Syon and lastly by the suborned importunities of suche as feared and hated the puisance of Fraunce he reiected the first councell and disposed all his meanes to haue the king of Spayne elected to that dignity wherein he was perswaded that it would be farre more profitable for the house of Austrich to assemble and draw into one alone all power and greatnes then in canuasing and deuiding it into many partes to make that family lesse mighty to obteine the issue of their purposes That the fundacions of the greatnes of Charles were suche so mighty that adding the dignity Imperiall there was great hope that he might reduce into one monarchie all Italie and a great parte of Christendom An action not onely apperteyning to the greatnes of his progeny and descendants but also agreable to the tranquilitie of his subiects and for the regard of the infidells most conformable to the benefite of the common weale of Christendom That it belonged to him in office equity to lay for thaugmentacion exaltacion of the dignity Imperiall which had bene so many yeares inuested in his person and his house of Austrich and which till that day both by his weakenes and infirmitie of his predecessors had bene greater in title and name then in substance and effects That there was no hope of the rising of that dignity or to reinuest in it his auncient renowme then by transporting it into the person of Charles and annexing it to his power That seeing the humor of the time presented to him thoccasion wherein also did concurre the order of nature and of fortune it ought to be farre from him to stop or hinder the course of so many helps to aduaunce lift vp the greatnes of his house That it was seene by examples and tradicions of auncient Emperours that Caesar Augustus and many of his successors for want of sonnes or other issue of their line haue searched by meane of adoption for successors very farre remoued from their alliance yea such as touched them nothng in blood and kinred wherin they were caried by a naturall gelousie lineally discending from one to an other that the dignitie which had bene so long resident in their persons should not be separate or decline to diminucion That thexample was familiar of the king Catholike who albeit he loued as his sonne Ferdinand who had bene alwayes trayned vp about him and neuer seeing Charles but found him in his last age very disobedient to his commaundements yet without hauing compassion of the pouertie of him whom he loued as his sonne he neuer imparted with him any one of those estates which he helde nor of such as he might dispose by the right prerogatiue of conquest but left all to him whom he scarcely knew but as a straūger That he would remember how the same king would alwayes vrge him to purchase new estats for Ferdinand but to leaue the dignity Imperiall to Charles that it was seene that for thaugmentacion of the greatnes of his successor he had perhaps with a councel reproued of many happily vniust deuested frō the kingdom of Aragon his proper house consented against the common desire of most men that the name of his house so noble and renowned should fall into obscurity perdicion Against this instance of Caesar the french king opposed him selfe with all industrie and meanes possible taking not a litle displeasure and enuie that to so many kingdoms and great estates holden by the spanish there should be added the dignitie Imperiall which resuming a certaine vigor and strength for so great a puisance might subdue all others vnder his feare and iurisdiction he made secret solicitacion to all thelectors to stoppe theffect of such an ambicion he stoode vpon instance to the Pope not to send with an example new and daungerous the Crowne to Maximilian And he sent Embassadors to the Venetians to induce them to hinder it with the Pope whom he admonished of the perills that might fall vpon them both by the course of suche a greatnes But the Electors for the moste parte were already drawne to the opinion of Caesar and no lesse assured of the summes of money promised thē for that election by the king of Spayne who for that purpose had sent into Germanie two hundred thousande duckets Neither could they in reason nor happly without daunger of slaunder in regarde of thexamples paste denie him suche a demaunde Besides it was not to be beleeued that the Pope notwithstanding it was discontenting to him would refuse to agree that Caesar should receiue in Germany by the ministration of Legates Apostolike the Crowne imperiall in his name seing that to make a voyage to Rome to be crowned albeit it brought a greater authoritie to the sea Apostolike yet in all other regardes it was a matter rather ceremonious then
substanciall With these impressions and with these accidentes ended the yere a thousande fiue hundred and eightene and as the Electors had not yet resolued and established the deliberation so it was made both more doubtfull and full of difficulties by the death of Caesar which happened in the first beginning of the yere following he dyed at Liuz a towne vpon the marches of Austriche where he remayned for the delight and pleasure in hunting the wilde Boare and other chases of the fielde He liued alwayes vnder one condition of fortune who many times fauored him in offring him many fayre occasions and as often wrought agaynst him in not suffering him to take the fruite and effect of them He was by nature inconstant and remouable and had conceites and impressions very yll disposed and different from the iudgement of other men ioyned to an excessiue prodigalitie and dissipacion of money Matters which cut off from him theffects and successe of al occasions being otherwise a prince most perfect and instructed in the ordering of warre secrete to laye and dispose a plotte diligent to followe it of body hable and suffring of minde affable and easie and replenished with many other excellent giftes and ornaments Assone as he was dead the French king and the king of Spayne began manifestly to aspire to thempire the purchase whereof albeit was a matter of right great importance and no lesse the emulacion ronning betwene two so mighty Princes yet they ordered their ambicion with great modestie neyther vsing wordes of iniurie nor threates of armes but eyther one laboring by his authoritie and by his meanes to drawe on his side the Electors The Frenche king sundry times reasoned touching thelection with great comelynesse with the Spanishe Embassadors to whome he sayde it was a matter both agreable and conuenient that eyther of them seuerally should seke by honest meanes to encrease the honor of his house by so great a dignitie which for that in tymes before had bene transferred into the famulies of their predecessors there was now the lesse occasion to breede betwene them two matter of iniurie nor diminution of their amitie and goodwill But rather he wished that in the action of thempire they might followe thexample and order of two young louers who albeit they followe the quest of one Lady and eyther one laboreth by his industrie to cary her yet they forbeare to come to contention The king of Spayne alluded with good right that thempire apperteined to him as hauing continued by a long succession of time in the house of Austriche and that it had not bene the custome of the Electors to depriue the issue of themperour without manifest cause of their dishabilitie neither was there any in Germanie of that puissance and authoritie to make him equall to stande competitor with him in that election And east of all did he holde it iuste or likely that the Electors would transport to a forreine or straunge Prince so great a dignitie continued by so many ages in the nation of Germanie And albeit some particuler amongst them eyther through the insinuation of money or other propertie of corruption might be allured to an other intention yet he hoped to stoppe him with force prepared in time conuenient not douting also but the other Electors would oppose agaynst him and the princes and free townes of Germanie would not endure so vniuersall an infamie specially to suffer it to be layde vpon the person of the French king which would be no other thing then to make great the puissance of a king enemie to their nation and from whome there was no surety that th imperiall dignitie would euer returne into Germanie he thought it would be an action easie to obteine and reduce to perfection that which had bene solicited by his grandfather who had already compounded for recompenses and donations and other diuidentes for euery of the Electors On the other side the desire of the French king was as great and no lesse were his hopes whiche tooke their principall fundation vpon an opinion he had to corrupt the voyces of the Electors with his huge summes of mony especially for that there were amongst them both pensionaries to him and otherwise assured by many good offices who incouraging him with the facilitie of thenterprise pushed him on to embrace it And for his parte as mortall men are apt to beleeue the thing they desire so he norished that hope with reasons rather apparant then true he knewe that commonly it was a matter grieuous to the Princes of Germanie to haue themperours mightie being ielouse that in so great a puissance they would not eyther in part or in all quarrell the iurisdictions and authorities imperiall occupied by many of them In which reason he perswaded himselfe that they would in no sort consent to thelection of the Spaniard and so of them selues to subiect themselues to an Emperor more mightie then had bene since a long discent and race of Emperours A matter which in his person seemed to be qualified for that hauing neyther estates nor auncient alliances in Germanie they had no occasion of suspicion of his greatnes The same reason also made him beleue wel of the cōformitie of the free townes in whō much lesse that the regarde of the glorie of the nation would carie it from him seeing it would helpe to peize the ballance on his side for that with moste men the mocions of proper and priuate interest may do more then the respect of publike and generall profite He knewe it was not a little greeuous to many noble houses of Germanie pretending to be capable of suche a dignitie to see thempire continue so long time in one house but muche more did it discontent them to suffer that so great an estate which of right ought sometimes to be giuen to one of them and sometimes to passe to an other should become a perpetuall discent and succession in one line In so muche as they might call inheritance and succession that election whiche durst not leaue the lyne of themperours That in that sort thempire was translated from Albert d'Austriche to Federike his brother and from Federike to Maximilian his sonne and nowe there was deuise to passe it from Maximilian to the person of Charles his grandchilde By these humors and indignations of the Princes of Germanie he tooke hope that the discordes and ielousies amongest themselues mighte helpe on his cause the rather for that it often happneth in the contentions of men that he that is excluded or the partie whom he fauoreth ronneth with a naturall rashnes rather to call in and aduaunce a thirde then to giue place to him that hath opposed agaynst his intention Moreouer the Frenche king was not without hys hopes in the fauor of the Pope both in regarde of thamitie and alliance newly past betwene them and also for that he was not ignorant howe inconuenient it woulde be to the sea Apostolike to haue th imperiall Crowne
inuested in Charles nor so muche for his owne greatnes as for that by the oportunitie and neighborhood of the realme of Naples to thestate of the Churche and the adherencie of the Barons of the Gebelins he had a playne and open passage to ronne vp to the gates of Rome But in that discourse he considered not that the same reason whiche he iudged true agaynst Charles was also agaynst himselfe for that thempire being ioyned to his person he was no lesse to be feared of the Pope and all others then Charles for that though the one of them possessed happly more realmes and states yet the other was not to be lesse esteemed hauing his power not dispersed nor seperate in many places but was Prince of a realme entierly assembled and vnited where the obedience and fidelitie of his subiectes was no lesse wonderfull then his treasor and riches infinite Neuerthelesse not knowing in himselfe that which he considered in an other he had recourse to the Pope and implored his fauor vnder the offer and protestation of his person and kingdomes with all other deuotions of a louing sonne The matter of this election pressed muche the Pope to whom it was not a litle grieuous both for the suretie of the sea Apostolike and tranquillitie of Italie that eyther of those two kings should be elected Emperor And as his authoritie with the Electors was not suche as he might hope to drawe them muche to his purpose so he iudged it necessarie to take a wyse course and to vse industrie in a matter that drewe so great consequence He perswaded him selfe that the French king being abused by some of thelectors would haue litle part in thelection and that the corruptions in men salable would not be sufficient to transport thempire from the Germaine nation to the house of Fraunce But he supposed the action would be easie to the king of Spayne both for the conformitie of language and nation and for the practises and solicitations begon with Maximilian and for many other regards yea he thought he might easily leade on his intention if he obiected no impediment A matter which he sawe he could not worke in other sort then to labor the Frenche king to turne vpon the person of one of the selfe electors the same fauors and distributions of money which he aduaunced to procure his owne election But he esteemed it a matter impossible to induce the kings minde to take that course so long as he stoode caryed with the vehement humor of vayne hopes And as he hoped that by howe muche more earnestly he should embarke him selfe into that practise by so muche more easily should he drawe the French king to fauor the election of a third with no lesse affection then he had sought to aduaunce his owne so he doubted not that vnder that dealing he might not winne so muche with the king as to bring him to receyue and heare his authoritie and counsell especially hauing insinuated in him a credence certayne to be his friend and to haue with him the same desire to aduaunce his election Besides he thought that in fauoring at the beginning the affayres of the French king the king of Spayne finding difficultie to obteine his desire and fearing least the French would winne some aduauntage woulde in like sorte dispose him selfe to elect a thirde For which reasons he did not onely signifie to the French king with what affection he wished he were lifted to thempire but he counselled him with many reasons to proceede resolutely in thenterprise promising him vnder large wordes to fauor him with the whole authoritie of the sea Apostolike And as he thought he could not in better sort imprint in the kinges minde the sinceritie of his intention then to vse for that purpose an instrument whom the French king would thinke depended more vpon him then of any other he gaue present direction to his Nuncio in Germanie called Robert Vrsin Archbishop of Reggia and of great confidence with the king that both seuerally and ioyntly with the French Agents there he should make the best labor he could to solicite thelectors But he diminished the libertie of this commission by secrete aduertisement that the Nuncio should proceede eyther more or lesse moderately according as he founde in Germanie the Electors disposed and the affayres aduaunced These actions discretly discoursed by the Pope and no lesse couered with a wonderful simulation stoode in neede aswell for the person of the king as in his Agents in Germanie of a greater wisedome and secretie and in the Popes ministers a more fidelitie and grauitie But whylest these matters tooke their proceedings by practises and by armes the French king gaue direction to Peter of Nauarre to go to the sea with a Nauie of xx gallies and other vessells fraughted with a thousande souldiors his commission was to lye to impeache the piracies and inrodes of the Mores who hauing with their foystes ronne into oure seas without impediment became more harmefull this yeare then at anye time before His commission bare also to inuade the Mores of Affrika if the Pope thought it so good But the principall respect and intention of this expedition was to take away from the Pope who was wholly for him in the chalenge of thempire all occasion not to feare the forces of the king Catholike who more for feare to be troubled in his owne estates then for desire to vex any other leauyed with great preparations an army by sea to sende it out for the garding of the realme of Naples And yet notwithstanding amidde these distrustes and suspicions both the kings continuing in demonstrations and fayre semblances of amitie there was sent from them seuerally and in particular to Montpellier the greate maister of Fraunce the lorde of Cheures in the seuerall persons of whom consisted almoste all the counsells and intentions of their kinges Their negociation tended partly to confirme the mariage of the seconde daughter of Fraunce with the king of Spayne and partly to resolue the affayres of the kingdome of Naples the restitucion of which albeit being promised to thauncient king in thaccorde made at Noyon though much solicited by the French king was tyll that day deferred by the king of Spayne with diuerse cunning excuses But this entercouncell and meeting was dashed by the accident of death happning to the great Maister who was taken away affore they assembled In this time dyed Lavvrence Medicis who had languished in a continuall sicknes euer since his returne from Fraunce where he had consummated his mariage with a wretched prediction by the death of his wife who not many dayes before and after her deliuery of childe was reuoked out of this worlde leauing him behinde to take warning of his mortall ende by her going before to prepare his waye By the death of Lavvrence the Pope standing desirous to keepe conioyned so long as he lyued the power of the Florentins with the estate of the Churche
get Ferrara In these times and in very good season for those practises the french king no lesse taking thoccasion of the tumultes of Spaine then obseruing the perswasions of the Pope which he afterwards assured by complaintes sent out an army into the kingdom of Nauarre vnder Monsr d'Asperot brother to Lavvtrech to raunge that kingdom reduce it to his auncient king requiring at the same instant Robert de la Marche and the Duke of Gueldres to breake out and vexe the confyns of Flaunders The sedicions of Spaine were the cause that Monsr d'Asperot made an easie conquest of the kingdom of Nauarre both beeing destitute of succours and also not without a great memory and deuocion to their originall and auncient king for after he had forced with his artilleries the castel of Pampeluna he entred the frontyers of the kingdom of Catelognia and tooke Fontarabye ronning vp euen to Logrogma of this enterprise it hapned as oftentimes commeth to passe in humane thinges that that which men thought would haue brought preiudice and harme to Caesar turned greatly to his seruice and benefit for the matters of Spaine beeing trauelled till that time with diuers aduentures and fortunes were nowe reduced into very great perplexities and troubles for that on the one side the multitude and popular sorte were bandyd together and on the other side many Nobles and Barons had taken armes for the seruice of Caesar They for thinterest of their estates feared the popular libertie being nowe come to a manifest rebellion and the rather to haue it gouerned by a head of authoritie they had drawne out of the castell of Sciatyua the Duke of Calabria whose fidelitie made him refuse to come out of prison because he woulde not beare armes against Caesar But such is the affection and conscience of men towards their naturall contrey and such the perpetuall custome of contrey men when they see inuasions made by forreine forces that ciuill quarrells can not take from them the feeling of common and forreine daungers for when the Spanyards sawe the armies of Fraunce make slaughter and hostilitie vpon their contrey notwithstanding they had suffered the losse of the Realme of Nauarre beeing a member of their dominions by the vniting which the king Catholike made they felt them selues so touched in conscience and affection that partly for those regards and partly for a happy encownter which the armie of Caesar had made they became men conuerted and returned to the obedience of their king leauing suppressed and forgotten their domesticall hatreds contencions After this easie conquest of the Realme of Nauarre there happened to the king a farre greater successe if he could haue vsed thoccasion for as both he Caesar had their Embassadors with the Svvizzers soliciting seuerally that nation to stand with them so the Cantons did not onely refuse contrary to thopinion of many and against the hope that was giuen the friendship and offers of Caesar but also embrased thallyance of the French king binding them selues to furnish for his seruice so many footemen as he would and for what enterprise it pleased him and not to suffer any leauies of souldiers for any other against him There rested the execucion of the capitulacion made at Rome betwene the Pope and the king who when he was required to ratifie it began to temporise and dwell in suspense being aduertised by many that there was no exspectacion of sewertie in the Pope in whom was no opinion of fidelity and confidence and who since he was possessed of the dignitie and place of Pope had alwayes made declaration of small friendship towards the french That it was to be feared that his doings were intangled with suttletie and deceite since there was no congruencie of reason that the Pope should desire the diuoluing of the realme of Naples into his power or to th inheritance of his sonne for that by howe muche more iurisdiction the french should haue in the kingdom of Naples and the Duchie of Myllan by so much lesse would be the sewertie of the Pope amid a power so mighty and redowted That so greate a showe of amitie breaking out vpon suche a sodayne could not be without misterie That the tokens of deceite that appeared warned him to take heede that vnder the practise to conquer the kingdome of Naples he fell not into the snares layde for him to loase the Duchie of Millan for that to sende his armie into Naples was none other thing then to giue power and oportunitie to the Pope with his sixe thousande Svvizzers to breake it and put all to extreame hazarde which beeing ouerthrowen there remayned no defence for the duchy of Millan An estate which as he knew the Pope had fayled to take from him by armes and warre so it was to be feared that he would assaye to depriue him of it by trecherie deceit These reasons so wrought with the king that they made him doubtfull to ratifie the capitulation and therfore exspecting happly an aunswere of some other practises he sent no dispatche of the ratificacion to Rome but left the Popes embassadors in suspēce But for that the Pope eyther in deede notwithstanding his showes semblances had his mind estranged from the king or for that all the tearmes and dates to answere being past he began to suspect a truthe or happly for that he feared least the king woulde discouer to Caesar his practises so some alliance to passe betwene them to his preiudice or it might be he was pushed on by a vehement ambicion to recouer Parma Plaisanca and to do some thing worthy of memory or lastly perhaps he might take to displeasure thinsolencie of Monsr de Lavvtrech and the Bishop of Tarba his minister who contemning his commaundementes in thestate of Millan and reiecting some ecclesiasticall edictes disdayned him with very prowde and insolent words for some of these causes he determined to enter league agaynst the French king with Caesar who also for his parte beeing kindled for the warre of Nauarre and pushed on by many of thexiles of Millan and lastly induced by some of his counsell desiring to embase the greatnes of Monsr de Cheures who had alwayes perswaded him not to seperate him selfe from the French king resolued to ioyne confederacion with the Pope agaynst the king which he was thought to hasten the more vnder a hope that with the Popes authoritie his owne he should eyther diminish or dissolue the alliance made with the Svvizzers affore it were confirmed by bondes and other offices of gratification Moreouer the Pope tooke greater occasion of confidence in this that Caesar who had heard Martin Luther in the Parliament of VVormes whither he was come vnder his safconduit and hauing passed him to be examined by many diuines who made report that his doctrine was erroneous dangerous for Christendome had banished him to gratify the Pope Only at last there was cōtracted betwene Caesar the Pope a
was the resolucion set downe at Rome betwene the Pope and Caesars Embassador touching the order and maner of proceeding in this warre and that according to the counsell and reasons of Prospero Colonno First that along the frontiers of the Church inuasion should be made with all speede possible vpon thestate of Millan employing in that enterprise the companies of men at armes of the Pope and the Florentins A regiment which comprehending the bandes of the Marquis of Mantua mounted to the full number of sixe hundred men at armes and to them were to be adioyned all the bandes of men at armes which Caesar had in the realme of Naples being almost as many as the residue That there should be leauyed sixe thousande footemen Italians That the regiment of two thousande footemen Spanishe which were with Adorno in the ryuer of Genes should come to the armie making their assembly betwene the countrey of Modena and Reggia That the Marquis of Pesquiere should bring two thousande other footebands from Naples That there should be leauyed of the common purse of the Pope and Caesar foure thousande Launceknights and two thousand Grisons That there should be also ioyned to th armie the two thousande Svvizzers which remayned voluntarily in the Popes paye for the residue of their countreymen both wearie with wandring so long time without any thing doing and also the season of their haruest drawing on were nowe returned to their countrey affore Monsr d'Escum came to Reggia neither coulde the Pope retayne them any longer notwithstanding he had vnprofitably consumed amongest them an hundred and fiftie thousande duckets Besides these prouisions it was determined that with the authoritie of the Pope and Caesar there should be instance made to the Svvizzer Cantons both to aduaunce six thousande footemen according to the tenor of the contract whiche the Pope had made with them and also to refuse to minister any succours of men to the French king And the better to draw them to his demaund the Pope alleaged that the cōfederacion which he had made with them was affore that which they had contracted with the French king If these demaundes were obteined it was resolued in the generall order and resolucion of the warre that the Duchie of Millan should be inuaded on that side towards Coma in which quarter was hope that there would be made some insurrection both for the great multitude of the banished men being the most part of honorable houses and also for that the auncient reuerence and affection which the people were wont to beare to the name of king Lovvis was conuerted into hatred and that not litle The reason was that the men at armes ordinarie for the garde of that estate lyued in a great and vnbridled libertie the rather for that they were yll payed through the yll order the king vsed in his affayres wherein partly by necessitie and partly by will he had couenanted to allowe huge exspences The gouernours rising more insolent and hawty by the negligence of the king did not minister that true and liuely iustice whiche they were wont to execute with integritie and roundnes in the time of the late king who bearing a deare affection to the Duchie of Millan had alwayes a particular care and regarde to thinterestes of the people and subiectes there This was also one thing that went harde with them that they were constrayned according to the custome of Fraunce to lodge continually in their houses the officers and souldiors of the Frenche which albeit was nothing of their exspences and charges yet the trouble beeing perpetuall and generall it was so muche the more intollerable and grieuous And albeit it was a yoke which they bare during the time of the late king who enforcing thexample of Paris would neuer exempt the subiectes of Millan yet the discommoditie drawing with it the other euills that we haue spoken of it seemed to them for the present verye heauye and yrkesome To this also was added the common nature of the people alwayes desyrous of newe things together with a vehement thirste and inclinacion which mortall men haue to deliuer themselues from perplexities present not considering what will be the euent and afterchaunce of things The rumor of this warre set downe by the Pope and Caesar with so mightie preparacions gaue warning to the Frenche king to looke to the defending of Millan with prouisions no lesse resolute and well appoynted wherein not to delaye the daunger that was so imminent and manifest Monsr Lavvtrech who was vppon his waye to go to the Court for certayne his particular affayres was eftsoones readiorned and remaunded to returne to Millan And albeit doubting of the kings varietie and negligence and inconstancie of suche as gouerned he refused the iorney vnles they first deliuered him in prest three hundred thousande duckets which he assured to be no more then necessarie for the defence of that state yet being no lesse ouerruled with thimportunities of the king and his mother then beguyled with the promises and othes of such as had the charge of his treasor assuring him that his person and the money he demaunded should arriue there with one speede He embrased the iorney and returned thither with great diligence putting carefully in order all things necessarie for the defence This was the order which he set downe with the king that to the kings men at armes which were then in Lombardie shoulde be ioyned the six hundred men at armes and six thousande footemen which the Venetians were bounde to contribute to the kings seruice whom they offred to aduaunce spedily making their men at armes to marche euen by the countrey of Verona Bressia That there should be leauyed ten thousande Svvizzers which they helde for certayne would not be denyed by vertue and tenor of the newe confederacion That they should cause to passe into Italie six thousande aduenturers and to adioyne to the whole armie certayne bandes of Italian footemen With these forces he hoped without great daunger to be hable to aduenture the fortune of a battell or being to weake for suche an action he should at least sufficiently strengthen his places with garrisons of men and so temporise vpon the defending of them that both thenemies in time would draw to be wearie the one by his naturall prodigality and huge exspences disbursed in the warre of Vrbin was drayned of all money and treasor and for the other he stoode so abridged and restrayned at that time that the tributes and reuenues which he leauyed of his kingdomes and dominions could not suffice to furnishe for any long season the exspences of suche a warre This was also considered that Alfonso d'Este dispayring of his proper estates if the victorie fell to the Pope would eyther ryse to recouer that which he had loste or at least standing vpon his readinesse would so holde the Pope in suspicion that of necessitie he should employ many bandes of souldiors for the garde of townes
of Taro the better to be ready for imployment according to the proceedings of thenemies and it was nowe become strong well resolued aswell for the defence of Parma as for that the newe regimentes of Svvizzers which were exspected were nowe arriued at Cremona The same being the cause that the armie of thenemies not seeming to be in sufficient suretie at S. Lazaro notwithstanding Monsr Lavvtrech had commaunded them not to stirre from thence that they retyred to the ryuer of Lensa on that side towards Reggia with intencion to drawe yet further of if the French men aduaunced yea the capteines without further tarying had made a greater retraite if they had not bene conteined by the complaintes of the Pope and the Agentes of Caesar and touched with the murmure and blame of the whole armie This was the behauiour and disposicion of both the armies for many dayes Lavvtrech notwithstanding making diuerse incursions with his horsemen and the souldiors of Parma euen vp to Reggia by the waye of the mounteine wherein he gaue great impedimentes to the vittels which were brought to thenemies from Reggia and that to the great discommendation of Prospero who woulde hardly suffer his light horsemen to do seruice very slowly prouided for the sauetie of such things as he might haue remedied with good facilitie On the other side the mountes the affayres of Caesar ranne the same fortune for that being entred into the dominions of the french king on Flaunders side with a mighty armie And holding Maisiers besieged with great hope to cary it he was deceiued in his exspectacion Insomuch as beeing not able to take it for that a stronge succour of the french came to reskew it he retyred with perill least his armie were broken and ouerthrowen But in Italy notwithstanding the successe of the warre was not happy nor acceptable yet the thoughtes and councells of men were nothing restrayned or forslowed for the enemies to the french not deuising any more to take Parma or any other towne determined to enter deeper into the Duchie of Myllan ioyning to th armie so many bands of Italians that in all they conteyned six thowsand which were leauied from hand to hand They were the more boldened to take this resolucion by a hope they had that there would of new descend to the pay of the Pope twelue thowsand Svvyzzers who albeit had bene refused by the Cardinall of Syon soliciting openly in their parliaments against the french and by Ennius Bishop of Verola the Popes Legat and also by Caesars embassadors for that the Cantons would not deliuer such a regiment of their nation but for the defense of the dominions of the Church and with expresse direction not to marche to offend the estates of the french king yet for that they could not haue them with other reason they were glad at last to accept them vnder the same condicion hoping that being once discended into the regions of Italy they might be induced to follow the armie against the Duchie of Myllan and that either through their naturall inconstancie or by their vniuersall couetousnes or at least by the sleightes and corrupcions that might be ministred to their Capteines In this deliberacion to passe further there was no dout made into what quarter they would draw for that to continue the warre on this side the riuer of Pavv could not be without manifest and right great difficulties seeing it was a matter desperat to take Parma And if they would leaue that citie behinde they must of necessitie goe seeke out thennemies to fight with them An action euidently daungerous for that they were lodged in a place of aduauntage and well fortefied with artilleries To remeyne betwene Parma and them or to passe further without fighting there was no reason nor abilitie to doe so for that standing betwene the townes that were possessed by them and th armie they should within few dayes be afflicted with penurie of vittells the contry of thennemy denying all resort and no possibilitie of traffike further of All which difficulties would be auoyded in transferring the warre beyonde Pavv for that in that contrey naturally abounding in all thinges and had not as yet tasted of the harmes of the warre they made good warranty to find vittels sufficient and to meete with no impediment vntill the riuer of Addo Both for that leauing Cremona on the left hand and drawing neare to the riuer of Oglio there were no places to make resistance also they were perswaded that the Senate of Venice would not for thinterests of others deliuer vp their bandes of souldiours to the fortune of a battell They beleued also that the french durst not oppose against them but at the passage of the riuer of Addo yea the vniuersall hope was that the armie approching the Venetian frontyers the Senat for the sewertie of their owne estates would call home the most parte of those souldiours which they had sent to the seruice of the french king Lastly ouer and besides all these consideracions to passe beyond Pavv fell out very aptly for the armie to loyne with the Svvyzzers A matter not of least importance But whilest necessarie prouisions were in preparing for this deliberacion as artilleries municions pyonners bridges and vittells And whilest bandes of Italian footemen were leauied in Tuskane and Romagnia Count Guido Rangon vnder the Popes commaundement marched towards the mountaine of Modena with parte of the footemen that were alreadie leauied and with those bandes that were vnder his gouernment This mounteine did neuer acknowledge other Lorde then the Duke of Ferrara neither so long as Modena stoode vnder the iurisdiction of Caesar nor afterwardes when it diuolued to the dominion of the Church But the peoples of the contrie hearing howe armed men came to inuade them made publike protestacion for the Churche not tarying till they were assailed At the same time fled from Millan Boniface Bishoppe of Alexandria and sonne to the late Frauncis Barnardin Viscounte the cause of his euasion was for that certeine conspiracies which he had practised against the frenche came to light As also was disclosed a practise managed within Cremona by Nicolas Varola one of the best sort of the banished men of that Citie by reason of which conspiracie certeine inhabitantes in Cremona partakers of the matter were executed made an example a great number of thexiles of Millan followed tharmy in whom I know not which was greater in those seasons either their ill fortune or their vndiscreete behauior for besides that all thenterprises that they tooke in hand drew very vntoward effects and successe yet being wholly giuen to pill and spoyle the contrie they were the cause that there came not to the armie so great stoare of vittells as was necessarie yea except thindustry of Moron they recompensed not these euills by any diligence or intelligence of espialls Lastly and which is of more importance then all the residue Prospero hauing sent them long
farre from Parma when Federike departed was called in by an vniuersall consent of the people and made his entrie The Capteines and Assistantes of the League deuised howe to recouer the residue of the estate vnder this foundacion to make no more so greate expences And accordingly they dispatched from Millan at the same tyme the Marquis of Pisquairo with his bandes of Spaniardes and the Launceknightes and Grisons to laye siege to Coma In whiche enterprise in maye be doubted whether was more forwarde his desire or his fortune for he had no sooner begonne to enforce the terrour of his artilleries then the defendantes dispayring of reskew agreed to render vp the place vnder condicion of sauetie of life and goods aswell to the Frenche bandes as to thinhabitantes of the towne And yet when the Frenche men were vppon their departure the Spaniardes made their entrie and sacked it to the greate infamie of the Marquis who beeing afterwardes accused of fayth breaking by Iohn Chabannes chiefe of the Frenche bandes within Coma was by him defyed and chalenged to the combat At the same instant they of the League sent the Bishop of Verula to the Svvizzers to assure them of their willes neuerthelesse assoone as he was come to Belinsone they committed hym to warde for that standing yll contented that their regimentes of footemen had marched agaynst the French king they did not onely complayne of the Cardinall of Syon and the Pope but also of all their ministers and officers But chiefly they inueyed agaynst the Bishoppe of Verula for that being the Popes Nuncio with them at suche tyme as they leauyed their men he laboured to induce them to goe agaynst thexception vnder the which they had bene accorded The estate and affayres of the warre was reduced into these tearmes with a wonderfull hope in the Pope and Caesar to confirme the victorie bothe for that the French king had no meane to dispatche with expedicion newe companies into Italie and also for them selues they thought the power of those who had wonne Millan vpon him with the moste parte of the Duchie was sufficient not onely to preserue it but also to runne through all the residue that remayned in the handes of thenemie Yea suche a thing is terrour that the Senate of Venice fearing least the warre begonne agaynst others would not fall vpon them gaue hope to the Pope to cause the French bandes to depart out of their landes But of thoughtes sodaine began to spring an accident vnlooked for for newes came that the Pope was dead sodenlye the first day of December As he laye at the village of Magliana whither he went oftentimes for his recreation he heard the first reapport of the taking of Millan which stirred in him suche an extreme passion of ioye that the same night he entred into a small feauer and for his better remedie he caused himselfe the next daye to be remoued to Rome where he dyed within very fewe dayes after notwithstanding the Phisitions in the beginning made no great reckoning of his disease There was great suspicion that he was poysoned by Barnabie Malespina his Chamberleine whose office was alwayes to giue him drinke And yet though he was made prisoner through the suspicion of the fact and the vehement reasons of the same yet the matter was dashed and thexaminacion thereof for that the Cardinall Medicis assone as he came to Rome set him at libertie fearing to fall further into the disgrace of the Frenche king by whose practise it was supposed that Barnabie gaue him the fatall drinke This was but whispred secretly the author being no lesse doubtfull then the coniectures vncertayne He dyed if we consider the cōmon opinion of men in very great glory felicity not so much for that by the surprising of Millan he saw himself deliuered of daungers and exspences intollerable whiche hauing drayned him of all store of money and treasor he was constrayned to aduaunce all meanes and maners for his supply and releeuing But also that a very fewe dayes affore his death he receyued aduertisement of the taking of Plaisanca and the very day he dyed newes came to him of the winning of Parma A matter so greatly desired by him that at such time as he debated to moue warre agaynst the Frenche men it is very well remembred that he sayde to the Cardinall de Medicis laboring to disswade him that as he was in nothing more caryed to the desire of that warre then to recouer to the Churche those two Cities so when so euer God should blesse him with theffect of that desire it would not greue him to dye He was a prince in whom were many thinges worthy to be commended and blamed and in the estate and discourse of his life he deceyued greatly thexpectation that was had of him when he was created Pope for that his gouernment was with a greater discression but with farre lesse bountie then was looked for The death of the Pope did greatly diminishe th affayres of Caesar in Italie as also it was not vnlikely that suche an enemie beeing taken away with whose money the whole warre was both begon and continued both the French king would enter into a newe sprite and dispatche a newe armie into Italie and also the Venetians for the same causes would recontinue the confederacion they had with him So that it seemed that by this accident the deuises to assayle Cremona and Genes vanished were dissolued and the officers of Caesar who till then had payed the Spanishe bandes with great difficultie were constrayned to dismisse a great part of them A matter not without daunger since there were holden yet for the king Cremona Genes Alexandria the Castell of Millan the Castells of Nouaro and Tressa Pisqueton Domussolo Arona and all the Lake maior Besides the Rocke of Pontremo was eftsones returned to his deuocion which being lost before was reconquered by Sinibaldo de Fiesquo and the Count Nocero Neither had the affayres of the French king any good successe beyonde the Mountes for that Caesar bringing warre vpon Flaunders had taken from him the Citie of Tornay and not long after the Castell wherein were no small quantities of artilleries and municions In so muche that by reason of the Popes death newe gouernmentes newe counsells and newe estates of affayres and doings were introduced into the Duchie of Millan The Cardinalles of Syon and Medicis made foorthwith to Rome to communicate in thelection of the newe Pope The Imperials kept retayned with them fifteene hundred footemen Svvizzers and dismissed all the others together with the Launceknightes who went their waye The bandes of the Florentines tooke their way to returne into Tuskane Touching the regimentes of the Church Guido Rangon ledde one part of them to Modona and the other remayned in the state of Millan with the Marquis of Mantua and that more of his proper resolucion then by the consent of the College of Cardinalles who standing deuided amongest themselues could bring
for the gard of the place Assoone as th armie was approached the towne the Duke began to solicit composicion by the meane of Bennet Viualdi A Genovvay whom he sent to the Capteines But this solicitacion began to grow cold by the coÌ„ming of Peter of Nouaro who being sent by the french king with two light gallies for the sewertie of Genes entred the hauen at the same instant Neuerthelesse the Marquis beginning to execute his artilleries and batter the walls they began more then before to recontinue the parley for accord Wherein all difficulties beeing debated and resolued and the matter vpon tearmes of conclusion suddeinly the Spanyards who all that day had battered a tower neare to the gate wonne the same finding no gard nor order by the defendants who were abused through their hope of composicion Insomuch as following more their fortune then regarding their fidelitie they ioyned diligence to thoccasion and began to enter the citie aswell by that tower as by the wall that was reuersed and ruined By their example all that parte of th armie ranne to the action and after the Marquis had set his bands in order and signified to Prospero the state of thaccident they caused the trumpets to be sownded and entred the citie by whole numbers the calamitie of the defendants tooke awaye all resistance the souldiours giuing them selues to flee and the Citizens to seeke sewertie in shutting them selues in their houses Tharchbishop of Salerne the Capteine of the gard and many other Capteines and souldiours found sauetie in certeine vessells with the which they hoysed saile into the sea The Duke for his disease not hable to stirre caused to shut the pallaice and sent to the Marquis of Pisquairo that he would yeeld to him in whose house he died within few monethes after Peter Nauare was taken All the goods of the citie became a pray to the victors many rich famulies binding them selues some to one band of souldiours and some to another to buye the sauetie of their liues with great summes of money which they assured either with pawnes and gages or with bills of marchants so with their money defended their bodies from blud and redeemed their houses from sacking In the same maner was preserued the plot so famous which they call Catina is kept with great reuerence in the Cathedrall Church It is harde to recompt what quantities of siluer vessell iewells money and most riche wares were made pillage that citie by the great traffike of marchandise being replenished with infinit wealth And yet so great a calamitie was so much the more easie and tollerable by how much was aptly expressed a compassion by the brethren of the famulie of Adorna who both of a naturall affection to the citie and for that thinhabitants had shewed no token of grudge or hatred and for that also they were almost vpon the point of accord procured such order to be set downe by the Captaines that not one Genovvay was made prisoner nor the body of one woman put to violacion Immediately vppon the appeasing of the souldiers Anth. Adorno was elected Duke who after the armie was gonne encamped before the castellet with such artilleries as the Florentyns lent him The third day he tooke the Citadell and Saint Frauncis Churche and the daye after the castellet was rendred to him by the Capteine vnder articles of composicion The mutacion of Genes tooke from the french king all hope to be able to succour the affayres of Lombardy for both the armie that he sent and by this time ariued vppon the territories of Ast returned backe againe And also Monsr d'Escud passed into Fraunce with his companies hauing stayed certaine dayes in Cremona aboue the tearme appointed for the resoluing of certeine difficulties hapning about the castels of Tressa Lecqua and Domussolo In his departure he had not onely faith promisse kept with him but also was honorably receyued where so euer he passed But amidde these broyles and alterations in Lombardie Bolognia stoode not altogether in quiet aswell for the warre that was in Lombardie as for the absence of the Pope And muche lesse did Tuskane reioyce in any great tranquillitie for touching Bolognia Hanniball Bentiuoglia ioyning with him Hanniball Rangon leauyed secretly an armie of foure thousande footemen with whom and with three peeces of artilleries one morning vppon the first appearing of the day they made their approches on that side to the Mountaines and for that they in the towne made no brute some of them passed the ditche and fastned their ladders to the wall But thinhabitantes within who had knowledge of their comming the daye before began to make a noyse and to stirre when they sawe time and to giue fire to thartilleries and sending out also many trowpes to begin the skirmish the armie foorthwith fell to flight leauing their artilleries behinde and in the chase Hanniball Rangon was hurte in the backe It was assuredly iudged that this enterprise was attempted by the procurement and priuitie of Cardinall Medicis who fearing least the Pope at his comming into Italie eyther of his owne counsell or by thincitacion of others would diminish his greatnes sought first to trouble him for so great a losse of thestate ecclesiastike and so by that meane not onely to conuert his thoughtes to other matters then to persecute him but also he shoulde be constrayned to haue recourse to his ayde and counsell But farre more tedious and great were the trauells of Tuskane for that skarcely was thestate of Siena assured of the Duke of Vrbin and th affayres of Perousa and Montfeltre ceassed then the French king by the suggestion of Cardinal Voltero gaue order of newe that Ranso de Cero lying at Rome and not employed should practise to chaunge thestate of Florence and to reestablish in that Citie the brothers and Nephewes of Cardinall Voltero who was manifestly declared agaynst the house of Medicis with all his friendes and confederates of the king But because the king at that time was in great necessitie the Cardinall was to aduaunce for this enterprise all necessarie summes of money receyuing the kings promise to repay them within a certayne time Whilest Ranso was making his preparacions these matters came to the knowledge of the Cardinall Medicis the consideracion wherof fearing also least the duke of Vrbin should stirre compelled him to make this accord that without preiudice to the rightes which the Florentins and the Duke pretended to the townes in Montfeltre the duke should be capteine generall of the common weale for one yere complete and for â—n other yere at pleasure and the time of his pay to begin the first day of the next moneth of September For the same cause he reteyned in the paye of the Florentins Horacio Baillon but with this condicion that the tyme of his paye should not begin vntill Iune for that he was enterteined and bound to the Venetians for so long And albeit this contract was
enuie that stirred vp in men this consideracion was redoubled by the accident of the plague which beginning in Rome at his arriuall afflicted the Citie during the whole season of Autumne to the great calamitie and losse of the people A matter which in the fancies of men was construed to an euill prognostication of his Pontificacie The first councell that this Pope tooke was to aduaunce the recouering of Rimini and to put ende to the controuersies which the Duke of Ferrara had continued with two of his latest predecessors And for the better succeeding of that expedition he sent into Romagnia that regiment of fifteene hundred Spanishe footemen which he had brought with him for the more suretie of his passage by sea Whylest the Pope was in these actions and preparacions in Italie themperour cast in his mind howe muche it would import to the successe and sewertie of his affayres in Italy to seperat the Venetians from the French king To which deuise was much helping an opinion that he had that the hopes of the french matters being diminished the Senat would not be without manifest inclinacion to peace and that they would not for thinterests of others laye them selues downe to the daungers which such a warre might bring vpon their estates In this practise he communicated with the king of England who affore had lent him money secretly against the French king and began openly to take part against him They sent thether their Embassadors to require the Senate to confederat with thEmprour for the defense of Italy Ierom Adorna being for thEmprour Richard Pase for the king of Englād There was also exspectacion of an Embassador from Ferdinand Archduke of Austria Caesars brother who enterteyning many quarrells with the Venetians it was iudged necessary that he should interpose and communicat in all accords Besides the king of England sent a Herald to pronownce warre against the French king in case he would not come to a generall truce with thEmprour for three yeares in all partes of the world ▪ and therein should be comprehended the Church the Duke of Myllan and the Florentyns he complained also in this diffiance that the French king had forborne to pay him thanuitie of fiftie thowsand crownes which he was bound to aunswer yearly But the French king whose youth made him more apt to trust in fortune then to looke into things by counsell refused to make truce And touching the demaund of the fifty thowsand crownes he protested openly that it was not conuenient for him to pay money to him that ayded his enemies with money An aunswer which so aggrauated the disdaines hartburnings betwene them that thEmbassadors on both sides were reuoked This yeare departed out of Italy Don Iohn Manuell who had bene Caesars Embassador at Rome with very great authoritie And at his departure he deliuered to the Florentyns a scedule subsigned by his hande declaring that Caesar by a scedule published in September 1520. promised to Pope Leo to reconfirme and eftsoones to reaccord to the Florentyns the priuileges of estate of authority of the townes which they held within six moneths after the first dyot vppon his coronation at Aix This was a reitteracion of a former promisse made by him to accomplish the same within foure monethes after his election within which time he sayde he could not dispatch it for many iust causes So that vnder protestacion of that reasonable excuse Don Iohn promised it eftsoones in the name of Caesar who ratified the scedule in March 1523. and deliuered the expedicion of it in writing in a most ample forme As hath bene set downe before Caesar passed this yeare into Spaine where he proceeded seuerely against many that were noted the Authors of the sedicion and to others he remitted all punishments and pardoned their goods In which action to ioyne with iustice and clemencie examples of recompense and remuneracion he called to the Court in great honor Ferdinand Duke of Calabria who refusing to be Capteine of the commons that rebelled he rewarded his fidelitie with the mariage of Madame Germania sometimes wife to the king of Spaine she was riche but barreine to thend that house should determine in him who was the last of the descendants of olde Alfonso king of Aragon two of his younger brothers being dead before the one in Fraunce and the other in Italy But the ende of this yeare was made no lesse wretched and vnhappy then slaunderous to all Christian Princes for the losse of the I le of Rhodes which Solyman Ottoman tooke by violence notwithstanding it was defended by the Knightes of Rhodes called in other times more auncient the knightes of Saint Iohn of Ierusalem And abiding in that place since they were chased out of Ierusalem notwithstanding they laye betweene two so mightie princes as the Turke and the Soldan yet their vallour had preserued it of long tyme and to the right worthy glorie of their order they had remayned as an assured rampier of Christian religion in those seas And yet they were not without their imputacions and notes of infamie for that hauing a continuall custome for the better defending of those shoares to spoyle the vessells of the infidells they were thought sometymes to make pillage of Christian shipps The Turke sente into thilande a wonderfull greate armie which remayning there manye monethes with no lesse horrour to good men for their cruelties then terrour to all men for their huge numbers at laste he came thither in person And drawing to his desire of conquest and glorie the respect of profite and ryches which the victorie woulde yeelde he loste not one minute of tyme to vexe them wherein his industrie was nothing inferiour to his vallour for sometimes he caste monstrous mynes and trenches sometymes he raysed platfourmes of earth and wood whose height ouertopped the walles of the towne and sometymes he afflicted them with moste furious and bloudy assaultes In so muche that as these workes and engines were not perfourmed without a wonderfull boocherie and slaughter of his souldiours so also the defence of them was so daungerous to the lyues of them within that manye numbers were diminished manye bodyes maymed and made vnseruiceable and the residue made terrified by the calamities of their companions and friendes to whome they coulde giue no other propertie of compassion then to mourne with them their common miserie Their aduersitie was so muche the more intollerable by howe muche theyr trauelles were without fruite their wordes withoute comforte and their vallour disfauoured of fortune and lastely their stoare of gonne powder was consumed whiche is not the least necessitie for the desence of a place They sawe affore their eyes huge breaches made into their walles with thartilleries of thennemies They decerned seuerall mynes wrought into many partes of the towne and they founde by lamentable experience that the lesse good they did the more paynefully they laboured for that their fortune had reduced them to these
causes helping to their deferring But the matter that most encreased the suspence of their mindes was that the French king who with great industrie prepared him selfe to the warre had sent the Bishop of Bayeulx to desire them to deferre to resolue any thing till the next moneth by whome he assured them that before that terme he would marche with a greater armie then had bene seene in Italy in the age of man And as they stoode in this doubt and perplexitie of minde Anthony Gryman Duke of the same citie dyed and Andrevv Gritty was chosen into his place An election rather preiudiciall to the French affayres then otherwaies for assoone as he was raysed to that dignitie he referred wholly to the Senat the deliberacion councell of that matter and would neuer afterwards either in word or deede showe him selfe enclyned to either part But at last because the king continued to send fresh corriers to the Senate and was importunat in offers and promisses And for that there was speciall aduertisement that to assure thexpectacion of the warre Anne Montmoransy afterwards Constable of Fraunce and Federyk Bossolo were vppon their way to Venice ThEmbassadors of thEmprour and the king of England to whome this deferring was much suspected began to protest to the Senate that they would departe within three dayes and leaue all thinges in their imperfection By reason of which protestaciō imploying a maner of thretning also that the fidelity that was gathered in the french promises began to diminish finding nothing but vaine hopes but chiefly by the aduertisement of their Embassador resident in Fraunce they were cōstrained to determine to embrace the amity of thEmperour with whom they entred into contract vnder these condicions That betwene thEmperour Ferdinand Archduke of Austria and Frauncis Sforce Duke of Millan on the one partie and the Senate of Venice on thother partie should be a perpetuall peace confederacion That the Senate in times of neede shoulde sende for the defense of the Duchie of Millan six hundred men at armes sixe hundred light horsemen and six thowsande footemen That they should administer the like proporcion for the defense of the kingdom of Naples but in case it should be inuaded by the Christians for the Venetians refused to be bound generally because they would not stirre vp the Turke against them That thEmperour should be bound to defend against all men all that the Venetians possessed in Italie and that with the like number and proporcion of men That the Venetians should pay in eight yeares to thArchduke for appaisement of their auncient controuersies for thaccord made at VVormes two hundred thowsand duckats vpon the end of this agreement the Senate hauing dismissed Theoder Triuulce chose Frauncis Maria Duke of Vrbin for gouernor generall of their men of warre with the same condicions It was a common iudgement of most of the wisemen in Italie that the frenche king finding those aides to be turned against him which affore had bene of his side would put of the enterprise of Millan for that yere Neuerthelesse when they heard that the preparacions did not onely continue but that the armie began to marche such as stoode in feare of his victorie fell the better to resist him to make a newe confederacion wherein they perswaded the Pope to be chiefe and principall Here is to be remembred that where the Pope at his first descending into Italie stoode desirous to haue an vniuersall peace and looking with great compassion into the harmes which grewe vppon Christendom by the victories of the Turkes he sent to thEmperour to the french king and the king of England to depose for the time their armes so hurtfull for the common weale of Christendom and euery of them seuerally to sende Embassadors to Rome with fulnes of power to consult of the necessary remedies and releuing of the lamentable afflictions of the Christians This was performed by them all in apparance but beginning to treate more particularly of things it was presently discerned that those labors were vaine for the infinite difficulties that fell out when they came to the point of peacemaking so many impedimentes do follow the deliberacion of great causes and so hard it is to reconcile controuersies of estate which ordinarily draw with them their infinite suspicions and differences for a truse for a short time was nothing agreable to thEmperour neither did it in any sorte serue thexspectacion of his purposes And the frenche king refused to make it for a longer time so hurtfull was it for him to protract or temporise that had all his prouisions for the warre aduaunced In which separacion of minde betwene these two great Princes the Pope either for the auncient affection which eftsoones beganne to reuiue in him towards thEmperour or for that he discerned the thoughts of the french king to be estraunged from peace and concord discouered his inclinacion and began more then he was wont to harken to those that encoraged him not to suffer the french to possesse againe the Duchie of Millan This oportunitie was obserued by the Cardinall Medicis who hauing remeyned at Florence for feare of the persecutions of his enemies but chiefly of the Cardinall of Volterro who stoode very great and gracious with the Pope tooke to him a new corage and came to Rome where he was receiued of most of the Court with great honor and respect There ioyning him selfe with the Duke of Sesso thEmprours Embassador and with thEmbassadors of the king of England he fauored that cause and furthered it all that he could with the Pope It is seene often in the course and practise of worldly things that the falling of one man is the rising of an other by which propertie of reuolucion is apparantly proued that mortal men are subiect to the law of nature and fortune for in this aduauntage of variacion and chaunge the ill hap of Cardinall Volterro which almost alwayes troubled his wit his pollicie and all his drifts heaped vpon him a great domage and daunger And in that oportunitie was giuen to the Cardinall Medicis a notable meane to enter into greater grace and authoritie with the Pope who affore bare a constant inclination to the Cardinall Volterro for that both by his industrie and apt insinuacion of wordes he had brought him to beleeue that he desired nothing more then an vniuersall peace throughout all Christendom This was thaccident One Frauncis Imperiale being banished from Sicile went into Fraunce And being staied at Castelnoua neare Rome by the deuise of the Duke of Sesso there was found about him a packet of letters written by the Cardinall Volterro to his Nephew the Bishop of Xainctes By these letters he gaue councell to the French king to inuade the I le of Sicile with an armie by sea by which inuasion thEmprours forces should necessarily be turned to the defense of it and so the enterprise of Myllan would become more easie to the French The detection of this
in chase amongest whom was a generall emulacion of hazarde and perill to kyll him that in so manyfest treason sought the lyfe of their maister but he founde more safetie in the swiftnesse of his horse then his followers founde remedie in their reuengefull desires And if fortune had aunswered the vallour and industrie of the man it might haue bene called one of the rarest most singular aduentures that euer was that one man without armor at noneday in a plaine way durst set vpon a great prince in the middest of his estate and enuironed with so great a strength of souldiors and men armed and yet to flee awaye in safetie The cause of this desperate resolucion of this gentleman was a malice that he had conceyued for the murder of Monseig Visconte who a fewe monthes affore had bene slayne in Millan by one Ierome Moron not without the Dukes will and priuitie as many supposed The Duke vpon his hurte withdrewe him selfe to Monce and for that he was ielouse that there were of the conspiracie within Millan the Bishoppe of Alexandria brother to Monseig that was slayne was apprehended by Moron and Prospero At the first rumor of the facte eyther to preuent the suspicion that might goe on him or to make his fauour the greater he put himselfe willingly into the handes of Prospero vppon his fayth and after he was sounded by examinacion they sent him prisoner to the Castell of Cremona some holding him guyltie and some speaking muche of his innocencie as the iudgementes of men were diuerse It happned almoste in the same seasons that Galeas Biraguo accompanied with thexiles of Millan and with the ayde of certayne French souldiors which were already in the countrey of Piemont was receiued into the towne of Valence by the capteine of the Castell who was a Sauoye man But Antho. de Leua lying within Ast with one part of the light horsmen and Spanish footemen being aduertised of thaccident went immediatly to incampe before it and taking the vauntage of the weaknes of the towne which thenemies had no time to reduce to fortification he planted his artilleries and tooke it the seconde daye and with the same successe battred the castell There died about foure hundred bodies aswel in the action of the towne as in th execution of the Castell besides many made prisoners amongest whom was Gale as principall leader of thenterprise According to the great preparations made in Fraunce for the warre the armie marched at laste and bandes of souldiors passed continually ouer the mountes After whome the person of the king prepared to passe whiche he had effectually accomplished had not the conspiracie of the Duke of Burbon which nowe beganne to come to lighte giuen impediment to his going he was of the blood royall and therfore his reputation more great generall for the dignitie of his office beeing great constable his authoritie was absolute ample by his large estates riches his credite was currant in Fraunce and by his naturall vallour he was mightie and stronge in the opinions of men But he had not bene of longe time in the grace and fauor of the king and in that abiection was not admitted to the secret affayres of the Realme nor respected according to the merit of his place and greatnes he was discontented with the oppression of the kinges mother who reuiuing certeine auncient rights made open clayme to the greatest part of his lands and dominions in the open parliament at Paris And for that he found in the king no disposicion to doe remedy to that griefe he suffred indignacion to enter into his hart in that discontentment admitted confederacion with thEmprour with the king of England solicited by Monsr de Beaurin of great confidēce with thEmprour his chief chamberlaine Betwene whom to assure things with a more faster and faithful knot it was agreed that thEmprour should giue him in mariage his sister Elenor the late widow of Emanuell king of the Portugalls Thexecucion of their councels was grounded vppon the french kings determinacion to goe in person to the warre In which resolucion to nourish him the more the king of England had giuen him conning hopes that he would not molest the realme of Fraunce for that yeare That the Duke of Burbon assoone as the king should be ouer the Mountes should enter Burgondy with an army of twelue thowsand footemen that were secretly leauied with the moneyes of thEmprour the king of England Wherein he doubted not well to acquite him self in that seruice both for the absence of the king for the vniuersall grace and opinion which he had through all the Realme of Fraunce And touching those thinges that should be conquered the Earledom of Prouence should remeine to him and in place of Earle he should put on the name title of king of Prouence chalenging that state to apperteine to him by the rights of the house of Aniovv And all the residue gotten by this warre to discend to the king of England The Duke of Burbon then abiding at Monlyns a principal towne of the Duchie of Burbon feyned him selfe to be sicke to haue the better excuse not to follow the king into Italy The king in his iorney to Lyons made Monlyns in his way where being already possessed of certeine light tokens of the Dukes conspiracie he gaue him an inkling that albeit many went about to bring him in distrust suspicion with him yet for his part he beleued lesse in the rumors informacions which might be full of incerteinty and errour then in his faith vallour whereof he had so good experience But the dissimulacion of the Duke exceded the roundnes plainnes of the king for keeping his intencions smothered he gaue thankes to God that had appointed him to liue vnder such a king affore whose equity grauity could not stand the false accusations imputacions of malicious men And in that cōpassion he promised the king to follow him wheresoeuer he would go so soone as he was deliuered of his malady which he said could not cōtinue long for that it drew with it no daūgerous accidēts But the king was no soner come to Lyons then he had aduertisement that many bands of laūceknights were mostred vpon the frōtiers of Burgondy which confirming the tokēs of suspicion that he had before together with certein letters surprised detecting more plainly the conspiracy he cōmitted to prison forthwith Monsr de S. Valier Monsr de Boisy brother to Monsr la Palisse the postmaster the Bishop of Autun all pertenors of the practise And thinking to make the action perfect by apprehēding the head he dispatched in great diligence to Monlyns the great maister with fiue hundred horse foure thowsand footemē to take the Duke of Burbon But his suspicion was swifter then their celerity for dowting no lesse the detectiō of things then fearing lest the passages would be stopped by his forecast he preuented
drawing thether with their forces The Viceroy was appointed to goe against the Marquis of Rothelin who was come ouer the Mounts with foure hundred launces Neuertheles assoone as he vnderstood of the fortune of the Admirall and that he was retyred he returned also into Fraunce holding it vaine for him to followe further thenterprise when the principall forces were dispersed Besides Monsr de Boysy and Iulio Saint Seuerin to whom was committed the gard of Alexandria made no resistance In like sort Federyk after he had demaunded respit of a fewe dayes to know if the Admirall were passed the Mountes compownded to yeeld vp Loda vppon the condicion that was accorded to them of Alexandria to leade into Fraunce the bands of Italian footemen who conteining a regiment of fiue thousande men did speciall seruice to the King afterwardes This was the end of the warre that was managed against the Duchie of Myllan vnder the gouernment of the Admiral of Fraunce By the which neither the kings power being much weakened nor the rootes of harmes remooued much lesse that so many calamities were cleane taken away seeing they were but deferred to an other season and Italy in the meane while remeining discharged of trobles present but not of suspicion of further aduersities to come And yet Themprour no lesse by the incitacion of the Duke of Burbon then by the hope that the authoritie and name of that man might serue him to speciall purpose Was of minde to transferre the warre into Fraunce to the which also the King of Englande showed a readines and disposicion In the beginning of this yeare Themprour had sent his Camp to Fontarabie a towne of verie smal circuit standing vppon the debatable lands that deuide Fraunce from Spaine And albeit the towne was very wel manned and furnished with artilleries and vittelles and leasure sufficient to them within to make it fortefied yet the fortifications being ill made through the ignorance of the Frenche men the towne laye open to the fury of thenemies who heaping vppon the defendants one necessitie after an other constrained them at last to giue it vp only with the safetie of their lyues He was not satisfied with the recouerie of this place but stretching his thoughtes further he made his ambicion no lesse then his fortune and in those conceites being raised to further enterprise he kept no reckoning of the comfortes and authoritie of the Pope who hauing sent in the beginning of the yeare to Themprour the Frenche King and to the King of Englande to solicit a peace or a truse he found their mindes very ill disposed to giue ouer the warre For the French king consenting to a truse for two yeares refused to make peace for the small hope he had to obteine thereby suche condicions as he desired And the Emprour reiecting the truse by the which was giuen good tyme to the Frenche King to reordeine his forces to folow a new warre desired to haue peace And touching the King of Englande any sort of composicion that was offred to be made by the Popes meanes was displeasing to him as in whom was alwayes a desire that the treatie of thaccorde might bee wholly referred to him To this he was induced by the ambicious counselles of the Cardinall of Yorke who seruing as a true example in our dayes of an immoderate pride notwithstanding he was of very base condicion and no lesse abiect for his parentes and discending yet he was risen to suche an estate of authoritie and grace with the King that in most of the actions of the realme the kings wil seemed nothing without thapprobacion of the Cardinall as of the contrary what so euer the Cardinall did deliberate was either absolute or at least had very great force But both the King and his Cardinall kept dissembled with the Emprour that thought by apparances showed a very forward inclination to moue warre against the realme of Fraunce which the King of Englande pretended lawfully to apperteyne to him He grounded his claime vppon these reasons King Edvvard the thirde after the death of the Frenche King Charles the fourth called the faire who dyed without issue male in the yeare of our saluacion 1328. and of whose sister the sayde King Edvvarde the third was borne Made instance to be declared King of Fraunce as next heire male to the French king deceassed Neuertheles he was put by by the generall Parliament of the realme wherein it was set downe that by vertue of the lawe Salyke an auncient lawe of that kingdome not only the persons of women were made vnable to the succession of the Crowne but also all suche as discended and came of the women line were excluded But he not satisfied with this order brought in to take away his right armed him selfe soone after and taking vpon him the title of the king of Fraunce he inuaded the realme with a mightie armie And as in that action he obteined many victories both agaynst Phillip de Valois published by vniuersall consent lawfull successor to Charles the fayre and also agaynst king Iohn his sonne who being ouerthrowne in battell was ledde prisoner into England So after long warres he forbare further to vex the realme and making peace with the sayde Iohn he reteined many prouinces and estates of the kingdome and renounced the title of king of Fraunce But after this composicion which was neither of long continuance nor of great effect the quarrell was eftsones renewed and sometimes followed with long warres and semetimes discontinued with tedious truces vntill at laste king Henry the fift entring confederacie with Phillip Duke of Burgondy who bare a minde estraunged from the Crowne of Fraunce for the murder done vpon Duke Iohn hys father preuayled so muche agaynst Charles the sixt somewhat simple of vnderstanding that he commaunded almost the whole kingdome together with the towne of Paris And finding in that Citie the French king accompanied with his wife and the Lady Katherine his daughter he tooke to wife the sayde Lady and brought the king to consent hauing no great vse of witte that after his death the kingdome shoulde apperteine to him and to his heires notwithstanding his sonne Charles did suruiue him By vertue of which title assone as he was dead his sonne king Henry the sixte was solemnly crowned at Paris and proclaymed king of Englande and Fraunce And albeit after the death of Charles the sixte his sonne Charles the seuenth by reason of great warres happning in Englande betweene the Lordes of the blood royall had chased thEnglishe out of all that they helde in Fraunce except the towne and territories of Callice yet the kinges of Englande dyd not leaue for all that to continue and vse the title of King of Fraunce These causes might happly moue king Henry the eyght to the warre the rather also for that he stoode more assured in his Realme then anye of his predecessours had done for that the kinges of the house of Yorke that was
the name of one faction hauing suppressed the kinges of the house of Lancaster whiche was the other faction and the partakers with the house of Lancaster seeing there was no more remayning of that house raysed to the kingdome Henrye of Richemont for his proximitie and nearenes with them Who after he had subdued hys aduersaries to th ende he might raigne with more suretie and with more authoritie tooke to wyfe one of the daughters of Edvvarde the laste king but one of the house of Yorke by whiche coniunction of houses all the rightes and claymes of bothe the one and the other houses were absolutelye and lawfully transferred into the person of king Henry the eyghte borne of that maryage These houses for the enseignes and cognizanses that they bare were called commonly the Redde rose and the VVhite rose But touching the mouing of the king of Englande to make warres in Fraunce he was not so muche caryed by hope to winne the Realme of Fraunce by armes for that he was not ignoraunt of the innumerable difficulties that woulde contende agaynst him as he was importunatelye pushed on by the ambicious desire of the Cardinall of Yorke who layde this plotte that the long and tedious trauells and infinite necessities of the warre woulde in the ende bring his king to be the onely arbitrator and appoynter of the peace And knowing that the negociacion of it shoulde depende muche of his authoritie he thought in one time both to make his name great through all the worlde and also to enterteine hymselfe in the good grace and lyking of the French king to whom he showed secretly to beare some good inclinacion And therefore the king of Englande sought not to binde him selfe to those condicions whervnto it was necessarie he should be bound if he had had a forwarde minde to so great a warre Thus Themperour was stirred vp to the warre by that occasion but much more by a hope that through the fauour authoritie and popular opinion whiche the Duke of Burbon caryed in that kingdome the commons of the realme would draw to commotion And therfore notwithstanding he was aduised by many of his firme and assured friends that both for his want of money which brings no small impedimentes to enterprises and for the doubt of his confederates whose fidelitie was vncertayne he would giue ouer to beginne a warre so harde and intricate and consent that the Pope mighte treate vpon the surceasing of armes yet he capitulated with the king of Englande and Duke of Burbon in this sorte That the Duke should enter the Realme of Fraunce with that parte of th armie that was in Italie And assone as he should be ouer the Mountes the king of Englande to paye an hundred thousande duckets for the defraymentes of the first monthe of the warre That it should be in the election of the sayd king eyther to continue this contribucion from monthe to monthe or else to passe into Fraunce with a strong armie to make warre from the firste daye of Iulie vntill the ende of December And in that case the countreys of Flaunders to furnishe him of three thousande horse a thousande footmen and sufficient artilleries and municions That if the victorie fell to them there should be rendred to the Duke of Burbon all those landes which the Frenche king had taken from him That Prouence should be transferred to him to the which he already pretended by the resignacion that was made after the death of Charles the eight by the Duke of Lorreine to Anne Duchesse of Burbon That he shoulde holde it by the title of king of Prouence That first he should make an othe to the king of Englande as to the king of Fraunce and do him homage whiche if he did not perfourme then this capitulacion to bee voyde That the Duke of Burbon shoulde not treate nor practise nothing with the Frenche kinge withoute the consent of them bothe That thEmperour at the same tyme shoulde make warre on that syde towardes Spayne Lastely that thEmbassadours of thEmperour and the king of Englande shoulde procure the Potentates of Italie to bee concurrant with their money in this enterprise to th ende to be for euer assured agaynst the warre of the Frenche A matter whiche neuer sorted to effect for that the Pope did not onely refuse to contribute but blamed expresly thenterprise prophesying that not onely it would haue an yll successe in Fraunce but also it would be the cause to returne the warre agayne vpon Italie and that with a greater puissance and perill then before The Duke of Burbon refused constantlye to acknowledge the king of Englande for kinge of Fraunce And albeit after the confederacion was made he gaue counsayle to marche with the armie towardes Lyon to th ende to drawe neare hys owne landes and Countreys yet it was resolutely determined that he shoulde passe into Prouence both for that Themperour shoulde with more facilitie sende him succours out of Spayne and also to bee more apte to take the seruice and oportunitie of the armie by sea which was in preparing at Genes by the commaundement and with the money of Themperour The Marquis of Pisquairo was declared capteine generall for Themperour in this warre for that he coulde not be brought to obey the Duke of Burbon The plotte and proceedinges of this expedicion were that the Duke of Burbon and with him the Marquis shoulde passe to Nice and yet with forces farre lesse then such as were appoynted for that where to the forces they had already with them which was fiue hundred men at armes eyght hundred light horsemen foure thowsande footemen Spanyardes three thowsande Italyans and fiue thowsande launceknightes there shoulde haue bene ioyned three hundred men at armes of the armie in Italy and fiue thowsande other launceknightes these laste companies fayled to come for want of money And the Viceroy kept reteyned the men at armes for the garde of the contrey hauing no meane to wage newe companies of footemen according to the resolucion sette downe in the firste councells to th ende to make heade agaynst Michaell Angeo Marquis of Salusse who beeing departed from his estate kept vppon the Mounteines with a thowsande footemen There was added to this that thEmprours armye at sea one of their principall hopes beeing guyded by Don Hugo de Mocado A man of muche malice and wickednes of life and a creature of the Duke Valentynois appeared farre inferior to the nauie of the Frenche king which beeing parted from Marseilles was stayed in the port of Villefrancho Neuerthelesse thEmperours armye entred into Prouence where were Monsr de la Palissa Capteyne Fayetto Ranso de Cere and Pederyk Bossolo All Capteynes of the French kinge and were nowe withdrawen into townes for that they were not stronge enoughe to make heade in the fielde One parte of the armye drewe alonge the sea side and tooke the tower that commaundeth the port of Tovvlon where were taken two Canons that were drawen to the armye
suburbes of S. Anthonie beyonde Thesin vpon the waye that goeth to Genes he bestowed himselfe in the Abbey of S. Lanfrank which is within a myle of the walles There he drewe into consideracion all the wayes that could be deuised for the exployte of the towne eyther how muche the situacion did helpe or what might be hoped for by the industrie of men whiche partes were weakest for want of fortification and howe to leauye the difficulties where were showes of resistance yea he made a counsell with his Capteines of all things tending to suche a seruice and after resolucion set downe he aduaunced his artilleries with the which for two dayes together he battred the walles in two places and afterwardes raunging his armie into araye of battell he began to giue thassault But in the very firste charge he caused eftsones to sounde the retraite both finding the rampiers within very strong and furnished and the assurance and vallour of the defendantes resolute and singuler and also discerning in his owne souldiors manyfest signes of feare by the spectacle of their felowes slayne in the charge With this also he considered howe harde it would be to take by assalt a towne that had for her defence so many braue men of warre so many naturall impedimentes so many artificiall difficulties and lastely so plentifully prepared of all those things which eyther experience industrie or counsell could prouide that there was nothing wanting which might be made for the helpe of their daunger nor nothing vsed to their helpe which was not hurtfull to thenemie Therefore he deuised to cast trenches and plotformes wherin he employed the labor of a great nūber of pyeners by whose working he sought to cut of the flanks to giue more suretie to his souldiors when they should approch And as to his desire to cary the towne there was wanting no will to followe thexployte with charges and exspences so albeit the worke was long and harde yet he caused to make mynes in many places hoping to preuayle by that engine though in all other wayes should fall out imperfection or errour The ryuer there about two myles aboue Pauya separates it selfe into two armes or hornes and carying his streame of one violence and swiftnes somewhat belowe the towne he meeteth in one agayne affore he fall into Pavv The king deuiseth to take the oportunitie of this ryuer wherein vsing the counsell of diuerse engenistes and water workemen skilfull in the course of the streame he determined to turne that arme of the ryuer that passeth on that side to Pauia and to make it fall into the lesser whiche they call Graualone his hope was to preuayle with greater facilitie on that side for that the wall by reason of his suretie which the depth of the water did giue was not any way rampiered The number of the defendantes was so great aboue his exspectacion and their mindes so resolute in vallour and fidelitie that he had no confidence of the victorie by any other meane then this which made him consume many dayes in that worke no lesse great for the labour employing multitudes of men then grieuous for thexspences drawing with it many extraordinary charges The townesmen could not but be fearefull to see such a worke raysed to do them harme and yet subduing through a setled confidence those mocions that made them tymerous the vertue of their mindes brought them to contemne the thing that their nature and fleshe made them to distrust and doubt But suche was the violent working of the water being muche encreased by certayne great raynes and landfluddes that were falne that it began to reuerse the trenches and sluces which were made in the channell where the ryuer was deuided to force the course of the water to enter into the lesser arme And albeit the kings hopes made him both to recontinue the worke and to thinke to be hable to surmount the violence of the streame with the force of men and money yet in the ende experience gaue him to knowe that the force of a water carying a violent course can do more then eyther the trauell of men or industrie of engenistes The priuacion of this hope together with the difficulties that were deserned to carie the towne by force dryue the king to a newe counsell wherin he determined to continue the siege with the long tract and continuance wherof he was not without hope to reduce the defendantes into necessitie of rendring During these preparacions and actions the Pope hearing of the taking of Millan was not a litle moued with the fortunes and happie beginnings of the Frenche And therefore amidde suche alteracion of things he studied to assure his proper affayres dispatching for the same occasion to the French king Gianniatteo Giberto Bishop of Verona who was of no lesse fidelitie and confidence with the Pope then gracious and acceptable to the French king he had in charge to go first to Sonzin to induce the Viceroy and the other capteines to peace cōmunicating with them his legacion to the king for the same cause But finding them recomforted by the resistance of Pauia and no lesse assured in the hope of their proper vallour they made him a braue answere that they had no deuocion to any composicion which should giue to the king any one foote of lande in the Duchie of Millan He founde in the king a like or happly a more hard disposicion raysing his hart into high hopes both by the greatnes of his armie and also for the good meanes he had to continue it and encrease it A fundacion wherevppon he assured principally his passage into Italie not vnder a simple hope to preuent his enemies notwithstanding he would say that in effect it was already succeeded to him The king norished in himselfe an assured hope to carie Pauia which he battred with a continuall fury and execution of his artilleries This hope was especially grounded vpon the workes which he cast about the walles suche as he was assured coulde not be troubled by thenemies for the want which they had of municions A matter easie to be deserned by the little number of shottes which they made He sawe also into their penurie of vittells and breade and was not without hope also to be hable in time to turne the streame of Thesin an action specially importing thaduauncement of his victorie And esteming the conquest of Millan and Genes a recompence farre vnworthy thexspenses he had made and a rewarde too simple for so great a glory he raysed his minde to higher thoughts in that ambiciō deuised to inuade the kingdome of Naples holding nothing the hardnes of thenterprise in regard of his fortune glory more contemning the perill then well examining the partes and circumstances of it But after all this the principall cause of the Bishops legacion was debated betweene them and brought foorth effect with very litle difficultie both for that the Pope bounde himselfe not to giue agaynst the king
thē by our armes by our vallour by our weapons This aduise was embraced and as a sentence set downe folowed by the Viceroy who accordingly dispatched to Naples the duke of Tracetta with direction to make as great leauies of money as was possible and recōmend ouer the care defense of the kingdom to Askanio Colonno the other barons of the realme And albeit he had modestly giuen answere to thembassage presented to him frō the Pope yet he wrote to Rome letters full of seuerity bitternes such as gaue manyfest signification that he would not heare speake of thaccord By reason of this the Pope declaring howe he was pushed on by necessitie for that the Duke d'Albanie aduaunced dayly published not as a thing done before that he had contracted with the french king vnder a simple promise not to offend one another This he signified by writing to themprours agents alleging the causes that induced him but specially his necessities perils increasing And when the sayd writing was presented by Iohn Corsi embassador of Florence with wordes conuenient in suche a case themprour who afore could not be persuaded that the Pope would abandon him in so great a danger fell into no litle emotion trouble of mind he set before his eyes the sundry hopes he had giuen him confirmed by many good offices and oblations he conferred together the seuerall demonstrations of amity accompanied with no lesse tokens of constancy firmnes lastly making a iudgement betwene the former promises of the Pope his present effects he burst out into publike passion against him accusing with exclamation his frayltie light condition and in that heate of nature he answered thembassador that neither hatred nor ambition nor any interest particular had stirred him vp to begin warre with the french king but onely the perswasions the suggestions and the authoritie of Pope Leo who as he sayd was drawē vnto it by the Pope raigning being at that time cardinall of Medicis and perswaded him with great vehemency of reasons that it was a matter of great importance for the publike safety vniuersall benefite not to suffer the french king to possesse any thing in Italy That the same Cardinall was the author of the confederacion made for that cause before the death of Pope Adrian In which respects he pronounced with great griefe how much it troubled him to see the Pope who aboue all others was bound not to be seperate from him in those daungers wherin by his meanes he was entred had made a chaunge no lesse hurtfull to him then without all necessity That such reuolt and seperation for the time the place and the whole manner and propertie of it could be attributed to no other thing then to a certayne seruile feare and tymerous impression such as hath falne vpon him since they within Pauia haue holden out In this humor he forgot not to debate the meanes and fauors he had vsed to encreace his greatnes alwayes since the death of Pope Leo and specially his authoritie in two Conclaues together with his perpetuall desire to transferre vppon him the soueraigne election onely for this opinion that by his meane mighte be reestablished the common libertie of Italie And on the other side he made collection howe little the Pope might assure him selfe of the French king and howe farre he was eyther to feare or to hope of his victorie Lastelye he stoode vppon this conclusion that neyther for the Popes resolution whiche was agaynst all good office and exspectation nor for anye other accident or fortune of what condition soeuer he would not forget nor abandon him selfe Wherein he protested and therewithall wished that no man shoulde exspect that for wante of money he would chaunge or vary from his purpose seeing he had vowed to set vp as a laste reast all his Crownes and kingdomes and hys life withall desiring of God that his irreuocable deliberacion in the matter mighte not be preiudiciall to the health of his soule To these complayntes thembassadour of Florence replied That the Pope since he was raysed to the soueraigne dignitie was bounde to proceede no more as Cardinall of Medicis but to put on the personne of Pope of Rome whose office was to be carefull ouer the peace of Christendome for whiche reason he had often debated with him the necessitie of peace and quietnesse and for better negociation of it he had sent to him at two seuerall tymes the Archbishop of Capua by whome he protested that by the othe and ceremonie of his office he was bounde not to bee particular but indifferent That he had also admonished him thereof at suche tyme as the Admirall Bonniuet departed oute of Italie hauing no better season and oportunitie to treate of peace for him and more for his honour wherevnto neuerthelesse he made him no other aunswere then that he coulde conclude no peace without the consent of the kinge of Englande He desyred the Emperour to remember howe often the Pope had disswaded the passage and iourney into Prouence bothe for that it troubled altogether the hope of the peace and also herein he seemed a diuine prophete of thinges to come the necessitie wherein it woulde put the Frenche king to enter into armes mighte bee the occasion to stirre vp in Italie a more daungerous combustion That the Pope by the negociacion of the Bishoppe of Verona had declared to the French king then possessor of Millan and also to the Viceroye howe farre it concerned them to harken to peace but neyther of them bare anye inclination therevnto That since that tyme he had with manye reasons and verye greate efficacie refused to giue passage through thestate Ecclesiastike to the bandes of menne of warre that marched agaynste the Realme of Naples And yet neuerthelesse the kinge dyd not onely denie to heare his reasons but also made his forces to march along the countrey of Plaisanca withoute tarrying for hys aunswere That for that cause he had lastely sente Pavvle Vittorio to induce the Viceroye to a surceassing of armes vnder condicions conformable to the tyme and withall to certifie him by howe many reasons of necessitie he was to assure him selfe of the daunger imminent seeing withall that both the Venetians stoode in suspence and also the kinge of Englande woulde not be concurrante in the defence of the Duchie of Millan if at the same tyme both by Themperour and by him the warre were not moued beyonde the Mountes But seeing the Viceroye made no reckoning of anye offers or condicions he propounded and that the kinges men of warre and armed bandes aduaunced daylye he was constrayned to take fayth and suretie of the kinge without beeing bounde to anye other thing then not to offende hym The Emperour complayned of the hardnesse of the condicion offered to the Viceroy for that it restrayned and bounde hym to leaue that which he helde not expressing any mention that the Frenche king should do the lyke And lastely
his owne person should showe more feare then vallour and basely giue place to the comming of thennemies wherein he was also pushed on by this vaine suggestion that he was bownd to followe and performe with deedes the wordes that his rash tongue had vainely promised A resolucion most vndiscreete and dishonorable to a Capteine for both he had vnder protestacion assured all the world and many times signified by Messengers into Fraunce and all the partes of Italy that he would sooner chuse to sacrifice him selfe to death then to retyre from before Pauya without the victorie he stoode fixed vppon these hopes that in the place where he incamped he might easily fortefie him selfe to auoid all inconueniences by surprise That through want of money euery small delay or the least necessitie that might driue thennemies to temporise would put them into disorder And hauing no meane to get vittells but by rauyne and pillage they could not remainelong in one lodging Lastly he hoped to giue impediment to the vittells that were to come to their campe whereof he knew the greatest parte was appoynted from Cremona wherein he was furthered by this helpe that he had newly taken into his pay Iohn Lodovvyk Paluoysin either to th ende he shoulde impatronize him selfe vppon Cremona where was a very slender garrison or at least to lye to cut of the sewertie of vittels that had an ordinary traffike from that citie to their campe For these reasons the king stoode resolute not to leaue the seege of Pauya And to haue the better way to empeach that thennemies should not enter he dislodged in other manner and gaue an other forme to the incamping of his armie for the king was lodged before in thAbbay of S. Lanfrank situated about a mile and an halfe beyond Pauya beyond the way that leadeth from Pauya to Myllan And vppon the riuer of Thesin neare to that place where was proued the diuersion of the waters Monsr Palissa with the vauntgard the Svvyzzers lay within the subburbs neare S. Iustynes gate hauing fortefied him selfe in the Churches of S. Peter S. Apolyne and S. Ierome And Iohn de Medicis with his horsemen and regimentes of footemen was bestowed in the Church of S. Sauior But now the king hauing informacion that thennemies were departed from Loda he went incamped within the parke in the right sumptuous and stately house of Mirabell scituate on this side Pauia leuing at S. Lanfranke the Grisons footemen and yet chaunged not the lodging of the Vauntgard At last the person of the king was lodged in the monasteries of S. Pavvle S. Iames places besides other commodities very eminent and neare Pauia commaund the champion but are somewhat without the ring of the parke In the kinges place Monsr d'Alenson with the Arearegard went to incampe at Myrabell And as for their more conuenient succoring one an other they brake downe on that side the parke wall so they helde and commaunded betwene them all that space or circuit that stretcheth towards Thesin on that side below and vntill the way that leadeth to Millan towards aboue So that holding Pauia enuironned on all sides and hauing also at their deuocion the riuers of Grabalon Thesin and Touretta which is right against Darsina the Imperialls could not enter Pauia onlesse they passed the riuer of Thesin or else made their entrie by the parke The king for the managing of the armie reapposed him selfe wholly vpon the councells of thAdmirall he had singular confidence in his fidelitie and so absolutely referred things to his direction that he dispensed with him selfe and passed the most parte of his howers in idlenes and vaine pleasures without any study or care of his affaires or once to thinke vpon expedicions of importance wherin such was either his wilfull negligence or willing partiality that if at any time he sat in councell amongest them he would referre the sentence resolucion of all things to thAdmiral without accepting the aduise of other experienced Capteines By him were ordered all the kinges deliberacions though at times he suffered his eares to be gouerned by Anne Montmerancy and Philip Chabot Lord of Bryon personages verie agreable to him in his sportes but of slender experience touching matters of warre Moreouer the estate and numbers of his armie were not according to his desire and opinion and muche lesse aunswering to the brute that went for one parte of his horsemen being gone with the Duke of Albanie and an other parte left for the garde of Millan with Theodor Triuulce and many also being dispersed into seuerall villages and borowes thereabouts there was not found in the campe aboue eight hundred launces and touching the footemen the numbers were farre lesse then was supposed as wel by the negligence of the kings osficers as through the deceit of the Capteines of whom the greatest abusers were the Italians who notwithstanding they receiued payes for great numbers of footemen yet their bandes were farre from their full cooplements many of the french Capteines tooke counsell also by their corrupcions And lastly the regiment of two thowsande Valesiens that were bestowed at S. Sauior betwene S. Lanfranke Pauia being sodainly assaulted by those that were within were dispersed and broken In this estate of affaires the Capteines Imperiall hauing passed Lambray made their approches to the Castell S. Angeo which hauing his scituacion betwene Loda and Pauia would haue giuen great impediments to the course of vittels that were brought from Loda to their campe if it had not bene at their deuocion and in their power Pirrhus the brother of Federike de Bossolo laye there in garrison with two hundred horse and eight hundred footemen and the king not many dayes before to th end he woulde not rashly commit his people to daunger had sent to visite and consider the place the same Federike Iames Chabanes who brought reapport that that strength and garrison sufficed for the defense of the place But experience made it knowen immediatly after how farre they were deceiued in their reckoning for assoone as Ferdinand d Aualo made his approches with the regiments of spanish footmen and had cut of with his arulleries certeine defenses and resistances the feare of the defendants became greater then their vallour and in those humors of umerous cowardise they retyred the same day into the castell And not many howers after feare hath a vehement operacion in the mindes it possesseth they compownded that Pirrhus Emylio Coriano and the three sonnes of Phebus Gonsanguo should remein prisoners and all the residue depart the place without armor and horse And beeing sworne not to beare armes for one moneth against thEmprour In this time the king sent for from Sauona a regiment of two thowsand Italian footemen parcell of those companies that had bene at the seege of Marseilles But being come vpon the territories of Alexandria neare the riuer of Vrba Gaspar Mayne lying there in garrison with a regiment of seuen
felicities the tyme gaue them no power to oppose And for the particular of the Duke he was a Prince riche which in conference of actions and enterprises is not of the least consideration and for his trayning and experience well hable to foresee and auoyde a vertue moste commendable in a Prince whether his case be to defende or offende Besides aswell for the congruencie of his estate as for his other conditions the present diuisions and conspiracies of the tyme required rather to cal him into affection and assurance then to leaue him perplexed with hatred or feare And yet it may be doubted whether to do benefite and pleasure to one perswaded that he hath receyued iniuries bee sufficient to wype out of a minde yll disposed and full of iealousie the memorie of wronges and offences specially when the pleasure is done at a time when it seemes it proceedes more by necessitie then of good will. After this capitulation was resolued the Pope not to omitte anye conuenient office to so great a Prince as the French king by permission of the Viceroy sent the Bishoppe of Pistoya to visite and comforte him in his name There past betwene the king and hym but generall speeches and that in the presence and hearing of Capteyne Alarcon wherein he chiefly besought the Pope to make some good solicitation for hym to themperour He asked him also in suche secrecie as the lycence of a prisoner woulde suffer what was become of the Duke of Albanie and was aunswered to his great griefe that one parte of hys armie beeing broken and retyred he was returned with the residue into Fraunce In these tymes they of Lucquay accorded with the Viceroy who receyued them into the protection of themperour vnder condition of tenne thousande duckets By whose example also thinhabitantes of Syena contracted with him for fifteene thousande duckets without bynding him to maynteine more the one forme of gouernment then the other for that of the one side the famulie of Motenouo who at the instance of the Pope and by the meane of the Duke of Albanie had resumed thauthoritie which neuertheles was not as yet well confirmed on the other part those who by the profession they made to desire libertie were commonly called Libertins tooke hart by reason of the battell of Pauia and would not endure the pollitie and gouernment introduced by the forces of the French king Both partes sent messengers to the Viceroy to incline him and to worke him fauourable to their seuerall doinges and receyuing from him no certayne resolution touching the forme of gouernment they ioyned both together and solicited readily composition whiche beeing established and set downe and the men ariued whom the Viceroy sent to receyue the money it hapned both in their presence and in the very action of counting the money that Ierome Seuerino a Citisen of Siena who had bene sometime with the Viceroy slue Alexander Dichio both chiefe of the newe gouernment and also to whom the Pope had assigned at that tyme the whole reputation The residue of the Citisens of faction and conspiracie with him vppon that alarme tooke armes concurring with them the commotion and consociation of the populars beeing yll contented that the pollicie shoulde eftsoones returne vnder the yoke of tyrannie In whiche vniuersall emotion and rysing they chased out the chieftaynes of the famulie of Montonouo and reducing the Citie to a reformation they readdressed eftsoones the gouernment popular beeing bothe enemie to the Pope and adherent to themperour It was beleeued that this alteration of pollicie was eyther done directlye with the priuitie of the Viceroy or at least not without his great allowing and approbation seeing it brought no little commoditie to th affayres of themperour to haue at hys deuotion that Citie whiche for her forces is very mightie and puissant for the oportunitie of her portes and hauens of greate regarde for marine enterprises for her fertilitie of countreys very riche and plentifull for her neighborhoode to the realme of Naples very congruent and apte and for her situation betweene Rome and Florence not of least respect and reason to fauour hys affayres And yet both the Viceroy and Duke of Sesso had giuen hope to the Pope not to alter the gouernment introduced with hys fauour There were many other townes in Italie who taking example of thinclination of them of Lucquay and Sienna followed the fortune of the victors Amongest these was the Marquis of Montferat who compounded for fifteene thousand duckets And the duke of Ferrara made a loane to the Viceroy of fiftie thousande duckets vnder promise to haue them repaied if they did not capitulate together he tooke his reason of that loane vpon the present condition of his affayres which could not be established so speedily both for the respects they bare to the capitulation made with the Pope and also for the necessitie to vnderstande firste the will of the Emperour But with the money of that loane together with a hundred thousande duckets whiche were promised from the Duchie of Millan and the imposition of Sienna and Lucquay together with some proportion of treasure sente to Genes by Themperour for the supportation of the warre whiche neuerthelesse came after the victorie the Capteines set downe the payes of the army according to the rate and quantitie of the money that came meaning to pay the souldiors for all that was paste and to sende backe from hande to hande the Almains into Germanie So that no tokens appearing that there was any intention at that tyme to followe the course of the victorie agaynst any man since the Viceroy bothe had ratified the capitulation made with the Pope according to his request and also had put in negociation at the same tyme a newe appoyntment with the Venetians whiche he greatly desyred The eyes of euery man were set to beholde with what propertie of affection themperour woulde receyue his gladsome newes and to what endes his thoughtes were disposed who so farre as exteriour demonstrations made showe of expressed great tokens of a minde muche moderated and verye apte to resiste easily the prosperitie of fortune yea the signes and inclinations appearing seemed so muche the more incredible by howmuch he was a Prince mightie and young and as yet had neuer tasted but of felicitie For after he was informed truely of so greate a victorie whereof he had the reapporte the tenth of Marche together with letters of the French kinges owne hande written rather in the spirite and condition of a prisoner then wyth the courage of a king he wente foorthwith to the Churche to make hys holye oblations to God wyth manye solemnities and the morning following he receyued with signes of righte greate deuotion the Sacrament of the Euchariste and so wente in procession to oure Ladies Churche oute of Madrill where was his Courte at that tyme His temperaunce and moderation was aboue thexspectation of his estate and farre contrarye to the custome of the
tyme in matters of that nature for he woulde not suffer anye belles to be ronge nor bonfyres to be made nor anye other manner of publike demonstrations suche as are vsed for glorye or gladnesse alleaging wyth a mynde more vertuous then insolent that suche propertie of feasting and reioysing was due to victories obteyned agaynst Infidells but oughte to haue no showe where one Christian ouercame an other Neyther were the actions and gestures of hys personne and speeches differing from so greate a temperaunce and continencie of mynde whiche he well expressed in the aunsweres he made to the congratulations of thembassadours and greate men that were about him to whome he sayde he was not gladde of thaccident according to the glorious operation of fleshe and blood but his reioysing was in that God had so manifestly ayded him which he interpreted to an assured signe that he stoode in his grace and fauour though not through his owne merite yet by his celestiall election Both for that he hoped nowe to haue occasion to reduce Christendome to peace and to prepare warre against thinfidels and also to haue meane to do good to his friends and to pardon his enemies he sayde that albeit he might iustely appropriate to himselfe the whole victory for that the helpe of none of his friendes did concurre in the action yet he was contented so great a prosperitie should runne common to them all without any seperation of glory Wherein after he had heard thembassador of Venice who iustified affore him the seruices done by his common weale he said to such as stoode about him that though his reasons and iustifications were not true yet he woulde both accept them and repute them for true And after he had continued certayne dayes in these speeches and demonstrations full of wisedome and moderation he called his Counsayle together to th ende that according to his obseruation and custome nothing were proceeded in whiche were not well measured with maturitie of reasons and counsell He required them by a manner of proposicion to aduise him in what sorte he was to deale with the French king and to what endes he was to addresse and dispose his victorie commaunding them all to delyuer freely in his presence their seuerall opinions Amongest them the first place of speaking was referred to the Bishop of Osimo his Confessor who reasoned in this maner It is not vnknowen to your excellent Maiestie that God hath authoritie to dispose all thinges by the same power wherewith he hath created them of nothing And albeit all accidentes and mortall euentes what so euer falling in this inferiour worlde take their proceedinges and dayely mouinges of the prouidence of th eternall God yet we finde it oftentimes more especially declared in some nature of thinges then in others as manyfestly hath appeared vppon the successe of your present victorie for both for the greatnesse of the glorie gotten which is the most honorable ende and rewarde of warre and for the facilitie of the victorie which iustifieth the innocencie and goodnesse of your cause and also for your happines to haue subdued enemies moste puissant and better prepared for the warre then you by which your vallour and felicitie shyneth with a clearer lighte I thinke it can not bee denyed that in the action hath not beene expressed an especiall will of God drawing almoste to a myracle Therefore by howe muche the eternall God hath layde this greate blessing vppon you bothe manyfestly and publikely by so muche more stande you tyed in obligation and office bothe to acknowledge it with humilitie and submission and by demonstration to declare howe thankefull you are for it This is the sacrifice that God requireth at your handes and to this calleth you the consideration of the benefite and your christian pyetie The action whereof consisteth principally that you addresse your victorie to thexaltation of the seruice of God which is the ende for the which you ought to beleeue that he hath throwen it vppon you And for my parte when I looke into what tearmes and degrees the estate of Christendome is reduced I see no waye more holye more necessarie nor more agreable to God then to worke an vniuersall peace betweene the Princes of the imperie and regiment of Christendome Wherein I am so muche the more touched in conscience in office and in calling by howmuch I discerne by the generall face and showe of thinges that without peace both religion and all her lawes and rules and fayth whiche mortall men reappose in it together with all obseruation of the commaundementes of God which is the fundation of our Christianitie are slyding into manyfest ruine Your Maiestie is not ignorant howe on the one side we haue the nation of the Turkes who besides they haue wonne great things vppon the Christians by our owne discordes and diuisions do nowe manifestly threaten the kingdome of Hungarie which apperteineth to the husbande of your sister Their ambicion goeth on increasing by the degrees of our separations and disagreements And if God for our punishment suffer them to take Hungarie which assuredly they will take if the Christian Princes doo not drawe into one vnitie and amitie together the waye is made open to them to carie the whole Monarchy of Germanie and Italie A losse irreparable and no lesse tyed to a perpetuall infamie to the name of Christian Princes then the seruitude and yoke of barbarisme wyll be alwayes intollerable to the generall posteritie of all Christian sowles On the other side we haue the infection of Lutheranisme so slaunderous to those that haue power to oppresse it and so daungerous for the spreading it makes in all partes that if it be not restrayned the worlde is in hazarde to be replenished with Heretikes There is no other remedie for that euill then by your authoritie and puissance whiche yet you can not aduaunce for the cure of this maladie so long as you stande embarqued in other warres But be it that for the present there were neyther feare of the Turkes nor daunger of Heretikes yet to a Prince professing pyetie and charitie what can bee more fowle more sinnefull or more to bee abhorred then for our passions and emulation of ambition to lyue in the effusion of so muche Christian blood whiche eyther with greater glory might be spent in the quarrell of the fayth of Christe or at least with better oportunitie be reserued for tymes more necessarie The warres that you nowe prosecute drawe after them a bottomlesse gulfe of violations and whordomes an infinitie of sacrileges and blasphemies and a world of other impious and execrable deedes Suche as who so euer is a voluntary author of them can not but stande in a weake estate of grace or hope of pardon at Gods hande seeing that yf necessitie leade him into them he is without merite of excuse if at the least he proceede not to the remedie of so great euills so speedily as he hath the meane It is not good
Realme of Fraunce was to appease and assure the minde of the king of England iudging truely that if they could reduce him to amitie and reconcilement the Crowne of Fraunce should remayne without quarrell or molestation Where if he on the one side and themprour on the other should ryse in one ioynt force hauing concurrant with them the person of the duke of Burbon and many other oportunities and occasions it could not be but all things woulde be full of difficulties and daungers Of this the Lady Regent began to discerne many tokens and apparances of good hope for notwithstanding the king of Englande immediatly after the first reapportes of the victory had not only expressed great tokens of gladnes reioysing but also published that he would in person passe into Fraunce and withall had sent Embassadors to themprour to solicite treate of the mouing of warre ioyntly together yet proceding in deede with more mildnes then was exspected of so furious showes tokens he dispatched a messanger to the Lady Regent to sende to him an expresse Embassador which accordingly was accomplished that with fulnes of authority commission such as brought with it also all sortes of submissions implorations which she thought apt to reduce to appeasement the mind of that king so highly displeased he reapposed himself altogether vpon the will and counsel of the cardinal of Yorke who seemed to restrayne the king his thoughtes to this principall end that bearing such a hand vpon the controuersies quarrels that ranne betwene other princes al the world might acknowledge to depend vpon him and his authoritie the resolution and exspectation of all affayres And for this cause he offred to themperour at the same time to discend into Fraunce with a puissant army both to giue perfection to the alliance concluded betwene them before and also to remoue all scruple and ielousie he offred presently to consigne vnto him his daughter who was not as yet in an age and disposition able for mariage But in these matters were very great difficulties partly depending vpon himself and partly deriuing from themprour who nowe shewed nothing of that readines to contract with him which he had vsed before for the king of England demaunded almost al the rewards of the victory as Normandy Guyen Gascoign with the title of king of Fraunce And that themprour notwithstanding thinequality of the conditions should passe likewise into Fraunce and cōmunicate equally in thexspences dangers Thinequality of these demaūds troubled not a litle themprour to whō they were by so much the more grieuous by howmuch he remēbred that in the yeres next before he had always deferred to make warre euē in the greatest dangers of the french king So that he perswaded himselfe that he should not be able to make any fundation vpon that confederation And standing in a state no lesse impouerished for mony tresor thē made weary with labors perils he hoped to draw more cōmodities from the french king by the meane of peace then by the violence of armes warre specially ioyning with the king of England Besides he made not that accompt which he was wont to do of the mariage of his daughter both for her minority in age also for the dowry for the which he should stande accōptable for so much as themprour had receyued by way of loane of the king of England he semed by many tokens in nature to nourish a wonderful desire to haue children and by the necessitie of his condicion he was caried with great couetousnes of money vppon which two reasons he tooke a great desire to marye the sister of the house of Portugall which was both in an age hable for mariage and with whome he hoped to receyue a plentifull porcion in gold and treasor besides the liberalities of his own peoples offered by waye of beneuolence in case the mariage went forwarde suche was their desire to haue a Queene of the same nation and language and of hope to procreate children for these causes the negociacion became euery daye more hard and desperat betweene both those Princes wherein was also concurrant the ordinary inclinacion of the Cardinall of Yorke towardes the Frenche king together with the open complaintes he made of thEmprour aswell for thinterests and respects of his king as for the small reputacion thEmprour beganne to holde of him He considered that affore the battell of Pauya thEmprour neuer sent letters vnto him which were not written with his owne hande and subscribed your sonne and Cosin Charles But after the battell he vsed the seruice of Secretories in all the letters he wrote to him infixing nothing of his owne hande but the subscripcion not with titles of so greate reuerence and submission but onely with this bare worde Charles In this alteracion of affection of the Cardinall the king of England tooke occasion to receiue with gracious wordes and demonstracions thEmbassador sent by the Ladye regent to whome he gaue comfort to hope well in thinges to come And a litle afterwards estraunging his minde wholly from th affayres which were in negociacion betwene him and thEmprour he made a confederacion with the Lady regent contracting in the name of her sonne wherein he would haue inserted this expresse condicion that for the kings raunsom and deliuerie should not be deliuered to thEmprour any thing that at that time should be vnder the power or possession of the crowne of Fraunce This was the first hope which fell vppon the Realme of Fraunce And this was the first consolation in so many aduersities which afterwards went on increasing by the disorders of thImperialls in Italy They were become so insolent for so great a victorie that perswading them selues that all men and all difficulties should yeeld and giue place to their will their glory made them lose thoccasion to accorde with the Venetians and gaynesaye thinges which they had promised to the Pope and lastly brought them to fill full of suspicions both the Duchie of Myllan and all the other regions of Italy And so going on to sowe seedes of new innouacions and troubles they reduced thEmprour to this necessitie to make a rashe deliberacion daungerous for his estate in Italy if his auncient felicitie and the harde fortune and destinie of the Pope had not beene of greater force Matters assuredly moste worthy of a knowledge perticular to th end that of accidents and things so memorable may be vnderstanded the foundacions and councells which being oftentymes hid are for the most part reuealed and published after a manner most farre from the truth But skarcely had the Pope capitulated with the Viceroy when were presented vnto him the great offers of Fraunce to stirre him vppe to the warre wherein albeit he wanted not the perswasions of many to induce him to the same effecte and lesse diminucion of the distrust which he had before of thImperialls yet he determined to take suche a coursse and proceeding in all thinges
holde men in suspence with diuerse hopes and going on still wynning of tyme to agree to thinuestiture and in apparaunce graunt a commission so agreable to all Italy to make tetyre hys armie thoughe on the other side he had giuen directions to his Capteynes not to stirre nor remoue yea there were some that had this opinion that he had intelligence from the Marquis of the practises enterteyned with Moron and therefore he sente out suche a Commission not to be obeyed but to gette some iustification and with his hopes to keepe lulled asleepe the myndes of men vntill he sawe apte tyme to aduaunce and execute his purposes In whiche diuersitie of humors and opinions albeit it was very harde to sounde oute the simple trueth seeing withall it was not knowen whether Lopus Vtrado was dispatched at the same tyme that aryued at the Court Iohn Baptista Castaldo sente by the Marquis to aduertise themperour of the negociation Yet considering by many accidentes and euentes sithence what course themperour hath taken it is without doubt that it is lesse fallible to holde for true the better and the more easie interpretation But in this meane while the Marquis omitted no oportunitie wherein occasion was giuen to enterteine Moron and the others with the same hopes deferring notwithstanding with many excuses th execution of thinges Wherein he tooke one occasion of the sicknes of the Duke of Millan which increased on him by such daungerous degrees that euery one helde almost for certayne that it would leade him to his last time for all the Capteines pretending that in case of the Dukes death the estate of that Duchie should returne to themperour as soueraigne lorde in chiefe it was not only not conuenient for him to retyre his army but also it was necessary to call in a newe strength of two thousande Launceknightes and prepare a greater number to be in readinesse So that the souldiours for their numbers and vallours beeing puissant in the Duchie of Millan there was no meane eyther to dissolue them or at least to offende them He gaue also hope to execute the counsells of the conspiracie assoone as there was apte concurrancie of tyme and meane in exspectation whereof he sayde he proceeded with a great respecte to the Pope and for gratification of him he leauyed frō of the estates of the Church his garrisons of men of warre who gaue him occasion of right great complayntes But about this time almost all things were chaunged by a newe accident which hapned in Spayne for the french king falling sick in the castell of Madrill and hauing in vayne desired the presence of themperour was caried by his discontentment and melancoly into such extremitie daunger of his life that the Phisitions appoynted for his cure tolde themperour that they stoode desperat of his recouerie if himselfe in person came not to comforte him with some hope of his deliuerie Themperour obeying more compassion then the reason of thinges was not curious to condiscende to performe so good an office And as he prepared to visite him accordingly his high Chauncellor seeking to turne him from the iorney tolde him with many strong reasons that he could not go to him in honor but with intention to deliuer him presently and without any couenant Otherwise as it would be a humanity not royall but marcenory so it woulde disclose a desire to recouer him not moued of charitie but pushed on by his proper interest as not to loase by his death thoccasion of the profite hoped for by the victorie A counsell assuredly bothe graue and honorable touching the man that gaue it and no lesse worthy to be followed by so great a prince as themprour and yet being more caried by the reasons of others he tooke post to go to him But for the daunger of the king being almost at the extremitie the visitation was short yet for the time accompanied with gracious words full of hope that he would deliuer him immediatly vpon his returning to health In so much that whether it was by the cōfort that he breathed into him in the sicknes of captiuity the promise of liberty excedes all medicines or by the benefite of hys youth whiche with the fauour of nature was stronger then the maladie he began after this visitation to resume so good disposition that within fewe dayes he was out of daunger notwithstanding he could not recouer his former health but with very slowe time And nowe neither the difficulties that were shewed on themperours side nor the hopes whiche were giuen by thItalians nor any other nature of impedimentes whatso euer coulde staye the voyage of the Lady Alanson into Spayne for that as nothing was more harde or heauy to the French men then to leaue off the practises and negociations of accorde begonne with those that had power to restore their king so nothing was more easie to themperour then feeding the Frenche wyth hopes to drawe their myndes from taking armes and by that meane so to keepe thItalians in suspence as not to dare to enter into newe deliberations And in that cunning manner sometymes vsing delayes and sometymes pressing forwarde th affayres he thought to keepe the myndes of all men confused and intangled The Lady Alanson was receyued by themperour with very gracious demonstrations and hopes but theffectes fell oute bothe harde and heauy for when she ministred speeche to him for the mariage of hys sister the widdowe with the king he made aunswere that it was a matter which could not be done without the consent of the Duke of Burbon The other particularities were debated by deputies of both partes wherein as the Emprour insisted obstinately to haue the Duchy of Burgonguy restored as apperteining to him so the French refused to consent vnlesse he woulde accept it for dowrie or else to referre it to the sentence of the law and iustice to decide the true title And albeit they could easily haue condiscended to the residue yet for that they were so farre off for the demaund of Burgonguy the Lady Alanson returned at laste into Fraunce without winning any other grace then a fauour to see the king her brother who growing more and more into distrust of his deliuery desyred her at her departing to admonishe his mother and all the counsayle from him to looke carefully to the profite of the Crowne of Fraunce without hauing any consideration of him as if he lyued not But notwithstanding the departing of the Ladye Alanson the solicitations for the kings deliuerie did not ceasse for that there remayned behinde the President of Paris and the Bishops of Ambrum and Tarbe who had tyll then followed the negociation but with very litle hope since themprour would not harken to any cōdition if first Burgonguy were not rendred which the king could not be brought to restore but in a last necessitie About this time the Cardinall Saluatio the Popes Legate aryued at the Courte where being receyued of themperour with
Protenotorie Caraccioll who hoped that for the tearmes wherin things stoode the Senate would speedily drawe to a conclusion to renew the former confederation with the same conditions and to paye to themprour fourescore thousande duckets in recompence that in tymes paste he had withdrawne his ayde leauing there wholly all demaundes to contribute hereafter with money But the accident of Millan reduced the Senate to no litle perplexitie for on the one side they stoode grieued to be the onely people in Italy that with so great daunger contended agaynst themprour seeing they were threatned by the Marquis of Pisquairo to transport the whole warre vpon their estate whereof they discerned already certayne preparations And on the other side they were not ignorant that in case thaccorde went throw themprour should with greater facilitie make himselfe absolute lorde of that Duchie which being ioyned to so many estates and so many other oportunities they sawe was the onely line to leade him to subdue them together with the residue of Italy A matter which was continually declared to them by the Bishop of Bayeux whom the Lady Regent had sent to solicite an vnion with thItalians agaynst themprour for which purpose in so great a doubt and in so daungerous apparances they made many assemblies but without any resolution for the diuersitie of opinions And albeit to accept thaccorde was a thing more conformable to their custome and maner of proceeding for that it so tooke them out of daungers present as they might hope in the tract of tymes and benefite of occasions which common weales may attend who in comparison of Princes are immortall yet it seemed to them a matter of too great importance to suffer themprour confirmed in thestate of Millan and to see the French remayne excluded from all hope of alliance in Italy Therefore after they had at laste resolued to be bounde to no thing they made this aunswere to the Protenotary Carraccioll That the forme of their actions paste gaue fayth to all the world and he himselfe being present at the conclusion of the confederation could well testifie with what great affection they had alwayes desired thamitie of themprour with whom as they contracted a consederation in a tyme when if they had harkned to the French it had bene as all the world knewe anoperacion of right great consequence so they had perseuered and would for euer continue in the same disposicion towards him Only the necessity of thinges kept them in suspence both for that they saw in Lombardie many chaunges and innouations of great importaunce and also for that they remembred that their confederacion with thEmperour together with so many mouings and stirres hapned that yeare in Italie drewe no other end or meaning then to transferre Frauncis Sforce to the Duchie of Millan as the principall fundacion of the libertie and suretie of Italie In which regard they besought his Maiestie that maintaining in that case him selfe and deducing affore all the world his bountie he would remoue and make cease so great an innouacion and establish the tranquillitie of Italie which as it was in his power to doe being nowe the starre that guided the whole firmament so for their partes he should find them alwayes disposed and prepared both with their authoritie and with their forces to follow so holy an inclinacion and honor him besides with all other sortes of office and humility whether he would extend them generally or applie them to his particular interests This aunswere albeit it conteined no hope of cōclusion yet it bred not for al that any ouerture or beginning of warre for that both the sickenesse of the Marquis of Pisquairo which aggrauated dayly in worse degrees the desire to impatronise him selfe first of the whole estate of Millan and to establish and assure that conquest together with thinclinacion of thEmperour extending to put end and resolucion to so many other affaires which he had in hande would not suffer him to giue beginning to an enterprise of so great consequence About this time the Duke of Burbon was arriued in Spaine and came to thEmperours Court the fifteene day of Nouember concerning whom it is not reasonable I omit here to touch by the way that albeit thEmperour receiued him with all honors and demonstracions of Court embrasing him with the title and grace of his brother in law yet all the Lordes and Nobles of the Court accustomed in all other things to follow thexample of their Prince abhorred him as a person infamous and called him traitor to his king suche was their hatred against him that one of them being required in thEmperours name to suffer his house to be made readie for the Duke of Burbon aunswered in the corage stowtnes of a Spaniard that as he would not deny thEmperour any thing he would demaunde of him so his Maiestie should well vnderstand that assoone as Burbon was gone out of his house he would burne it as a pallace infected with the infamie of Burbon and vnworthie afterwardes for the dwelling of men of honor The graces and honors which the thEmperour shewed to the Duke of Burbon augmented greatly the distrust of the frenchmen who somewhat by that meane but more for the returning of the Ladie Regent without effect began to haue cold hopes in thaccord notwithstanding it was continually negociated by men expresse remeining with thEmperour In respect whereof they labored as much as they could to aduance the league with the Pope wherein did concurre the perswasions and authority of the king of England and the redoubled and vehement instances of the Venetians together with this oportunitie not of the least consequence The death of the Marquis of Pisquairo who about that time which was the beginning of December made his last end happily by the iust sentence of God who would not suffer him to enioy the frute of that seede which he had sowen with so great malignity He was of the house of Abalos originally deriued from Catalignia and his predecessor came into Italie with king Alfonso of Aragon he who the first of that house made conquest of the kingdome of Naples He began to follow armes at the battell of Rauenna where being very younge he was taken prisoner And afterwards aspyring to a reputacion of a Capteine he followed all the warres which the Spanyards had in Italy Insomuch as though he had not past the age of xxxvj yeres yet for experience he was olde for inuencion suttle in councell graue in execucion resolute wise to forsee a daunger and quicke to auoid a mischiefe he bare great authoritie and credit with the infanterie of Spayne ouer whom as he had bene of long Capteine generall so both the victorie of Pauia and all other actions of merit executed by that army since certaine yeares were principally succeeded by his councel and by his vertue he was assuredly a Capteine of great vallour but one that with arte and dissimulacion knewe how to drawe fauor and grace
that is iniuried there is nothinge so sweete as the passion of reuenge And by howe muche th offence is auncient and inueterat by so much more incurable is the humor of reuenge and more heauye the stroake where it lighteth We may beleeue that the kinges minde burneth with disdayne when he remembreth how many monethes he hath beene your prisoner with what seueritie he hath beene kept vnder straite and sure garde and neuer was fauored so much as to speake to you or see you Besides in this calamitie of imprisonment he hath passed so many perplexities and perills as had almost brought him to the ende of his mortall life causes not litle materiall to make him highly incensed besides the despite of his other iniuries sufficient to drawe on his desire to be reuenged And nowe he seeth we goe about to deliuer him not through magnanimitie or amitie but by necessitie and feare of so great a confederacion conspired against vs Do we thinke that parentage made by necessitie is more mighty then so many vehement incitacions Doe not we know how much Princes esteeme of such bonds And who can yeld a better restimonie then our selues of the estimacion and reckoning of parentages But it may happly seeme to some that we shall be greatly assured by the faith he will giue to returne againe into prison Oh weake foundacions and full of frailtie oh hopes vnperfect and drawing more perill then sewertie oh councell vndiscreete which hath no societie with wisedome and forecast The griefe I haue to see vs disposed to take a coursse so hurtfull and daungerous makes me burst out into this libertie of playne speeche This boarde is not ignorant what reckoning is made of faith and worde giuen when there is question of interests of estate neyther are we to learne of what force are the promisses of the French men who though they be open and playne in all other thinges yet in this regarde let vs thinke them Schoolemaisters moste perfect in deceyuing and abusing And for the king he hath naturally a readye tongue to promisse and aslowe hande to performe and by custom is so much the more harde and sparing in effects by howe much he is plentifull and prodigall in words and speeches Vppon which I gather this reasonable conclusion that neither the respect of good will betwene two Princes who haue for an auncient inheritance iniuries and offences nor the memorie of benefits which neuer was any nor the cōsideracion of faith promisses which in controuersie of matters of estate importeth nothing with the frenchmen wil haue any force to induce him to follow an accord which lifteth vp his enemy into heauen throweth his owne person his kingdom into manifest subiection where it may be obiected that for feare of these things the better to assure your maiesty you demaūd two of his childrē of whom one to be theldest whose loue wil cōtein him more thē the price of Burgongny I aūswer that the loue of those childrē wil rather cause the cōtrary specially whē the memory of thē shal moue in the cogitaciōs of his mind cōsideration that to obserue thaccord would be the beginning to make them your slaues it is doubtful that such a pawne will not be sufficient if he should be altogether desperat to recouer it in other sort for that as it is a thing that much importeth to put his Realme in daunger which being once lost is hard to be recouered So neuerthelesse he may haue many hopes to redeeme his children either with the fauor of tyme or by the benefit of accord or by thopportunitie of some other occasion and yet in respect of their base age thexspectacion wil not be greeuous to him Besides standing in tearmes to draw into vnitie against you almost all the Princes of Christendom who doubteth not but he will confederat with them who seeth not that he will seeke to moderat that accord by the waye of warre and armes And who knoweth not that in that case the gayne and profit which we shall reape by this victorie will bringe vppon vs a most stronge and daungerous warre stirred vp by the desperat hatred of the French king by the burning ielousie of the king of England and by the general necessitie of all the Potentats in Italy Against whom how shall we be able to defende our selues vnles God continue daily to worke the same miracles for vs which he hath so often done till this tyme or vnles fortune for our sakes chaunge her nature and reduce her inconstancie and lightnes to an example of constancie and firmenes contrary to all experience past how many monethes haue we concluded in our councells to doe all that we could to let thItalians for vniting with the house of Fraunce And now we throwe our selues rashly into a deliberacion which takes away all difficulties that till this hower haue kept them in suspence A matter which multiplieth our daungers encreaseth the forces of our enemies since it is not to be doubted that that league wil be more strong and mighty which shal haue for a head the French king standing in his freedome and in his kingdome then that which should be contracted with the house of Fraunce and the king remeine your prisoner There is no other thing which till this day hath deteyned the Pope from entring confederacion against you then the feare he had that you would alwayes separate the French from the residue in offering to them the libertie of their king but lesse will be their feare of such a matter when you shall haue the children who import not muche and dismisse the father vppon whose person resteth the ballancing of all things So that by this meane the medicine which we haue sought to applye to preuent our daunger will become without all comparison the chiefe poyson and instrument of our perill And in place to breake this vnion we shall be the meane to enforce it and make it more firme and puissant But me thinkes I see some ready to aske my aduise and whether I wil councell your Maiestie to drawe no profitte of so greate a victorie and to suffer you to dwell alwayes vppon these doubtes and perplexities to whome I aunswer and confirme eftsoones the similitude I haue spoken many tymes that it is a matter too hurtfull to receyue so much meate at one tyme as the stomacke can not beare And that it is necessary eyther by returning into amitie with Italy which demaundes nothing of vs but to be assured to gette of the Frenche king both Burgonguye and asmuch els as we can or els to make a composicion with him by the which Italy may remeyne at our discression but so easie touching his interests as he may haue cause to obserue the condicions of it In thelection of the one of these two wayes it apperteyneth to your maiestie in pollicie forecast to preferre that which in deed is moste stable and iust affore that which at the
women being moste wretched in pouerty and nakednes No entercourse of marchantes or trade which before was wont to enrich the citie And the chearfulnes and spirites of men were wholly conuerted into a state of languishing dolor and feare No no other thing remayned of the glorious apparance of that city then the fundations of houses Churches and yet euen in them was discerned a lamentable spectacle in regard of the former memory of them Neuertheles as there is no sorrowe without his comfort nor no mischiefe without his remedy so their afflictions and heauines tooke some consolation for the comming of the Duke of Burbon for that the brute went he brought some reliefe to the army and also in their miserie they made this last perswasion that for the retrayte of the campe of the confederates their necessities and daungers would somwhat diminish And they hoped that the Duke to whom it was sayde themprour had giuen the Duchy of Millan would for his owne interests and the better to preserue the reuenues and estate of the citie take order agaynst so licensious oppressions of the Spaniards This was a naked hope without any staye or fundation for that they knew by relation of their embassadors whō they had sent to thempror that there was no further exspectation of remedy from him eyther for that by hys farre distance he could not apply necessary prouisions for their safety or else which they iudged by many experiences the compassion of the oppressions and miseries of the people was farre colder in him then his desire for thinterests of his estate to minister to that my and maynteine it To the which because paymentes were not made in times due neither his authoritye which was farre of nor the lawes of his capteines ioyned to their presence could not conteine the souldiors frō insolencies and iniuries Neither did the capteines to insinuate winne the harts of the souldiours sharing also in the profite of so vniuersall a spoyle labor much to restrayne this licence of warre the rather for that vnder their cōplaintes excuses of want of payes they cloked what so euer was done in insolency oppression In so much as the chiefest within Millan aboue the residue assembling in one great number expressing in their face their attire and whole apparance the miserable estate of their contrey including also their own wretched condition went with many teares cōplaints to seke the duke of Burbon afore whose feete that pitifull spectacle of Citisens fell prostrate and one of them deliuered the complayntes of their griefe in this sort Were it not that the heauy oppressions of this Citie for their nature more bitter and for their time more intollerable then euer raged ouer any city or contrey within the age or memory of men did not hinder the due offices and humilities which in so generall inclination of the whole contrey to haue a prince proper and peculiar our affections would offer prefer your cōming oh gracious Duke had bin embrased with ceremonies apparances agreable to the gladnes comfort we receiue in the aspect of your gracious honorable presence For as to men liuing vnder a cloude of obscurity darknes nothing is so swete as the desire of light and nothing more acceptable thē the vse benefit of the same So to the citie of Millan so long restrained vnder the yoke of seruitude and oppression no worldly thing could be offred of more felicity or comfort thē to behold in your face the effect of our long exspectation to receiue of the hand of thempror a prince of right noble discending in whom in many actions at sundry times we haue experienced your wisdome your iustice your vallor your clemency your liberality But our seuere bitter fortune vnder whose lawes we are without all moderation subdued constrayneth vs exspecting our remedy of none other then of you to poure out afore you our miseries being greater without comparison then those that any townes taken by assalt did euer endure by the fury by the ambition or by the lust of any tyrants that conquered thē Which things of themselues intollerable are yet made more grieuous to vs by the continual reproches heaped against vs that they are inflicted vpō vs for punishmēt of our infidelity to themprour As though the late tumultes proceded by publike consent not by the incitation of certen yongmen sedicious who in their rashnes drew to their factiō the cōmons who by their pouerty were assured to lose nothing by their nature liue always desirous of innouation change and therefore are a kind an estate of people that with so much the more facility are allured to cōmocion by how much they are cōpounded of humors replenished with errors vaine persuasiōs stirring at the appetite of euery thing that moueth thē euen as the waues of the sea are caried with euery light vapor or wind that bloweth And touching the accusations that are heaped against vs we seke not either for our excuse or to make lesse the quality of the crime to reduce into reckoning the merites of the people of Millan frō the greatest to the hiest for the seruice of thēpror in the yeres before first when the whole citie vnder the memory of their auncient deuotion to the name of thempror rose against the gouernors against the french king an experience reasonably inducing with what property of affection we sought to introduce the authority supremacy of thempire Secōdly whē with so great cōstancy we bare out two most straite harde besiegings submitting willingly our vittels houses and our mony to the cōmodity of the souldiors with thē cherfully exposed our persons to euery watch and ward to all daungers and to all actions of warre An example of sufficient credit to iustify our faith loyaltie to the sacred name of themprour And thirdly when at the battell of Bicocque the inhabitantes of our towne defended with so braue resolution the bridge the onely passage by the whiche the Frenche were to pearce euen into the bowels of the imperiall army A confirmation without resistance that we preferred the defence of themprours cause before the safety of oure owne liues Then was our fayth recōmended then was our valour reputed to vs for good then was our constancy lifted vp to the third heauē both by Prospero Colonno the Marquis of Pisquairo by the other capteines And in these actions we may truly call vpon the testimony of your excellencye since beeing present in the warre which thadmirall Bonnyuet made your eyes saw your toung cōmended your hart did oftē maruell at so great fidelitie so assured disposition But it agreeth not with our condition to insist vpon the memory of these things nor to counterpeise merits with offences since our misery present offreth to stand agaynst all operations of merits or seruices paste And if nowe there can be found in the people
of the deathe of the Duke of Burbon And lastly the Frenche kinge not holding it good pollicye to suffer the thinges of Italy so to declyne he contracted the fiftenth daye of Maye with the Venetians that they shoulde wage in common tenne thowsande Svvyzzers he to furnishe the first paye and the Venetians the seconde and so forwarde according to that rule That he shoulde sende into Italy tenne thowsande Frenche men vnder Peter Nauarre That in lyke sorte the Venetians ioyntly with the Duke of Myllan shoulde wage tenne thowsande footemen Italyans That he shoulde fende thether a newe supplye of fiue hundred launces and eyghteene peeces of artilleries And bicause the king of England notwithstanding tharticles of the contract shewed no greate readines to make warre beyonde the Mountes A dealing which was not very agreable to the French king They dispensed with that obligacion and in place of that they couenanted That the king of England to furnishe the warre of Italy shoulde defraye the paye of tenne thowsande footemen for six monethes full And at the speciall instance of the sayde kinge of England Monsr de Lavvtrech almoste agaynst his will was declared Capteine generall of the whole armye during whose preparacion to marche and passe with conuenient prouisions of money and other thinges necessarye there was nothinge done in Italy that was of any consequence for bothe thEmprours armye styrred not out of Rome notwithstanding that many perished dayly by the rage of the plague which at that tyme ranne also with greate mortalitye in Florence and through many partes of Italy And also the armye of the league into which at thinstance of the Marquis of Salusso and the Venetians the Florentyns were entred of newe with obligacion to defraye fiue thowsande footemen wherewith thEmprour felt him selfe greeuously offended for that hauing at their instance giuen to the Duke of Ferrara authoritie to compownd in his name was almost assoone aduertised of their contrary deliberacion This armye beeing greatly diminished in numbers for that the regiments of the Venetians of the Marquis and the Svvyzzers were yll payed was retyred towardes Viterba And looking altogether to temporise and enterteyne they labored to holde in the deuocion of the league Perousa Orbieta Spoleto with other places thereabowts And afterwardes hauing vnderstandinge in that place that one parte of thEmprours armye was yssued out of Rome somewhat to take breathe with the largenes and skoape of ayre fearing least the residue shoulde doe the lyke after the first payments were made they retyred to Orbietta and afterwardes neare to the borowe of Pyeua And in that inclinacion they had retyred vppon the landes of the Florentyns if they would haue giuen consent In this rage of the plague the castell of Saint Angeo was visited to the great daunger of the life of the Pope abowt whom dyed certeine speciall men that did seruice to his person who amyd so many afflictions and aduersities and no other hope remeyning to him then in the clemencie of thEmprour appoynted for Legat with the consent of the Capteines Cardinall Alexander of Farneso who notwithstanding being yssued out of the castell and Rome refused vnder that occasion to goe in the sayd legacion The Capteines desired to cary the person of the Pope with the thirteene Cardinals that were with him to Caietto but he labored against that resolucion with greate diligence peticions and arte At last Monsr de Lavvtrech after he had giuen order to thinges necessary departed from the Court the last of Iune with eyght hundred launces and honored with the title of Capteine generall of the whole league And the king of England in place to present tenne thowsand footemen was taxed to paye in money for euery moneth beginning the first of Iune the summe of xxx thowsand duckats Which money should be conuerted to the payment of tenne thowsand launceknights vnder Monsr Vavvdemont which was a regiment of very good exercise and practise for that they had many times broken the bands of the Lutherans The French king tooke also to his paye Andre Dore with eyght gallyes and xxxvj crownes for euery yeare But before Monsr Lavvtrech was past the Mounts the regiments of the Venetians and the Duke of Myllan ioyned together marched to Marignan whome Antho. de Leua yssuing out of Myllan with eyght hundred Spanyards and the like number of Italyans together with a very fewe horsemen constrayned them to retyre About which tyme Iohn Iames de Medicis Captaine of Mus who was in pay with the French king and exspected vppon the lake the comming of the Svvyzzers made him selfe Lord by suttle meanes vppon the castell of Monguzzo seated betwene Lecqua and Coma wherein dwelt Alexander Bentyuolo as in his owne house for the recouering of it Antho. de Leua sent thether Lodovvyk de Belioyense who hauing assalted it in vaine turned to Monceo But afterwards Antho. de Leua hauing espiall that the sayd Capteine Mus with two thowsand fiue hundred footemen was come to the village of Carato foureteene myles from Myllan returned to Myllan where leauing onely two hundred men notwithstanding the Venetians were almost ten thowsand and yssuing out by night with the rest of the armye he charged suddeinly vppon the rising of the Sunne the bands of Capteine Mus who at the alarme leauing their houses wherein they were lodged they retyred into a playne place enuyroned with hedges not farre from the village not thinking that all the bands were there And albeit they cast them selues into order yet by the disaduauntage of the place beeing lowe and strayted as a prison they fell all without any resistance into the calamitye of the sworde or prisoners except many who in the beginning sought their sauetye by fleeing taking their example of the Capteine In this meane while ThEmprour had aduertisement of the Popes captiuitie by letters which his high Chauncellor wrote to him from Monaco as he went into Italy whether he was sent by his authoritie And albeit by his speeches and outward forme of behauior he expressed how greeuous that accident was to him yet it was discerned by his secrete mocions and affections that he was not muche discontented with it which he well declared in publike demonstracions not forbearing to followe the feastes and torneyes begonne before for the byrthe of his Sonne But as the deliuerie of the Pope was vehemently desired by the king of England and Cardinall of Yorke and for their authoritie no lesse displeasing to the French kinge who in case he coulde otherwayes haue recouered his children woulde haue taken litle care and greefe for the calamities of the Pope and vniuersall domages of all Italy So in a cause so generally inducing to compassion bothe the one and the other king sent Embassadors to thEmprour to demaunde the deliuerance of the Pope as a matter apperteyning in common to all the Princes Christian and particularly due by the Emprour vnder whose faith he had beene reduced to that estate of miserye by his
office of seruice by the mutinie of the paysants which still redoubled into worse degrees they abandoned the defense of the place Insomuch as the whole campe entring where no resistance was made they turned their felicitie into blood slaying in their furie all the paysants men of the towne Onely the souldiers retyred into the castell together with the Prince who not long after yeelded simply as was sayde to discression notwithstanding they pretended that their liues were excepted The Prince was saued with a very fewe of his followers all the others were put to the sword conteyning three thowsand bodies the towne deliuered vp to sacking In the towne was foūd great store of vittells to the great commoditie and comforting of the French men who for their hard prouision suffred no small wants in Povvylla The xxiiij day the Spanyards departed from Ariano and incamped at Tripaldo which is xxv myles from Naples vppon the high waye and xl myles from Ofanto with whome ioyned the Viceroy the Prince of Salerno and Fabricio Maramo with a regiment of three thowsand footemen and twelue peeces of artilleries it was thought also that Captaine Alarson yssued out of Naples with two thowsand footemen to succour Dogania But Lavvtrech stayed vpon the territories of Ofanto to make great prouisions of money had all his cōpanies incamped betwene Ascalo Melffe And since the accident of Melffe were rendred to him Barletto Trany and all the townes thereabouts except Manfredonia wherein was a strength of a thowsand footemen In this successe and rendring of townes he sent out Peter Nauare with foure thowsand footemen to take the rock of Venosa which being garded valliantly defended by ij hundred fifty spanish footemen he tooke it at last to discression reteyning the Capteines prisoners he sent away the others without weapōs And there he had giuen order that the reuenue of the tribute of Povvilla should be receyued for him which for the troubles impediments which the warre brought aūswered not the value price that were wont to rise by it In this place the commissarie Pisano with the Venetian regimentes conteining about two thousande footemen came to Monsr Lavvtrech who in this sorte was busied to assure him selfe of vittells and prouisions A matter which was made more easie to him after he had got into his power Ascoly by the meane of the Venetian regimentes And at this tyme rising into courage by the happy euent of his affayres he vrged the Pope with hawty wordes to declare him selfe for the league Who notwithstanding they of Viterbo would not before receyue him for their gouernour of which Octauian Spirito was the cause yet beeing afterwardes raunged and made plyable through feare he had transported his Court to Viterba And Vespasian Colonno being dead at the same time who ordeyned by his testament that Isabell his onely daughter shoulde be maryed to Hipolito de Medicis the Pope vnder that cooller gatte possession of all those places which he helde in the territories of Rome notwithstanding Askanio pretended that they apperteyned to him by the ceassing of the line masculine of Prospero Colonno About this time Monopoly was rendred to the Venetians for whome and to whose vse according to the laste couenauntes made with the French king were gotten all those portes of the realme of Naples which they possessed before they were ouerthrowen by king Lovvis the xij in Guiaradada By reason of these prosperities of the French the Duke of Ferrara was induced to sende his sonne into Fraunce to accomplish and giue perfection to the mariage A matter which he had deferred before by great industrie refusing with the same pollicie to be Capteine of the League But themprour who sent no men out of Spayne to releeue the daungers of the kingdome of Naples had giuen ordenance that the Duke of Brunsvvich should passe out of Germanie into Italy with new supplies of Launceknights for the succour of that kingdome These supplies were prepared with so muche the more care and diligence by how muche they vnderstoode the necessitie to reskew it was great for the comming on of Monsr Lavvtrech But to th ende the aduauncing of those supplyes should not trouble the hope of the victorie it was agreed by the consent of the king of Englande the French king and the Venetians that the Lorde Frauncis of Saint Poll discended of the house of Burbon should passe into Italy with foure hundred launces fiue hundred light horsmen fiue thousande footemen Frenche two thousande Svvizzers and two thousande Launceknightes This armie was appoynted to followe them if they passed to Naples and otherwise to make warre vppon the Duchie of Millan adioyning to them the regimentes of the Venetians and the bandes of Frauncis Sforce For the defrayment of this armie was set downe a paye of threescore thousande duckets monthly of which the king of Englande was to contribute euery moneth thirtie thousand And the Venetians had resolued in the counsell of Pregati to wage ten thousande footemen In this time the inhabitants of Millan were reduced to an extreme and miserable subiection for the intollerable exactions imposed by Antho. de Leua who the better to prouide for the payes of his souldiours had drawne into his owne handes all the vittells of the Citye and hauing bestowed them in publike storehouses and Garniers he solde them in his owne name at what rate or prise he would the inhabitantes beeing driuen to buy them according to his lawe or else to dye for hunger And yet the money raysed vppon that extreme meane beeing not sufficient to pay the Launceknightes that were lodged in houses they were suffred to make dayly raunsomes of the maisters and owners of whome suche as woulde yeelde no money were kept in chaynes and yrons And because to auoyde so great cruelties and intollerable impostes many dyd flee continually out of the Citie notwithstanding the rigour of the commaundementes and diligence of the warders there was confiscation of goodes published agaynst suche as were absent who were so many in number that to auoyde the trouble to sette them downe in writing they caused them to be putte in print The Nobles and best sorte of Citizens suche as remayned there were seene in their garmentes poore and ragged and in their countenances astonished and desolate expressing by a lamentable compassion the calamities they endured And their pallaces and places of best frequentation were reduced to ruines and rubbege suche as were heauye testimonies of the crueltie of the Spaniardes And yet all thinges succeeded happely to hym that was the causer of all these miseries For where Capteine Mus laye incamped at Lecqua with sixe hundred footemen as a souldiour of the League and hauing taken awaye the barkes to th ende the Spaniardes that were within Coma could not reskew it by the waye of the lake Antho. de Leua with the bandes of footemen that were within Nouaro issued out of Millan and incamped fifteene
slaine with a stone In reuenge of whose death the Prince extended his indignacion so farre vpon the towne that taking it by force he put it to a miserable sacke A lyke misaduenture fel vpon Simon Roman for that as the Venetian armie which from the cape of Ottronta vexed all the countrey was drawen neare to Brunduso they set on land certaine companies of souldiers with whom was Simon Roman and caryed the towne but in assaulting the rocke Simon was slaine with a bollet Whilest the Realme of Naples was thus trauelled with diuers successes the matters of Lombardie suffred no great tranquillitie Monsr Saint Pol about the ende of march tooke by force the towne of Seuarella and the Castel compounded to stand newter But the vallour of the enemies recouered againe the thing whiche by his industrie he could not keepe for that he lost one night by surprise the towne which â—rst he had wonne by force the same with other reasons driuing a feare into him that he was no longer able to stoppe the Spanyardes the way to Millan he sawe also a dayly diminucion of the nombers of his campe for want of money whereof as he receiued but very litle from the King so of that litle being a Captaine of litle gouernment he exspended one part for him selfe and suffred another part to bee imbeacelled and robbed by his officers The King and Venetians disputed what enterprise were good to take in hand The King made instance to aduaunce the exployte of Genes both for the importance of that citie and also for that it beganne to be a beleefe amongst them that the next sommer the Emperour woulde passe into Italie And for that the King esteemed that the Venetians had neuer holpen him eyther to reskewe or to recouer that Citie Wherein notwithstanding they excused them selues by an vniuersall rumour running in Italie of the discending of newe Launceknightes yet he could not but dout that they were ill contented to fauour the victorie of that enterprise But the Venetians to obscure for the time the memorie of that exployte brought into deuise the action of Millan whiche both they layde out to be very easie for the small nomber of souldiers that were with Antho. de Leua and also they offred that when the conquest of Millan were perfourmed they would administer to the enterprise and besieging of Genes In which regarde the resolution went by the Kings consent to imbrace the enterprise of Millan with a camp of sixteene thousand footmen of whom euery one to make prouision for the moyty This resolucion was made in march and in the absence of the Duke of Vrbin who for that the Prince of Orenge and the Launceknightes were drawen neare the confines of the kingdome was retyred vpon his owne estate almost against the will of the Venetians who neuerthelesse reteyned him of newe into their paye with the same condicions which aforetime they hadde passed to Bartl Aluiano and the Co 〈…〉 Petillano sending him also for his defence three hundred horsemen and three thousande footemen according to the contract of their obligacion and gaue the title of gouernour to Ianus Fregoso There were in the armie of the Venetians sixe hundred men at armes a thowsande light horsemen and foure thousande footemen notwithstanding they were bounde to mainteine xij thousand This armie the fixt of April tooke by force Cassiano and the rocke rendred to discression when Antho. de Leua Toruiello being commen out of Millan to diuert or draw away the enemies returned back without doing anything â–ª The Spaniards passed froÌ„ Genes to Millan notwithstanding to stop them there had bene made so many deuises resolucions for where Monsr Saint Pol the Venetians had supposed that they would make their passage by the parâ—es of Tortona Alexandria they tooke at their departure froÌ„ Vostaggio by the direction of Belioyenso the way that was more long by the mouÌ„taine of Plaisaâ—â—a places subiect to the church And being comen to Varsy in the sayde mountaine notwithstanding Saint Pol made to march from thence an hundred and fiftie horsemen appoynting their waye to Loda and also the companies of the Venetians who for that they woulde be before sent one parte of their bands to the Duke of Millan but both later by one daye then they shoulde and in lesse nombers then they promised yet they passed by night the ryuer of Pavv at Areno vsing the seruice of the vessels of Plaisanca So that being no more able to stoppe their vniting with Antho. de Leua whoe for the more safetie and facilitie of their ioyning was come to Landriano within twelue miles of Fauia they mette and ioyned with him and so being conduited to Millan so poore and naked of al things that they seemed to beare the resemblance of rogues they encreased the calamities of the inhabitants there by putting them to spoyle and robberie euen in the streets Thus was litle profitable to the French and Venetians al their actions and doings of the whole winter which were extended to stoppe the passage of their souldiers to take Gauy and places inuironing Gonos and Casa places doing great domages to the whole countrey Moreouer Antho. de Leua tooke Binasquo by composition But where the Spaniards had serued their turnes of the Barkes of Plaisanca and that as was beleeued they had not remoued had they not bene assured that in case of necessitie they might retire into that citie besides many other apparances and tokens the confederates began to rise in suspicion that the Pope specially touching the restitution of the Castels was either entirely accorded or at least verie neare to accorde with thEmperour Nowe where the Pope in great secrecie had disposed all his thoughtes to recouer the estate of Florence wherein albeit to circumuent the French Ambassadours he enterteyned sundrie practises and ledde both them and the other confederates in diuers humours of hope to accord with the league Yet being partly mooued with feare of the greatnesse of the Emperour and the prosperitie of his affaires and partly through hope to induce him more easely then he could induce the French King to restore and reestablish his house in Florence he enclined much more on the Emperours side then on the French Kings He had also a vehement desire to make easie his deuise to drawe to his deuocion the estate of Perousa in which action it was beleeued that he enterteyned Braccio Baillon who managed euery day newe driftes in those confines By reason whereof Malatesta douting least whilest he was in his pay he should be oppressed with his fauour thought it necessarie for him to seeke to put him selfe in the protection of an other Therefore either induced with that reason or caryed with a couetousnes after greater parties or pushed on with a passion of auncient hatred he refused to reenter into his paye pretending that he was not bounde for the whole yeare but at his election for that as he
alleaged the contract appeared not by writing notwithstanding the Pope mainteyned a further obligation So that he solicited to enter into the paye of the French and Florentins complayning bitterly of certaine intelligences and practises enterteyned against him by the Cardinall of Cortono and of a letter which he had surprised written by the Cardinall Medicis to Braccio Baillon But the Pope seeking indirectly to stoppe the effect of his deuice forbad by Edicts publike that none of his subiectes without his leaue shoulde take the payes of other Princes vpon paine of confiscation Neuerthelesse Malatesta forbare not for that to prosecute his deuise The Frenchmen bounde them to indue him with a charge of two hundred horsemen two thowsand crownes pension the order of Saint Michael and in time of warre with two thowsand footemen And the Florentines gaue him the title of Gouernor two thousand crownes pension a thousand footmen in time of warre fiftie horsemen for his sonne and fiftie for the sonne of Horatio with fiue hundred crownes for the paye of them both They tooke vpon them the protection of his estate and of Perousa and aswel the French King as they made him one ioynt allowance in time of peace of an hundred crownes the moneth to enterteyne ten Captaines And the Florentines a part made him a paie for two hundred footmen for the garde of Perousa and for his part he was onely bounde to this to goe to their seruice with a thousande footemen when their affaires required yea though he shoulde not haue the bandes promised from the Frenche King Of this dealing the Pope complayned highlye to the Frenche King as a matter done directlye to let him for disposing according to his will of a Citie whiche was vassall and subiect to the Churche the same making the King who bare no mynd to kindle the Pope to deferre the action of ratification and for the same cause the Pope hoping to be able to alter or retyre Malatesta perswaded him to continue out his yeare and at the same time he enterteyned secretly Braccio Baillon Sero Colonno and the exiles of Perousa who hauing assembled and mustered bands of souldiers lay incamped at Norcio But all these practises together with all offers and oblacions serued to no purpose for that Malatesta was resolutely fixed to continue no longer in the Popes paye and as the Florentins ministred ayde to him openly so he feared so much the lesse those stirres or emocions by howe much they ceassed foorthwith the Pope finding they were vnperfect and insufficient to leade on his hopes to their effectes Besides the Pope would not suffer the Duke of Ferrara to dwelin rest and he was so farre of from obseruing the couenants made with the Duke in the name of the Colledge of Cardinals that the byshoprike of Modena being newly fallen into vacacion by the death of Cardinall Gonzaguo an estate promised to the Dukes sonne by the sayde couenants he bestowed it by his authoritie vpon Ierom Moron seeking vnder colour of refusing the possession occasion to prouoke against him suche a personage and minister bearing great authoritie in the Emperours armie He enterteyned also a practise with Ierom Pio to occupie Reggia and that by the meane and operacion of Hubert de Gambaro gouernour of Bolognia But when the Duke was informed of the state of the practise and how farre it extended he passed Pio to such propertie of punishment as his offence deserued He layde plotts also to surprise Rauenna which likewise sorted to none effect And about this time inclining dayly by apparant degrees to the Emperours part and being also well aduaunced in the solicitation of things he sent vnto him the Byshop of Vasono his stewarde he called backe the cause of diuorce of the King of Englande which he had done long time before had not the regarde of the Bull which was already in Englande in the hands of his Legat Campeius reteyned him For as the good fortunes of the Emperour encreased in Italie so he sought not onely not to offende him further but also to reuoke the offence he had done him alreadie being in deede determined before he was sicke to reuoke the cause In which action he sent Frauncis Compagnio into Englande to the Cardinall Campeius dissembling to the King that he was sent for other matters including notwithstanding matter apparteyning to that cause where in deede he brought commission to Campcius to burne the Bull And albeit Campeius for a maladie the Pope was fallen into deferred for a time the execution of that commission yet when he knewe he was recured he perfourmed the thyng he was commaunded So that the Pope being thus deliuered of that feare reuoked the cause though not without great indignation of that King especiallie when he required the Bull of the Legate and vnderstoode by him the vnworthie accident of it These matters made both more seuere and more readie the ruine and fall of the Cardinall of Yorke whose authoritie the King supposed to be so great and gracious with the Pope that if his mariage with the Lady Anne had bene agreeable to him he might haue obteyned of the Pope what dispensation he had woulde By whiche occasion opening his eares to the enuie and mallice of his aduersaries he grewe kindled against him euen to the taking from him his goodes and treasure of a wonderful value and in his indignation leauing him a smal part of the reuenues of his benefices he restrayned him to his Byshoprike with a slender traine of seruants And so not long after eyther by a surprise of letters which he wrote to the French King or for some other propertie of malice of his enemies who gathering by the Kings speches that he was not without inclinacion towardes him and therefore feared least he woulde rise againe into his auncient authoritie he was conuented to appeare in counsell to speake for him selfe in matters to be obiected against him For whiche cause as he was brought towards the Court as prisoner he was suddenly taken with a fluxe engendred either of the humour of disdaine or of the passion of feare of which he dyed the seconde day after he was apprehended with the maladie an example in our dayes worthie of memorie touching the power whiche fortune and enuie hath in the Courts of Princes About this time fell out in Florence to the greate preiudice of the gouernment that then was a newe chalenge against Nicholas Cappony Gonfalonier it happened almost vpon the end of the second yeare of his magistracie and was incensed principallie by the enuie of some of the chiefe citisens who tooke occasion of the vaine suspicions and fond ignorancies of the commons Nicho. Cappony during all the time of his magistracie hath had these two principall obiectes the one to defend him selfe against the freshe enuie of those that had bene honored of the house of Medicis suffring the principals amongst them to communicat with the other Citisens in the honors and
but for the regarde of the iurisdiction direct which they had of any one without extending any further And that all protections taken in other forme should be interpreted voyde and derogate within one moneth That to make this amitie and coniunction more firme and stable they were to confirme it with the straite knots of parentage ThEmprour promising to giue for wife Margarit his bastard daughter with a dowrye of twenty thowsand duckats of yearely reuenue to Alexander Medicis sonne to Lavvrence late Duke of Vrbyn vppon whose person the Pope determined to conuert and bestowe the temporall greatnes of his house hauing at such tyme as he was in daunger of death created Cardinall Hipolito sonne of Iulian They contracted at the same tyme in articles seperat That the Pope shoulde accord to thEmprour and to his brother to resist the Turke the fourth part of the reuenues of benefices Ecclesiastike in the same manner that his Predecessor Adrian had done That the Pope should giue absolucion to all those who within Rome and other places had offended against the sea Apostolike and to all such as had ministred any proppertie of ayde councell or fauor or that any way participated or secretly approued or expresly allowed or directly had consented to the actions that had beene done That where the Emprour had not published the Croissade graunted by the Pope which was lesse ample then others that had bene beforetimes graunted That the Pope the first beeing reuoked shoulde passe an other of more full and ample forme according to the skoape of those that had bene graunted by the late Popes Iulio and Leo. Before this accorde was passed and after all the difficulties were resolued aduertisement came to thEmprour of the ouerthrowe of Monsr Saint Pol In regarde of which successe so honorable for the reputacion of his armies there and no lesse profitable for the generall estate of his affayres albeit it was doubted that to help his condicions he would haue chaunged some braunch or article of matters agreed vppon yet he confirmed them all both in substance and circumstance and with a singuler readines ratified them the same daye which was the xxix of Iune accomplishing with solemne othe before the high alter of the cathedrall Church of Barselona But the negociacions of peace betwene thEmprour and the French king were not pursued with lesse deuocion and diligence And the better to aduaunce them to some good successe yssue after the cōmissions on all sides were comen the towne of Cambray was indifferently appoynted for the assemblie and meeting A place fatal for so great conclusions and where were to conferre together the Lady Margaret of Austria and the Lady Regent mother to the French king The French king labored with all his meanes and diligence though he ment not in him selfe to performe it which also he confirmed by promisses to the confederat Embassadors of Italy hauing therein the consent priuitie of the king of England not to make any accord with thEmprour without the consent satisfaction of the confederats for he feared lest they entring into a ielousie suspicion of his will would not preuent him be the first that would compownd with the Emprour and by that meane to leaue him excluded out of the amitie of both sides In which respect he sought to perswade them not to hope in the peace but rather to keepe their thoughts disposed turned to the prouisiōs of the warre wherein to establish some good order forme of proceeding not ceassing to solicit continually he had sent into Italy the Bishop of Tarby with commission to goe to the states of Venice the Dukes of Millan Ferrara Florence both to solicit prouisions apperteyning to the warre and to promisse that if the Emperour passed into Italy he woulde also discend at the same tyme with a mightie armye so farre forthe as the other confederats woulde contribute for their parte touching the preparacions needefull Neuerthelesse the negociacions of accord continued more and more Insomuch as the seuenth day of Iuly both the Ladies made their entries into Cambray by seuerall gates with a great pompe And being lodged in two houses adioyning hauing an entrye the one within the other they spake together the same day and gaue order to their agents to treate of the articles Wherein because the kinge woulde be neare at hand to resolue all difficulties occurring he was gone vp to Compiequo to whome the Venetians hauing feare of the yssue of that coniunction had made many large and great offers And for the more absolute negociacion of this peace there were sent to Cambray as interposers in the action the Bishop of London and the Duke of Suffolke Embassadors for the king of England with whose consent and participacion that assembly was made The Pope sent thether the Archbishop of Capua There was also a presence of Embassadors from all the confederats To whome the French men made relacion of things farre otherwise then was the truth of that that was debated Wherein the king eyther reteyned so great an impietie or els had so simple and sole a thought of his interest perticular which consisted wholly in the recouerie of his children That where the Florentyns made greate instance to him that according to thexample of king Levvys his father in lawe and his predecessor in the yeare a thowsand fiue hundred and twelue he woulde consent that they might accorde with thEmprour for their sauetie he refused it vnder this promise that he would neuer make any accord without comprehending them in it Assuring them also that he was most ready to follow the warre and promised no lesse to all the others euen in the greatest heate of solicitacion for peace About the xxiij of Iuly came aduertisement of the capitulacions made betweene the Pope and thEmprour at what tyme albeit the present negociacion was well aduaunced yet it was so troubled and hindred for some difficulties touching certeine townes of Franche Counte that the Lady Regent gaue order to prepare to depart Neuerthelesse by the working of the Popes Legat principally by the operacion and good office of thArchbishop of Capua the conclusion was established the French king not leauing to promise to the confederats the same things he had offred before At last being the fift daye of August the peace was solemnly published in the great Church of Cambray whereof the first article conteyned That the kings sonnes should be redeliuered so farre forth as their father payed to thEmprour for their raunsome twelue hundred thowsande crownes in ready money and to the king of England for him two hundred thowsand That the king should render to the Emprour within six weekes after the ratificacion all that he possessed in the Duchie of Myllan That he should leaue vnto him Ast with resignacion of the rights apperteyning That he should leaue assoone as he could Barletto with all those peeces which he helde in the Realme of Naples That he should
brought to him the first aduertisement of thaccorde made at Cambray And at the same tyme passed for him into the partes of Lombardye Capteine Felix whom he had taken into his paye with eyght thowsande Launceknightes The discending of themprour with such a puissant preparation made astonished the minds of all the regions of Italy beeing nowe assured that they were left and deliuered vp for pray by the french king And therfore the Florentins who in that astonishment were not lesse carefull then apperteined to the charge of good citisens vpon the first aduertisements they had of his comming sent out foure Embassadors of the most principall and chosen of their towne to congratulate his comming and to labour to make some composition with him for their affayres But afterwards eyther vpon better consideration of things or vpon the cōmon custome of men to receyue comfort when they knowe the vttermost of their mishap they tooke courage and began to moderate their commissions restraining their embassadors to debate only with him of their interests not to meddle with the differences of the Pope wherin they hoped that both for the memory of things past and for the litle cōfidēce which is wont to be betwene Popes Emprors he would be so much discontented with themprours greatnes as to be driuen to desire that the authoritie and forces of thestate of Florence might be adioyned to the power of the Church The Venetians were discontented that the Florentins being ioynt confederates with them had sent Embassadours to their common enemie without communicating with them The Duke of Ferrara made also the same complaynt notwithstanding that following their example he dispatched Embassadours to themprour aswell as they The Venetians consented that the duke of Millan should do the like But he had long tyme before enterteyned a secret practise with the Pope to bring him to compound with themprour which he did so muche the more solicite and aduaunce by how much he knew euen before the ouerthrowe of Saint Pol that he could lay no good ground of hope in the French king nor in the Venetians Themprour disbarked at Sauona the bands of Spanish footemen whiche he had brought with him and conuerted them into Lombardy to thend Anth de Leua might issue out strong into the field He made an offer to disbarke them at Spetio to th ende to sende them into Tuskane but the Pope had an opinion that so many forces were not necessarie especially seeing he wished for the preseruation of the countrey not to addresse without neede so great a furie agaynst the towne of Florence And yet proceding nowe openly agaynst that state and agaynst Malatesta he caused to be stayed in the townes of the Church the knight Sperello who before the capitulation of Cambray beeing sent with money by the French king to Malatesta who had ratified his paye returned to Perousa He caused also to be stayed neare to Bracciano the money sent by the Florentins to the Abbot of Farfa beeing interteyned in their paye with two hundred horsemen to th ende he mighte leauye for their seruice a thousande footemen But he was constrayned eftsones to render it to him againe for that where the Pope had appoynted Legates with themprour the Cardinalls of Farnesa Saint Cross and Medicis of whom Saint Cross passing by his landes the Abbot caused him to be stayed and would not redeliuer him if first he had not restored to him his money The Florentins continued still in their preparations And as they had in vayne moued themprour for a surceassing of armes vntill he had giuen audience to their Embassadours so prouiding for the euill before the mischiefe happned they sent to sommon Don Hercules eldest sonne to the duke of Ferrara whom six monethes before they had taken into their paye with title of Capteine generall to come to their succours with his companies according to the Articles of his contract But notwithstanding he had receyued the money that was sent him for imprest to wage a thowsande footemen allowed for his garde when he marched yet his father preferring considerations of estate before fidelitie made him refuse to goe thither without that he payed backe agayne the money but sent to their aydes his bandes of horsemen By reason of which dealing the Florentins denied him the election of the seconde yere By the xix daye of August the Prince of Orenge was come to Terny and the Launceknightes to Fuligno where was moostred the whole army But it was a matter ridiculous that notwithstanding the peace was made and published betweene themprour and Frenche king yet the Bishop of Tarba as the kinges Embassadour at Venice Florence Ferrara and Perousa did not onely boast of the mightie prouisions his king made for the warre but also comforted them to do the lyke After this the Prince of Orenge with six thousande footemen aswell Launceknightes as Italians came and incamped neare to Spello where presenting him selfe before the towne accompanied with many horsemen to view the situation it happned that Iohn Vrbina a man for his long trayning in the warres of Italy of the best place and reputation amongest all the Capteines of the Spanish infanterie was hurt with a shot out of the towne in the thigh of which wound he dyed within fewe dayes after to the great domage of the army for that almost the whole course of the warre passed by his counsell and gouernment In reuenge of whose death thartilleries were planted before Spello wherin was a strength of more then fiue hundred footemen twenty horse vnder the leading of Lyon Baillon bastard brother to Malatesta But after there were spent certayne bolleys of shot vpon a tower whiche is without the towne on the wall side The defendants notwithstanding Lyon had giuen a great hope to Malatesta to preserue the towne yeelded immediatly vpon condition that the towne inhabitantes should remayne at the discression of the Prince and the souldiors with their liues saued so much goods as they could cary should go out in safetie wyth their swordes onely and not to serue agaynst the Pope nor themprour in three moneths Neuertheles contrary to their assurance giuen which by the law of armes is a warrant sufficient and hable they were almost all stripped spoyled at their going out Iohn Baptista Burgeso one of thexiles of Siena was vehemently charged with this accord who hauing begon to treate with Fabio Petruccio that was in the army made perfect the conclusion by the ayde of the other capteines A matter whiche Malatesta referred to disloyaltie but many others attributed it to faintnes of corage After thembassadours of Florence who first presented themselues before themprour had congratulated his comming they began to signifie vnto him that as their Citie was not ambicious but thankfull for benefites receyued and ready to offer all the offices and commodities they could to whom soeuer would professe the protection and preseruation of it So they sought to excuse their
dead and wounded of them within the towne an hundred and thirtie persons of the souldiors without more then two hundred bodies amongst whom was Capteine Baragnino a Spaniard Amidde these enterchaunges of skirmishes and factions of warre the Florentines forbare not to hope continually for some succours from the Frenche king who accordingly fayled not to enterteyne their hope wyth promise of a sufficient reskewe when so euer he had recouered hys children Wherein the better to assure and confirme them he gaue assignation to the Florentin Marchuntes for twentie thowsande ducketts due to them long tyme before which summe beeing lente by them to the Citie was brought to Pisa by Levvis Alaman but by suche parcelles and dribletts that it dyd little comforte the warre Moreouer Iohn Pavvle de Cere whome the Florentins had taken into their paye for the garde of that Citie came awaye to Pisa But by the conquering of Voltero was bredde to the Florentins a domage of farre greater importance for that where Feruccio both contrary to the commission giuen to him and also because he woulde goe the stronger to the action of Voltero and hauing withall to secure a confidēce in the fortres of Empoly had left for the defence of it so small a garrison that thimperials vsing thoccasion that was offred went to incampe about it vnder the conduit and leading of the Marquis of Guast And as for the weaknes of the defendantes and garrison they tooke it without any resistance and with many harmes put it to sacke So in the losse of that was brought to the Florentins more matter of affliction then in anye other thing during the warre for that hauing determined to assemble in that place newe companies and regimentes they hoped by the oportunitie of the situation which importeth muche both to reduce into distresse and difficulties the armie that lay on that side of Arno and also to open the commoditie and waye for vittells to passe to that Citie which began already to feele the want of norriture and comfort To this also was added a newe occasion to depriue them more of the hopes they had conceyued for after the French king had deliuered ouer his money which he was to paye to themprour and retyred his children which was in the beginning of Iune In place of so many aydes succours which by his promises he had reserued till that time he sent into Italy at the instance of the Pope who to haue wholly at his deuotion the kinges Agents created Cardinall the Bishop of Tarby Embassadour resident in his Court one Peter Frauncis Pontriemoly a man of great confidence with him to insinuate some motions and practise of accorde with the Florentins who by that manner of dealing discerned no further hope to be succoured by the king Wherein they beleued the more by this inducement that both he and the king of Englande ioyning together did all that they could so to allure and gouerne the Pope as they might hope to seperate him from the Emprour And in that regarde the Frenche king laboured to haue some participation and interest to reduce and conuerte the Florentins to the Popes amitie After the Marquis of Guast had taken Empoly he went with the bands of souldiours whom he ledde to ioyne with Maramus in the suburbes of Voltero where hauing in one strength almoste six thowsande footemen they began to batter the towne and when they sawe they had brought to the earth more then fortie faddomes of wall they followed th execution of thartilleries with three furious assaultes but with worse effect then their vallour deserued since in the action they lost more then foure hundred men They made afterwardes a newe batterye and with certayne chosen bands of Spaniardes and Italians consoarted together they gaue an other very braue and resolute assault but with greater domage harmes then the former assaultes in which regarde the campe brake vp rather with great prayse then good effecte of their doinges The same moarning about an howre before day Stephen Colonno issuing out of the gate of Faenza and Malatesta by the posterne that leadeth to Prato went to giue the Camisado with three thowsande footemen to the launceknightes that were lodged in the Monastery of Saint Donat where they had fortified themselues Stephen passed the trenches and slew many of them But the alarme being giuen to the residue they put themselues in order with resolution to defend their place to the last man So that after Stephen had receyued a light hurt in the mouth he retyred for feare of greater reskewes complayning muche that Malatesta had not followed him But in Florence were entred no nature of vittells nor norriture from anye parte albeit their wantes of comfortes went on encreasing dayly yet so resolute were they to defende their lybertie that there could be discerned no diminution of that constancie and fidelitie that at first armed them to so holy an action And where Feruccio was gone from Voltero to Pisa and laboured by his authoritie and industrie to assemble as great a strength as he coulde all the hopes of the Florentins were reduced to his comming for they had signifyed to hym to aduaunce and come on and not to forbeare for anye waye or other daunger to ioyne hymselfe to the defence of the Citie beeing resolued to giue battell to thennemies assoone as he had ioyned his forces with the mayne armie that was within Florence Of whiche deuise the successe and issue was not so good and happie as was greate and manyfest the rashnes of the resolution if I maye tearme those counsels rashe whiche are drawne or deryued from a laste necessitie for in this rested the errour of that counsell that they were to passe thorowe the countreys of thennemies suche as were occupyed and commaunded by a verye strong armie though dispersed into manye seuerall places The Prince of Orenge who had aduertisement of this deuise thought to goe before wyth one parte of the armie whereof he made his greatest assemblie of the Italian footemen And Malatesta Baillon with whom he had many secrete and strayte intelligences hauing happlye assured him in secrete that the Florentins suspected least in hys absence he woulde assayle the armie wente out to meete hym And fynding him neare to Ciuiniano in the mountayne of Pistoya a waye whiche he tooke passing from Pisa towardes Lucquaye in regarde of confidence reapposed in the Chauncellours faction well affected to the popular gouernment he gaue hym the skirmishe with a verye small companie of men At the firste shocke the Prince whose rashnesse was greater then his conduite and in whome was lesse the humor of counsell and discression then apperteyned to the place he managed was slayne doing rather the office of a priuate souldiour then of a Capteyne or commaunder Neuerthelesse his souldiours gotte the victorie and made prisoners together with manye others Iohn Pavvle de Cere and Feruccio whome Maramus slewe beeing prisoner in
state of Sienna at ten thowsand and the citie of Lucquay at a thowsand And to thend to be found prepared against all suddeine vnlooked for inuasions vntill defense might be made with the contribucions afforenamed it was agreed that immediatly should be leauied a loane of a summe of money almost equall to the taxacions and that not to be exspended onlesse the preparacions to inuade Italy were manifestly discerned There was also set downe a small contribucion yearely for thinterteinment of those Capteines that remeyned in Italy and to defraye certeine pensions to the Svvyzzers to stoppe that nation for giuing ayde of men to the French king Ouer this league was declared Capteine generall by common consent Antho. de Leua with ordenaunce that he should remeine in the Duchie of Myllan Touching the generall councell there was nothing cōcluded to the liking of thEmprour who stil solicited the Pope to send out present summonce for it But he refused to accomplishe the mocion alleaging that as in that ill disposicion of the time and mens mindes there would be daunger lest the kings of England and Fraunce would not appeare So if the councell were celebrated without them much lesse that there could be introduced either vnion or reformacion of the Church seeing it was to be feared lest things would diuolue to a manifest scisme Onely he was content to send out Nuncioes to all Princes to induce them to so holly a worke But albeit thEmprour made a question to him what would be the yssue of thinges if those two Princes did dissent from them without iust cause and pressed him in that case to intimat the councel yet he could neuer dispose him to it So that his Nuncioes were assigned and sent out with a very slender hope to bring backe any good conclusion ThEmprour was no better satisfied touching the negociacion of the parentage for that when the two Cardinalls which the French king had sent were comen to Bolognia and had eftsoones recontinued the negociacion of the mariage with the second sonne of Fraunce The Pope gaue aunswer to the offer made for the Duke of Myllan and exhibited by the Emprour That whereas the Frenche king had long time before made an ouerture of mariage for his sonne he had harkned to the mocion by the consent of thEmprour declaring at that time his good consent and liking he should nowe doe too greate a wronge to the Frenche king if during the negociacion he should giue his Neece in mariage to one of his ennemies But he perswaded him that that practise was artificially introduced by the French king to enterteine him and not with intencion to conclude it seing there was betweene the parties so great disagreement and inequalitie of degree and condicion Lastly he assured him that he would not commit so great an offence to the king if he sawe not before the practise and solicitacion altogether broken And the Emprour for his parte beeing not to be perswaded that the French king would adioyne his sonne to a matche so farre vnequall to him encouraged and aduised the Pope that for the better vncouering of the kings dissimulacions he would presse the Cardinals to send for a procuracion to contract them which accordingly was accomplished in fewe dayes and exhibited in very ample forme By which readines and resolute meaning not onely was lost all hope of affinitie with Frauncis Sforce but also the solicitacion with the French king was pursued with so muche the more importunitie and to it was further added according to the deuise betweene them longe before that the Pope and the Frenche kinge shoulde contracte together at Nyce A citye of the Duke of Sauoye standing vppon the ryuer of Var and separateth Italye from Prouence These matters were not a litle discontenting to thEmprour aswell for a suspicion he had that betwene the Pope and French king were concluded a greater coniunction to his preiudice as also for that he was ielous that in the Pope remeyned not some secrete memorie and impressions of his imprisonment of the sacke of Rome of the mutacion of Florence and of other wronges To these he adioyned the passion of disdayne wherein he iudged that the honor which the Pope had done to him in making two iorneyes to Bolognia to speake with him woulde stande derided and diminished if he shoulde make a voyage by sea so farre as Nyce to meete with the French king But in vaine were these suspicions and the causes of them though he could not dissemble them for that in the Popes mind was vehemently norished and affected the desire of that affinitie beeing happly moued more with ambicion and appetit of glorye in that beeing of a house almoste simple and priuate he had obteyned in recompense of a bastarde Nephewe of his A bastard Daughter of so mightye an Emperour and nowe in exchaunge of his Neece legyttimate he had honored his howse with the seconde sonne of Fraunce lawefully borne and orderly assured Then that he was induced which many councelled him that by the meane of that parentage he might giue cooller of right though more apparant then true to the Frenche king to enter for his sonne and for his Daughter in law vppon the estate of Florence To these discontentments of thEmprour may be added also as a full accomplishment of his disliking That where he made instance to the Pope to create three Cardinalls exhibited by him he obteyned onely and that with difficultie the calling of thArchbishop of Bary the Pope making his excuses vppon the contradiction of the Colleage of Cardinalls The Emprour stoode litle appeased in the readines which the Pope showed to make a secret confederacion with him wherein he promised to proceede iudicially to pronownce iudgements and censures and all other things that might be done by right against the king of England and against the Lady Anne Bolleyne And they were bownd to make no new confederacions or accords with Princes without reciprocall consent one of an other Thus thEmprour departed from Bolognia the daye after the conclusion of the confederacion being now no lesse assured in him selfe that the sayd mariage would goe on together with thenteruiew betweene the Pope and the French king Then he had reason to doubt some greater coniunction And beeing embarked at Genes he passed into Spaine with this resolute intencion that if the mariage of Katherine de Medicis were celebrated with the seconde sonne of Fraunce he woulde dissolue and breake the matche made betwene his Daughter and Alexander de Medicis Not many dayes after the Pope departed to goe to Rome beeing accompanied with the two French Cardinalls and nothing troubled with the newe confederacion for that as he was excellent in simulacions and practises in which he was not surmounted with feare so he had told them that vppon concluding the league the spanish armie was to dissolue decasse A matter which would turne more to the benefit of the french king then the league
at Rome Maxymylian Sforce restored to Myllan ThEnglish men as Fontarabye against the french king The king of Aragon taketh the Realme of Nauarre The purposes of Pope Iulio the second his death Creation of Pope Leo the tenth Coronation of the Pope Disposition of princes to the vvarre Desire of pope Leo to chase the Frenche out of Italy The Fr. men in the duchie of Millan The Pope sendeth money to the Svvizzers 〈…〉 Aluiano 〈…〉 generall â—â— the Venetians Aluiano taketh Pesquiero and other 〈…〉 Genes at the deuotion of the French. Nouaro beseged by the french The wordes of Capteine Motyn to the Svvyzzers The Frenchemen defeated by the Svvizzers The Pâ—pe 〈…〉 Humilitie of two Cardinals Padoa 〈…〉 gâ—d by the Viceroy Ouerthrowe of the Venetians armie Prouisions of the Frenche agaynst the king of Englande Torvvaine besieged by the English. The ouerthrow â—f the French neare 〈…〉 Rising of the Swizzers against the French king Thenglish as mie affore Tournay Tornay taken by thEnglish The Popes sentence touching the controuersies betwene Cesar the VenetiaÌ„s The hopes of the Frenche king Treatie of peace betwene Englande and Fraunce The Fr. king marieth the Lady Mary sister to the king of Englande Actions of the Pope The lantern of Genes rased by the people Emocions against the Venetians and of the Venetians Two ElephaÌ„ts presented to the Pope The death of king Lowys the twelfth 1515. Frauncis the first comes to the crowne The fr. king assumeth the title of duke of Millan Preparacions of the frenche king against the Duke of Millan Octauian Fregosa Duke of Genes â—â—mpoundes with the Frenche king The Swizzers seeke to stoppe the passage of the Frenche men The French armie The king of EnglaÌ„d sends to the frenche king not to passe into Italie The treatie betwene the king and the Swizzers broken The Cardinal of Syon persâ—adeth the Swizzers The battell of Marignan Pe. Nauarre afore the Castell of MillaÌ„ Death of Aluiano Enteruiew of Pope Leo the fr. king in Bolognia 1516. The french king returneth into Fraunce Death of the king Catholike Death of the Great Capteine The Venetians recouer Bressia The Pope taketh the Duchie of Vrbin giueth it to Laur â–ª de Medicis his nephew Capitulations betwene the French king and king Catholike Beginningâ— of new 〈…〉 Vrbin returneth to the obedience of the naturall Duke Fano besieged Description of the Citie of Pesero Consederacion betwene the Pope and fr. king Franciscomaria sendes to defie law de Medicis Scituacion of Fossambrono Lawrence loaseth thoccasioÌ„ of the victory Lawrence de Medicis hurt Ielousie against Iohn Ia. Tryuulce The death of Ioh. Ia. Triuulce The french aspireth to be Emperour 1519 Death of Lavv. de Medicis Charles the fife chesen Emperour Occasions of contention betwene the fr. king and themperor The Popes enterprise vppon Ferrara 1520. Martin Luther agaynst the Pope The Pope executeth Io. Paule Baillon ThEmprour in England Commocions in Spaine Pope Leo is the cause of the warre Fontarabye taken by the french Martin Luther Confederation betwene the Pope and thEmperour agaynst the fr. king The titles of thempire to the duchie of Millan Practises against the fr. king FrauÌ„cis Guicciardin the writer of this history Monsr d'Escud before Reggia Lightning vpon the castell of Millan The Marquis of Mantua for the Pope The resolucioÌ„ for the warre agaynst the Frenchmen Monsr de Lawtrech returneth to Millan Frauncis Guicciardin generall coÌ„maunder ouer the army The capteines of the league take counsell together The siege of Parma The Popes Capteines and the Emprours take councell to passe further The armie of the league passeth the riuer of Paw A fault of Monsr de Lavvtrech The Svvizzers leauied by the Pope vvoulde not march against the Frenche king The souldiers of the league passe the riuer of Adda The taking of Myllan by the league The death of Pope Leo the tenth The Frenche men before Parma The duke of Vrbin reentreth his estates Election of Pope Adrian the sixt The D. of Vrbin and the Baillons before Sienna Alexandria taken by the Imperialls Ten thowsand Swizzers discend into the Duchie of Millan for the fr. king Iohn Medicis for the french king The French men before Millan Frauncis Sforce at Millan Monsr Lawtrech before Pauia The Swvizzers woulde leaue the sr armie for that they are not payde Monsr Lawtrech determined to set vppon his enemies Thencounter of Bicocque The ouerthrow of the Swizzers Monsr Lawtrech returneth into Fraunce Loda taken by the Imperialls Genes taken by the Imperialls Monsr d'Escud returneth into Fraunce Emotions in Tuskane An accident in the towne of Lucquai The prouinces of â—â—alâ—e are taxed for the conseruation of the duchie of Millan Pope Adrian the vi coÌ„meth to Rome The king of England for thEmprour sendeth Embassadors to the Venetians to draw them from thalliaÌ„ce of the french VVhat thEmprour did in Spaine Roades taken Rhodes rendred vp to the Turke The Castell of Millan rendred by the French. The oracion of Andrevv Gritti touching thalliance vvith Caesar The oratioÌ„ of George Cornaro Andrea Gritty Duke of Venice Consederacion betwene Caesar and the Venetians Cardinall Volterro prisoner The French armie marcheth Confederacie betwene theÌ„prour the k. of England and the Duke of Burbon The french army in Italy The death of Pope Adrian Frauncis Guicciardin The taking of Reggia by the duke of Ferrara The taking of Loda by the French. The frenchmen breake vp from before Millan Cardinal Medicis is created Pope and taketh the name of Clement the seuenth The death of Prospero Colonno and his qualities The Duke of Burbon notable to doe any thing in Burgondie commeth to Myllan The imperials passe the riuer of Thesin The frenchmen go from before Millan The claime of the Kings of England to the Crowne of Fraunce The frenche king determineth to passe the mountes and to follow the ennemie The French king before Pauia The fr. king sendeth the Duke of Albanie into the realme of Naples The Pope counsellâ—th the fr. king and themperour to peace Duke of Ferrara aydes the French king during the siege of Pauia 1525. The defendantes of Pauya in necessitie The french king will â—â—t 〈…〉 the 〈…〉 of his Captemes The Imperialls take the castell S. Angeo Thimperialls drawe neare to Pauia The battell of Pauia wherin the frâ—king is take prisoner The Potentats of Italy in great feare for the imprisonment of the French king The VenetiaÌ„s solicite the Pope to confederate with them Thimperialls determine to accorde with the Pope Confederation betweene the Pope and the Emprour The rightes pretensions of the familie of Est The Pope sendes to visite the french king beeing prisoner The moderation and temperance of thâ— Emprour â—poÌ„ the neâ—es of the victory The Oration of the Bishop of Osimo touching the taking of the fr. king The opinion of the duke of Alba touching the kings imprisonment The sorowes and feares of Fraunce for the imprisonment of the king A treatise of of accord
proppertie of wisedom in parents to finde out the disposition of their children 52. A thing very daūgerous for men to gouerne by examples if there be not c. 52. A resolut part of a Councellor 59. All things earthly are subiect to their seasons of reuolucion and in mortal felicities can be no assurance nor perpetuity 88 Armes do litle aduaunce where policy is not concurrant and victorie bringeth a very short glory where the gouernment is vnperfect 88. Attēpt vpon the towne of Nouaro 96. Army of the confederats 99. Alfonso king of Aragon dyeth 115. A voyce mistaken defeateth an enterprise 135. An errour familiar with Princes ambicious to measure the euēt of things more by c. 189. Aluiano taketh Bybienna 201. After the seedes of aduersitie be sowen there is no longe exspectacion for the frutes c. 229. A weake surety whose fundatiō is builded vpon the blood of innocents a lamentable example to purge surmised suspicion by vnlawful murder 255. All violent attemptes being set foorth without councell at the beginning seeme mightie but c. 265. Accord betwene the frenche king and the Florentins 265. Aretza rebelleth against the Florentins in fauor of Peter de Medicis 267. Amongst vertuous men reconciliacion hath this propertie to knitte with greater suretie of faith constancy the harts that haue liued in seperacion 280. Anthony de Leua 287. Ambicion hath infinite operacions in this it abuseth the imaginations of men that c. 304. Aluiano being sent to succour Friull giueth the ouerthrow to thAlmains 399. Aluiano taken prisoner 422. Ambicion is a busie humor for that in whom it ruleth it maketh thē hard to be contented with thinges which they haue c. 476. An accidēt which made the Cardinals depart from Pisa 555. Army of the confederats 578. Actions of the Pope 676. Army of the league passeth the riuer of Paw 802. Alexandria taken by thimperialls 825. Army of the league before Millan 989 Army of the league come before Millan the second time 1002. A wicked act 1076. Alexandria taken 1078. Accord betwene the Pope themperours Agents 1085. Anthony de Leua recouereth Pauia 1110 Andrewe Dore leaueth the pay of the french 1117. B Beginning of the warre 36. Beginning of the warres of Pisa 72. Battell of Taro. 102. Beginning of warres in Naples vnder king Lewys the xij 267. Bart. Aluiano commeth to the succors of Consaluo 323. Bressia taken and sacked 574. Bressia rendered by the frenche to the Viceroy 619. Bishop of Gurcy at Rome 620. Bart. Aluiano Capteine generall of the Venetians 641. Bart. Aluiano taketh Pesquiero and other places 641. Battell of Marignan 703. Beginnings of new troubles 729. Battell of Pauya wherein the Frenche king is taken prisoner 902. Barbarousse at Thunis 1183. C Creacion of Pope Alexander 4. Corrupcion of Cardinals in thelection of the Pope Ibid. Confederacion betwene the Pope the Venetians and Duke of Myllan 11. Confederacion betweene the kinge of Fraunce and Lod. Sforce 19. Confederacion betwene the Pope and Alfonso king of Naples 28. Coniectures against the suttleties of Lod. Sforce 39. Cardinall S. Petri ad vincla giues a new life to the expedicion of Naples 41. The Collonnoys for the French k. 46. Cardinal S. P. ad vincla perswadeth the Pysans not to reuolt 56. Capitulacions betweene the French k. and the Florentyns 59. Capitulacions betweene the Pope and French king 63. Cardinal Valence the Popes sonne 64. Complaintes of the Pysans before the French king 74. Confederat league against the French king 87. Citie of Naples riseth to let in Ferdinand 112. Capitulacions betweene the Frenche king and the Florentyns 118. Couenants betwene Ferdinand king of Naples and the Venetians 146. Camylla Vrsin slayne 154. Consaluo surpriseth the French. 156. Caesar sendeth Embassadors to Florence 164. Caesar is comen to Pisa 167. Caesar marcheth to Lyuorna Ibid. Caesar leauieth his campe from Lyuorna 168. Caesar excuseth his suddeine departure 168. Caesar stealeth in hast into Germany 169. Capitulacions betweene the Pope and the Vrsins 172. Consaluo entreth Rome Ibid. Cardinal Valēce killeth his brother the d. of Cādia being both the Popes sōns 179 Castell of Genes rendred to the Duke of Myllan 181. Cardinall of Valence the Popes sonne renownceth his profession 203. Cardinal of Valence made Duke of Valentynois 204. Councell of Melchior Treuisan 209. Conclusion of the league betwene the French king and Venice 213. Count Caiezza leaueth the Duke of Millan 226. Cardinall Askanius leaueth Myllan abandoned 242. Cardinal Askanius betraied takē Ibid Cardinall Askanius deliuered ouer to the French men Ibid. Councell of S. Gregorie against ambicion 249. The chaunces in warre are diuerse and haue in them many hiddē fortunes which neither the wisedom of c. 253. Capitulacions betwene the D. Valentynois and Florentyns 256. Computacion of the French army 257 Consaluo retyreth to Barletto 274. Confederaciō against Valentynois 278 Capitulacions betwene the Vrsins and D. Valentynois 280. Cardinall Vrsin made prisoner 283. Combat betwene twelue French men against twelue Italyans 289. Consaluo in Naples 297. Castells of Naples takē by the spanish 300. Cardinall Amboise aspyreth to the Popedom 311. Cardinal S. Petri ad vincla made Pope 314. Complaints of the French. 331. Consaluo deserueth the title of greate Capteine 324. Confederaciō betwene the Pope king of Romains and the French king against the Venetians 338. Consaluo aydeth the Florentyns 346. Capitulacions betwene Ferdinand and Phillip 355. The condicion of imperie and dignitie is ielous 356. Continuance of the historye of Iulio d'Este 364. Citie of Genes rebelleth 365. Contents of the French army 372. Continuaciō of the warres of Pisa 412. Contract betweene the French kinge king of Spaine and the Florentyns 413. Conuencion betweene Caesar and the French king 477. Chaumont beseegeth the Pope within Bolognia 496. Chaumont retyreth from before Bolognia 499. Contencion betwene the Florentins rebellious Cardinalls 553. Coūcel of Pisa trāsferred to Millā 555. Confederats at the succors of Rauenna 582. The Confederats army 585. Cardinalls councel the Pope to harken to peace 590. Cardinal de Medicis escapeth from the French. 600. Conquest draweth with it ambiciō insolencie and couetousnes with c. 605 Castell of Genes taken by the Genowaies 619. Creacion of Pope Leo the tenth 633. Coronacion of the Pope 634. Capteine Martines words to the Swizzers 644. Cardinal of Syō perswadeth the Swizzers in an oracion 700. Capitulacions betweene the Frenche king and king Catholike 725. Confederacion betwene the Pope and French king 735. Charles the v. chosen Emprour 768. Commocions in Spayne 775. Confederacion betwene the Pope and thEmprour against the French king 781. Capteines of the league take councell together 790. Castel of Myllan rendred by the french 842. Cardinall Voltero prisoner 852. Confederacion betwene the emprour the king of England the Duke of Burbon 855. Cardinall Medicis is created Pope and taketh the name of Clement the vij 866. Claime of the kings of England to
of Orleans entreth Genes and preserueth it 37. Lod. Sforce goeth to visit the French king in Ast 44. Lod. Sforce Duke of Millan by vsurpacion 49. Lawrence and Iohn de Medicis with the french king 50. Lod. Sforce beginneth too late to feare the greatnes of the french 85. Lod. Sforce sendeth hawty messages to the D. of Orleance 95. Lod. suttle in dissembling 130. Lod. vaunteth him selfe to be the sonne of fortune 144. Lod. will aswell serue his turne vppon the k. of Romaines for his ambicion as he did of the fr. k. in his necessitie 160. Lodowyk perswadeth Caesar to goe to Pisa 161. Lewys Duke of Orleance succeedeth to the crowne 185. Lewys the 12. king of Fraunce entiteleth him selfe Duke of Myllan 189. Librafatta taken by Pawle Vitelly 200. Lod. strengthneth him selfe against the king 223. Lod. moostereth all the inhabitants of Myllan and laboreth to reconcyle the harts of the people 225. Lod. abandoneth Millan 228. Lamentacions made at Venice for the ouerthrow 423. Last action of the Florentins against the Pisans 433. League of Caesar and the frenche king against the Venetians 466. Leguaguo taken by Chaumont 475. Lanterne of Genes razed by the people 678 law de Medicis Ioaseth thoccasion of the victorie 740. law de Med. is hurt 741. Lightning vppon the castell of Millan 785. Loda taken by thImperialls 833 Ladie Alenson treateth with thEmperour for the french kings deliuery 938 Lye geuen to thEmprour by the french king 1091. League for the defense of Italie 1178. M Mariage of Blanche Maria Sforce with thEmprour Maximilian Fol. 25 Manifest aspiring of Lod. Sforce to the Dukedom of Millan 48. Mountpensier leader of the vauntgard 50. Marquis of Pisquaro slaine 113. Mountpensier stealeth from Naples 115. Monsr Trimouilles opinion touching the peace 123. Marquis of Mantua in the kingdom of Naples for the Venetians 149. Mountpensier dyeth 157 Monsr d'Aubigny cōsenteth to depart the kingdom of Naples 158. Matters of enterprise doe for the most parte nourish their proper impediments 182. Monsr Beaumont a chiefe leader of the french armies 246. Monsr Beaumont sendeth to demaund Pisa in the kings name 247 Monsr de la Palissa made prisoner 289. Monsr d'Aubigny ouerthrowē taken prisoner 295. Malice is infinit in her actions c. 358. Marquis of Mantua prisoner 437. Maximilian returneth into Germanie 451. Monsr Chaumont against the Venetians 468. Marquis of Mantua escapeth out of prison 488. Myrandola besieged 504 Myrandola yeeldeth to the Pope 507. The Man that aspireth is apt to beleue all thinges that are conformable to his hope and oftentimes c. 525. Monsr de Foix his army 578. Monsr de Foix encourageth his souldiours to the battell 583. Mindes thirsting after glory are infinite in opinion and weening c. 588. Monsr de Foix slaine 588. Maximilian Sforce restored to Myllan 623. Martyn Luther against the Pope 771. Martyn Luther 781. Monsr d'Escud before Reggia 784. Marquis of Mantua for the Pope 780. Monsr Lawtrech before Pauia 829. Many impediments do follow the deliberacion of great causes and c. 851. Moderacion and temperance of thEmprour vpon the newes of the victory 915. Maner of the deliuering of the frenche king 966. Many errours in popular commocions c. 983. Monsr Lawtrech Captaine generall of the league 1072. Miserable condicion of the city of Millan 1099 Many difficulties in the frenche armie 1119. Montiā misseth to surprise Andre Dore 1130. Monsr Saint Pol prisoner to Antho. de Leua 1143. Millan rendred by thEmprour to Fraūcis Sforce 1162. N New Princes haue new councells and of new councells commonly resorte new effects 20. Number of the french kings army 45. Nocero taken by Ferdinand 137. Newe practises betwene the kinges of Fraunce and Spayne 180. New castell of Naples assaulted 301. Necessitie is mightie to bende those hartes that are inuincible against all other meanes c. 362. Nothing can satisfie the ambicion of man. 489. Nothing more vnworthy then to adde to a naturall crueltie a great authoritie c. 506. Number of the dead at the battell of Rauenna 588. Nothing flieth faster away then occasion c. 614. Nouaro besieged by the french 643. No certaintie in the councells of mortall men and lesse exspectacion of their worldly euents c. 729. No greater ennemy to great men then too great prosperitie for that it taketh c. 778. Necessarie for Capteines in warre to chaunge councells according to the variacion of accidents c. 192. Nothing more hard then to auoide destinie c. 940. Nothing more suttle then occasion which being taken and applied draweth with it good issue but c. 1011. New gouernmēt established in Genes 1128. O Oration of Antho. Grymany 206. Occasion doth muche to induce the minds of souldiors but example is it that confirmeth their vertue making them c. 288. Ouerthrow of the Duke of Atry 294. Ouerthrow death of Monsr de Nemours 296. Oration of Nicholas Foskarin 388. Oration of Andrew Gritty 391. Ordenance house in Venice on fire 415 Oration of Antho. Iustinian to Caesar 427. Oration of Leonard Loredan 440. Oration of Tryuulce 510. Ouerture of the councell of Pisa 543. Order of the frenchmen at the battell of Rauenna 583. Of all voluble thinges there is nothing more light then reapport and in times of Mutacion c. 640. Ouerthrow of the Venetian army 657. Ouerthrow of the frenche neare Tyrewaine 663. Occasions of contention betwene the Emperour and french king 768. Ouerthrow of the Swizzers 832. Oration of Andrew Gritty 844. Oration of George Cornaro 847. Oration of the Bishoppe of Osmo touching the taking of the french king 916. Oration of the Duke of Alba touching the french kings imprisonment 920. Occasions giuen to thEmprour of new emocions 933. Oration of the Chauncellor 952. Oration of the Viceroy 956. Oftentimes ingratitude and reproache are farre more readie then the remuneracion or praise of good workes 1057. Occasion why the king of England refused the Ladie Kathe. of Aragon his wife 1092. P Pope innocent the eight dyeth 4. Pope Alexander the sixt stayned with many vices 5. Peter de Medicis heire to Lawrence 5. Preparations in Fraunce for the warres of Italie 23. Pope commaundeth the frenche king not to passe into Italie 39. Peter de Medicis cōmeth to the french king 52. Peter de Medicis accordeth with the french king 53. Peter de Medicis fleeth out of Florence 55. The Pisans offer to reuolt 55. Pope is gealous of his owne safety 61. Perswasions of some Cardinalls to depose the Pope 63. P. Antho. Soderin reasoneth touching a forme of gouernment for Florence 77 And against that opinion reasoneth Guido Antho. Vespucci 80. Pope commaundeth the frenche king to go out of Italie 118. Peace betwene the french king and the confederats 122. Prince of Orenge speaketh 125. Peter de Medicis at thinstigation of the confederates determineth to returne to Florence 133. Pisa in the protection of Venice 144. Prince of Bisignian compoundeth for him selfe and
for that they were not payed 830. So mightie is necessitie that in cases of extremitie it makes tollerable all those thinges which in all other condicions are full of difficulties 839. Such is the infirmitie of treason that it hath no further assurance then the partie hath confidence 862. Such are the domages of an vniuersall negligence that euen amidde perills that be manifest and apparant they take away the studie and care of thinges that most concerne safety and defense 882. Sorowes feares in Fraunce for thimprisonment of the king 924. Solyman Ottoman in Hungarie 1005. Sacke of Pauia 1079. Second enteruiew of the Pope Emprour at Bolognia 1176. T The title of the house of Aniow to the kingdom of Naples 12. The name of Iohane a name vnhappie to the kingdom of Naples 12. The estate of the realme of Fraunce vnder king Charles the eight 13. The thoughtes of Ferdinand king of Naples 21. The way which the french army tooke to Naples 50. Tumult in Florence 55. The young king Ferdinand speaketh in great sorow to the multitude 68. Two particular causes of quarrell betwene Florence and Genes 73. The pretended title of the Duke of Millan to Pisa 73. Tarenta Caietta are rendred to Federike new king of Naples 169. The french king determineth to set vpon Genes 169. The french prepare new enterprises against Italie 173. Title of the frenche king to the Duchie of Millan 188. Truce betwene the Florentins Syennoys 198. There is nothing endureth so small a time as the memorie of benefits receiued and the more great they be c. 204. The towne of Millan yeeldeth to the frenchmen 229. The frenche king commeth to Millan 229. The taking of Cassina 230. The estate of Romagnia in the time of Duke Valentynois 235. The incerteinty of fortune transferreth to one that which she taketh from an other not regarding the equitie of causes c. 230. Those authorities are vniust whose meanes to come to them are vnlawefull c. 245. Truce betwene the french king king of Romaines 251. To men afflicted with sorowe it is one consolacion to know thuttermost of their mishaps and when c. 261. That man erreth lesse who promiseth to him selfe a chaunge of thaffaires of this worlde then he that perswadeth that they are alwaies firme and stable c. 298. Truce betwene the kings of Spayne Fraunce 320. There is no possibilitie to auoyde that which the euerlasting councell of God hath determined nor any reason to pull on the destinie of thinges till times be accomplished 333. Truce betwene the kings of Spayne Fraunce 334. Testament of Queene Elizabeth of Spayne 341. The seate of dominion verie casuall where it diuolueth by election 365. Truce betwene Maximilian the Venetians 402. Thassembly of Cambray 407. The armies affront one an other in the field 420. Tyrewaine beseeged by the Englishe 662. Tournay taken by thEnglish 650. Treaty of peace betwene England and Fraunce 675. Treatie betwene the frenche king and Swizzers broken 693. Titles of thempire to the Duchie of Millan 782. The Taking of Millan by the league 810. Tenne thowsand Swizzers discend into the Duchie of Millan for the fr. king 825. Thencounter of Bicocquo 831. Treaty of Madrill touching the deliuery of the french king 961. Truce betwene the Pope and themprour 1020. Tumult in Florence 1055. Thimperial army issueth out of Rome 1095. The Turke returneth with shame to Constantinople 1175. V. VV. Venetians Newters 39. Victorie when it is not assured with moderacion and discression is oftentimes defiled with some accident vnlooked for 84. Virginio Vrsin Count Petillano being the kings prisoners showe reasons to be redeliuered and their reasons are disproued by Monsr de Ligny 93. Venetians and Lod. Sforce prepare to stoppe the frenche kinges returning into Fraunce 95. Venetians in minde to reskewe the Pisans 131. Virginio Vrsin in pay with the frenche king 137. Venetians in minde to take vpon them the defense of Pisa 141. Thestate of Venice debateth vpon the action of Pisa 141. Virginio Vrsin prisoner 157. Venetians sende Embassadors to the french king 190. Vicopisan rendred 196. Venetians carefull to succour the Pisans 200. Venetians take councell whether they should ioyne with the french king or not 206. Where things are deuided the suretie is intricate and where be many competitors to one thing c. 258. Vitellozzo and the Vrsins made prisoners by treason 282. Vittellozzo Li. de Fermo strangled 282. The Vrsins against Valentinois 312. Valentinois distressed by the Vrsins 314. Venetians answere the new Pope 317. What happened to the frenchmen as they woulde haue passed Garillon 321. When extremities perils be at hand it hapneth oftentimes that confidence is turned into feare and when c. 322. Vaine feares in many cases are farre more hurtfull then hastie confidence or credulitie c. 322. Valentinois prisoner by Consaluo 334. Venetians looke to themselues 414. The Venetians armie 418. Venetians recouer Padoa 433. Venetians armie at Vincensa 453. Venetians armie vpon the countrey of Ferrara 454. Venetians absolued 463. The Vincentins yeelde to discression 474. Venetians recouer most parte of their townes 486. Verona beseeged by the Venetiās 486. The warning of a mischiefe brings with it his remedie the harme that is looked for before hand c. 489. Warres denounced against themperour by the kings of England Fraunce 1089. Y Yt hath bene alwaies true that wisemen haue not at all times a discression iudgement perfect 7. Yt hapneth not alwayes that in taking away thoccasions theffects do ceasse 11. Yt is daungerous to vse a medecin stronger then the nature of the disease or complexion of the pacient will beare 11. Yt is familiar with Princes to holde for suspected the greatnesse of their neighbours 18. Yt is hard to assure any thing that dependeth vpon the wil of an other c. 199. Yt hath bene a custom with the Princes of the worlde to enterteine one an other with vaine hopes c. 299. Yt is seene often in the course and practise of worldly affaires that the falling of one man is the rising of an other 852. The end of the Table
enemies These difficulties pressed so much the Duke of Valentynois that he leauied his Camp the tenth day and dispersing his regiments to winter in places thereaboutes he bare his fortune with manifest impacience specially for that besides his french forces he had an army florishing with Capteines and souldiours Italians wherein were Iohn Pavvle and Iulio Vrsins Vitellozze and Iohn Pavvle Baillon with many men of choice And hauing promised to him selfe in his ambicious conceites that neither the seas nor the mounteines had power to resist him he could not endure without perturbacion of minde that the reputacion of his first exploites should be darkned by a people that had loÌ„g liued in peace and at that tyme had no other commaunder then a litle childe wherin he gaue such libertie to his Passion that he sware and that with many sighes and vehement protestacions that assoone as the season of the yeare would giue leaue to his desire he would returne to the seege and recontinue thenterprise with a resolucion of a man determined either to carie the victorie or to dye in the action In which time his father the Pope to th ende their might be societie in their doings hauing regard to one ende created the same yeare to his great infamie twelue Cardinalles not of such as deserued best but of those that offred most And to omit no meanes to heape treasors and money he sent out and sowed thorow all Italy and straunge prouinces the Iubyle which being celebrated at Rome with great concursse of people was seÌ„t with no lesse deuocioÌ„ beyoÌ„d the Mountes giuing power that who could not come to Rome to obteine it should communicate in the grace and benediction for certeine summes of money the which together with all other treasors he could drawe in what sort so euer aswell of the spirituall fruites as treasors temporall of the Church he sent to the Duke of Valentynois who staying at Furly made strong preparacion to recontinue the seege of Fâ—enza against whose intencions the Fauentyns prouided by fortifications and other remedies conuenient to resist an enemie so apparantly professed These thinges were done in the yeare 1500. But matters of farre greater importance were ordeined by the french king for the yeare folowing and to haue the more libertie to execute them he had sought by continuall solicitacion to haue vnitie with the king of Romains wherby obteining thinuestiture of the Duchie of Myllan he might haue suffrance to assaile the realme of Naples To which endes he vsed the meane and inclinacion of Tharchduke his sonne who declared a readie disposition to peace for that his peoples fearing thentercourse of marchandise wold ceasse brooked vnwillingly all persuasions to leauy warre against the french But the thing that most supported this inclinacion was that the french king hauing no issue Male offred to giue in mariage his doughter Madam Clavvde to Charles sonne of the Archduke and to indue her with the Duchie of Myllan for a dowrie when they had habilitie to consummate the mariage for neither of them had not yet three yeares of age By these offers and his intercession for that many difficulties hapning in the practise and negociacion of the peace absolute could not so soone be resolued the french king obteyned in the yeare folowing of Maxymylian a truce for many monethes but not without the price of certeine proporcions of money This truce was voyd of all mencion of the King of Naples notwithstaÌ„ding that Maxymylian in consideracion of fortie thousand Duckats with bonde to minister to him monethly fiftiene thousande Duckats his necessities so requiring he had promised to make no accord without comprehending him in it and to vexe the Duchie of Myllan with inuasions and warre when neede were to turne away the powers of the french king Thus the king dwelling assured that the Allemains would not stirre and hoping in short tyme to make the peace perfect and absolute and to obteine thinuestiture of the Duchie of Myllan by meane of the same Archduke turned all his thoughtes to thenterprise of Naples against the which fearing least the king of Spaine would make some obiection and that both the Pope and Venetians ielous ouer his greatnes would ioyne with him he renued eftsoones the practises that had ben begun in the time of king Charles for deuiding of the same realm whervnto in deede Ferdinand king of Spaine pretended to haue right For albeit Alphonso king of Aragon had conquered it with rightes and titles separate from the Crowne of Aragon and therfore had disposed it to the person of Ferdinand his bastard sonne as his owne yet Iohn his brother which succeeded him in the kingdome of Aragon and Ferdinand the sonne of Iohn had alwayes secretly quarelled that title as lawfully apperteining to the Crowne of Aragon for that Alphonso had conquered it with the armes and treasors of the same realme Which quarell Ferdinand had couered with a suttletie and pacience of a Spanyarde forgetting nothing not only of the dutie of a parent towardes Ferdinand king of Naples and the others but also more assuring and augmenting them with bondes of newe affinitie for that he gaue to Ferdinand for wyfe Iane his sister and consented afterwardes that Iane the doughter of her should be maried to young Ferdinand wherein yet he could not worke in such cloudes but the vaile of his couetousnes was long tyme before made open to the kinges of Naples In so much as the french king and Ferdinand concurring in one inclination the one to remoue all impediments and difficulties the other to obteyne parte of that he had loÌ„g desired seeing there was no oportunitie to obtein the whole they made an agreement to inuade at one tyme the kingdome of Naples and to deuide it betweene them in this sort That the french king should haue the Citie of Naples with all the lande of Lauoro and the prouince of Abruzzo And to Ferdinands part should fall the prouinces of Povvylla and Calabria That either one should conquere his owne parte by him selfe the other not being bounde to helpe him but only not to empeach or hinder him But specially it was agreed that this contract should bee holden very secret vntil the armie which the french king should send to execute that enterprise were arryued at Rome At what tyme Thembassadors of them both alleading this contract to be made for the benefite of Christendome and to inuade thinfidelles should require the Pope with a ioynt voice to graunt thinuestiture according to the deuision that had bene made betweene them receiuing Ferdinand into faith and homage vnder the title of Duke of Povvylla and Calabria and the frenche king no more king of Cicilia but king of Ierusalem and Naples Which title of king of Ierusalem being once come to Themprour Federyk the seconde who was king of Naples by his wyfe which was doughter of Iohn king of Ierusalem but in name not in effect was alwayes kept by
better to dispose the minde of the king and the Cardinall d'Amboyse he promised by writte whiche the sayde Nuncio caried with him the dignitie of Cardinall to the Bishoppes of Achx and Bayeux forgetting nothing that he thought might further theffect of those ambitions which he had nourished with so great care and trauell of mynde And yet notwithstanding in so great a heate and vehemencie of forwardnesse he entred oftentimes into many doubtes and difficulties for that eyther for a certayne hate he had conceyued agaynst the Frenche king at suche time as he fledde into Fraunce eschewing thambushes of Pope Alexander or for that it much discontented him to be drawen as it were by compulsion by the power and importunitie of the French king to transferre to the Cardinal of Amboyse the legation of the kingdome of Fraunce or lastly for that he suspected least the said Cardinal whose behauiours tended directly to the Popedome not hauing patience to tarie for his death would not seeke to aspire to his place by wayes sinister and extraordinarie In regarde of which impressions more troublesome for the suttletie of the man then that there was reason he should feare so farre made him oftentimes wander in disposition determining not wholly to ioyne with the Frenche king and yet without his coniunction he knew it was impossible that at that tyme any thing of consequence should succeede with him For which reasons he sent on the other side to Pisa Baltasar Blasquo a Genovvay capteine of his galleis with commission to arme two lighte Galleis which Pope Alexander had caused to builde there but it was thought that it was to this ende to be more ready to deliuer Genes from the gouernment of the Frenche in case the king who yet remayned vexed with the reliques of his disease should happen to dye Thus matters hanging in suche an estate of suspence the first action of this yeare 1506. beganne by thembarking of king Philip to sayle out of Flaunders into Spayne with a great armie by sea And to reduce his going to a more facilitie and safetie for he feared least his father in lawe by the ayde of the Frenche woulde hinder his passage he practised the Spanishe subtelties and agreed with him to leaue vnto him the managing and pollicie of the moste parte of affayres and that they shoulde take in common the title of king of Spayne according to thexample in the Queenes tyme and lastely that the reuenues and tributes shoulde be deuided in an order certayne and indifferent By reason of which accorde his father in lawe notwithstanding he was not assured of thobseruation sent him into Flaunders many shippes to furnishe his voyage with the which hauing embarked his wyfe and Ferdinand his seconde sonne he tooke his course into Spayne with forwarde windes whiche within two dayes turning cleane contrarie after his nauie had runne a daungerous fortune and made a wearie resistaunce agaynst the furie of the sea his shippes were caste vpon sundrie coastes of Englande and Brittaine his owne person with two or three shippes beeing dryuen with manyfest perill vppon Englande into the hauen of Southhampton whereof Henry the seuenth then king of that Nation beeing aduertised sent to him with speede many Barons to doo him honour and desire him to come to his Court then at London A request whiche Philip coulde not denie the king of Englands demaunde beeing no lesse honorable then his owne estate full of necessitie and nakednesse He remayned in the Court of Englande vntill all his Nauie was reassembled and eftsoones rigged making in the meane whyle betweene them newe capitulations wherein albeit Philippe in all other things helde him selfe vsed as a king yet in this one thing he complayned that he was constrayned as a prysoner to consent to redelyuer into king Henries handes the duke of Suffolke whome he helde prisoner within the castell of Namur and whome the king of Englande desyred muche to haue in his power for that he quarreled the tytle of the Crowne pretending the righte of the kingdome to apperteine to him onely the king of Englande assured Philip by the fayth and worde of a king that he woulde not put him to death which he did as iustly perfourme as he had honorably promised keeping him in prison so long as he lyued and afterwardes was beheaded vnder the reigne and cōmaundement of his sonne King Philip sayled afterwardes with a more happie nauigation into Spayne where almost all the Barons flocked to him bringing in their countenaunces apparaunt signes of gratulation and gladnes of his comming and in their mindes assured resolution to aduaunce him In so muche as his father in lawe who was not strong ynough of him selfe to resist him and lesse confidence that in the Frenche promises was any suretie of foundation seeing him selfe almost abandoned of euery one and the articles of the firste accorde disallowed and finding withall a very harde and paynefull accesse to his sonne in lawe was constrayned to agree to new conditions such as were offred to him nothing respecting the former ▪ wherein notwithstanding they proceeded not rigorously for the good nature of Phillip but muche more for the perswasions of those which had shewed themselues great enemies to Ferdinand for that beeing in continuall doubt that by his wisdome and authoritie together with the facilitie of Philips disposition he would not get better fauour in the end winne gouernment with his sonne they solicited as much as they could his departing out of Castillo It was accorded that Ferdinand should giue ouer the gouernment which his wife had left to him by testamēt together with al that he could pretend in that right that he should spedely depart out of Castillo with promise to returne no more That Ferdinand shoulde possesse the kingdome of Naples as his owne notwithstanding there were that alleaged that it apperteined to Philip for that it was conquered with the armes and power of the kingdome of Castillo which was the same reason happly more iust by the which Ferdinand was wont to pretende the sayde realme to apperteine to him as being wonne by the treasures and forces of the state of Aragon The tributes of the yles of India were reserued to him during his life together with the three great mastershippes of S. Iames Alcantara and Calatraua It was also agreed that he should take euery yere xxv thousand duckets of the reuenues of the Realme of Castillo Assone as this contract was resolued and passed to publication Ferdinand whom hereafter we will call eyther the king Catholike or the king of Aragon went foorthwith into Aragon with intention to passe by sea to Naples with all the diligence he might not so muche for the desire he had to see that kingdome and to reestablish it as to remoue the great Capteine agaynst whom since the death of the Queene he had conceyued many suspitions eyther that he aspired to transferre to him selfe the kingdome or at
whiche the French king had giuen him in the yle of Escalo a great passage vpon the countrey of Verona neither inuironed with walles nor made strong with other fortifications But whylest he laye there without iealousie or doubte of anye thing he serued as a notable example to all Capteines howe muche it importes them in all tymes and all places to bee vigilant and so manage their affayres with care and industrie that they maye haue confidence in their proper forces without reapposing in this vayne imagination that eyther their enemies bee farre of or that by an opinion of their weaknesse they maye thinke their estate to stande in more securitie for as the Marquis had couenaunted with certaine estradiots of the Venetian armie to come to him in that place to take his paye and followe his ensigne who from the beginning of the conference had manifestly communicated the deuise with their capteines And as the capteines vpon this occasion had ordeined to assayle him vnprouided So Luke Maluezzo with two hundred light horsmen and Zitolo de Perousa with eight hundred footemen whiche were secretly come from Padoa to Leguagno beeing ioyned to the bands which were within and fiftene hundred men of the countrey and sending before certayn horsemen who cried Turko Turko that was the Marquis name making as though they were those estradiots that were exspected they conueyed them selues in the peepe of the daye without that there was any doubt made to the yle of Escalo the same morning that was appoynted where finding no resistance they entred and finding all the souldiours without gard and suche as followed the person of the Marquis sleeping in their owne negligence they put them to the spoyle and tooke prisoner amongst others Monsr de Boyssi lieftenant to the Marquis and nephew to the Cardinall Amboyse The Marquis vnderstanding thalarme leaped naked out at a windowe and hidde himselfe in a tuffe of corne but he was discouered to thenemies by a paisant of the same place who respecting more thestate of the Venetiās thē his particular profit made as though he would saue the Marquis for the offers he made but did the contrarie for that the Marquis not hable to lye hidden in so yll a fortune was presented afore the generall and so ledde to Venice and there put prisoner in the litle tower of the publike pallace to the wonderful reioysing of euery one Caesar till this day had giuen no impediment nor medled to hinder the proceedings of the Venetians for that he had not yet leauyed a force sufficient to put him selfe in the feelde He was hardly bestead many dayes in the mountaine of Vincense where the countrey men bearing deuotion to the Venetian name and reapposing muche in the difficulties of the place were drawne into manifest rebellion agaynst him And after Padoa was reobtayned by the Venetians he discended into the plaines where beeing encountred with multitudes of the mountaine men and paysantes in a passage of good situation and strength his case was in no little perill But after his valour and pollicie had remoued the daungers that were opposed and by their proper disorder had put the mountayne men to the chase he came to Escalo vpon the frontier Vincentin where the Venetian armie had recouered a great part of the countrey of Vincense and taken Serauallo a passage of importance where they executed many cruelties vpon the Almains which was recompensed with like example of slaughter by Maximilian vpon the Italian footmen and mountayne men winning vpon them the passage not many dayes after A matter which ought not to finde so ready imitation amongst Christians notwithstanding the lawes of armes are full of seuerities for that in actions of reuenge the vertue is greater to pardon then to punishe and to a Prince by so muche more honorable is his victorie by howe muche he vseth his clemencie aboue his iustice But as yet his forces beeing not so great as the necessitie of his affayres required he occupied the time in small enterprises sometimes besieging this borough and sometime that passage with very litle honor and reputation for the name imperiall and as alwayes his conceptions were farre greater then his forces or occasions so he solicited at the same time with the confederates the vnion of all their forces to make an action vpon the citie of Venice making his commoditie ouer and aboue the preparations by lande of the sea armies of the French king the king of Aragon and the galleys of the Pope beeing at that time cōioyned and assembled into one Nauye To which demaūd notwithstanding no mencion was made in the confederacion of Cambray the French had cōsented if the condicions had bene such as the benefit of the conquest had turned to a common profitte so readye is thinclination of Princes to embrace enterprises which depend vpon benefit But it was a thing greeuous to the Pope with whom both then and at other times when it was commoned vpon more amplie the king of Aragon ioyned to detest it for that it seemed to bring particular profitte to the French vsing this cooller that it was both vniust and dishonest The calamities of warre are hardly lymited and lesse seldome conteyned in one place certeine for whilest the contreys of Padoa Vincensa and Verona suffred these tormentes by the armies of thAlmains and Italyans the contrey of Fryul and those places which were for the Venetians in Istria were afflicted with more miserable persecutions and ruines for that the Prince of Hanau being entred by Caesars direction into the contrey of Fryul with ten thousand men trayned after he had attempted in vaine to take Montfalcon caryed by force the towne and castell of Cadore with a pityfull execucion and boucherie of those that defended it And on the other syde certeine light horsemen and footebandes of the Venetians folowed with many of the contrey men tooke by force the towne of Valdisera and by accord the towne of Bellona where was no garrison for thAlmains The Duke of Brunsvvik whom themperour had likewise sent thether being repulsed at Vdnia the principall towne of Fryul was marched to Ciuital d'Austrich a towne situat in a high place vpon the ryuer of Natisona where Federik Contarino laye in garrison with a verye small companie reapposing much in the forces of the people who had myndes well resolued to defend them selues to his succors as Ioh. P. Gradiuio Magistrat of Fryul was cōming with eight hundred horsemen and fyue hundred footemen he was put to flight by certeine handes of thAlmains And yet notwithstanding they had shaked Cyuitall with their artillery they could not cary it neither with the furious assalts which they gaue nor with the rumor they spred that they had defeated the succors that came to reskew them so great a resolution dothe the defence of libertie aboue all other respects breede in the mynde of men In Istria Christopher Frangypan defeated nere the borough of Vermes the cōmissaries of the
ambition by so muche lesse is limited the desire of oppression which in mindes corruptly inclined holdes nothing vnlawfull that may serue to thaction pretended nor any thing vnreasonable that agreeth with the humor of their passion in whom this is one natural custome to conuert all things to his owne propertie working The Pope omitting neither meane nor matter that might giue furtherance to his purpose made secret solicitation to Henry the eight then king of Englande to rayse warre agaynst the French king wherein enforcing the memorie of thauncient emulations of those two kingdomes he ioyned to the facilitie of thenterprise this occasion of the felicitie and successe that if he would begin to leauie armes agaynst Fraunce thaction would take imitation in many others to whom the puissance and greatnes of that crowne was either suspected or hated he forgat not to encourage him to embrace with that deuotion which in other times had bin proper to the kings of Englande the glorie that was offred him to be protector and preseruer of the sea Apostolike which without the ayde of his authoritie and reskewe stoode in manifest daunger by thambition of the French king In this practise the king of Aragon did communicate with the Pope but secretly and not really vsing perhaps this moderation of minde not to suffer his desires to be greater then his fortunes But that which was of greatest importance the Pope enterteined still with the Svvizzers the negociations which were begonne by the Bishop of Syon by whose authoritie being great with that nation and perpetuall importunitie labouring their assemblies and councels and preaching in their Churches he obteined at last that the Svvizzers receiuing euery yere a thousande Florins of Rhein for euery Canton shoulde be bounde to the protection of him and the estate of the Churche with permission to the Pope for his defence agaynst all men that would vex him to leauie certayne proportions of footmen The occasion that moste helped forwarde this matter and made his request more easie and plausible was the disagreement that began to kindle betweene them and the Frenche king For the Svvizzers being of nature proude and weening became more raysed and lifted vp in minde by the estimation that others had of them and chalenging to them selues peculiarly the glorie of the French victories were caried into this presuming that all the conquests and honorable actions which eyther the king raigning or his predecessor had obteined in Italie proceeded principally of their valour and the feare of their armes And therevpon insisting vppon merites as though the crowne of Fraunce ought much to them they demaunded the French king soliciting to make renouation of thalliance that nowe was determined that he would augment their pensions being then threescore thousand frankes by yere ouer and aboue the mercenarie contributions which were secretly dispearsed amongst priuat persons pensions which had ben begon vnder Lovvis the eleuenth and continued vnto the present time But for that they accompanied their demaundes with a presumptuous audacitie which the king construed to manifest insolencie and for that of paisantes and mountayne men suche was his phrase they sought imperiously to impose and taxe him being a king he began so to shake them of with wordes and countenaunces that they might discerne how muche he disdayned them more respecting hys dignitie royall then regarding the present vtilitie of things He was the more induced to this for that at the same season by the solicitation of George Sopressan the peoples of the valleys subiects of Sion who were gouerned in seuen communities which they call courtes being corrupted by publike promises and priuate pensions were not onely confederate with him but also bounde to giue passage to his people and refuse it to his enemies and withall to enter into his payes with such numbers of footmen as their forces were hable to beare In the same sort did enter confederacie with him the Lordes of the three leagues whom they call the Grisons and albeit one part of the men of the valley had not yet approued it the king was not without hope to induce them to ratification by the selfe same meanes In so muche as he began to perswade him selfe that the amitie of the Svvizzers was nowe no more necessarie to him hauing determination to supplye his warres with Almain footmen ouer and besides those proportions of souldiours whiche the valley men and Grisons should furnishe him of Besides he feared little their stirres or preparations and lesse exspectation that they were hable to assayle the duchie of Millan but by the straites of Ballinsona and other passages of great difficultie through the which if they should march in great trowpes and numbers he made his reckoning that they would be easily reduced into necessitie of vittels by a small armie And if they came but in small companies a slender strength woulde likewise suffice to make them retyre Wherein he made his coniectures at random and seemed to lymit the fortunes of them whose forces he yet knewe not flattering himselfe with his proper greatnes An humor preiudicially mouing in Princes in whom there ought to be no parcialitie of comparison when there is question of enterprise and action But because he stoode resolute not to graunt them augmentation of pensions he coulde not obteine in their councells a renouation of thalliance notwithstanding there were manye euen in the middest of them who did earnestly perswade it to whom in particular were retributed no small rewardes And for that cause they consented more easily to the confederation which was demaunded of them by the Pope By which newe confederation the Pope seeming to haue laied a great fundation for thaduauncing of his purposes and hauing a perpetuall nature to proceede in all thinges as supreme and soueraigne aboue all men and as though the whole world were in necessitie to receiue lawes of him he began to sowe seedes of newe controuersies with the Duke of Ferrara eyther pushed on by the cause that was in disputation betweene them or els by an auncient hatred for that hauing receiued of him so many honors benefites and gratifications he seemed neuerthelesse to depende more vpon the French king then vpon him A dealing whiche he construed preiudicially and farre contrarie to the recompence of his merites But whatsoeuer was the cause searching a beginning of the quarrell he commaunded imperiously Alfonso Duke of Ferrara to forbeare to continue the working of salt at Comacchio he alleaged that it was not reasonable that that which was not lawfull to him when the Venetians helde Ceruia should nowe haue suffraunce being possessed by the sea Apostolike to whom apperteined the absolute gouernment of Ferrara and Comacchio Besides it was a matter of great profite for that the working ceassing at Comacchio the saltpittes of Ceruia ministred traffike to all the townes thereaboutes But Duke Alphonso who reapposed more in the coniunction which he had with the French king and in his protection then he feared
the Popes forces gaue small obedience to this commaundement he complayned that he shoulde be constrayned not to reape the fruite which grewe to him in his proper house with small labour and to be driuen to buye of an other for the vsage of his peoples the ware whereof he had enough to replenishe forreine countreis alleaging withall that that ought not to be enforced for an example which the Venetians had made him consent vnto more by compulsion of armes then by condition of iustice Whiche reasons little auayled to content the Pope who eftsones sent to protest to him vnder great paynes and accursings to discontinue that worke suche were the thoughtes and actions of the Pope inclined altogether to rayse vp and support the Venetians But on the other side Caesar and the French king thirsted not a little after their embacement with desire to diminishe their authoritie and greatnes And beeing muche discontented with the demonstrations which the Pope expressed on their behalfe they drew into a more strayte alliance and intelligence one with an other concluding to inuade the Venetians that sommer with huge forces for the better aduauncing of which expedition the contracte bare that the Frenche king for his parte shoulde sende Monsr Chaumont with a strong armie wherevnto should be ioyned the Launceknightes that lay at Verona And Caesar for his parte should make entrie into the countrey of Friul with those leauyes of men and munitions which he hoped to obteine of thempire in the dyet of Auspurge and hauing accomplished that action he was to proceede to other enterprises according to the estate of occasions and tyme They solicited the Pope to ioyne with them according to the bonde of the league of Cambray holding it but iuste to sommon him to performe that which he had so willingly promised But he who was no lesse discontented with that motion then hauing a capacitie searching aboue the witte of other men made aunswere that he was no more bound to that confederation which hath had already his perfection seeing it had bene in the power of Caesar to haue first Treuisa and afterwards a satisfaction recompence in money Caesar likewise solicited to haue succours from the king Catholike both by vertue of the same capitulations of Cambray and also vnder couenantes and promises made particularly with him at suche time as he consented to him the gouernment of Castillo But this solicitation as it bare a forme of request to ayde him rather with money then with men so the king of Aragon whom it imported muche not to disfurnishe him selfe of the thing whereof he had moste neede aunswere that he would sende him foure hundred launces A strength of little profite for Caesar for that aswell in the Frenche armie as in his owne campe the seruice on horsebacke was plentifully furnished About this time the Citie of Verona liued in great afflictions vnder the souldiours that garded it who for that they were not payed drewe into secret conspiracie with certayne Venetian bandes by whom they thought to worke some trayterous stratageme for which purpose the Venetians issuing out of S. Boniface approched the Citie by night to skale the Castell of S. Peter and as they were entred S. Georges gate whylest they taried to fasten their ladders together for that being single they sufficed not to reach to the height of the wall eyther they were heard by the warders of the castell of S. Felix or in their feare they seemed to heare a brute of armed men And as in matter of enterprise imagination abuseth muche so whether they feared their owne shadowes or whether they doubted that to be in deede which was but a vision in their timerous fantasies they sodenly retyred leauing behinde them their ladders as testimonies of their feare and intention leauing to thenemie to doubt muche of their vallour that in so fayre an oportunitie forsooke the felicitie that their fortune had prepared The armie retyred forthwith to S. Boniface and at Verona the conspiracie comming to detection many were passed ouer to iustice and punishment though some found fauour more by clemencie then their proper innocencie In this season the Pope expressed certayne inclinations to be eftsones reunited with the french king not of goodwill but for feare for that Maximilian sommoned him with braue messages to lende him two hundred thousande duckets threatning that otherwise he would ioyne with the French king agaynst him An other reason of his feare was a brute that was spread that in the Dyet of Auspurge it was agreed to minister to him a strong succor and also the peace had bene newely established betweene the kings of Englande and Fraunce and published with great solemnitie By reason of these feares he began to trayte with great diligence with Albert de Carpy whom till that day he had interteined with wordes and hopes generall vsing in all his actions of negociation more art then true meaning and lesse fidelitie then fayre resemblaunce But besides the mutabilitie of his owne nature the variation of occasions made him not dwell long in that resolution both for that the Parliament of Auspurge without the forces and aydes of which there was no great reckoning to be made of the threates of Caesar not aunswering exspectation determined for him no other succours then a supply of three hundred thousande Florins of Rhein whereof his prodigalities had already made great wastes And also the king of England signified that he had setdowne an article in the peace expressing that it should be no peace as often as the French king should offend the state of the Churche In regard of these things the Pope reentred into new stomack and returning eftsones to his former thoughts he began to heape new cōplaintes agaynst the Duke of Ferrara who he sayd that since it was suffred to the subiects of the Church to sayle and traffike frankly through the gulfe of Venice had imposed newe tributes vppon the goods which were brought to Venice by the riuer of Pau A taxation which the Pope alleaged that the vassall coulde not leauie according to the interpretation of the lawes without licence of the Lorde paramount and withall it was a thing that brought great preiudice to the people of Bolognia who were his subjects for which consideration he made instance that they might be deposed threatning that otherwise he would bring warre vpon him Wherin to giue him a greater feare he caused to marche his bands of men of warre into the countrey of Bolognia and into Romagnia These things troubled not a little the mind of the French king beeing loath on the one side to fall at oddes with the Pope and on the other side he felt him selfe touched in honor and conscience to leaue abandoned the Duke of Ferrara to whose protection he had bound himselfe by receiuing thirtie thousande duckets No lesse was he moued with the regarde of his proper profite for that duke Alfonso depending wholy vpon him and fleeing so
a cāpe they would driue the ennemies through difficulties to dissolue the warre which they durst not resist by their vallor Neuertheles either to auoid these difficulties or to prepare a remedy the prince of Orenge had sent out xv hundred footemen iiij hūdred horsemen with iiij peces of artilleries to take Lastra wherin were three enseignes of footemē of whom was passed to the sword two hundred bodies and the towne taken before the reskewes of Florence could ariue it hapned also that in the night of the xj of December Stephen Colonno with a thowsand harquebuziers and iiij hundred halberdiers and partisanes all armed with corselets and cassakins after the maner of camisado of Spaine set vpon the regiment of Sero Colonno lying in the houses neare to the Church of Saint Margaret de Monticio and in that surprise they slew and wounded many soldiours without the losse of one person of theirs About that time were slaine with the bollette within the gardin of Saint Mymato Maria Vrsin and Iulio saint Crosse And in the like fortune Pirrhus going to Saint Peters Borovv to take Montopoly which is a towne of the contrey of Pisa he was cut of by the footemen that were within Employ and being defeated in the waie betwene Palaia Montopoly many of his companies fell into the fortune of prisoners The Florentyns sent to the borow of Saint Sepulchro Napolion Vrsin with an hundred fiftie horsemen to encounter Alexander Vitelly who was sent to destroie the contrey all a long the saied borow and Anguiaro But now the warre beginning to fall into action of terror and astonishment after the regimēts newly sent by themprour were passed the Alpes the townes of Pistoya and Prato being abandoned of the Florentyn garrisons were yeelded vp to the Pope By reason whereof the armie that had left behind them no impediment marched not to ioine with the others but remaining incamped on the other side of Arno they went to lodge at Peretola neare the walls of the citie vnder the authoritie gouernment of the Marquis of Guast though the prince of Orenge was alwaies superior and absolute aboue all By which disposing of the armie apart and separate things were rather reduced to the forme of a seege then to an action of oppugnacion At this time also Pietrasanta was rendred to the Pope And as the Pope labored with a perpetuall studie and care of minde to leade to perfection the purposes he had pretended to reestablish and sette vp his house in Florence so towardes the ende of this yeare partly at the request of Malatesta Baillon who gaue him hope of accord he sent to Florence directly to him Rodolffo Pio bishop of Faensa with whom were debated diuerse and sundrie thinges some with the priuitie of the citie and for their profitte and some in secrecie by Malatesta against the weale of the citie matters which much lesse that they soarted to any effect seeing it was discerned that Malatesta who was now come to the expiracion and full time of his paie had enterteined them with art conning to th end that the Florentins fearing to be abandoned of him would estsones reteine him into their pay with title of capteine general of the warre which in th end he obteined This enterprise of Florence continued also the yeare a thowsand fiue hundred and thirtie and albeit the prince of Orenge in beginning to make new caualiers cast new trenches made demonstraciō to batter vehemently the bastillions but chefly the bastillion of Saint George which was very strong yet what thorow his ignorance which could not be without his ignominie and what for the difficultie in the action wherein his errour was nothing lesse not one deuise was put in execucion the garde of the whole Mount apparteining to Stephen Colonno In the beginning of this yeare the Florentins taking hope in the matters of negociacion with the bishoppe of Faensa sent of newe other embassadours to the Pope and to themprour but with expresse commission to innouate nothing nor harken to any mocion by the which the gouernment might be altered or the generall iurisdiction diminished So that as they were repugnant in the principall article so they could neuer obteine audience of themprour but according to the vanitie of their commission they retorned to Florence without any conclusion There were within Florence nyne or tenne thowsande footemen strong but payed according to the number of foureteene thowsande And as the souldiours were resolute to defende the Citie with a great affection and readynes of fayth So to confirme them the more all the Capteines being assembled in the Church of Saint Nicholas after the celebration of the Masse and in the presence of Malatesta they made a solemne othe to stande against the iniuries and inuasions offred agaynst the Citie vntill the laste man Onely in this vniuersall constancie was founde vnconstant Napoleon Vrsin who notwithstanding he professed him selfe assured to the Florentins by receyuing their money and imprest yet he became a reuolte and returning to Bracciano compounded his affayres with thEmperour and the Pope and reuoked from the seruice of Florence certaine capteines whom he had sent thither before But the Pope omitted no diligence wherein he thought was any meane to aduaunce his intention Wherein he so wrought with the French king that he sent Monsr Cleremont to excuse thaccorde he had made by necessitie to redeme his children And where he alleaged how impossible it was to comprehend that state in thaccorde he counselled them with reasons inducements to lay themselues downe to the necessitie of the time and take suche conditions as they might so farreforth as they were conducible to the profit and conseruation of their liberty In which good inclination to helpe to raunge the issue of things to their weale and benefite he offred as it were to interpose in the action He also commaunded by publike protestation Malatesta and Stephen Colonno being of the kings creation and dependancy to depart from Florence notwithstanding a part and seuerally he gaue them comfort to the contrary But the thing that imported moste to staye his reputation and astonishe the people was that to satisfie the Pope and the Emprour he retyred his ordinarie Embassador resident at Florence leauing there notwithstanding as a person priuate Emilio Ferier by whom for that he woulde not vtterly leaue them desperate he made secret promise to ayde thē assone as he had recouered his children Such was the Popes ambition in this action and so suttle was his humor to serue his turne of all meanes that eyther art or industrie could insinuate that he had almoste brought the Frenche king to make retyre from his Court thembassadour resident for Florence Wherein to drawe better fauour to his purposes he sent by the Bishop of Tarby the Cardinalls Hatte to the Lorde Chauncellor and not long after he gratified him with the legation of the realme of Fraunce And by him
he solicited a new enteruiew and conference at Thurin betwene themprour the French king and himselfe But he was aunswered in the full counsell of the king sitting that it was enough that the children of the Crowne of Fraunce were vnder captiuitie without that the person of the king should seeke to intrude himselfe into that calamitie The Pope and themprour did now determine to go to Sienna to be more ready and apt to fauor thenterprise of Florence and afterwards to drawe to Rome for the coronation of the Emprour But whether it was a true or false deliberatiō as they were vppon the poynt prepared to depart the Emprour receiued letters out of Germany soliciting him to returne thither the electors making instance for regard of the dyets and Ferdinand standing to be chosen king of Romains and others in respect to celebrate the counsell By these new instances whether more effectuall for their sodennes or for their cōformitie to themprors will al deuises counsels to passe further were dashed in which variatiō the empror was cōtēted to receiue the Imperiall Crowne within Bolognia beeing assisted with a great affluence of people but susteyning a verye slender pompe and exspences He was crowned vppon Saint Matthievves daye a daye of many happye predictions for that on that daye was he borne in that daye was the Frenche king taken prisoner and during that daye was he celebrated with the enseignes and ornamentes of th Imperiall dignitie But before thEmperour departed to returne into Germanie he laboured to accorde wyth the Pope the Duke of Ferrara who the seuenth daye of Marche came to Bolognia vnder safeconduit And because there was no other meane of issue or ende betweene them they referred to the person of the Emperour the arbitration and Compromise of righte and action touchinge all their controuersies To the whiche the Pope was induced by the generalitie of the Compromise suche as comprehended also the quarrell and tytle of Ferrara whiche the Pope doubting that according to tearmes of righte it woulde not diuolue to the sea Apostolike he thoughte thEmperoure had an easie meane in vsing silence for Ferrara to bringe hym to render Modena and Reggia The Pope also was induced by the worde and promyse whiche thEmperour made to hym that if he founde that he had righte to those two Cities he woulde pronownce iudgemente of hys syde but if by examination it appeared otherwyse he woulde suffer to expyre and determine the tyme of the Compromise And to assure the obseruation of the sentence and resolution of the Compromise there wente a couenaunt that the Duke shoulde depose Modena into the handes of thEmperour at whose instance he had reuoked before his Embassadours from Florence and ayded the army with a proportion of Pyoners After this thEmperour departed from Bolognia the xxij daye the Pope hauing lefte hym satisfied that hys intention was to consente to the Councell if he thoughte it mighte anye waye auayle for thextirpation of the Heresies of the Lutherans The Cardinall Campeius wente wyth hym as Legate And so he passed by Mantua where after he had receyued threescore thowsande duckettes of the Duke of Ferrara he gaue to hym in chiefe for euer the towne of Carpy After whome the Pope the xxxj daye tooke hys waye to Rome leauing the matters of Florence in the same estate of difficulties they were before The Imperialls made many signes and braueries as though they would assault the Citie for whiche cause they had begon a trenche before the Bastillion of Saint George where beeing perfourmed a hoate skirmishe the xxj of Marche they without receyued greate harmes The xxv daye the Prince of Orenge finding his campe muche vexed by a towre adioyning to the side of the Bastillion of Saint George towardes the gate of Rome battered it with hys artilleries But finding it very strong and well appoynted after certayne volues of Cannon he forbare any further execution There aryued dayly at the campe newe companies and bands of souldiours by whose insolencie and licentiousnesse for that there was no warres in any other parte of Italie the harmes and ruines of the countrey of Florence encreased continually The Citie of Voltero was rendred to the Pope but the Castell holding good for the Florentins suffred greate executions with two Cannons of thimperialles and two Coluerines broughte from Genes And the Florentines desyring to succour it sente oute to Employ an hundred and fyftie horsemen and fiue enseignes of footemen who making their marche by nighte passed by the Campe neare the Mounte Olyuet and beeing discouered there were sente oute after them certayne guidons of horsemen who ouertooke them but beeing skirmished withall by the harquebuziers they retyred with some losse And the horsemen that were issued out of Florence by an other waye behinde the campe saued them selues at the same tyme with the footmen within Employ where they were receyued by Frauncis Feruccio commaunder of that place This man beeing sente in the beginning of the warre by the Florentins to Employ as commaunder ouer a verye small companie of horsemen and with a verye little authoritie had what with the obseruation of the warre and with thoportunitie of that seate and with thoccasion of prayes and ordinarie incursions assembled together a good crewe of souldiours of choyse with whome bothe by hys vallour whiche he had well expressed and also by his lyberalitie which was infinite in hym he was rysen to so good estate of reputation that the Florentins had no small exspectation of hym Feruccio then departed from Employ with two thousande footemen and fiue hundred horse with whiche armie marching with great celeritie he entred within the castell of Voltero the xxvj of Aprill earely in the morning where hauing well refreshed his souldiours he assaulted presently the towne which was garded by Iohn Baptista Borgueso with a verye slender strength of footemen and winning before night two of their trenches he had the towne the next moarning together with the artilleries that were come from Genes The first action he managed after he was Lorde of the towne was by extorsions and wayes compulsiue to exacte money of thinhabitauntes of Voltero and no lesse by that good helpe then by his vallour and industrie he constrayned to reuolte Gimignana and Collo and cutting off the traffike of vittelles that came from Sienna by that waye he had reduced the armie of the ennemies to greate difficulties whose capteines thinking of no other expedition then of the siege the Marquis of Guast retyred thartilleries within Prato But so suddayne and vncertayne are the things of warre there happned into those quarters vnlooked for Capteyne Maramus leading a regiment of two thowsande fiue hundred footemen without paye By reason of which succour beeing come agaynst the Popes will he kepte on his course for that Maramus went to incampe with his people at the suburbes of Voltero The nynth of Maye was executed a greate skirmishe without the gate called Romegate wherein remayned