the presence of the Duke In the meane time such as were the setters forward of the Councell agaynst M. Iohn Hus and M. Ierome that is to say Michael de Causis and M. Palletz and other their accomplices required that the sayde mayster Hierome should be cited by reason of hys intimations certayne dayes after the citation hereunder written was set vpon the gates and porches of the citty and Churches which followeth here in this maner This most sacred and holy Synode and general councell of Constance faithfully congregated and gathered together in the holy Ghost representing the vniuersall militant Church vnto Hierome of Prage which writeth himselfe to be a mayster of Arte of so many Uniuersities and pretendeth those things which are onely pertayning vnto sobriety and modesty and that he knoweth no more then he ought c. Know thou that there is a certayne writinge come vnto our vnderstanding and knowledge the whiche was set vp as it were by thine owne person vpon that gates of the Churches and Citty of Constance vppon the Sonday when there was song in the Church of God Quasi mo do geniti Wherein thou doest affirme that thou wilt openly answere vnto thy accusers and slaunderers which shall obiect any crime errour or heresie agaynst thee whereof thou art meruailously infamed and accused before vs and specially touching the doctrine of Wickleff and other doctrines contrary vnto the catholicke fayth so that thou mightest haue graunted vnto thee a safe conduct to come But for so much as it is our part principally and chiefly to foresee and looke vnto these crafty Foxes which goe about to destroy the vyneyarde of the Lord of hostes therefore we do cite and call forth by the tenour of these presentes thy person manifoldly defamed and suspected for the temerarious affirming and teaching of manifold erroures so that within the term of 15. dayes to be accompted from the date of these presentes wherof 5. dayes are appoynted for the first term fiue for the second and other fiue for the third we do ordein and appoynt by Canonicall admonition and warninge that thou do appeare in the publique Session of the sacred Councell if there be any holden the same day or els y◠first day immediately following when as any Session shal be according to the tenour of thy sayd writing to answere to those thinges which any person or persons shall obiect or lay agaynst thee in any cause of thy fayth and to receiue haue as iustice shall require Wherupon so much as in vs lyeth as catholike faith shall require we offer assigne to thee by the tenour hereof our safe cōduct frō all violence iustice alwayes being saued certifying thee that whether thou doest appeare or not the sayd terme or tyme appoynted notwithstanding processe shall goe forward agaynst thee by the sayd sacred Councell or by their Cōmissary or Cōmissaries for the time aforesayd not obserued and kept thy contuinacie or stubburnes in any thing notwithstanding Geuen in the 6. Session of the generall Councell the 17. day of Aprill vnder the seale of the presidentes of the foure nations ¶ Grumpert Faber Notary of the Germaynes AFter that Sigismund king of Hungary with the rest of the Councell vnderstood by the foresaid Duke Ioh. that M. Hierome was taken they were earnestly in hand requiring that M. Hierome shold be brought before them vnto the Councell The whiche Duke Iohn after hee had receiued letters of the kyng and the Councell brought M. Hierom bound vnto Constance whom his brother Duke Ludouicus lead through the Cittie to the Cloyster of the Friers Minors in Constance whereas the chiefe Priestes and Elders of the people Scribes Phariseis were gathered together attending and wayting for hys comming He the sayd mayster Hierome caryed a great handbolte of iron with a long chayne in hys hand and as he passed the chayne made a great ratlyng and noyse and for the more confusion and despite towardes hym they led him by the same chayne after Duke Ludouicus aforesaid holding and stretching out the chayne a great way from him with the whiche chayne they also kept him bounde in the Cloyster When he was brought into the Cloyster they reade before hym the letter of Duke Iohn which was sent with that sayd mayster Hierome vnto the Councell contayning in effect how that the sayd Duke Iohn had sent mayster Hierome vnto the councell who by chance was fallen into his handes because he heard an euill report of hym that he was suspected of the heresies of Wickleffe that the Councell might take order for him whose part it was to correct punish such as did erre and stray from the truth besides many other flattering tales which were written in the sayd letter for the prayse of the Councell After this they read the citation which was geuen out by the councell agaynst maister Hierome wherof we haue spoken before Then certayne of the Byshops sayd vnto hym Hierom why diddest thou flye runne awaye and diddest not appeare when thou wast cited He answered because I could not haue any safecōduict neither from you neither from the king as it appeareth by these letters patentes of the Barons whiche you haue neither by my open intimations could I obtain any safe conduict Wherfore I perceauing many of my greuous heauy frendes to be here present in the Councell would not my selfe be the occasion of my perils and daungers but if I had known or had any vnderstanding of this citation wtout al doubt albeit I had bene in Boheme I would haue returned agayne Then all the whole rabble rising vp alledged diuers and sondry accusations and testimonies agaynst him with a great noyse and tumulte When the rest held their peace then spake maister Gerson the Chauncellour of Paris Hierome when thou wast at Paris thou thoughtest thy selfe by meanes of thy eloquence to be an Angell diddest trouble the whole Uniuersitie alledging openly in the schooles many erroneous conclusions with their correlaria and specially in the question de vniuersalibus de Idaeis with many other very offensiue questiōs Unto whom Mayster Hierome sayd I answere to you mayster Gerson Those matters which I did put forth there in the Schooles at Paris in the whiche also I aunswered to the argumentes of the Maysters I did put them forth Philosophically and as a Philosopher and mayster of the Uniuersitie and if I haue put foorth anye questions whiche I ought not to haue put forth teache me that they be erroneous and I will most humbly be informed and amend the same Whiles he was yet speaking an other as I suppose the mayster of the Uniuersity of Colleyne vpon the Riuer of Rheine rising vp sayd when thou wast also at Coleyn in thy position whiche thou diddest there determine thou diddest propound many erroneous matters Then sayd M. Hierome vnto hym shew me first one errour whiche I propounded Wherwithall he being
next morow folowing other townesmeÌ„ in the villagies about ioyning with the townesmeÌ„ of Oxford confederated together in great force and power to set vpon the studeÌ„tes there and so did hauing a black flag borne before theÌ„ and so inuaded the Vniuersity men WherupoÌ„ the scholers being ouermatched compelled to flee into their haules and hostles were so pursued by theyr enemies that 20. of the doores of their haules and chambers were broke open many of them wounded and as it is sayd slain and throwen into priuies their books with kniues and bils cut all in pieces and much of theyr goods caried away And thus the studentes of that Vniuersity being conquered by the townesmen of Oxford and of the country about departed left the vniuersity So that for a time the scholes there and all schole acts did vtterly cease from all exercise of study except onely MertoÌ„ Colledge haule with a few other remayning behinde This being done the 12. day of February the Queene at the same time being at woodstock was brought to bed and purified on the first Sonday in Lent with great soleÌ„nity of Iusting About which time the Bishop of Lincoln their Diocesane hearing of this excessiue outrage sendeth his inhibition to all Parsons and Priestes forbidding theÌ„ throughout all Oxford none to celebrate Masse or any diuine seruice in the presence of any lay persoÌ„ within the said Towne of Oxford interdicting withal the whole Town Which interdiction endured the space of a whole yere and more The king also seÌ„t thether his Iustices to examine and enquire of the matter Before whom diuers lay men of the clergy were indicted And foure of the chiefe burgeses of the sayd towne were indicted by the kinges commaundement sent to the tower of London were there imprisoned At length through much labor of the nobles the king so tooke vp the matter that sending his writings vnto all Shiriffes in England offered pardoÌ„ to all singular students of that Vniuersity wheresoouer dispersed for that transgression whereby the Vniuersity in short time was replenished againe as before Moreouer was graunted to the Vice chauncellor or Commissary as they terme him of the towne and Vniuersity of Oxford to haue the aâ—ise of bread ale wine and all other victuals the Maior of the sayd town being excluded Also was grauÌ„ted and decreed that the commoÌ„s of Oxford should geue to the vniuersity of Oxford 200. pound sterling in part of satisfaction for theyr excesses reserued notwithstanding to euery one of the students his seuerall action agaynst any seuerall person of that townesmen c. About the yeare of our Lord. 1354. The king with the consent of his counsell reuoked home agayne out of flauders the staple of wolle with all things thereunto appertayning stablished the same in sondry places within the realme namely in Westminster Canterbury Chichester Bristow Lincolne and in Hulle Which Staple after an 1362. was translated ouer into Calice Of Simon Islip Archbishop of Canterb. mentioned a litle before pag. 363. I read in the said author aboue specified that he by his letters patent directed to al parsons vicars within his prouince straitly charged them theyr Parishioners vnder payne of excoÌ„munication not to abstaine froÌ„ bodely labor vpoÌ„ certaine Saints dayes which before were wont to be hallowed consecrated to vnthrifty idlenes Item that to Priests should be geuen no more for their yearely stipend but 3. pound 6.5.8 pence whiche made diuers of them to robbe and steale c. an 1362. The next yeare following which was 1363. the foresayd Kyng Edward kept his Parliament at London in the month of October wherein was prohibited no gold nor siluer to be worne in kniues girdles brooches ringes or in any other ornament belonging to the body except the wearer might dispend 10 pouÌ„d by yeare IteÌ„ that none should weare either silks or costly furres except such as might dispeÌ„d 100 pound by yeare Also that Marchaunt venterers should not export ouer any marchauÌ„dise out of the realme or seek for wines in other country wherby other nations should be constrayned rather to seeke to vs. c. But none of thys did take any great effect After this Simon Islip as is aboue recorded folowed Simon Langham then W. Wittelesey after whome next in the place succeeded Simon Sudbury Much about the same time the Nunnes of S. Bridgits order began first About which time also was builded the Queenes Colledge in Oxford by Queene Philippe of England wife to king Edward the third Circa annum domini 1360. Moreouer in the time of this Pope Innocent Fryer Iohn Lyle Bishop of Ely moued with certaine iniuries as he thought done to him by the Lady Blanche made his complaynt to the Pope Who sending down his curse to the Bishop of Lincolne and other Prelates to be executed vpon the aduersaries of the Bishoppe of Ely commaunded them that if they did know any of the sayd aduersaries dead and buried that notwithstanding they should cause the same to be taken vp which also they performed accordingly of whom some had bene of the Kings counsell Wherefore the king being displeased and not vnworthely did trouble and molest agayn the sayd Prelats This comming to the Popes hearing certayne were directed downe from the court of Rome in the behalf of the foresayd Bishop of Elye who meeting with the Byshop of Rochester the kinges treasurer deliuered vnto him being armed letters from the Bishop of Rome the tenour whereof was not known Which done they incontinent auoyded away But certayne of the kinges seruaunts pursuing did ouertake them of whom some they imprisoned some they brought to the iustices and so were condemned to be hanged Wherein may appeare what reuerence the Popes letters in this kinges dayes had in this realme of England Ex Chro. Walsing This Pope InnoceÌ„t ordeined the feast of the holy speare and of the holy nayles And here to make an end of this fourth booke now remayueth after our order and custome before begunne to prosecute the race of the Archbishops of Canterbury in this foresayd fourth booke conteined beginning where before we left pag. 170. at Lancfrancus A Table of the Archbishoppes of Caunterbury in this fourth Booke conteyned 34. Lanfâ—ancus 19. Polyd. Virg. lib. 9. numbereth this Lanfrancus to be the 33. Archbish. But by the count of other authors namely by that chronicle of the Monke of Douer semeth to be deceiued as he was in the 28. yeares of Dunstane whiche in deede did sit but 19. or 20. at that most This errour of Pol. seemeth to come by leauing out either Elsius which was the 23. or by leauing out Elfricus whiche was the 26. as in some authors I finde Moreouer here is to bee noted that although the sayd Elfricus were left out yet Lanfrancus cannot be 33. Note also that in the table of the 3. Booke before after Siricius to put in Sanctus
vse of the spirituall sword are aboue the persons of them which haue the temporall sworde Besides these letters of the Archbyshoppe sent to the king the Pope also in the same cause wryteth to the king beginning after this sort Alexander Papa ad Henricum regé Et naturali ratione forma iuris dictante prouidentiam tuam credimus edoctam fuisse quòd quanto quis ab aliquo maiora suscepisse dignoscitur tanto ei obnoxior magis obligatus tenetur c. The whole tenour of the letter as 〈◊〉 wrote it to the king I would heere expresse but for treating of the time straightnesse of rowme hauing so many things els in this storie by the grace of Christ to be comprehended But the letter tendeth to this effect to exhort and charge the king to shew fauour to Thomas Becket Where in the processe of the Epistle it followeth in these wordes Ea propter seueritatem tuam per Apostolica scripta rogamus monemus exhortamur in domino nec non in remessionem peccatorum ex parte dei omnipotentis beati Petri principis Apostolorum antoritate nostra iniungimus vt memoratum Archiepiscopum pro deo ecclesia sua honore tuo nec non totius regni tui in gratiam fauorem tuum recipias c. That is therfore we desire you monish and exhort your honor by these our Apostolical wrytings and also enioyne you vpoÌ„ the remission of your sinnes in the behalfe of almighty God and of S. Peter Prince of the Apostles by our authoritie that you will receiue againe the foresayde Archb. into your fauour and grace for the honour of God his Church and of your owne Realme c. Thus you heard the Popes intreating letter nowe here is an other letter sent vnto the foresaid king wherein he doth manace him as in the tenor thereof here followeth Bishop Alexander seruant of the seruants of God to king Henry king of England health and blessing Apostolicall HOw fatherly and gently we haue oft times entreated and exhorted both by Legates and letters your princely honour to be reconciled againe with our reuerend brother Thomas Archb. of Cant. so that he and his may be restored againe to their Churches and otheâ— possessions to them appertaining your wisdome is not ignorant seeing it is notified and spred almost throughout all Christendome For so much therefore as hetherto we coulde not preuaile with you neither moue nor stirre your minde with faire and gentle wordes it lamenteth vs not a little so to be frustrate and deceiued of the hope and expectation which we had conceiued of you Especially seing we loue you so dearely as our owne dearely beloued sonne in the Lorde and vnderstanding so great ieopardie to hang ouer you But forasmuch as it written Cry out and cease not lift vp thy voice like a trumpe and declare to my people their wickednesse and their sinnes to the house of Iacob Also for as much as it is in Salomon commaunded that the sluggish person should be stoned with the dung of Oxen we haue thought good therefore not to forbeare or supporte your stubburnes any longer against iustice and saluation Neither that the mouth of the foresaid Archbishop shoulde be stopped from hencefoorth any more but that he may freely prosecute the charge of his office and duetie to reuenge with the sworde of Ecclesiasticall discipline the iniuries both of himselfe and of his Church committed to his charge And here I haue sent vnto you two Legates Petrus de ponte dei and Bernardus de Corilio to admonish you of the same But if ye wil neither by vs be aduertised nor geue eare to them in obeying it is to be feared doubtles least such things as they shall declare to you from vs in our behalfe may happen fal vpon you Datch at Beneuent the 9. day before the kalends of Iune To aunswer these letters againe there was an other certain wryting drawne out directed to the Pope made by some of the Clergy as it seemeth but not without consent of the king as by the title may appeare inueying and disprouing the misbehauior of the Archbishop The tenor whereof here followeth and beginneth thus An answere to the Pope TIme nowe requireth more to seeke helpe then to make complaints For so it is nowe that the holy mother Churche our sinnes deseruing the same lieth in a dangerous case of great decay which is like to ensue except the present mercy of the Lord support her Such is the wickednes now of schismatikes that the father of fathers Pope Alexander for the defence of his faith and for the loue of righteousnes is banished out of his countrey not able to keepe free residence in his owne proper see by reason of the induratâ— heart of Fredericke the Pharao Farther and besides the Church also of Canterburie is miserably impaired and blemished as well in the spirituall as in the temporall estate much like vnto the ship in the Sea being destitute of their guide to fled in the floudes and wrasteling wiâ—h the windes while the pastor being absent from his prouince dâ—re not there remain through the power of the king Who being ouer wise to the ieoperdie both of himselfe his Churche and vs also hath brought and intangled vs likewise with himselfe in the same partaking of his punishments and labours not considering howe we ought to forbeare and not to resist superior powers And also sheweth himselfe to vs vnkinde which with al our affections bear the burden with him of his afflictions not ceasing yet to persecute vs which stand in the same condemnation with him For betwixt him and our soueraigne prince king of Englande arose a certaine matter of contention wherupon they were both agreed that a day shoulde be appoynted to haue the controuersie discussed by equitie and iustice The day being come the king commaunded all the Archbyshops Bishops and other prelates of the Church to be called in a great and solemne frequencie so that the greater and more generall this councell was the more manifest the detection of this stubburne malice should appeare and be espied At the day therefore aboue mentioned this troubler of the realme and of the Church presenteth himselfe in the sight of our Catholicke king who not trusting the qualitie and condition of his cause armeth him with the armour of the crosse as one which should be brought to the presence of a tyrant By reason whereof the kings maiestie being something agreeued yet because hee would be deliuered from all suspition committeth the matter to the hearing of the Bishops This done it rested in the bishops to decide and cease this contention and to set agreement betweene them remouing all occasion of dissention Which thing they going about commeth in this foresayd Archbishop forbidding and commaunding that no man proceede in any sentence of hym before the king This being signified to the kings hearing his minde was greuously prouoked
of S. Martin to the Octaues following which thing stirred the kings hart more then is to be thought Thus although we offered to the Archbishop safe comming yet when he refused to meete vs in the borders of the king we to satisfie his minde condescended to meete him within the land of the French king in the place where hee himselfe appoynted becauâ—e there shoulde be no let in vs whereby to stoppe his profite After we had entred communication we began to exhort him all that we coulde to submit and humble himselfe to his soueraigne and king who had heaped him with such benefits and dignities wherby matter might be geuen vs to further occasion of reconciling them together He being thus moued and exhorted by vs departed aside to consult with his counsell vpon the matter At length after counsel taken he commeth againe answering in this maner That he woulde submit and humble himselfe to the King Saluo honore Dei ecclesiae libertate salua etiam honestate personae fuae possessionibus Ecclesiarum amplius sua suoruÌ„ in omnibus salua iusticia That is Sauing the honour of God and libertie of the Church sauing also the honestie of his person and the possessions of Churches and moreouer sauing the iustice of him and of all his in all things c. After which communication had among vs we moued required him more instantly tha the wold come to the specialities wheÌ„as yet he had broughtnothing in either which was certaine or particular Likewise we demanded of him if he would in all such things contained and comprehended in our letters stand submit himselfe to our letters so as the king and the bishops before were contented to doe To the which he answering againe said that he had receiued from you a coÌ„mmandement not to answere before he and all his were restored full to all their possessions And then he would so procede in the matter according as he should receiue coÌ„mandement froÌ„ the sea Apostolicall Thus we breaking of coÌ„munication seeing that he neither would stand to iudgement nor come to conformitie thought to make relation thereof to the king and so did declaring that which he had expressed to vs yet not vttering all but keeping backe a great part of that which we had heard and seene Which when the king and his nobles had vnderstanding of affirmed to vs againe that he therein was cleared so much the more for that the Archbishop would not stand to their iudgement nor abide their triall After much heauinesse and lamentation of the king the archbishop bishops and abbots of the Realme requiring of vs whether we had any such power by vertue of our commission to withstand him and proceede against him and perceiuing that our authoritie would not serue thereunto and fearing least the foresaid Archbishop refusing all order of iudgement woulde woorke againe disquietnesse to some noble personages of the Realme and seeing our authoritie could not extend so far to help them against him taking a consultation among themselues agreed together with one assent to make their appellation to your audience prefixing accordingly the terme of their appeale And this is the Epistle of these two Cardinals sent to the pope wherein may sufficiently appeare at the discourse and maner of that assembly although particularly euery thing not expressed concerning the talke betwixt the Cardinals and the Archbishop As wheÌ„ that William who of the two Cardinals was the more eloquent amoÌ„gst other communâ—cation had reasoned long with him concerning the peace of the church which Becket said he preferred aboue all things well then sayeth the Cardinall seeing all this contention betwene the king and you riseth vpon certain lawes customes to be abrogate and that you regard the peace of the Church so much then what say you will you renounce your Bishopricke and the king shall renounce his customes The peace of the Church now lieth in your handes either to retaine or to let goe what say you To whom he answereth againe that the proportion was not like For I saith he sauing the honour of my Church and my person can not renounce my Byshopricke Contrary it standeth the king vpon for his soules health and honor to renounce these his ordinaunces and customes Which thing he thus prooued because the Pope had condemned those customes and he likewise with the church of Rome had done the same c. ¶ The talke betweene the French king the king of England and Becket After the Cardinals were returned the French king seeing the king of England disquieted and solicitous to haue peace or at least wise pretending to set agreemeâ—t betweene them brought the matter to a communication among them In which communication the French king made himselfe as umpeare betweene them The King of England hearing that the Archb. would commit himselfe to his arbitrement was yâ— more willing to admit his presence Whereupon many being there present the Archb. prostrating himselfe at the Kings feete declared vnto him kneeling vpon his knees that he would coÌ„mit the whole cause whereof the dissention rose betwene them vnto his owne arbitrement adding thereto as he did before Saluo honore Dei that is sauing the honour of God The king who as is said before being greatly offeÌ„ded at this word hearing seeing the stiffenesse of the man sticking so much to this worde Saluo honore c. was highly therewith displeased Rebuking him with many grieuous words as a man proude and stubburne and also charging him with sondry great benefites bestowed vpon him as a person vnkinde forgetting what he had so gently done and bestowed vpon him And speaking to the French king there present See sit if it please you sayth the king of England whatsoeuer displeaseth this man that he sayeth to be contrary to the honor of God And so by this meanes he will vendicate chalenge to himselfe both that is his and mine also And yet notwithstanding for that I will not seeme to doe any thing contrary or preiudiciall to Gods honor this I offer him There hath bene kings in England before both of greater and les puissance then I am Likewise there hath bene bishops of Cant. many both great holy men what the greatest and most holiest of all his predecessours before him hath done to the least of my progenitors and predecessors before me let him do the same to me I am content They that stoode by hearing these wordes of the king crying all with one voice the king hath debased himselfe inough to the byshop The Archb. staying a little at this with silence what saith the French king to him my lorde Archbishop will you be better then those holy men will ye be greater then Peter What stand you doubting Here now haue you peace quietnes put in your owne handes if ye will take it To this yâ— Archb. answered againe truth it is sayth he
partly also by a common couÌ„cell and consent of the spiritual and seculer persons Then shall iustice florish so that in those dayes men shall honestly apply themselues to the ancient customes and dicipline of auncient men and shall obserue them as the auncient men did The glose agreeth c. These things thus premised now will we come to the prophecâ—e or the foresaid Hildegard concerning the foresaid begging Friers aboue metioned reciting her words not only as they are printed in a book printed of late in Germany but also as my selfe haue seene and read agreeing to the same booke word for worde and yet haue the same to shew written in old partchment leaues in such sort as the thing it selfe most euidently declareth a great iniquitie of tyme. The wordes of her prophecie be these In those dayes shal rise a senceles people proud greedy without fayth subtile the which shall eare the sinnes or the people holding a certayne order of foolish deuotion vnder the tayned cloke of beggery preferring themselues aboue all other by their fayned deuotion arrogant in vnderstanding and pretending holines walking without shamefastnes or the feare of God in inuenting many new mischiefes strong and stout But this order shall be accursed of all wyse men and faythfull Christians they shall cease from all labour and geue themselues ouer vnto idlenes chusing rather to liue through flattery and begging Moreouer they shall together study how they may perâ—erâ—y resist the teachers of the truth stay them together to the noble men How to seduce and deceiue the noâ—ilitie for the necessitie of their liuing and plesures of this world for the deuill will graft in them foure principall vices that is to say flattery enuy hipocrisie and â—launder Flattery that they may haue large giftes geuen them Enuy when they see giftes geuen vnto other and not vnto them Hypocrisie that by false dissimulation they may please men Detraction that they may extoll and commend themselues and bacbite others for the prayse of men and seducing of the simple Also they shall instantly preache but without deuotion or example of the Martyrs and shall â—etracte the secular Princes taking awaye the Sacramentes of the Church from the true pastors receauing almes of the poore diseased and miserable and also associating themselues with the common people hauing familiaritie with women instructing them how they shall deceiue their husbandes and friendes by their flattery and deceitfull wordes and to robb their husbandes to geue it vnto them for they will take all these stolne and euill gotten goodes and say geue it vnto vs and we will pray for you so that they being curious to hide other mens faults do vtterly forget their owne And alas they will receaue all thinges of rouers pickers spoylers theeues and robbers of sacrilegious persons vsurers adulterers heretickes schismatickes apostataes whores and baudes of noble men periurers marchantes false iudges souldiors tyrauntes Princes of such as liue contrary to the lawe of many peruerse and wicked men following the perswasion of the deuill the sweetenes of sinne a delicate transitory life and fulnes euen vnto eternall damnation All these thinges shall manifestly appeare in them vnto all people and they day by day shall waxe more wicked hard harted and wheÌ„ as their wickednes deceits shal be found out then shall their giftes cease then shal they goe about their houses hungry as mad dogges looking down vpoÌ„ the earth drawing in their neckes as doues that they might be satisfied with bread then shall the people cry out vpon them Wo be vnto you ye miserable children of sorrowe the world hath seduced you and the deuill hath bridled your mouthes your fleshe is frayle and your hartes without fauour your mindes haue bene vnstedfast and your eyes delited in much vanitie folly your dainty bellies desire dellicate meates your feet are swift to runne vnto mischiefe Remember when you were apparantly blessed yet enuious poore in sight but rich simple to see to but mighty flatterers vnfaythfull betrayers peruerse detracters holy hipocrites subuerters of the truth ouermuch vpright proud vnshamefast vnstedfast teachers delicate martyrs confessors for gayne meeke but slaunderers religious but couetous humble but proud pitifull but hard harted lyers pleasaunt flatterers peacemakers persecuters oppressors of the poore bringing in new sectes newly inuented of your selues mercifull thought but found wicked louers of the world sellers of pardons spoylers of benefices vnprofitable orators seditious conspirators dronkardes desirers of honours maintainers of mischiefe robbers of the worlde vnsatiable preachers men pleasers seducers of women and sowers of discord of whom Moyses the glorious prophet spake very wel in his song A people without counsell or vnderstanding would to God they did know and vnderstand and foresee the end You haue builded vp on high and wheÌ„ you could ascend no higher then did you fall euen as Simon Magus whome God ouerthrew and did strike with a cruell plague so you likewise through your false doctrin naughtines lyes detractions wickednes are come to ruine And the people shall say vnto them goe ye teachers of wickednes subuerters of truth brethreÌ„ of the Sunamite fathers of heresies false Apostles which haue fayned your selues to follow the lyfe of the Apostles and yet haue not fulfilled it in part ye sonnes of iniquity we will not folow the knowledge of your wayes for pride and presumption hath deceiued you and insatiable concupiscence hath subuerted your erroneous hartes And when as you would ascend higher then was meete or comely for you by the iust iudgement of God you are fallen backe into perpetuall opprobry and shame This Hildegardis whose prophecie we haue mentioned lyued about the yeare of our Lord. 1146. as was read in Chronico Martini About the same tyme that these Franciscans and Dominicke Friars began which are aboue mentioned spraÌ„g vp also the crossebearers or crouched Friers taking their originall occasion or Innocent the third which Innocent raysed vp an army signed with a Crosse on their 〈◊〉 to fight agaynst the Albingenses whom the pope and his sect accompted for heretickes about the partes of Tholouse What these Albingenses were it cannot be well gathered by the olde popish historyes For if there were any that did hold teach or mayntayne agaynst the Pope or his papal pride or withstand gainsay his beggarly traditioÌ„s â—â—es and religions c. the historicians of that time for the most part in writing them do so repraue and misreporte them suppressing the truth of their articles that they make theÌ„ and paynt them forth to be worse then Turkes and Infidels And that as I suppose caused Mathew Parisiensis and other of that sort to write so of theÌ„ as they did Otherwise it is to be thought and so I finde in some recoâ—eâ—â— that the opinions of the said Albingenses were sound inough holding and professing nothing els but only agaynst the waÌ„ton wealth pride
any decrees or statutes shal hereafter be made and set forth contrary to these foresaid articles the same to stand voyd and of no effect for euer Besides these articles also in the same compositiō was conteined that all grudge and displeasure betwene the king and the Barons for not going to Flaunders ceasing the Earles and Barōs might be assured to be receiued againe into the kings fauor These things thus agreed vpon and by mediation of the Prince also confirmed and sealed with the kings seale his father so was all the variance pacified to the great comfort of the people and no lesse strength of the Realme agaynst theyr enemies And most chiefly to the commēdation of the gentle and wise nature of the king Who as he was gentle in promising his reconcilement with his subiectes so no lesse constant was he in keeping that which he had promised After the death of Iohn Peckham Archb. of Canterbury aboue mentioned who in the Parliament had resisted the king in the right of certayne liberties perteing to the crowne touching patronages and such Church matters succeeded Robert Winchelsei with whom also the king had like variance and accused him to the Pope for breaking the peace and tooke part with them that rebelled agaynst the king about vsages and liberties of the Realme Wherefore the king being cited vp to the court of Rome was there suspended by the meanes of the said Archb. directed his letters agayne to the Pope taken out of the parliament rolles where I finde diuers letters of the king to P. Clement agaynst the sayde Robert Archbishop of Canterbury the contentes wherof here followeth videlicet qualiter idem And as this king was troubled in his time with both the Archbishoppes Iohn Peckham and also Rober Winchelsey so it happened to all other kinges for the most part from the time of Lancfrancus that is from Pope Hildebrand that euery king in his time had some busines or other with that see As William Rufus and Henry the first were troubled with Anselmus Hēry the second with Thomas Becket King Richard and all England wyth William Bishop of Elye the Popes Legate King Iohn with Stephē Langthon King Henry the third with Edmund Archbishop called S. Edmūd Polic. lib. 7. Likewise this king Edward the first with Iohn Peckham Robert Winchelsey aforesayd And so other kinges after him with some Prelate or other whereby ye haue to vnderstand how about what time the church of Rome which before time was subiect to kings and Princes began first to take head aboue and agaynst kings and rulers and so haue kept it euer since By this Iohn Peckam afore mentioned was ordayned that no spiritual minister should haue any mo benefices then one which also was decreed by the constitutions of Octo and Octobonus the popes Legats the same time in England About the beginning of this kinges reigne after the decease of of Walter Archbishop of Yorke William Wicewanger succeeding in that sea minding to go on visitatiō came to Duresme to visit the Church and Chapter there But the clergy and the people of the City shoote the gates agaynst him and kept him out wherupon rose no smal disturbance The Archb. let flie his curse of excommunicatiō and interdiction agaynst them The Bishop of Duresme agayne with his clergy despised all his cursinges grounding themselues vpon the constitution of Innocentius the fourth De censibus ex actionibus And so they appealed to Rome saying that he ought not to be receiued there before he had first begon to visit his owne Chapter dioces which he had not done For to say the wordes of the constitutions We ordayne and decree that euery Archbishop that will visite his prouince first must procure to visit hys owne Church City and Dioces c. Among other thinges in this king to be noted that is not to be passed ouer that where complaynt was made to him of his officers as Iustices Maiors Shiriffes Bailiffes Excheters and such other who in their offices abusing themselues extortioned and oppressed the kinges liege people otherwise then was according to the right conscience the sayd king not suffering such misorder to be vnpunished did appoint certain officers or inquisitors to the number of 12. which inquisitiō was called Traibastō or Trailbastoun by meane of which inquisition diners false officers were accused such as were offenders were either remoued from their place or forced to buye agayne their office at the kinges hand to their no small losse and great gayne to the king and much profite to the common wealth In the Chronicle of Robert Amesbury it is recorded of the sayd king that he being at Amesbury to see his mother who was then in that monastery professed there was a certayn man that fained himselfe blind a long time brought to the presence of the sayd Alinore the kinges mother saying how that he had his sight agayne restored at y◠tombe of king Henry her late husband in so much that she was easely perswaded in the miracle to be very true But king Edward her sonne knowing the man a lōg time to be a vile dissembler and a wicked persō vsed to lying and crafty deceiuing disswaded his mother not to geue credite to the vile vagabon declaring that he knew so well of the iustice of his father that if he were aliue he would twise rather pluck out both his eies then once restore him one Notwithstanding the Queene the mother remayning stil in the former fond perswasion would heare or beleue nothing to the contrary but was so in anger with her sonne that she bid him depart his chamber and so he did By the example whereof may easely be conceiued how and after what sort these blinde myracles in those dayes and since haue come vp amōg the blinde superstitious people For had not the king here bene wiser thā the mother no doubt but this would haue bene roong a miracle percase king Henry bene made a Saint But as this was fayned a miracle and false no doubt so in the same author we read of an other maner of miracle sounding more neare the trueth and so much the more likely for that it serued to the conuersion vnto Christian fayth to which vse properly all true myracles do appertayne The myracle was this In the raigne of this king and the latter yere of his raigne Cassanus king of the Tartarians of whome commeth these whome now we call Turkes which fighting agaynst the Souldan king of the Saracens in the plain of Damascus slew of them 100000. of Saracens and agayne at Babilon fighting with the sayd Souldain slew him in the field 200000. of his Saracens calling vpon the helpe of Christ and therupon became Christiā This Cassanus I say had a brother a Pagane who being in loue with the daughter of the king of Armenia a Christian woman
The yeare of our Lorde 1307. and the last yeare of the king the foresayde king Edwarde in his iourney marching towarde Scotland in the North fel sicke of the flixe which increased so ferueÌ„tly vpon hym that he dispaired of life Wherfore calling before him his Earles and Barons caused them to be sworne that they should crowne his sonne Edward in such conuenient time after his death as they might kepe the land to his vse til he were crowned That done he called before him his sonne Edwarde informing and lessoning him wyth wholesome preceptes charged him also with diuers poynts vpon his blessing first that he should be couâ—teous gentle vpright in iudgement faire spoken to all men constant in deede and word familiar with the good and especially to the miserable to be merciful After this he gaue him also in charge not to be to hastie in taking his crowne before he had reuenged his fathers iniuries stoutly against the Scots but that he shuld remaine in those parties to take with him hys fathers bones being well boiled from the flesh and so inclosed in some fit vessel shoulde carie them with him til he conquered all the Scots saying that so long as he had his fathers bones with him none should ouercome him Moreouer he willed and required him to loue his brother Thomas and Edmund also to cherish tender his mother Margaret the Quene Ouer besides he straitly charged him vpon his blessing as he would auoide his curse that he should in no case cal to him againe or sende for Peter Gaueston whych Peter Gaueston the king before had banished the realme for his naughty and wicked familiarity with hys sonne Edward and for his seducing of him with sinister counsaile For the which cause he banished both Peter Gaueston vtterly out of the realme and also put the sayd Edwarde hys sonne in prison And therefore so straitly charged hys sonne in no wise to sende for this Gaueston or to haue him in any case about him And finally because he had coÌ„ceined in himselfe a vow to haue returned hys owne person to the holy land which for his manifold warres wyth the Scots he could not performe therefore he had prepared 32000. poundes of siluer for the sending of certaine souldiours with hys hart vnto the holy laÌ„d Which thing he required of hys sonne to see accomplished So that the foresayde money vnder hys curse malediction be not employed to other vses But these iniunctions and preceptes the disobedient sonne did nothing obserue or keepe after the decease of his father Who forsaking and leauing of the warre with the Scots wyth all speede hasted him to his coronation Also contrary to the minde of his nobles against the precept of hys father he sent for the foresayde Peter Gaueston prodigally bestowed vpon him al that treasure which his father had bequested to the holy land He was moreouer a proud despiser of his peeres nobles And therefore raigned infortunately as by the sequele of the story heere folowing by the grace of Christ shal be declared Thus king Edwarde first of that name leauing behinde him 3. sonnes Thomas and Edmund by his third wife and Edward by his first wife whome he had sufficiently thus with precepts instructed departed this mortall life An. 1307. after hee had raigned neare 39. yeres Of whom this Epitaph was wrytten Dum viguit rex valuit tua magna potestas Fraus latuit pax magna fuit regnauit honestas In the time and raigne of thys king many other things happened which here I omit to speake of as the long discorde and strife betweene the Prior of Cant. and the Prior of Douer which continued aboue 4. yeres together with much wrangling vnquietnes betweene them Likewyse an other lyke coÌ„tention growing betwene Iohn Romain Archb. of York and the Archb. of Cant. vpon the occasion that when Iohn Archb. of York after his consecration returned from the Pope and comming to Douer contrary to the inhibition of Cant. passed through the middle of Kent with his crosse borne vp although the story reporteth that he had the kings consent therunto An. 1286. Item betwene Thomas Bishop of Hereford Iohn Pecham Archb. of Cant. fell an other wrangling matter in the time of thys king Which Byshop of Hereforde appealing from the Archb. to the Pope went vp to Rome and in his iourney died Who with lesse cost might haue taryed at home 1282. King Edward the second EDwarde the second of that name and sonne of Edward the first borne as is aforesaid at Carnaruan in Wales after the departure of his father entred the gouernment of the lande An. 1307. But was crowned not before the yeare next folowing An. 1308. by reason of the absence of Rob. Winchelsey who was banished by king Edward the first Wherupon the king thys present yere wryteth to the pope for the restitution of the sayd Archb. for that by an auncient law of the realme the coronation of the king coulde not otherwise proceede without the Archb. of Cant. Which Edward as he was personable in body and outwarde shape so in conditions and euill disposition much deformed As vnstedfast of woorde and light to disclose secretes of great counsaile Also refusing the companie of hys Lords men of honoure hee much haunted among villaines and vile personnages Geuen moreouer to ouermuche drinking and such vices as thereuppon be woont to ensue And as of his owne nature he was to the sayd vices disposed so was hee much worse by the counsaile and familiarity of certaine euill disposed persones as first of Peter or Pierse Gaueston before touched Then after hym of the two Spensers and other whose wanton counsaile hee followyng gaue hymselfe to the appetite and pleasure of his body nothing ordering hys common weale by sadnesse discretion and iustice which thyng caused first great variance betweene hym and his nobles so that shortly hee became to them odible and in ende was depriued of his kingdome In the first yeare hee tooke to wife Isabel daughter of Phillippe king of Fraunce wyth whome the yeare after hee was crowned at Westminster by the bishop of Winchester for that Robert Winchelsey Archbishop of Canterbury was yet in exile not returned home Notwithstanding the Barons and Lords made first their request to the king to put Peter Gaueston from hym or els they would not consent to his coronation Whereupon he was enforced to graunt them at the next parliament to haue their requests accomplished and so was crowned In the meane season the foresayd Peter or Pierse bearing himselfe of the kings fauour bolde continued triumphing and setting at light all other states and nobles of the Realme so that hee ruled both the King and the Realme and all things went as he woulde Neither had the king any delight els or kept company with any but with him with him onely he brake all his minde
for that we had left so long vncorrected the insolencie of the byshops and other officers that if remedy in these cases were not had with spede they wold withdrawe themselues from our allegeance and the couenaunt which they had sworne vnto to the vtter subuersion of our kingdome our perpetuall ignominie and the euerlasting shame of our English nation which God our most mercifull father forbid shoulde come to passe in our daies in whom is fixed immoueably the anchor of our hope Whereuppon entending the due correction of our officers we remoued from offices as semed good to our wisdome diuers persons whom we suspected in causes euidēt of euil administration of iustice of subuersion and oppressiō of our subiects of corruption of bribes and other hainous offences Others also of inferiour degree offending in the premisses we caused to be deteined in safe custody least by their liberty iustice might be troden vnder foote and the inquisition of the trueth concerning the premisses not to come to light Forasmuche therefore as the knowledge of the trueth in these cases might of none more certainly be knowen then from the secrete brest of our sayd Archbishop for that nothing pertaining to our information ought to lie hid from him vnto whome of so long a time had bene committed the administration of our whole common weale and summe of our businesse Wee sent vnto him our faithfull subiect Nicholas de Cantilupe with special commandement from vs all delayes set a part that he should forthwith make his personall appearance before vs at our City of London But he as one alwaies timerous as wel in prosperity as in aduersity and fearing where no feare was vntruely alleageth that some of our assistents had threatned hym and laid wait for his life if at any time he departed frō the Church of Cant. which God wee take to witnesse and a pure conscience wee neuer meant nor any of our assistents Wee suppose he touched thereby our Cousin although to all other aswell of the cleargy as comminalty through his malicious misdemeanors he was become odious Wherfore intending the safegarde of our subiects by letters or otherwise called before vs we appoynted our trustie and welbeloued Rasse Stafforde our Harbynger to offer vnto hym safeconducte and moreouer to present vnto him our letters patentes vnder our seale willing and commanding him therby againe personally to come before vs that we might be enformed what of so long a time hee had done touching the affaires of the kyngdome Wherunto contemning our commanndement gentle request he answereth that neither he wold in person appeare neither yet in any matter conferre wyth vs except it were in a full Parliament which for diuers reasonable causes coulde not then be called Thus may you see this archb whom our royal benignity had amplified wyth large honours admitted into all familiarity receiued into the bonde of vnnimitie and frendship vpon whome as on a father our whole hope did consist who so long as wee accomplished his will in all things pretended towardes vs a face of counterfet loue cloaked wyth dissembling beneuolence euen as though he had bene a louing father howe cruelly against reason he hath now forsaken vs requiting benefits with ingratitude oppressing his benefactour wyth the arrogancie of feare and finally according to the vulgare prouerbe rewarded vs as a horse in a satchell a Snake in a mannes bosome and fire cherished next the skinne rewardeth their receiuers When we were first exalted vnto the throne of our kingdome descended vnto vs by right of inheritaunce Gods diuine prouidence so working we thought and alwayes thinke it a detestable thyng to abuse so high authoritie but rather desire to gouerne wyth clemencie leuitie and moderation of iustice that peace of all men desired might firmely take place Neuerthelesse our sayde Archbyshop hath gone about to defame our innocencie and the fidelitie and diligence our faithfull counsailers prosecutours of true iustice openly declaring in hys letters patent and publishing abroade in diuers places that hee was oppressed by the kings power contrary to iustice the Clergy and comminaltie confounded and the church ouer charged wyth diuers grieuous taxes exactions He subtilly vsurped the name of a good pastour when in deede he was nothing lesse but rather as it should seeme by his owne cōfession and the common opinion had of him a very hireling He cloked his craftie subtilnesse with the zeale of defending the Churche although he hymselfe in very deede was the onely cause by his euill counsaile and craftie deuises of the tribulations of the same Hee also fained that not long agoe certaine wrytings were brought vnto him to be sealed containing in effect the defence and excusation of all such in generall that were violaters of the liberties of the Churche hoping thereby to defame the opinion had of vs and our faythfull counsailours to stirre vp sedition amongst the people and finally to withdrawe from vs the hearts of our nobilitie Hee gaue commaundement by hys letters that these things shoulde be proclaimed in all places of great resorte by diuers speciall articles contrary to his former order in his prouinciall Councel Wherefore respecting the integritie of our fame entending to preuent the malice of the sayde Archbishoppe and also to decline from vs the snares prepared for vs and ours wee haue thought good at thys present ouer besides those which before are rehersed amongst so many which wee omitte to declare vnto you some of hys peruerse and wicked actes When in our minoritie wee were constituted ouer our dominions hee caused vs through hys vnaduised counsaile and rash perswasion therby to winne excesiue fauour to geue away so many wastfull giftes and so many vnlawfull alienations that nowe by meanes thereof our treasury is cleane consumed the reuenewes of our Exchequer without all order dimished and he corrupted with bribes innumerable Oftentimes also without cause why when neither necessitie nor vtilitie so required onely through his perswasion wee forgaue diuers men great summes of money due vnto vs yea and the rents and reuenewes which ought to haue bene conserued for our necessitie and profite we applied to the vse of his frendes largely bestowing vppon such as euill deserued it Moreouer accepting aswell persones as money contrary to our minde and hys othe of fidelitie made vnto vs he admitted vnto publique offices throughout our dominions persones vnworthy neglecting those that had well deserued Many other things he rashly tooke in hand to the detrimēt of our state the hurt of our dignitie royall and no smal dammage of our subiectes by abusing his authoritie office committed vnto him But if he persist in his proude obstinacie and stout rebellion wee shall heereafter in conuenient time and place cause it to be more openly knowen willing and commaunding you to publish and cause to be published all and singular the premisses openly and distinctly in places where you shall thinke it
Phillip diuers friendly waies of peace to the entent we might better intend our purposed voyage against Christes enemies the Turkes Yet could nothing preuaile with him in obtaining any peaceable way of reformation driuing vs of by crafty dissimulatiō through false pretensed wordes but perfourming nothing with heart and dede Whereuppon wee not neglecting the grace and the gyft of God to defend the right of our inheritāce and to repulse the iniuries of our enemie haue not refused by force of armes cōming downe to Britanie to encounter with him in open fielde And so wee being occupied in our warres there repaired vnto vs the reuerend father bishop of Preuest and of Tusculane Cardinals and Legates from Pope Clement 6. to entreate some reformation of peace betweene vs. At whose request wee consented agreeing to such formes and cōditions of peace as then were taken betwene vs sending moreouer our Embassadours to the court of Rome specially to intreat of the same matter And thus while some hope of truce seemed betwene vs to appeare Newes sodenly came vnto vs which not a little astonied our minde of the death of certaine of our nobles and adherents whom the sayd Phillip vniustly and cruelly at Paris commaunded to be executed Beside the wasting and spoyling our lands and subiects in Britany Gascony and other places with innumerable wrongs and iniuries deceitfully intended against vs both by sea and land By reason wherof the truce on his part being notoriously broken it is most manifest to haue bene lawfull for vs forthwith to haue set vppon him with open warre Yet notwythstanding to auoid those incommodities that come by warre wee thought first to prooue if by any gentle meanes some reformation might be had touching the premisses And therfore sondry times haue sent Embassadours to the Popes presence for the Treatyse of peace and reformation to be had in those aforesaid excesses requiring also for the tractation therof certayne termes of times to be appoynted alwayes reseruing to our selues notwithstanding free liberty to resume warre at our pleasure according as the doinges of the sayd Philip shall constrayne vs therunto And now forasmuch as the foresayd termes be already expired and yet no reasonable offer of peace appeareth neither will the sayd Philip come to any conformity being required and monished notwithstanding by the Popes letters therunto as the Pope by his letters hath written vnto vs but alwayes hath multiplied his conspiracy and obligations vsing extremeties agaynst vs to omit here to speak of the excessiue enormity of the Popes Legate who being sent by the Bishop of Rome for the keeping of truce and whose part had bene rather to haue quenched and stayd the discord hath stirred vp our enemy more egerly agaynst vs. In the which doing neither hath the Bishop of Rome sauing his reuerēce as yet prouided any remedy albeit he hath bene diuers times required of vs so to do Which things being so we ought to be excused both before God and man if for the defect of other remedy to be had we shal be constrayned our selues to finde remedy agaynst such wrongs and iniuries the case of iustice and necessity constrayning vs to geue out these our letters of defiance agaynst the violator of the truce the vniust inuader of our kingdome Protesting that this we do not vpon any displeasure to the Bishop of Rome or to the Apostolicke sea but onely for the moderation of equity standing vpon the defence of our owne right lawfull inheritaunce intēding alwayes rather to haue peace if by any reasonable way it might be had And thus much for the stopping of slaunderous fame and the mouthes of backbiters We thought good to signify first to the high Bishop of Rome c the foresayd Cardinals that by them as persons indifferent and mediators the same may be insinuated to the contrarye part and also vnto your whole vniuersity in general recommending vnto you all the innocency of my cause and the community of iustice Dated at Westminster the 14. of Iune the 19. yeare of our reigne in England and of Fraunce the 6. And thus much for the kinges letter Now let vs agayne returne to his passage from whence a litle we haue degressed Concerning the which passage of the king with the order of his actes atchieued in the same from the winning of Cadane or Cordoyne vnto the towne of Pusiack is sufficiently described by one of the Kinges Chaplaynes and his confessour who being a Dominick Fryer and accompanying the King through all his iourney writeth thereof as followeth Benedicere debemus Deum Coeli c. Great cause we haue to prayse and laud the God of heauen and most worthely to cōfesse his holy name who hath wrought so his mercy to vs. For after the conflict had at Cadame in the which many were slayne and the City taken and sackt euen to the bare walles the Citty of Baia immediately yelded it selfe of his owne accord fearing least theyr coūselles had bene bewrayed After this the Lord our king directed his progresse toward Roane Who being at the towne of Lexon there came certayne Cardinals to him greatly exhorting him to peace Which Cardinals being curteously entertayned of the K. for the reuerence of the Popes sea it was thus answered to them agayne That the king being much desirous of peace had assayd by all wayes and meanes reasonable how to mayntayne the same And therfore hath offered conditions and manifolde wayes of peace to be had to the no small preiudice of his owne cause And yet is ready to admit any reasonable offer of peace if by any meanes it may be fought c. With this answere the Cardinalles going to the french king the kinges aduersary to perswade with him in like maner returned to King Edward agayne offering to hym in the French Kynges name the Dukedome of Aquitania in as full assurance as his father before him euer had it besides further hope also of obteining more if intreatye of peace might be obteined But for so much that cōtēted not enough the kings mind neither did the Cardinals finde the frēch king so tractable and propense to the studye of peace as they looked for the Cardinals returned leauing the matter as they founde it And so the king speeding forward by the way as his iourney did lye he subdued the country and the great townes without any resistāce of the inhabitans who did all flye and run away Such feare God stroke into them that it seemed they had lost their hartes In the same voiage as the king had gotten many townes and villages so also he subdued Castles and Munitiōs very strong and that with little stresse His enemy being at the same time at Roane had reared a great army who notwitstanding being well manned yet euer kept on the other side of the riuer Seane breaking downe all the bridges that we shoulde not come ouer to him And although the countrey roūd about
his speciall maintainers As yeares and time grew on king Edward the third which had reigned nowe about 51. yeares after the decease of prince Edwarde his sonne who departed the yeare before was stroken in great age in such feblenes withall that he was vnweldy through lacke of strēgth to gouerne the affairs of the realm Wherfore a parliament being called the yeare before his death it was there put vp by the knights other the burgesses of the Parliament because of the misgouernment of the realme by certain gredy persons about the king raking all to themselues without seing any iustice done that 12. sage and discrete Lordes and Pieres such as were free from note of all auarice shuld be placed as tutours about the Kyng to haue the doing and disposing vnder him 6. at one time and in their absence 6. at an other of matters pertinent to the publike regiment Here by the way I omit to speake of Alice Perris the wicked harlot which as the story geueth had bewitched the kings hart gouerned all and sate vpon canses herself through the diuelish help of a Frier Dominick who by the duke of Lancaster was caused to be take and was conuicted should haue suffred for the same had not the Archb. of Cant. and the Friers more regarding the liberty of their Churche then the punishing of vice reclaimed hym for their own prisoner This Alice Perrys notwithstanding she was banished by this Parliament from the king yet afterward she came againe left him not til at hys death shee tooke all his rings vpon his fingers and other iewels frō him and so fled away like an harlot But thys of her by the way These 12. gouernours by the parliament aforesayd being appoynted to haue the tuition of the king to attend to the publike affaires of the realme remained for a certaine space about him till afterward it so fel out that they being againe remoued all the regiment of the realme next vnder the King was committed to the Duke of Lancaster the kings sonne For as yet Richard the sonne of prince Edward lately departed was very yong and vnder age This Duke of Lancaster had in his heart of long time conceiued a certaine displeasure against the popish clergy whether for corrupt and impure doctrine ioyned with lyke abhominable excesse of life or for what some other cause it is not precisely expressed Onely by story the cause thereof may be gessed to rise by William Wickam bishop of Winchester The matter is thys The Bishop of Winchester as the saying went then was reported to affirme that the foresaid Ihon of Gaunt duke of Lācaster was not the sonne of king Edward nor of the Quene Who being in trauel at Gaūt had no sonne as he sayd but a daughter which the same time by lying vppon of the mother in the bedde was there smothered Whereupon the Quene fearing the kings displeasure caused a certaine manchilde of a woman of Flaunders borne the very same time to be conueyed and brought vnto her in stead of her daughter aforesayde And so brought vp the child whom she bare not who now is called duke of Lancaster And this said the Bishop did the Queene tell him lying in extremes on her death bed vnder seale of confession charging hym if the sayde Duke should euer aspire to get the crowne or if the kingdome by any meanes should fall vnto hym he then should manifest the same declare it to the worlde that the sayde Duke of Lancaster was no part of the kings bloud but a false heire of the king This slaunderous report of the wicked Byshop as it sauoureth of a contumelious lie so seemeth it to proceede of a subtile zeale toward the Popes religion meaning falshoode For that the foresayd Duke by fauouring of Wickliff declared hymselfe to be a professed enemy against the Popes profession Whych thing was then not vnknowen neyther vnmarked of the Prelates and Byshops then in Englande But the sequele of the story thus followed Thys slanderous vilany of the Byshops report being blased abroad and comming to the Dukes eare he therw t being not a litle discontented as no maruell was sought againe by what meanes he coulde to be reuenged of thys forenamed Bishop In conclusion the Duke hauing now al the gouernment of the realm vnder the king his father in hys own hand so pursued the byshop of Winchester that by acte of parliament he was condemned and depriued of al his temporal goods which goods wer assigned to prince Rich. of Burdeur the next inheritour of the crowne after the king and furthermore inhibited the said bishop not to approch nere to the court by 20. miles Further as touching thys bishop the story thus procedeth Not lōg after in the yeare of our Lord. 1377. a Parliament was called by the meanes of the Duke of Lancaster vpon certaine causes respects in which parliament great request and sute was made by the cleargy for the deliueraunce of the B. of Winchester At length whē a subsidie was asked in the kyngs name of the clergy and request also made in the kings behalfe for spedy expedition to be made for the dissoluing of the parliament the Archb. therfore accordingly conuented the bishops for the tractation thereof To whō the B. with great lamentation cōplained for lack of their felow and brother B. of Wint. Whose iniury said they did derogate to the liberties of the whole church And therfore denied to ioyne themselues in tractation of any such matters before al the members together were vnited with the head And seing the matter touched them altogether in common as well him as thē would not otherwise do And seemed moreouer to be moued against the Archb. for that he was not more stout in the cause but suffered him so to be cited of the duke The Archb. although hauing sufficient cause to excuse himselfe wherefore not to send for him as also he dyd because of the perils which might ensue therof yet being enforced persuaded therunto by the importunitie of the bishops directed downe his letters to the foresaid bishop of wintch willing hym to resort vnto the conuocation of the clergy Who being glad to obey the same was receyued with great ioy of the other bishops And at length by that meanes of Alice Perris the kings paramor aboue mētioned geuing to her a good quantity of mony the sayd Winchester was restored to his temporalities againe As the Bishops had thus sent for wintch the Duke in the meane time had sent for Iohn Wickliffe who as is saide was then the diuinity reader in Oxford and had cōmenced in sondry actes and disputations contrary to the forme and teaching of the Popes church in many things who also for the same had bene depriued of his benefice as hath bene afore touched The opinions which he began in Oxford first in his lectures and sermōs to entreat of and
consequently absolue any man confessing hys faulte being contrite and penitent for the same 16. It is lawfull for kinges in causes licenced by the lawe to take away the temporalties from the spiritualty sinning habitualiter that is which continue in the custome of sinne and will not amend 17. Whether they be temporall Lordes or any other men whatsoeuer they be which haue endowed any Churche with temporalties It is lawfull for them to take away the same temporalties as it were by way of medicine for to auoyd sinne notwithstanding any excommunication or other ecclesiasticall censure for so much as they are not geuen but vnder a condition 18. An ecclesiasticall minister and also the Byshop of Rome may lawfully be rebuked of his subiectes and for the profite of the Church be accused eyther of the Clergy or of the Laitie These letters with the articles inclosed being thus receiued from the pope the bishops tooke no litle hart thinking and fully determining with themselues and that in open profession before their prouinciall Councell that all maner respectes offeare or fauour set apart no person neither high nor low should let them neither woulde they be seduced by the intreaty of any mā nor by any threatnings or rewards but that in this cause they would execute most surely vpright iustice and equitie yea albeit presēt danger of life should follow therupon But these so fierce brags stout promise with the subtile practises of these Byshops which thought them so sure before the Lord against whō no determination of mans counsaile can prenayle by a small occasion did lightly confound ouerthrowe For the day of examination being come a certayn personage of the princes court yet of no great noble byrth named Lewes Clifford entring in among the Byshops commaunded them that they shold not proceed with any diffinitiue sentence against Iohn Wickliffe With which wordes all they were so amased and their combes so cut that as in the story is mentioned they became so mute and speachlesse as men hauing not one word in their month to answere And thus by the wonderous worke of God his prouidence escaped Iohn Wickliffe the second time out of the Byshops hands and was by them clearely dismissed vppon his declaration made of his articles as anone shall follow Moreouer here is not to be passed ouer how at the same tyme and in the sayd Chappell of the Archb. at Lamheth where the byshops were sitting vpon Iohn Wickliffe the story writing of the doing therof addeth these wordes saying Non dico ciues tantùm Londinenses sed viles ipsius ciuitatis se impudenter ingerere praesumpserunt in eandem capellam verba facere pro eodem istud negotium impedire confisi vt reor de ipsorum praemissa negligentia praelatorum c. That is I say not onely that the Citizens of London but also the vile abiectes of the Citty presumed to be so bold in that same Chappell at Lamheth where the Byshops were sitting vppon Iohn Wickliffe both to entreat for him and also to let and stoppe the same matter trusting as I suppose vpon the negligence which they sawe before in the Byshops c. Ouer and beside here is not to be forgotten how the sayd Iohn Wickliffe the same time of his examination offered and exhibited vnto the Bishops in writing a protestation with a declaration or exposition of his owne minde vpon the sayd his articles the effect whereof here followeth The protestation of Iohn Wickliffe FIrst I protest as I haue often before done that I doe minde and intend with my whole hart by the grace of God to be a true Christian and as long as breath shal remayne in me to professe and defend the law of Christ. And if it shall happen that through ignoraunce or otherwise I shall fayle therein I desire my Lord God of pardon forgeuenes And now againe as before also I do reuoke and make retractation most hūbly submitting my selfe vnder the correction of our holy mother the church And for somuch as the sentence of my fayth whiche I haue holden in the scholes and els where is reported euen by children more ouer it is caried by children euen vnto Rome Therefore left my deare beloued brethren should take any offence by me I wil set forth in writing the sentēce and Articles for the which I am nowe accused and impeached the whiche also euen vnto the death I will defend As I beleeue all Christians ought to doe and specially the Bysh. of Rome and all other priestes and ministers of the Church For I do vnderstand the conclusions after the sense and maner of speaking of the scriptures and holy doctours the whiche I am ready to expound And if they shall be found contrary vnto the faith I am ready to reuoke and speedily to call them backe agayne An exposition vpon the conclusions of Iohn Wickliffe exhibited by him to the Byshop ALl the race of mankinde here in earth beside Christ hath no power simply to ordayne that Peter c. This conclusion of it selfe is euident for as much as it is not in mans power to stop the cōming of Christ to hys finall iudgement but he must needes come according to the article of our Creede to iudge both the quick and the dead And then as the scripture teacheth shall surcease all ciuill and politicke rule here I vnderstand the temporall and secular dominion pertaining to men here dwelling in this mortall life For so doe the Philosophers speake of ciuill dominion And although the thing which is terminable hath an end is called sometimes perpetuall yet because in holy scripture and in vse of the Church and in the bookes of Philosophers most commonly that is takē to be perpetuall which hath no ende of tyme hereafter to come according to the which sense the Church singeth Gloria Patri c. nunc perpetuum I also after the same signification do take here this woorde perpetually and so is this conclusion consonant to the principles of the Scripture that it is not in mans power to ordayne the course and voyage of the Church here perpetually to last 2. God can not geue to any man c. ¶ To the second conclusion I aunswere vnderstanding ciuil dominion as in the conclusion before And so I hold that God first by his ordinate power cannot geue to any person ciuil dominion here for euer Secondly by his absolute power it is not probable for hym so to doe For so much as he cānot euer detaine his spouse in perpetual prison of thys life nor alwayes deferre the finall beatitude of hys Church 3. To the third conclusion Many wrytings or chartes inuented by men as touching perpetual hereditage ciuile be vnpossible The verity of this conclusion is incident For we must not canonize all maner of Charts what soeuer as Catholicke or vniuersal for then it were not lawful by any meanes to take away
lamentable and dolerous genealogie of mortall and deadly sinnes did chalenge that place by title of heritage and this conclusion is generall and approued by experieÌ„ce custome and maner as ye shall after heare The second conclusion that our vsuall Priesthode which tooke his originall at Rome fained to be a power higher then aungels is not that Priesthoode which Christ orâ—cyned vnto his disciples This coÌ„clusion is thus proued forso much as the Romish priesthod is done with signes and pontificall rites and ceremonies and benedictions of no force effect neither hauing any ground in scripture for so much as the Bishops ordinall and the new Testament do nothing at all agree neither do we see that the holy Ghost both geue any good gift through any such signs or ceremonies because that he together with all noble good giftes cannot coÌ„sist and be in any person wyth deadly sinne The corolary or effect of this conclusion is that it is a lamentable and dolorous mockerye vnto wise men to see the Byshops mocke play with the holy Ghost in the geuing of their orders because they geue crowns for their characters and markes in stede of white hartes this caracter is the marke of Antichrist brought into the holy Church to cloke and colour their idlenesse The third conclusion that the law of chastity enioyned vnto priesthode the which was first ordeined to the preiudice of women induceth Sodomy into the church but we doe excuse vs by the Bible because the suspect decree doeth say that we should not name it Both reason experience proueth this coÌ„clusion Reason thus forsomuch as the delicate feeding and fare of the Clergy will haue either a naturall purgation or some worse Experience thus for somuch as the secrete triall and proofe or suche men is yâ— they do delite in women And whensoeuer thou doest prooue or see such a man marke him well for he is one of the number The corolarie of this conclusion is that these priuate religions with the beginners therof ought most chiefly to be disanulled as the original of the sinne and offence But God of hys might doth of priuie sinnes send open vengeance The fourth conclusion that most harmeth the innocent people is this that the fained miracle of the Sacrament of bread inducoth al men except it be a very few vnto idolatry For somuch as they thinke that the body whych shall neuer bee oute of heauen is by the vertue of the Priestes wordes essentially included in the little breade the which they doe shewe vnto the people But woulde to God they would beleeue that which the Euangelicall Doctour teacheth vs in his Trialoge Quòd panis altaris est accidentaliter Corpus Christi i. that the breade of the aulter is the body of Christ accidentally for so muche as wee suppose that by that meanes euery faithful man and woman in the law of God may make the Sacrament of that bread without any such miracle The corolarie of this conclusion is that albeit the body of Christ be endowed with the eternal ioy the seruice of Corpus Christi made by Frier Thomas is not true but painted ful of false miracles neither is it any maruell for so much as frier Thomas at that time taking part with the Pope would haue made a myracle of a hens egge and we knowe it very well that euery lie openly preached and taught both turne to the rebuke opprobry of him whych is alwayes true without any lacke The 5. conclusion is this that the exorcisme halowings consecrations and blessings ouer the Wine Bread Waxe Water Dyle Salte Incence the Aulter stone and about the Churche walles ouer the Westiment Chalice Miter Crosse and Pilgrimstaues are the very practises of Nigromancy rather then of sacred diuinity This conclusion is thus prooued because that by suche exorcismes the creatures are honored to be of more force power then by their own proper nature for we do not see any alteration or chaunge in any creature so exorcised except it be by false faith which is the principall poynt of deuilish art The cocolarie of this is that if the booke of exorcisation or coniuring of holy water which is sprinkled in the Church were altogether faithfull and true we thinke certainly that holy water vsed in the Churche were the best medicine for all kinde of sicknesse and sores Cuius contrarium experimur i. the contrary wherof daily experience doth teach vs. The sixt conclusion which mainteineth much pride is that a king and Bishop both in one person a Prelate and iustice in temporall causes a Curate an Officer in worldly office doth make euery kingdome out of good order This conclusion is manifest because the temporalty and the spirituality are two parts of the holy vniuersal Church and therfore he which addicteth himself to the one part let hym not intermeddle wyth the other Quia nemo potest duobus Dominis seruire wherfore to be called Amphroditae whyche are men of both kindes or Ambidextri which is such as can play with both handes were good names for suche men of double estates The Corolary of thys conclusion is that therupon we the procuratours of God in this case doe sue vnto the Parliament that it may be enacted that all suche as be of the clergie as well of the highest degree as of the lowest shuld be fully excused and occupy themselues with their owne cure and charge and not wyth others The seuenth conclusion that wee mightely affirme is that spirituall prayers made in the church for the soules of the deade preferring any one man by name more then an other is a false foundation of almes whereuppon all the houses of almes in England are falsly founded This conclusion is prooued by two reasons The one is that a meritorious praier of any force or effect ought to be a worke proceeding from meere charity and perfect charity accepteth no person because thou shalt loue thy neighbor as thy self Wherby it appeareth that the benefit of any temporall gift bestowed geuen vnto priestes and houses of almes is the principall cause of any speciall prayers the which is not farre different from sunonie The other reason is that euery speciall prayer made for men condemned to eternall punishment is very displeasant before God And albeit it be doubtful yet is it very likely vnto the faithfull Christian people that the founders of euery suche house of almes for their wicked endowing of the same are for the most part passed by the broad way The corolary is that euery praier offorce and effect proceeding of perfect charitie woulde comprehend generally all such whom God wold haue saued and to liue The marchaundise of special praiers now vsed for the dead maketh mendicant possessioners other hierling priestes which otherwise were strong enough to worke to serue the whole realme And maintaineth the same in idlenesse to the great
day wast shall haue lyuery therof out of the hands of the king of the landes tenements aforesayde so of them holden as hath bene vsed in case of attaynder of felonies except the lands and tenements which be holden of the ordinaries or their commissaries before whom anye such empeached of heresye be conuict which landes and tenements shall wholy remaine to the king as forfeit And moreouer that all the goodes and cattels of such conuicted be forfayt to our right soueraigne Lord the king so that no person conuict of heresye left vnto the secular power according to the lawes of holy Church do forfeit his landes before that he be dead And if any such person so conuicted becuse offed whether it be by fine or by deede or without deed in landes and tenements rentes or seruices in fee or otherwise in whatsoeuer maner or haue any other possessions or cattels by gift or graunt of any person or persons to the vse of any other then only to the vse of such conuits That the same landes tenementes rentes nor seruices nor other such possessions nor cattelles shall not be forfeite vnto our soueraigne Lord the king in no maner wise And moreouer that the Iustices or the kinges bench the Iustices of peace Iustices of Assise haue full power to inquire of all such which hold any errors or heresies as Lolards and who be their mayntayners receiuers fautors and susteiners common writers of such bookes as well of their sermons as scholes conuenticles congregations and confederacies that this clause be put in the cōmissions of the Iustices of peace And if any persons be indited of any of the points aboue said that the sayd Iustices haue power to award agaynst them a Capias and that the Shriffe be bound to arest the person or persons so indited as soone as he can finde them either by himselfe or by his officers And for so much as the cognisance of heresies errors or Lolardies appertain to the Iudges of holy church and not vnto the secular Iudges that such persons indited be deliuered vnto the Ordinaries of the places or to theyr Commissaryes by Indentures betwene them to be made within x. dayes after their arest or sooner if it may be done to be therof acquited or conuict by the lawes of holy church in case such persōs be not indited of any other thing the cognisaunce whereof appertayneth to the Iudges secular officers in which case after they shal be acquited or deliuered before the secular iudges of such thinges as apperteineth to the secular Iudges they shal be sent in safe custody vnto the said Ordinaries or their commissaries to thē to be deliuered by Indentures as is aforesayd to be acquited or cōuicted of the same heresyes errors and Lolardies as is aforesaid according to the lawes of holy church that with in the terme abouesayde Prouided that the saide indightments be not taken in euidence but onely for information before the Iudges spirituall agaynst such persons indighted but that the Ordinaries begin their proces against such persōs indited in the same maner as though no such iudgement were hauing no regard to such inditementes And if any be indited of heresy error or Lolardy and takē by the Shiriffe or any other officer of the king he may be let to mayneprise within the sayde x. dayes by good surety for whō the said Shriffes or other officers wil answer so that the person so indighted be readye to be deliuered vnto the sayd Ordinaries or to their Commissaryes before the end of the tenth day aboue recited if he may be any meanes for sicknes And that euery Ordinary haue sufficiēt Commissaries or Commissary abiding in euery Countye in place notable so that if any such person indited be taken that the sayd Commissaryes or Commissary may be warned in the notable place of his abiding by the Shiriffe or any of hys officers to come vnto the Kinges Bayle within the sayd Countye there to receiue the same person so indighted by Indenture as is aforesayd And that in the Inquestes in this case takē the Shiriffes and other officers vnto whom it apperteineth do impanell good and sufficient persōs not suspected nor procured that is to say suche as haue at the least euery one of thē that shal be so impanelled in such inquestes within the Realme a hundred shyllinges by the yere of lands tenements or of rent vpon payne to leese to the kings vse xx poūd And that those which shal be impanelled vpon such enquestes at sessions and gayles haue euery one of them to the value of xi shillings by the yeare And if any such person arested whether it be by the Ordinaries or the officers of the king either escape or break prison before he be therof acquit before the Ordinary that then all his goods and cattelles which he had at the day of such arest shall be forfeite to the king And his landes and tenementes which he had the same day be seised also into the kings handes and that the king haue the profites therof from the same day vntill he render himselfe to the sayde prison from whence he escaped And that the aforesaid Iustices haue full power to enquire of all suche escapes and breaking of prisons and also of the lands tenements goods and cattels of such persons indighted Prouided that if any such person endighted doe not returne vnto the sayde prison and dyeth not being conuict that then it shall bee lawfull for his heyres to enter into the landes and tenements of his or their aūcester without any other sute made vnto the king for this cause And that all those which haue liberties or franchises royall in England as the coūty of Chester the county and liberty of Durham and other like And also al the Lordes which haue iurisdictions and franchises royall in Wales where the kings writs do not run haue like power to execute and put in execution in al pointes these articles by them or by their officers in like maner as doe the Iustices and other the kinges officers aboue declared ¶ Notes touching the statute prefixed Thus hauing recited the wordes of the statute nowe let vs consider the reasons obiections of this aduersary who grounding peraduēture vpon the preface or preamble of this foresaid statute will proue thereby the L. Cobham and Sir Roger Acton with the rest of their abettours to haue bin traitors to their king and their countrey Wherunto I answere first in generall that although the face or preface prefixed before the statute may shew and declare the cause occasion originall why the statute was made yet the making of the statute importeth no necessary probatiō of the preface alwaies to be true that goeth before which being but a colour to induce the making therof geueth no force materiall therunto nor is any necessary part of the body of the said statute But onely adhereth as a declaration
vnto Rome And as he was about to rehearse his appeale agayne they mocked hym ¶ For so much as mention here is made of the appeale of the sayd Hus it seemeth good here to shewe the manner and forme therof The copy and tenour of the appeale of Iohn Hus. FOrasmuch as the most mighty Lorde one in essence 3. in person is both the chiefe and first c also the last and vttermost refuge of al those which are oppressed and that he is the God which defendeth verety and truth throughout all generations doynge iustice to such as be wronged being ready and at hand to al those whiche call vppon him in veritie and truth and bindyng those that are bond and fulfilleth the desires of all those which honour and feare hym defending and keeping al those that loue him and vtterly destroyeth and bringeth to ruine the stiffnecked and vnpenitent sinner and that the Lorde Iesus Christ very God and man being in great anguish compassed in with the priestes Scribes and Phariseis wicked iudges and witnesses willing by the most bitter and ignominious death to redeme the chosen children of God before the foundation of the world from euerlasting damnation hath left behinde him this godly example for a memory vnto them which should come after hym to the intent they should commit al their causes into the handes of God who can doe all thinges and knoweth and seeth all thinges saying in this maner O Lorde beholde my affliction for my enemy hath prepared hymselfe against me and thou art my protector and defendor O Lorde thou hast geuē me vnderstanding and I haue acknowledged thee thou hast opened vnto me all their enterprises and for mine owne parte I haue bene as a meeke lambe which is led vnto sacrifice and haue not resisted agaynst them They haue wrought their enterprises vpon me saying Let vs put wood in hys bread and let vs banysh him out of the land of the liuing that hys name be no more spokē of nor had in memory But thou O Lord of hostes whiche iudgest lustly and seest the deuises and imaginations of theyr hartes hasten thee to take vengeance vpon them for I haue manifested my cause vnto thee for so much as the number of those which trouble me is great and haue counsayled together saying the Lorde hath forsaken hym pursue hym and catch hym O Lord my God behold their doinges for thou art my pacience deliuer me from myne enemies for thou art my God doe not seperate thy selfe fan from me for so much as tribulation is at hand and there is no mā which will succour me My God my God looke downe vpon me wherefore hast thou forsaken me So many doggs haue compassed me in and the company of the wicked haue besieged me round about for they haue spoken agaynst me with the deceitfull tonges and haue compassed me in with wordes full of despite and haue inforced me without cause In stead of loue towardes me they haue slaundered me and haue recompensed me wyth euill for good and in place of charitie they haue conceaued hatred agaynst me Wherfore behold I staying my selfe vppon this most holy and fruitfull example of my sauiour and redeemer do appeale before God for this my grief and hard oppressiō from thys most wicked sentence and iudgement and the excommunication determined by the Byshop Scribes Phariseis and Iudges which sit in Moyses seate and resigne my cause wholly vnto hym so as the holy Patriarke of Constantinople Iohn Chrisostome appealed twise from the Councell of the Byshops and Clergy And Andrew Byshop of Prage and Robert Byshop of Lincolne appealed vnto the soueraign and most iust iudge the which is not defiled with crueltye neyther canne he be corrupted with gifres and rewardes neyther yet be deceiued by false witnesse Also I desire greatly that all the faythfull seruauntes of Iesus Christ and especially the Princes Barons Knightes Esquires and all other whiche inhabite our Country of Boheme should vnderstand know these things and haue compassion vpon me which am so greeuously oppressed by the excommunication whiche is out agaynst me the whiche was obtayned and gotten by the instigation and procurement of Michaell de Causis my great enemy and by the consent and furtheraunce of the Canons of the Cathedrall Churche of Prage and geuen and graunted out by Peter of Sainct Angelles Deane of the Church of Rome and Cardinall and also ordayned iudge by Pope Iohn the xxiij who hath continued almost these two yeares and would geue no audience vnto my Aduocates and Procurators which they ought not to deny no not to a Iew or Pagan or to any hereticke whatsoeuer he were neyther yet woulde he receiue any reasonable excuse for that I did not appeare personally neyther would he accept the testimonials of the whole Vniuersity of Prage with the seale hāging at it or the witnes of the sworn Notaries and such as were called vnto witnesse By thys all men may euidētly perceiue that I haue not incurred any fault or crym of contumacie or disobedience for somuche as that I did not appeare in the Court of Rome was not for any contempte but for reasonable causes And moreouer for somuch as they had layd embushmentes for me on euery side by wayes where I shoulde passe and also because the perils dangers of others haue made me the more circumspect and aduised and for somuche as my procurours were willing and contented to bind themselues euen to abide the punishment of the fire to answere to all such as would appose or lay any thing agaynst me in the Court of Rome as also because they dyd imprison my lawfull procuratour in the sayd Court without any cause demerite or faulte as I suppose For somuch then as the order and disposition of all auncient lawes as well deuine of the old and new testament as also of the Canon lawes is this that the Iudges should resorte vnto the place where the crime or faulte is committed or done and there to enquire of al such crimes as shal be obiected and layd agaynst hym which is accused or slandered and that of such men as by conuersation haue some knowledge or vnderstanding of the party so accused the whiche may not be the euill willers or enemies of hym which is so accused or slaundered but must be men of an honest conuersation no common quarrell pickers or accusers but feruent louers of the law of God and finally that there shold be a fit and meete place appoynted whether as the accused party might without daunger or perill resorte or come and that the Iudge and witnesses should not be enemies vn to hym that is accused And also forsomuche as it is manifest that all these conditions were wanting and lacking as touching my appearaunce for the safegard of my life I am excused before God from the friuolous pretended obstinacie and excommunication Whereupon I I. Hus do present
wholesome and sound doctrine of our Lord Christ Iesus In summe in no case they would enter into any agreement of peace except their foure Articles which they counted for Euangelicall verities were first accepted and approued Which being obtained sayd they if they would condescend with them in the veritie of the Gospell so would they ioyne together be made one with them in the Lord. c. Ex Cochleo Hist. Lib. 7. Whē the Ambassadours saw the matter would not otherwise be brought to passe they required to haue those Articles deliuered vnto them in a certaine forme whiche they sent vnto the Councell by three Bohemian Ambassadours Afterward the Councell sent a declaration into Boheme to be published vnto the people in the commō assemblies of the kingdome by the Ambassadours which were commaunded to report vnto the Bohemians in the name of the Councell that if they would receiue the declaration of those three Articles and the vnitie of the Church there should be a meane founde whereby the matter touching the fourth Article of the Communiō vnder both kindes should be passed with peace and quietnesse They propounded in Prage in an open assembly of the Nobles and commons the declarations of the three Articles in forme folowing For somuch as touching the doctrine of the veritie we ought so to proceede soberly warely that the truth may be declared with wordes being so orderly conceiued vttered that there be no offence geuē to any mā whereby he should fall or take occasion of errour to vse the wordes of Isidore that nothing by obscuritie bee left doubtfull whereas you haue propounded touching the inhibition correction of sinnes in these wordes all mortall sinnes specially open offences ought to be rooted out punished inhibited by them whose dutie it is so to do reasonably according to the law of God here is to be marked and vnderstand that this word whose duty it is is too generall and may be an offence according to the meaning of the Scripture we ought not to lay any stombling stocke before the blinde and the diches are to be closed vp that our neighbours Oxe do not fall therein all occasion of offence is to be takē away Therfore we say that according to the meaning of the holy Scripture and the doctrine of the holy Doctours it is thus vniuersally to be holden that all mortall sinnes specially publicke offences are to be rooted out corrected and inhibited as reasonably as may be according to the law of God the institutiōs of the fathers The power to punish these offenders doth not pertaine vnto any priuate person but onely vnto them which haue iurisdiction of the law ouer them the distinction of law iustice being orderly obserued As touching the preaching of the word of God which Article you haue alledged in this forme that the word of God should be freely and faithfully preached by the fit and apt ministers of the Lord least by this word freely occasion may be taken of disordred libertie which as you haue often said ye do not meane the circumstaunce therof is to be vnderstand and we say that according to the meaning of the holy Scripture and doctrine of the holy Fathers it is thus vniuersally to be beleued that the word of God ought freely but not euery where but faithfully orderly to be preached by the Priests and Leuites of the Lord beyng allowed and sent by their superiours vnto whom that office apperteineth the authoritie of the Byshop alwayes reserued who is the prouider of all thynges accordyng to the institution of the holy fathers As concerning the last Article expressed vnder these words it is not lawfull for the Christian Cleargy in the time of the law of grace to haue dominion ouer temporall goods we remēber that in the solemne disputation holden in the sacred Councell he which was appointed by that Coūcell to dispute propounded two conclusions in this sorte First that such of the Cleargy as were not religious and had not bound thēselues thereunto by a vow might lawfully haue and possesse any temporall goods as the inheritance of his father or any other if it be left vnto him or any other goodes iustly gotten by meanes of any gift or other lawfull contract or else some lawfull arte The second conclusion The church may lawfully haue and possesse temporall goods moueable and vnmoueable houses landes townes and villages castles and Cities and in thē haue a priuate and ciuill dominion Your Ambassadour which disputed against him graunted those cōclusions saieng that they did not impugne the sence of his Article being well vnderstand for somuch as he vnderstandeth his Article of ciuill dominion formally meant Whereby and also by other things it may be vnderstand that those wordes to haue secular dominion expressed in the foresaid Article seemeth to be referred to some speciall maner or kind of dominiō But for somuch as the doctrine of the Church is not to be intreated vpon by any ambiguous or doubtfull words but fully and plainely therefore we haue thought good more plainly to expresse that which according to the law of God and the doctrine of the holy Doctours is vniuersally to be beleeued that is to say the two aforesayde conclusions to be true And also that the Cleargy ought faithfully to distribute the goodes of the Church whose administratours they are according to the decrees of the holy fathers and that the vsurpation of the administration of the Church goodes done by any other then by them vnto whome the administration is Canonically committed can not be without gilt of sacrilege Thus the sacred Councell sayd they hath diligently gone about according to the verity of the Gospell all ambiguitie set apart to expounde the true sence of the three foresayd Articles Wherefore if there do yet remaine any doubt according to the information which we haue receiued in the sacred Councell we are ready by Gods helpe who is the principall veritie to declare the truth vnto you If ye do receiue and embrace the declaration of the sayd three Articles which is grounded vpon the veritie of the holy Scripture as you are bound and will effectually haue a pure simple and perfect vnitie touching the libertie of the communion vnder both kindes which you desire and require which also you can not lawfully haue without the licence of holy Church we haue authoritie from the generall Councell by certaine meanes to intreate and conclude with you trusting that you will shew your selues as you will continue These things thus declared after the Bohemians had taken deliberation they said that they would giue no answere vnto the premisses before they vnderstoode what should be offered them as touching the Communion Wherefore it shall be necessary to declare the matter as it was written in forme following In the name of God and our sauiour Iesus Christ vpon the Sacrament of whose
shoulde not exclude sinne but so to grant it that by the authoritie of our Lord Iesus Christ and of his true spouse the Church it may be lawfull profitable healthfull vnto those which worthely receiue the same Also as touching that which was spoken by the said Bohemians of the punishing of offences that it is in Scriptures how that God oftētimes stirreth vp the harts of priuate persons to the correction punishing of sinnes and so it should seeme lawfull vnto the inferiours to correct and punish their superiours they answered alledging the text of S. Augustin in the xxiij decree He that striketh wicked men in that they are wicked hath cause of death against them is the minister of God but he which without any publike administratiō or office murdereth or maimeth any wicked theefe sacrilegious adulterous or periured person or any other offender shall be iudged as an homicide and so much the more sharply in that he feared not to abuse vsurpe the power not graunted him of God and truly this City woulde take it much more greuously if any priuate man should attempt to punish an offēder set vp a gallowes in the streate and there hang him then if one man should kill another in brawle or quarell They alledged also other textes of S. Ambrose S. Hierome agreeable to y◠same They said that no mā doubteth that the law of God is duly holily appointed and therein is simply writtē thou shalt not steale And notwtstanding by the commandement of God the childrē of Israell caried away the goods of the Egyptians which they had borowed of thē Also in the same law it is plainely writtē thou shalt do no murther Wherupon S. Austen in his first booke De Ciuitate Dei proueth that it is not lawful for any mā to kill himselfe and whē as he maketh example of Sampson he answereth with these words when as God commandeth doth affirme himselfe to command wythout any doubt who is he that will call obedience sinne or who will accuse the obedience to God Here in this proposition you haue the words of S. Austen for an answer But let euery man well foresee if God do commaund or that he do intimate the commandemēt without any circumstances and let him proue the spirites whether they be of God But in suche cases there are no lawes to be geuen neither are they much to be talked of for therby there should easely occasiō rise to make seditiō for the inferiours to rise against the superiours For whē any man had stollen any thing or killed any mā he would say that he was moued thereunto by the spirite of God but without manifest proofe therof he should be punished Againe they sayd that there were certaine cases wherein the Laity had power ouer the Clergy It was answered that there were certaine cases in the law wherein the Laity hath power ouer the Cleargy and oftentimes ouer Cardinals For if the Pope being dead the Cardinals would not enter that Cōclaue to elect a new Pope the king prince or other Lord or secular power may compel them but in these cases he is now no priuate person but vseth his iurisdiction by the authority of the law The like is to be vnderstand of all other cases expressed in the law They said further that no common law hath any right or iustice except Gods law do allow the same It was answered that no common law hath right or iustice if it be against the law of God for because the law of God is the rule of all other lawes But there is great cūning and knowledge in applieng the rule to that which is made by the rule for oftentimes it seemeth that there is diuersitie in the thing made by the rule when there is none in deede but the default is in the applieng because the rule is not duely applied to the thing made by it As touching the Article of preaching the word of God it was moued that oftentimes some Prelates thorough their owne enuie and malice without any reasonable cause do inhibite a good and meete Preacher that preacheth Catholickely and well Aunswer was made how that they vnderstood well inough that the abuse of certaine Prelates which did inordinately behaue themselues gaue a great occasion of those troubles Also that they neuer heard of any such cōplaints in those parties but that the Prelates do fauour good preachers and stirre them vp to preach by intreaty fauour promotiō In al such cases there are remedies already prouided by the law for when any mā is so prohibited to vse his right he hath remedy to appeale and if he do trust his appeale to be iust he may vse his right all violēce both of the spirituall and secular power set apart for the end of the matter shall declare if he had iust cause to appeale Then shal be declared that the superiour hath done euill in prohibiting the pleantiue iustly in doyng and the superiour for his vniust prohibition shal be punished But if he be iustly prohibited and that through his temeritie he do cōtemne the iust cōmaundement of his superiour he is worthy to be punished with condigne punishment Where it was moued cōcerning the third Article whether it were lawfull for the Ecclesiasticall Prelates to exercise in their proper person the actes of secular dominiō hereunto it was aunswered that if by this word actes of secular dominion are vnderstand actes whiche a secular Lord may do or exercise then is it to be sayd that a Prelate may lawfully exercise some such actes in his proper person as to sell to paune or pledge to infeofe by maner and forme ordeined by law but there are some actes which it is not lawfull for them to exercise in their proper person but ought to haue afterward a Uicegerent or Proctor to doe the same whereupon there is prohition made in the law in the Rubrike Ne clerus vel Monachus secularibus negotijs se immisceat in alijs rebus It was also moued whether that coactiue power whiche ought to be exercised by a Steward c. be in the handes of an Ecclesiasticall Prelate Whereunto Iohn Polomair aūswered that this question presupposeth an other wherof there are diuers opinions amōgest the Doctours in whose power the dominion of the Church should be and furthermore whether the actiōs be in the person of the tutor or proctor or if they be not in their person notwithstandyng by the constitutiō of any actor or proctor whose exercising of those actions do geue authoritie vnto the actor or proctor they be with other difficulties whereof it is not needefull to speake at this present But for somuch as he was vrged to say his opinion he sayd that to such as had either leysure or pleasure in disputation would argue agaynst him he would be cōtēted to geue the choise to
Aquitania and afterward a Frier This Hadrianus walking with his cardinals abroad to a place called Anagnia or Arignanum as Volateran calleth it chaunced to be choked with a flie getting into his throte and so was strangled who in the latter tyme of his papacie was woont to say that there is no more miserable kynd of lyfe in the earth then to bee a Pope and to come to the papacie by bloud that is said he not to succeed Peter but rather Romulus who to raigne alone did slay his brother Although this Adrian was bad enough yet came the next much worse one Alexander the 3. of that name Who yet was not elected alone for beside him the Emperor with 9. Cardinals albeit Sabellicus saith but with 3. did set vp another Pope named Victor the 4. Betwene these two Popes rose a soule schisme and great discord and long cōtinued In so much that the Emperour being required to take vp the matter sent for them both to appeare before him that in hearing them both he might iudge theyr cause the better Victor came but Alexander disdaming that his matter should come in controuersie refused to appeare Whereupon the Emperour with a full consent of his Bishops and clergy about him assigned and ratified the election of Victor to stand and so brought him into the Citie there to be receiued placed Alexander flying into Frāce accused them both sending his letters to all christendom against them as men to be auoided and cast out of all christian company Also to get him frendes at Rome by flattery and mony got on his side the greatest part of the Citie both to the fauouring of him and to the setting vp of such Consuls as were for his purpose After this Alexander comming from France to Sicile and frō thence to Rome was there receiued with much fauour thorough the helpe of Phillip the French king The Emperour hearing this rebellion and conspiracie in Rome remooued with great power into Italy where he had destroyed diuers great cities Comming at length to Rome he required the Citizens that the cause betwixt the two Popes might bee decided and that he which had the best right might be takē If they would so do he would restore agayne that which he tooke from them before Alexander mistrusting his part and doubtyng the willes of the Citizens hauing shippes ready prepared for hym from William Duke of Apulia fetcht a course about to Venice To declare here the difference in histories betweene Blondus Sabellicus and the Venetian chronicles with other writers concerning the order of this matter I will ouerpasse In this most do agree that the Pope beyng at Venice and required to be sent of the Venetians to the Emperour they would not send him Wherupon Fridericus the Emperour sent thither his sonne Otho with men and ships well apointed charging him not to attēpt any thing before his comming The yong man more hardy then circumspect ioyning with the Venetians was ouercome so taken was brought into the city Hereby the Pope toke no small occasion to worke his feates The father to helpe the captiuitie and miserye of hys sonne was compelled to submit hymselfe to the Pope and to intreat for peace So the Emperour commyng to Venice at S. Markes Church where the bishop was there to take hys absolution was bidde to kneele downe at the Popes feete Pope Alexander treading on the necke of Fredericke the Emperour Here as I note in diuers writers a great diuersitie and varietie touching the order of this matter of whome some say that the Emperour campt in Palestina before he came to Venice some say after so I meruell to see in Volaterane so great a fauourer of the pope such a contradiction who in his 22. book saith the Otto the Emperours sonne was taken in this conflict which was the cause of the peace betweene his father and the pope And in his 23. booke agayne saith that the Emperour himselfe was taken prisoner in the same battayle so afterward peace concluded tooke his iorney to Alia Palestina This P. in the time of his papacie whiche continued 21. yeares kept sundry councels both at Turo at Lateran where he confirmed the wicked proceedings of Hildebrand and other his predecessors As to binde all orders of the clergy to the vowe of chastitie which were not greatly to be reprehended if they would define chastitie aright For who so liueth not a chaste lyfe sayth he is no fit person to be a minister But herein lyeth an error full of much blindnes and also peril to thinke that matrimony immaculate as S. Paul calleth it is not chastitie but onely a single life that they esteeme to be a chaste life Now forasmuch as our english pope holy martyr called Thomas Becket happened also in the same tyme of this pope Alexander let vs somewhat also story of him so far as the matter shall seeme worthy of knowledge and to stand with truth To the end that the truth thereof being sifted from all flattery and lyes of such popishe writers as paynt out his story men may the better iudge both of hym what he was and also of hys cause The life and history of Thomas Becket Archbishop of Canterbury IF the cause make a Martyr as is sayd I see not why we should esteeme Tho. Becket to dye a martyr more then any other whome the Princes sword doth here temporally punish for their temporall desertes To dye for the Church I graunt is a glorious matter But the Church as it is a spirituall and not a temporal Church so it standeth vpon causes spirituall and vpon an heauenly foundation as vpon sayth religion true doctrine sincere discipline obedience to Gods cōmandements And not vpō things pertaining to this world as possessions liberties exemptions priuileges dignities patrimonies and superiorities If these be geuen to the Churche I pray God churchmen may vse them wel but if they be not geuen the church cannot clayme thē or if they be takē away that stadeth in the princes power To contend to Princes for the same it is no matter in my minde materiall to make a martyr but rather a rebellion agaynst them to whom we owe subiection Therfore as I suppose Tho. Becket to be far frō the cause and title of a Martyr neyther can he be excused from a playne rebell against his prince so yet would I haue wished agayne the lawe rather publikely to haue found out his fault then the swords of men not biddē not sent to haue smitten him hauing no speciall commandement neyther of the prince nor of the lawe so to doe For though the indignation of the Prince as the wise Prince sayth is death yet it is not for euery priuate persō straghtwayes to reuenge the secret indignation of his Prince except he be publikely authorised thereunto And thus had bene as I suppose the better way the lawes first to haue executed
their iustice vpon him Certes it had bene the safest way for the king as it proued after who had iust matter inough if he had prosecuted his cause agaynst him And also thereby hys death had bene without all suspicion of martirdome neyther had their followed this shrining and fainting of him as there did Albeit the secret prouidence of God whiche gouerneth all thinges did see this way percase to be best and most necessary for those dayes And doubtles to say here what I thinke and yet to speak nothing agayne charitie if the Emperours had done the like to the Popes contending agaynst them what tyme they had cooke them prisoners that is if they had vsed the lawe of the sword against them and chopped off the heads of one or two according to their trayterous rebellion they had broken the necke of much disturbaunce whiche long tyme after did trouble the Churche But for lacke of that because Emperours hauing the sword and the trueth on their side woulde not vse their sworde but standing in awe of the Popes vayne curse and reuerencing his seat for Saint Peters sake durst not lay hand vppon hym though he were neuer so abhominable and trayterous a maletactour The Popes perceauing that tooke so much vpon them not as the scripture would geue but as much as the superstitious feare of Emperors and kings woulde suffer them to take which was so much that it past all order rule and measure And all because the superior powers eyther would not or durst not practise the authoritie geuen to them of the Lord vpon those inferiours but suffered them to be their maisters But as touching Thomas Becket what soeuer is to be thought of them that did the acte the example therof yet bringeth this profite with it to teach all Romish Prelates not to be so stubborne in such matters not peâ—tayning to them against their Prince vnto whom God hath subiected them Now to the story which if it be true that is set forth in Quadrilogo by those source who tooke vpon theÌ„ to expresse the life and processe of Thomas Becket it appeareth by al coniectures that he was a man of a stout nature seuere inflexible What perswasion or opinion he had once coÌ„ceaued from that he would in no wise be remoued or very hardly Threatnings flatterings were to him both one In this poynt singuler following no mans counsayle so much as hys own Great helpes of nature were in him if he could haue vsed them well rather then of learning Albe it somewhat skilful he was of the ciuile law which he studied at Bonomie In memory excellent good and also wel broken in courtly and worldly matters Besides this he was of a chaste and straite lyfe if the historyes be true Although in the first part of hys life being yet Archdeacon of Canterbury and after Lord Chauncellor he was very euill courtlike pleasaunt geuen much both to hunting hauking according to the guise of the court And highly fauored he was of his prince who not only had thus promoted him but also had committed hys sonne heyre to hys institution and gouernaunce But in this his first beginning he was not so wel beloued but afterwarde hee was again as much hated deseruedly both of the king and also of the most part of his subiects saue onely of certayne Monkeâ—â— and priestes and suche other as were perswaded by theÌ„ who magnified him not a little for vpholding the liberties of the church that is the licentious life and excesse of Churchmen Amongest all other these vices he had most notable to be rebuked Full of deuotion but wythout all true Religion Zelous but cleane without knowledge And therfore as he was stiffe and stubborn of nature so a blinde conscience being ioyned wtall it turned to playne rebellion So superstitious he was to the obedience of the pope that he forgot his obedience to hys naturall and most beneficiall king And in mayntayning so coÌ„tentiously the vayne constitutions and decrees of men be neglected the commandementes of God But herein most of all to be reprehended that not onely contrary the kings knowledge he sought to conuey himselfe out of the realme being in that place and calling but also being out of the realme set matter of discord betweene the Pope hys K. and also betwene the French king and him contrary to al honesty good order naturall subiection and true christianitie Wherupon folowed no little disquietnesse after both to the king and damage of the realme as here in processe and in order following by the grace of Christ we will declare First beginning with the first rising vp of hym so consequently to prosocute in order hys storye as followeth And first here to omitte the progenie of him and of his mother named Rose whom Polyd. Virgilius fasly nameth to be a Saracen when in deede she came out of the partes bordering neer to Normandy To omit also the fabulous vision of his mother mentioned in Rob. Crikeladensis of a burning torche issuing out of her body and reaching vp to heauen his first preferment was to the Church of Branfield which he had by the gift of S. Albous After that he cutred in the seruice of the Archb. of Cant. by whoÌ„ he was then preferred to be his Archdeacon And after by the sayd Theobald was put as a maÌ„ most metest for his purpose to K. Hen. to bridle the young K. the he should not be fierce agaynst the clergy whom in processe of time the K. made lord Chauncellor and then he left playing the archdeacon and began to play the Chauncellor He facioned his conditions like to the kinges both in waighty matters trifles He would hunt with him and watch the tyme when the Kyng dyned and and slept Furthermore hee began to loue the mery gessinges of the court to delight himselfe in the great land of meÌ„ prayse of the people And the I may passe ouer hys houshold stuffe he had his bridle of siluer the bosses of his bridle were worth a great treasure At his table and other expences he passed any earle That on the one side men would iudge him little to consider the office of an Archdeacon and on the other side would iudge hym to vse wicked doyngs He played also the good souldiour vnder the K. in Gascon and both wan and kept townes When the K. sent Thomas being Chancellor home into EnglaÌ„d ambassador with other nobles after the death of the Archb. he willed Rich. Luci one of the chiefest to commend in his name this Thomas to the couent of CaÌ„terbury that they might chose him archbish Which thing he did diligeÌ„tly The monks sayd it was not meet to chuse a courtier and a souldior to be head of so holy a company for he would spend sayd they all that they had Other had this surmise also because he was in so great fauour with the prince the kinges sonne