of many a 14th in the silver and a 25th part in all the gold they after shall receive so shall the Nobilitie Gentry and all other landed men in all their former setled Rents Annuities Pensions and sums of money the like will fall upon the labourers and workemen in their statute wages And as their receipts are lessened hereby so are their issues increased either by improving all prices or disfurnishing the Market which must necessarily follow for in the 5th of Edw. 6th 3º Mary 4 to Eliz. as appeareth by their Proclamations That a Rumour only of alteration caused such effects punishing the author of such reports with Imprisonment and Pillory It cannot be doubted but the proiecting of such a change must be of far greater consequence and danger to the State and would be wished that the Actors and authors of such disturbances in the Common-wealth at all times hereafter might undergo a punishment proportionable It cannot be held I presume an advise of best iudgement that layeth the losse upon our selves and the gain upon our enemies for who are like to be in this the greatest thrivers is not visible that the strangers who support or money for bullion our own Gold-smiths who are their Brokers and the Hedgminters of the Netherlands who tearmed them well will have a fresh and full trade by this abasements And we do not the Spanish King our greatest enemy a greater favour than by his who being Lord of these commodities by his West-Indies we shall so advance them to our impoverishment for it is not in the power of any State to raise of the price of their own but the value that their neighbours set upon them experience hath taught us that the enfoebling of Coyn is but a shift for a while as drinke to one in a dropsie to make him swell the more but the state was never thorowly cured as we saw in Henry the Eighths time and the late Queens untill the Coyn was made rich again I cannot but then conclude my honorable Lords that if the proportion of Gold and Silver to each other be wrought to that purity by the advice of the Artists that neither may be too rich for the other that the Mintage may be reduced to some proportion of neighbour parts and that the issue of native commodities may be brought to over-ballance the entrance of the forraigne we need not seek any shift but shall again see our trade to flourish the Mint as the pulse of the Common-wealth again to bear and our Materialls by Industry to be Mynes of Gold and Silver which we all wish and work for supported unto us and the honor of Justice and Profit of his Maiesty Certain general Rules collected concerning Money and Bullion out of the late Consultation at Court GOld and silver hath a two fold estimation in the extrinsique as they are moneys and Princes measures given to his people and this is a Prerogative of Kings in the Intrinsique they are commodities valewing each other according to the plenty or scarcity and so all other commodities by them and that is the sole power of Trade The measure in a Kingdome ought to be constant It is the Justice and honor of the King for if they be altered all men at that time are deceived in the precedent contracts either for lands or moneys and the King most of all for no man knoweth either what he hath or what he oweth This made the Lord Treasurer Burleigh in Anno 1573. when some Projectors had set on foot a matter of that nature to tell them that they were worthy to suffer death for attempting to put so great a dishonor upon the Queen and detriment and discontent on the people for to alter this publike measure is to leave all the Markets of the Kingdome unfurnished and what will be the mischiefe the Proclamation of 5. and 6. 3o. Mary and 4th of Eliz. will manifest when but a rumor produced that effect so farre that besides the faith of the Princes to the contrary delivered in their Edicts they were inforced to cause the Magistrates in every Shire respectively to constrain the people to furnish the Market to prevent a mutiny To thinke then this measure at this time short is to raise all prices or to turn the measure or money now current into disuse and Bullion for who will depart with any when it is by seven more in the hundred in the masse then the now moneys and yet of no more value in the Market Hence the necessitie of it will follow that there will not of a long time be Minted of the new to drive the exchange of the Kingdome and so all trade at one instance at a stand and in meane time the Markets unfurnished and thus far as money is a measure Now as it is a commoditie it is respected and valued by the intrinsique qualitie and first the one mettall to the other All commodities are priced by plenty or scarcity by dearenesse or cheapnesse the one to the other If then we desire our silver to buy gold as it hath lately been we must let it it be the cheaper and lesse in proportion valued and so contrary for one equivalent proportion in both will bring in neither we see the profit there of the unusuall quantitie of gold brought lately to the Mint by reason of the price we rate it at above all other Countries and gold may be bought too dear to furnish then this way the Mint with both is impossible And at this time it was apparantly proved both by the best Artists and marchants most acquainted with the Exchange in both the examples of the Mint-masters in the Rix-dolor and Royall of Eight that silver here is of equall valew and gold above with forreine parts in the intrinsique but that the fallacie presented to the Lords by the Mint-masters is only in the nomination of extrinsique qualitie But if we desire both it is not the raysing the valew that doth it but the balancing the Trade for we buy more then we sell of all other commodities be the money never so high priced we must part with it to make the disproportion even if we sell more then the contrary will follow And this is plain in Spanish necessities for should that King advance to a double his Royall of Eight yet needing it by reason of the barrennesse of his Country more of forreign wares then can countervaile by exchange with his wares he must then part with his money and gain the more by enhaunsing his coyn but he payeth a higher price for the commodities he buyeth if this work of raysing be his own But if we shall make improvement of gold and silver being the Staple-commodities of this Kingdome we then advancing the the price of his abase to him our own commodities To shape this kingdome to the fashion of the Netherlands were to frame a Royall Monarchie by a society of Marchants their Country is a continuall Faire and so
but shew you a way of remedie by shewing you my cleer intentions and some marke that may hinder this good worke I shall willingly and cheerfully concur with you for the Reformation of all Innovations both in Church and Common-wealth and consequently that all Courts of Justice may be reformed according to Law For my intentions is cleerly to reduce all things to the best and purest times as they were in the time of Queen Elizabeth Moreover whatsoever part of my Revenue shall be found illegall or heavy to my Subjects I shall be willing to lay down trusting in their affections Having thus cleerly and shortly set down my intentions I will shew you some rubs and must needs take notice of some very strange I know not what terme to give them Petitions given in the name of divers Counties against the established government of the Church and of the great threatnings against the Bishops that they will make them to be but a Cipher or at least taken away If some of them have incroached too much upon the Temporaltie if it be so I shall not be unwilling these things should be redressed and reformed as all other abuses according to the wisdome of former times so farre I shall go with you no farther If upon serious debate you shall shew that Bishops have some Temporall Authority not so necessary for the government of the Church and upholding Episcopall Jurisdiction I shall not be unwilling to desire them to lay it down but this must not be understood that I shall any way consent that their voice in Parliament should be taken away for in all the times of my Predecessors since the Conquest and before they have enjoyed it I am bound to maintain them in i as one of the fundamentall Institutions of this Kingdome There is one other Rock you are on not in substance but in service and the forme is so essentiall that unlesse it be reformed will split you on that Rock There is a Bill lately put in concerning Parliaments The thing I like well to have frequent Parliaments but for Sheriffes and Constables to use my Authoritie I can no wayes consent unto But to shew that I desire to give you content in substance as well as in shew that you shall have a Bill for doing thereof so that it do not trench neither against my Honor neither against the ancient Prerogatives of the Crowns concerning Parliaments Ingeniously confesse often Parliaments is the fittest means to keep correspondencie betweene Me and my People that I doe so much desire To conclude now all that I have shewen you the state of my Affairs My own cleere intentions and the Rocks I would have you shun To give you all contentment you shall likewise finde by these Ministers I have or shall have about me for the effecting of these my good intentions which shall redouble the peace of the Kingdome and content you all Concerning the conference you shall have a direct answer on Monday which shall give you satisfaction The Kings speech to both Houses of Parliament in the Lords House at the passing of the Bill for a Trieniall Parliament the 16th of November 1640. MY Lords and you the Knights Citizens and Burgesses of the House of Commons you may remember when both Houses were with Me at the Banquetting House at Whitehall I did declare unto you two Rocks I wished you to eschew this is the one of them and of that consequence that I thinke never Bill passed here in this House of more favour to the Subjects then this is and if the other Rocke be as happily passed over as this shall be at this time I do not know what you can aske for ought I can see at this time that I can make any question to yeeld unto Therefore I mention this to shew unto you the sence that I have of this Bill and obligation as I may say that you have to me for it for hitherto to speake freely I have had no great incouragement to doe it if I should looke to the outward face of your actions or proceedings and not looke to the inward intentions of your hearts I might make question of doing it Hitherto you have gone on in that which concernes your selves to amend and yet those things that meerly concernes the strength of this Kingdom neither for the State nor my own particular This I mention not to reproach you but to shew you the state of things as they are you have taken the Government almost in peeces and I may say it is almost off the hinges A skilfull Watchmaker to make cleane his Watch he will take it a sunder and when it is put together it will go the better so that he leave not forth then one pin in it Now as I have done all this on my part you know what to do on your parts and I hope you shall see cleerly that I have performed really what I expressed to you at the beginning of this Parliament of the great trust I have of your affections to me and this is the great expression of trust that before you do any thing for me that I do put such a confidence in you HIS MAJESTIES Letter to the Lords on the behalf of the Earle of Strafford sent by the PRINCE My Lords I Did yesterday satisfie the Justice of the Kingdome by passing of the Bill of Attainder against the Earle of Strafford but mercie being as inherent and inseparable to a King as Justice I desire at this time in some measure to shew that likewise by suffering that unfortunate man to fulfill the naturall course of his life in a close imprisonment yet so that if ever he make the least offer to escape or offer directly or indirectly to meddle in any sort of Publique businesse especially with me either by Message or Letter it shall cost him his life without further Processe This if it may be done without the discontentment of my People will be an unspeakable contentment to me To which end as in the first place I by this Letter do earnestly desire your approbation and to endeare it the more have chosen him to carry it that of all your House is most dear to me So I desire that by a conference you will endeavour to give the House of Commons contentment Likewise assuring you that the excuse of mercy is no more pleasing to me then to see both Houses of Parliament consent for my sake that I should moderate the severity of the Law in so important a case I will not say that your complying with me in this my intended mercie shall make me more willing but certainly t' will make me more cheerfull in granting your just grievances But if no lesse than his life can satisfie my People I must say fiat justitia Thus again recommending the consideration of my intentions to you I rest Whitehall the 11th of May 1641. Your unalterable and affetionate Friend CHARLES R. If he must dye it were charity to
which time the sayd Iustice Seate was called by adjournment the sayd Iohn Lord Finch then Lord Chiefe Iustice of his Majesties Court of Common Pleas and was one of the Iudges assistants for them he continued by further unlawfull and unjust practices to maintaine and confirme the said verdict and did then and there being assistant to the Iustice in Eyre advise the refusal of the traverse offered by the County and all their evidences but onely what they should verbally deliver which was refused accordingly IV. That hee about the Moneth of November 1635. hee being then Lord Chiefe Iustice of the Common Pleas and having taken an oath for the due administration of Iustice to his Majesties Liege people according to the Lawes and statutes of the Realme contrived in opinion in haec verba when the good and safety c. and did subscribe his name to that opinion and by perswasions threats and false suggestions did solicite and procure Sir Iohn Bramstone Knight then and now Lord Chiefe Iustice of England Sir Humfrey Davenport Knight Lord chiefe Baron of his Majesties Court of Exchequer Sir Richard Hutton Knight late one of the Iustices of his Majesties Court of Common Pleas Sir Iohn Denham Knight late one of the Barons of his Majesties Court of Exchequer Sir William lones Knight late one of the Iustices of the said Court of Kings Bench Sir George Crock then and now one of the Iudges of the said Court of Kings Bench Sir Thomas Trevor Knight then and now one of the Barons of the Exchequer Sir George Vernon Knight late one of the Iustices of the said Court of Common Pleas Sir Robert Barkley Knight then and now one of the Iustices of the said Court of Kings Bench Sir Francis Crawly Knight then and now one of the Justices of the said Court of Common Pleas Sir Richard Weston Knight then and now one of the Barons of the said Court of Exchequer some or one of them to subscribe with their names the said opinion presently and enjoyned them severally some or one of them secresâ— upon their allegeance V. That he the fifth day of Iune then being Lord Chiefe Iustice of the said Court of Common Pleas subscribed an extrajudiciall opinion in answer to questions in a letter from his Majesty in haec verba c. And that he contrived the said questions and procured the said Letter from his Majesty and whereas the said Iustice Hutton and Iustice Crook declared to him their opinions to the contrary yet hee required and pressed them to subscribe upon his promise that hee would let his Majesty know the truth of their opinions notwithstanding such subscriptions which neverthelesse he did not make knowne to his Majestie but delivered the same to his Majesty as the opinion of all the Iudges VI. That hee being Lord Chiefe Iustice of the said Court of Common Pleas delivered his opinion in the Chequer Chamber against Master Hampden in the case of Ship-money that hee the said Master Hampdâ—n upon the matter and substance of the case was chargeable with the money then in question a Coppy of which proceedings the Commons will deliver to your Lordships and did solicite and threaten the said sudges some or one of them to deliver their opinions in like manner against Master Hampden and after the said Baron Denham had delivered his opinion for Master Hampden the said Lord Finch repaired purposely to the said Baron Denhams Chamber in Serjeants Inne in Fleetstreet and after the said Master Baron Denham had declared and expressed his opinion urged him to retract the said opinion which hee refusing was threatned by the said Lord Finch because hee refused VII That hee then being Lord chiefe Justice of the Court of Common Pleas declared and published in the Exchequer Chamber and westerne circuit where he went Judge that the Kings right to Ship-money as aforesaid was so inherent a right to the Crowne as an Act of Parliament could not take it away and with divers malicious speeches inveighed against and threatned all such as refused to pay Ship-money all which opinions contained in the foure five sixth Articles are against the Law of the Realme the Subjects right of property and contrary to former resolutions in Parliament and to the petition of right which said resolutions and petition of right were well knowne to him and resolved and enacted in Parliament when he was Speaker of the Commons house of Parliament VIII That hee being Lord chiefe Justice of the Court of Common Pleas did take the generall practice of that Court to his private Chamber and that hee sent warrants into all or many shires of England to severall men as to Francis Giles of the County of Devon Rebert Renson of the County of Yorke Attorneys of that Court and to divers others to release all persons arrested on any utlawry about 40. shillings fees whereas none by Law so arrested can be bailed or released without Supersedeas under seale or reversall IX That hee being Lord Chiefe Iustice of the Court of Common pleas upon a pretended suit begun in Michaelmas Terme in the 11. yeare of his Majesties Reigne although there was no plaint or Declaration against him did notoriously and contrary to all Law and Iustice by threats menaces and imprisonment compell Thomas Laurence an Executor to pay 19 pound 12 shillings and likewise caused Richard Bernard being onely over-seer of the last Will of that Testator to bee arrested for the payment of the said Money contrary to the advice of the rest of the Iudges of that Court and against thâ— knâ—wne and ordinary course of Iustice and his said Oath and knowledge and denyed his Majesties Subjects the common and ordinary Iustice of this Realme as to Mr. Liâ—â—rick and others and for his private benefit endammaged and ruined the estates of very many of his Majesties Subjects contrary to his oath and knowledge X. That hee being Lord Keeper of the great Seale of England and sworne one of his Majesties Privie Counsell did by false and malicious slanders labour to incense his Majestie against Parliaments and did frame and advise the publishing the Declaration after the dissolution of the last Parliament All which Treasons and misdemeanors above mentioned were done and committed by the said Iohn Lord Finch Baron of Fordwich Lord Keeper of the great Seale of England and thereby he the aforesaid Finch hath trayterously and contrary to his allegiance laboured to lay Imputations and Scandalls upon his Majesties government and to alienate the hearts of his Majesties liege people from his Majestie and to set a division betweene them and to ruine and destroy his Majesties Realme of England for which they doe impeach him the said Lord Finch Baron of Fordwich Lord Keeper of the Great Seale of England of high Treason against our Soveraigne Lord the King his Crowne and Dignity of the misdemeanours above mentioned And the said Commons by Protestation saving to themselves the libertie of exhibiting at any time
that demonstration of the intention to make that formality Treason which were materially but a misdemeanor a Treason as well against the King as against the Kingdome for whatsoever is against the whole is undoubtedly against the head which takes from his Majesty the ground of his Rule the Lawes for if foundations bee destroyed the Pinnacles are most endangered which takes from his Majesty the principal honour of his Rule the Ruling over Free-men a power as much Nobler then over villaines as that is that 's over beasts which endevoured to take from his Majesty the principall support of his Rule their hearts and affections over whom he rules a better and surer strength and wall to the King than the Sea is to the Kingdome and by begetting a mutuall distrust and by that a mutuall disaffection between them to hazard the danger even of the destruction of both My Lords I shall the lesse need to presse this because as it were unreasonable in any case to suspect your Iustice so here especially where your interest so nearly unites you your great share in possessions giving you an equall concernment in propriety the care and paines used by your Noble Ancestors in the founding and asserting of our conmon Liberties rendring the just defence of them your most proper and peculiar inheritance and both exciting to oppose and extirpate all such designes as did introduce and would have set led an Arbitrary that is an intollerable forme of Government and have made even your Lordships and your posterity but Right Honourarable slaves My Lords I will spend no more words Luctando cum larva in accusing the Ghost of a departed person whom his Crimes accuse more than I can doe and his absence accuseth no lesse than his Crime Neither will I excuse the length of what I have said because I cannot adde to an Excuse without adding to the Fault or my owne imperfections either in the matter or manner of it which I know must appeare the greater by being compared with that learned Gentlemans great abilitie who hath precoded me at this time I will onely desire by the Command and in the behalfe of the House of Commons that these proceedings against the Lord Finch may be put in so speedy away of dispatch as in such cases the course of Parliament will allow The first Speech made by Sir Edward Deering in the house of Commons Mr. Speaker YEsterday the affaires of this House did borrow all the time allotted to the great Committee of Religion I am sorry that having but halfe a day in a whole week we have lost that Mr. Speaker The sufferings that wee have undergone are reduceable to two heads The first concerning the Church The second belonging to the Common-wealth The first of these must have the first fruites of the Parliament as being the first in weight and worth and more immediately to the honour of God and his Glory every dramme whereof is worth the whole weight of a Kingdome The Common-wealth it is true is ful of apparent dangers the Sword is come home unto us and two Twinned Nations united together under one regall Head Brethren together in the Bowels and Bosome of the same Island and which is above all is imbanded together in the same Religion I say in the same Religion by a divellish Machination like to be fatally imbrewed in each others blood ready to digge each others Graves Quantillum abfuit For other grievances also the poore dis-hearted Suject sadly grieves not able to distinguish betweene Power and Law and with a weeping heart no question hath long prayed for this houre in hope to be relieved and to know hereafter whether any thing hee hath besidâ—s his poore part and portion of the common Aire hee breatheth may be truly called his owne These Mr. Speaker and many other doe deserve and must shortly have our deepe regards but suo gradis Now in the first place there is a unum necessarium above all our worldly sufferings and dangers Religion the immediate Service due unto Almighty God and herein let us all be confident that all our consultations wil be unprosperous if wee put any determination before that of Religion For my part let the Sword reach from the North to the South and a generall perdition of all our remaining rights threaten us in an open view it shall bee so farre from making mee to decline the first setling of Religion that I shall ever argue and rather conclude it thus That the more great and eminent our perils of this World are the stronger and quicker ought our care to be for the glory of God and the pure Law of our Soules If then Mr. Speaker it may passe with full allowance that all our cares may give way unto the Treaty of Religion I will reduce that also unto two heads First of Ecclesiasticall persons Then of Ecclesiasticall Causes Let no man start or be affrighted at the imagined length of this Consultation it will not it cannot take up so much Time as it is worth This is God and the Kings God and the Kingdomes nay this is God and the two Kingdomes cause And therefore Mr. Speaker my humble motion is that wee may all of us seriously speedily and heartily enter upon this the best and the greatest and the most important cause wee can treate on Now Mr. Speaker in pursuite of mine owne motion and to make a little entrance into these great Affaires I will present unto you the Petition of a poore distressed Minister in the Couâ—ty of Kent a man conformable in his practice Orthodoxe in his Doctrine laborious in his Ministery as any wee have or I doe know He is now a sufferer as all good men are under the generall obloquy of a Puritan as with other things was admirably delivered by that silver Trumpet at the Bar the Pursevant watched his doore and divides him and his Cure asunder to both their griefes for it is not with him as perhaps with some that set the Pursevant at worke glad of an excuse to be out of thâ— Pulpit it is his delight to Preach About a week since I went over to Lambeth to moove that great Bishop too great indeede to take this danger from off this Minister and recall the Pursevant And withall did undertake for Mr. Wilson for so is your Petitioner called that hee should answere his Accusers in any of the Kings Courts aâ— Westminster The Bishop made me this answere in His verbis I am sure that hee will not absent from his Cure a Twelve-moneth together and then I doubt not but once in a yeare wee shall have him This was all that I could obtaine but I hope by the helpe of this House before this yeare of threats-be runne out his Grace will eyther have more Grace or no Grace at all For our griefes are manifold and doe fill a mighty and vast Circumference yet so that from every part our lines of sorrow doe lead unto him and
Ratcliffe was not the man alone but others joyned with him in that Assembly and I am sure my Lord of Strafford moved it for the breach of Parliament I shall addresse myselfe to the body of his answere Now give me leave my Lords that I may open the nature of this great offence My Lords it is a charge of Treason which is a Treason not ended or expired by one single Act but a trade enured by this Lord of Strafford ever since the Kings favor hath been bestowed upon him My Lords it hath two parts to deprive us that which was good And secondly to bring in a Tyrannicall government it takes away the Lawes of the Land and it hath an arbitrary government bounded by no law but what my Lord of Strafford pleaseth It is the law my Lords which we reverence and cheerefully render to our gracious Soveraigne The Law as it is the ground of our libertie so it is the distribution of Iustice My Lords in all this my Lord of Strafford hath endeavoured to make them uncapable of any benefit it is true my Lords that Treason against the person of a Prince is high Treason and the highest Treason that can be to man but it falls short of this Treason against the State When blessed King Iames was taken to heaven he commended the lawes to his sonne our gracious Soveraigne But my Lords if such a design as this should take effect that the law of Iustice shouldbe taken from the Throne we are without hope of ever seeing happy dayes power is not so easily laid downe unlesse it be by so good and just a Prince as we have My Lord of Straffords accusation is conveyed into twenty eight Articles and I shall but touch the heads that wee shall insist upon and I thinke the best way to this is to consider what he did before he went into Ireland what then and what since He hath encroached jurisdiction where none was taking upon him a power to repell the lawes and to make new lawes and in domineering over the lives and goods and what ever else was the subjects My Lords this he hath not done onely upon the meaner sort but upon the Peeres and auncient Nobilitie and what may your Lordships expect but the same measure at his hands here as they have found there when he committed any to prison if a Habeas Corpus were granted the Officers must not obey and if any Fine were put upon the Officer for refusing them there was a command that he should bee discharged so that he did not onely take power to himselfe but the Scepter of Iustice out of the Kings hand When he was a member of the house of Commons it was his owne motion all Ministers of state should serve the King according to the lawes which he hath broken himselfe He doth as much as say that Fines shall not be payed by Officers if in this they fulfill his commands but those that release a prisoner upon a Habeas Corpus shall finde his displeasure My Lords if this had been a single Act we should not have accused him of high Treason but this hath beene his common course and this we present to your Lordships consideration The next thing is that in the North the people attending for Iustice you shall see what a dishonour he flung upon the sacred Majestie of the King that did advance him some of the Iustices saith he are all for Law but they shall finde that the Kings little fingers is heavier then the Loynes of the Law My Lords what a sad speech was this and what sad Accidents happened upon it you all know and he said in a solemne speech That Ireland was a conquered Nation and that the King might do with them what he would their Charters were nothing worth they did binde the King no longer then he pleased Surely you may see what hee would do if he had power but we hope never such counsell shall have acceptation in so gracious an Eare as our Soveraignes and he doth not stay in words but proceeds to Actions when a Peere of the Kingdome was expelled the Kingdome for suing at Law for recovering of his Right he saith he would have Ireland know that neither Law nor Lawyers should question any thing that he ordered My Lords he goes higher for when there was an occasion to speake of an Act of State he said it should bee as binding as an Act of Parliament My Lords he cannot goe higher then this hee tells them in Parliament they were a Conquered Nation and they must expect the usage of a Conquered Nation The Lord Mountnorris for a few words that fell from his mouth spoken privately at his Table had a Counsell of warre called against him and was judged to death My Lords it is no marvaile that he saie That the Kings little finger should be so heavie when his little too was so heavie to tread downe a Peere under his foote My Lords he makes Lawes of himselfe and hee makes a difference in matters of Iustice betweene the poore and the rich but when he hath executed his power upon the poore he will fall upon the rich My Lords he hath made that which was worth but five shillings to the value of twenty and my Lords by this he doth in effect take away what ere this commoditie is worth he saith he doth it for the Kings gaine but we shall make it appeare that the Crowne hath lost and he hath gained And for the Commodity of Flax my Lords it is but a Womans Commodity but yet it is the staple Commodity of Ireland Now my Lords this Commondity he hath gotten wholly into his owne hands for he made such a Proclamation that it should be used in such wayes as the Women could not doe it and if it were not used in such ways that it should bee seised upon no he doth not onely put impositions upon the Subject but take away the goods too and thus he hath levyed warre against the Kings Subjects and this is his course that if a Decree were made by him and not obeyed there issued a warrant to Souldiers that they should make Garrison and that they should goe to the houses of those that were pretended to be disobedient My Lords they have killed their sheep and their Oxen and bound their horses and took them Captives till they have rendered obedience which is expressely contrary to Law for it saith If any man set horse or foot upon the Kings Subject in a Military way it is high Treason My Lords it doth not onely oppresse them in their estates but provoke and incite his Majesty to lay downe his mercy and goodnesse and to fall into an offensive war against his Subjects and to say they are Rebels and Traytors He tels his Counsell that the Parliament having forsaken the King and the King having tryed the Parliament hee might use other wayes to procure money to supply his necessities My Lords the same day
studied Speech I come to speake my heart and to speake it clearely and plainely and then leave it to your clemencie and Justice and I hope if any thing shall slip from me to work contrary to my meaning or intention disorderly or ill placed you will be pleased to make a favourable construction and leave me the liberty of explanation if there shall be any but I hope there shall be no cause for it I hope for my affection in Religion no man doubteth me what my education what and under whom for many yeares is well knowne I lived neere 30 yeares in the Society of Grayes Inn and if one that was a reverend Preacher in my time Doctor Sibbs were now alive hee were able to give testimony to this House that when a party ill affected in Religion sought to weary him and tyer him out hee had his chiefest encouragement from me I have now Master Speaker been 15 yeares of the Kings Councell from the first houre to this minute no man is able to say that ever I was Author Advisor or Consentor to any project It pleased the King my gracious Master after I had served him divers yeares to preferre mee to two places to be chiefe Justice of the Common Pleas and then Keeper of his great Seale I say it in the presence of God I was so far from the thought of the one and from the ambition of the other that if my Master his grace and goodnesse had not been I had never enjoyed those Honours I cannot tell Master Speaker nor I doe not know what particulars there are that may draw me into your disfavour or ill opinion and therefore I shall come very weakly armed yet to those that either in my owne knowledge or by such knowledge as is given me and not from any in this House I shall speake somewhat that I hope being truth and accompanied with clearenesse and ingenuity will at last procure some allay of that ill opinion which may perhaps be conceived of me Master Speaker I had once the Honour to sit in the place that you doe from the first time I came thither to the unfortunate time I doe appeale to all that were here then if I served you not with candor Ill office I never did to any of the House good offices I have witnesses enough I did many I was so happy that upon an occasion which once happened I received an expression and testimony of the good affection of this House towards me For the last unhappy day I had a great share in the unhappinesse and sorrow of it I hope there are enough doe remember no man within the walls of this House did expresse more symptomes of sorrow griefe and distraction then I did After an adjournment for two or three dayes it pleased his Majestie to send for me to let me know that he could not so resolve of things as hee desired and therefore was desirous that there might be an adjournment for some few dayes more I protest I did not then discerne in his Majestie and I beleeve it was not in his thoughts to think of the dissolving of this Assembly but was pleased in the first place to give me a command to deliver his pleasure to the House for an adjournment for some few dayes till the Monday following as I remember and commanded me withall to deliver his pleasure that there should be no further speeches but forth with upon the delivery of the Message come and wait upon him hee likewise commanded me if questions were offered to be put upon my Alleageance I should not dare to doe it how much I did then in all humblenesse reason with his Majestie is not for me here to speake onely thus much let me say I was no Author of any counsell in it I was onely a person in receiving commission I speake not this as any thing I now produce or doe invent or take up for my owne excuse but that Which is knowne to divers and some Honourable persons in this house to be most true All that I will say for that is humbly to beseech you all to consider That if it had beene any mans cause as it was mine betweene the displeasure of a gracious King and the ill opinion of an Honourable Assembly I beseech you lay all together lay my first actions and behaviour with the last I shall submit to your Honourable and favourable constructions For the Shipping businesse my opinion of that cause hath layne heavy upon me I shall clearely and truly present unto you what every thing is with this protestation that if in reckoning up my owne opinion what I was of or what I delivered any thing of it be displeasing or coÌ„trary to the opinion of this House that I am farre from justifying of it but submit that and all other my actions to your wisedomes and goodnesse Master Speaker the first Writs that were sent out about Shipping businesse I had no more knowledge of it and was as ignorant as any one Member of this House or any man in the Kingdome I was never the Author nor Advisor of it and will boldly say from the first to this houre I did never advise nor counsell the setting forth of any Ship-writs in my life Master Speaker it is true that I was made chiefe Justice of the Common Pleas some foure dayes before the Ship-writs went out to the Ports and Maritine places as I doe remember the 20 of October 1634. they doe beare Teste and I was sworne Justice the 16 of October so as they went out in that time but without my knowledge or privity the God of heaven knowes this to be true Master Speaker afterwards his Majestie was pleased to command my Lord chiefe Justice of the Kings Bench that then was Sir Thomas Richardson and chiefe Baron of the Exchequer that now is and my selfe then chiefe Justice of the Common Pleas to take into consideration the Presidents then brought unto us which we did and after returned to his Majestie what we had found out of those Presidents It is true that afterwards his Majestie did take into consideration that if the whole Kingdome were concerned that it was not reason to lay the whole burthen upon the Cinque Ports and Maritine Townes Thereupon upon what ground his Majesty took that into his consideration I doe confesse I doe know nothing of it His Majesty did command my Lord chief Justice that now is my Lord chiefe Baron and my selfe to returne our opinions whether when the whole Kingdome is in danger and the Kingdome in generall is concerned it be not according to Law and reason that the whole Kingdome and his Majestie and all interessed therein should joyne in defending and preserving thereof This was in time about one 1634. In Michaelmas Terme following his Majesty commanded â—e to goe to all the Judges and require their opinions in particular He commanded mee to doe it to every one and to charge them upon their
publike service as well to prove a sentence not then in rerum natura both Law and charity in a benigne construction of these two ends will allow the more favourable Another objection is whispered that the entrance is not found in the Clerk of the Parliaments Role This is no matter to the validity of his election for his priviledge commenced 40 dayes before the Parliament therefore this and the like are to be judged of as accidentia quae possunt abesse adesse sine subjecti interitu Truely Mr. Speaker my memory and lungs begin to prove Traytors to me Another objection if omitted may be judged by these of what strength and maturity they even as by the coynage of a penny one may iudge of a shilling What hinders then since here is waâ—er but that he may be baptized Here are no non obstant's to be admitted in his new Pattent of Denization the common law the Statute law the Canon the Civill law plead for his admittance the writ of election the exemplification of the Sheriffs return all presidents of all ages all reports plead for his admittance our fore-fathers Ghosts the present practice of Parliaments in England plead for his admittance the Kings successive commands command and confirm his admittance Away then Serieant and with the hazarding power of our Mace touch the Marshals gates and as if there were Divinity in it they will open and bring us our Olive branch of peace wrested from our stock that with welcome Art we may ingraft him to be nourished by a common root Thus the King shall receive the benefit of an able subject who is otherwise civiliter mortuus we enjoy the participation of his labour and posterity both ours and this CAPTAINE AVDLEY MERVINS Speech to the Lords in the Upper house in the Parliament March 40. 1640. Concerning the impeachment of Sir Richard Bolton Knight Lord Chancellor of Ireland Iohn Lord Bishop of Derry Sir Gerrard Lowther Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas and Sir George Ratcliffe Knight with high Treason by the Knights Citizens and Burgesses of the Commons House My LORDS I Am commanded by the Knights Citizens and Bur-Burgesses of the Commons House to present unto you Irelands Tragedie the gray headed Common Lawes funerall and the Active Statutes death and obsequies this dejected spectacle answers but the prefiguring Type of Caesars murther wounded to the death in the Senate And by Brutus his bosome friend our Caesars image by reflexion even the fundamentall Lawes and Statutes of this Kingdome the sole means by which our estates are confirmed our liberties preserved our lives secured are wound to death in the Senate I mean in the Courts of Justice and by Brutus too even by those persons that have received their beings and subsistence from them so that here enters those inseparable first Twins Treason and Ingratitude In a plain phrase My Lords I tender unto you Treason High Treason such a Treason that wants nothing but words to expresse it To counterfeit the Kings Seale to counterfeit the Kings money it is Treason but this dyes with the individuall partie To betray a Fort is Treason but it dies with a few men To betray an Army is a Treason but it dyes with a limited number which may be reinforced again by politique industry To blow up both Houses of Parlament is Treason but succeeding ages may replant Branches by a fruitfull posterity but this High Treason which I do move in the name of the Houses of Commons charge and impeach Sir Richard Bolion Knight Lord Chancellour of Ireland and Sir Gerard Lowther Knight Lord Chief Iustice of the Common Pleas Iohn Lord Bishop of Derry Sir George Ratcliffe Knight is in its nature so far transcending any of the former that the rest seem to be but petty Larcenies in respect of this What is it to subvert the fundamentall Lawes of this Kingdome High Treason What is it with a contumacious malice to trample under feet the rich legacies of our forefathers purchased with sweat and expence I mean the Statute lawes what is it but High Treason What is it through an Innate Antipathie to the publick good to incarcerate the liberty of the Subject under the Iron and weighty chains of an arbitrary Government High Treason What is it since his Majestie the most amiable and delightful portraiture of flourishing and indulgent Justice to his Subjects to present him personated in their extrajudiciall censures and judgements but to possesse it possible the hearts of his loyall Subjects of this Kingdome That he is a bloody and devowring Tyrant and to provoke their never dying alleageance into a fatall and desperate Rebellion What is it to violate the sacred Graunts of many of his Majesties Progenitors Kings and Queenes of England confirmed under the broad Seale being the publique faith of this Kingdome by an extrajudiciall breath grounded upon no record What is it to insent a surreptitious clause forged by some servile brain in the preamble of our last Act of Subsidies by which the Kings most excellent Majesty and the Earl of Stofford are placed in one and the same sphear allowing them but equall influencies to nourish the alleageance of this Kingdome what is this but to extoll other then Regall Authority and to crucifie the Majestie of our most gracious Soveraign betwixt the two Theeves of Government Tyranny and Treason My Lords having such a full and lasting Gale to drive me into the depth of these accusations I cannot hereby steere and confine my course within the compasse of patience since I read in the first volumes of their browes the least of these to be the certain ruine of the Subject and if prov'd a most favorable Prologue to usher in the Tragedie of the Actors Councellers and Abetters herein What was then the first and main question it was the subvertion of the fundamentall Lawes of this Kingdome let then magna Charta that lies prostrated besmeared and groveling in her own gore discount her wounds as so many pregnant and undeniable proofs mark the Epethite Magna 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 confirmed by 30. Parliaments in the succession of eight Kings the violation of which hath severall times ingaged the Kingdome of England in a voluntary sacrifice a Charter which imposeth that pleasant and welbecomming oath upon all Soveraigntie to vindicate and preserve the Immunitie thereof before the Crown incircle their Royall Temples in this oath of so high consequence and generall interest his Majesty doth in a manner levie a fine to his Subjects use for avoiding all fraudulent conveyances in the Administration of Justice And this oath is transplanted unto the Judges as the Feoffees in trust appointed between his Majestie and the Subject and sealed by his Majesties provident care with that imphaticall penalty that their estates and lives shall be in the Kings mercy upon the violation of the same either in whole or in part neither hath the deserved punishment for the breach of this oath
Reprieve him till Satterday May 11th 1641. THis Letter all written with the Kings own hand the Peers this day received in Parliament delivered by the hand of the Prince It was twice read in the House and after serious and sad consideration the House resolved presently to send 12. of the Peers Messengers to the King humbly to signifie that neither of the two intentions expressed in the Letter could with duty in them or without danger to himselfe his dearest Consort the Queene and all the young Princes their Children possibly be advised With all which being done accordingly the reasons shewed to his Maiesty He suffered no more words to come from them but out of the fulnesse of his heart to the observance of Justice and for the contentment of his people told them that what he intended by his Letter was with an if if it may be done without discontentment of his People if that cannot be I say againe the same that I writ fiat justitia My other intention proceeding out of charity for a few dayes respite was upon certain information that his Estate was so distracted that it necessarily required some few dayes for setlement thereof Whereunto the Lords answered their purpose was to be Suitors to his Maiesty for favour to be shewed to his innocent Children and if himselfe had made any provision for them that the same might hold This was well liking to his Maiesty who thereupon departed from the Lords at his Maiesties parting they offered up into his hands the Letter it selfe which he had sent but He was pleased to say my Lords what I have written to you I shall content it be Registred by you in your House In it you see my minde I hope you will use it to my honor This upon returne of the Lords from the King was presently reported to the House by the Lord Privy Seal and ordered that these Lines should go out with the Kings Letter if any copy of the Letter were dispersed THAT BISHOPS ought not to have Votes in PARLIAMENT 1 BEcause it is a very great hinderance to the exercise of their Ministeriall Function 2 Because they doe vow and undertake at their Ordination when they enter into holy Orders that they will give themselves wholly to that Vocation 3. 4 Because Counsells and Canons in severall Ages do forbid them to meddle with secular affairs because 24 Bishops have dependancie on the two Archbishops and because of their Canonicall obedience to them 5 Because they are but for their lives and therefore are not fit to have legislative power over the honors inheritance persons and liberties of others 6 Because of Bishops dependancie and expecting translations to places of great profit 7 That severall Bishops have of late much incroached upon the consciēnces and liberties of the Subjects and they and their Successors will be much incouraged still to incroach and the Subjects will be much discouraged from complaining against such incouragements if 26 of that Order be to be Judges of those complaints the same reason extends to their legislative power in any Bill to passe for the regulation of their power upon any emergent inconveniencie by it 8 Because the whole number of them is interessed to maintaine the jurisdiction of Bishops which hath beene found so grievous to the three Kingdomes that Scotland hath utterly abolished it and multitudes in England and Ireland have petitioned against it 9 Because Bishops being Lords of Parliament it setteth too great a distance betweene them and the rest of their Brethren in the Ministry which occasioneth pride in them discontent in others and disquiet in the Church To their having Votes a long time Answ If inconvenient Time and usage are not to be considered with Law-makers some Abbots voted as anciently in Parliament as Bishops yet are taken away Therefore the Bishops Certificate to plenary of Benefice and loyalty of Marriage the Bill extends not to them For the secular Jurisdictions of the Deane of Westminster the Bishops of Durbam and Ely and the Archbishop of Yorke which they are to execute in their owne persons the former reasons shew the inconveniencies therein For their Temporall Courts and Jurisdictions which are executed by their Temporall Officers the Bill doth not concerne them The Lord Keepers Speech in the Upper House of Parliament Novemb. 3. 1640. My Lords ANd you the Knights Cittizens and Burgesses of the House of Commons you have been summoned by His Majesties Gracious Writ under the great Seal of England and you are here this day assembled for the holding of a Parliament The Writ tels you t is to treat and consult of the High Great and weighty affairs that concern the estate and safety of the Kingdom It tels you true that since the Conquest never was there a time that did more require and pray for the best advice and affection of the English people It is ill viewing of objects by viewing them in multiplying Glasse and it is almost as mischievous in the speech of such a broken Glasse which represents but to the half The onely and the perfect way is to look in a true Mirror I will not take upon me to be a good looker in it I will onely hold it to you to make use of it The Kingdom of England is this multiplying Glasse you may there see a State which hath flourished for divers hundred yeers famous for time of peace and warre glorious at home and ever considerable abroad A Nation to whom never yet any Conqueror gave new Laws nor abolished the old nor would this Nation ever suffer a Conqueror to meddle with their Laws no not the Romanes who yet when as they subdued all the people made it part of the Conquest to leave their Laws in triumph with them For the Saxons Danes and the Normans if this were a time to travell into such particulars it were an easie task to make it appear that it never changed the old established Lawes of England nor ever brought in any new so as you have the frame and constitution of a Common-wealth made glorious by antiquity And it is with States as with persons and families certainly an interrupted pedigree doth give lustre It is glorious in the whole frame wortth your looking upon long and your consideration in every part The King is the head of the Common-wealth the Fountain of Justice the life of the Law He is anima deliciae legis Behold Him in His glorious Ancestors that have so swayed the Scepter of the Kingdome Behold Him in the high attributes and the great prerogatives which so ancient and unalterable Laws have given and invested him with Behold Him in the happy times that we have so long lived under His Monarchiall government For His excellent Majesty that now is our most Gratious Soveraign you had need wipe the Glasse and wipe your eyes and then you shall truely behold him a King of exemplary Pietie and Justice and a King of rare endowments and
a few hard words against Iesuites all popery is countenanc'd Whosoever squares his actions by any rule either Divine or Humane hee is a Puritan Whosoever would be governed by the Kings Lawes he is a Puritan Hee that will not doe whatsoever other men would have him doe he is a Puritan Their great worke their Master-piece now is To make all those of the Religion to be the suspected party of the Kingdome Let us further reflect upon the ill effect these Courts have wrought what by a defection from us on the one side a separation on the other Some imagining whither we are tending made haste to turne or declare themselves Papists before hand thereby hoping to render themselves the more gracious the more acceptable A great multitude of the Kings Subjects striving to hold communion with us but seeing how far we were gone and searing how much further we wouâ—d goe were forc'd to flye the Land some into other inhabited Countries very many into Savago wildernesses because the Land would not bear them Do not they that cause these things cast a reproach upon the government Mr. Speaker let it be our principall care that these wayes neither continue nor returne upon us If wee secure our Religion wee shall cut off and defeat many Plots that are now on foot by Them and Others Beleeve it Sir Religion hath beene for a long time and still is the great designe upon this Kingdome It is a knowne and practic'd principle That they who would introduce another Religion into the Church must first trouble and disorder the government of the State that so they may worke their ends in a confusion which now lyes at the doore I come next Mr. Speaker to the Kings businesse more particularly which indeed is the Kingdomes for one hath no existence no being without the other their relation is so neere yet some have strongly and subtilly laboured a divorce which hath beene the very band both of King and Kingdome When foundations are shaken it is high time to looke to the building He hath no Heart no Head no Soule that is not moved in his whole man to look upon the distresses the miseries of the Common-wealth that is not forward in all that he is and hath to redresse them in a right way The King likewise is reduced to great straights wherein it were undutifulnesse beyond inhumanity to take advantage for him let us rather make it an advantage for him to doe him best service when he hath most need Not to seeke our owne good but in Him and with Him else wee shall commit the same crimes our selves which wee must condemne in others His Majesty hath clearely and freely put himselfe into the hands of this Parliament and I presume there is not a Man in this House but feeles himselfe advanc't in this high trust but if Hee prosper no better in our hands than he hath done in theirs who have hitherto had the handling of his affaires wee shall for ever make our selves unworthy of so gracious a confidence I have often thought and said that it must bee some great extremity that would recover and certifie this state and when thâ—t extremity did come Jt would be a great hazzard whether it might prove a remedy or ruine We are now Mr. Speaker upon that verticall turning poynt and therefore it is no time to palliate to foment our owne undoing Let us set upon the remedy wee must first know the Disease But to discover the deseases of the State is according to some to traduce the Government yet others are of opinion that this is the halfe way to the Cure His Majesty is wiser than they that have advised him and therefore hee cannot but see and feele their subverting destructive Counsells which speake lowder than I can speak of them for they ring a dolefull deadly knell over the whole Kingdome His Majesty best knowes who they are for us let the Matters bolt out the men their actions discover them They are men that talke largely of the Kings service have done none but their owne and that 's too evident They speake highly of the Kings power but they have made it a miserable power that produceth nothing but weaknesse both to the King and Kingdome They have exhausted the Kings revenew to the bottome nay through the bottome and beyond They have spent vast summes of money wastefully fruitlesly dangerously So that more money without other Counsells will be but a swift undoing They have alwayes peremptorily pursued one obstinate pernicious course First they bring things to an extremitie then they make that extremity of their owne making the reason of their next action seven times worse than the former and there wee are at this instant They have almost spoyled the best instituted Government in the world for Soveraignty in a King liberty to the Subject the proportionable temper of both which makes the happiest state for power for riches for duration They have unmannerly and slubbringly cast all their Projects all their Machinations upon the King which no wise or good Minister of State ever did but would still take all harsh distasteful things upon themselves to cleare to sweeten their Master They have not suffered his Majestie to appeare unto his people in his owne native goodnesse They have eclipsed him by their interposition althogh grosse condense bodies may obscure and hinder the Sun from shining out yet is hee still the same in his owne splendor And when they are removed all Creatures under him are directed by his light comforted by his beames But they have framed a superstitious seeming Maxime of State for their owne turne That if a King will suffer men to be torne from him hee shall never have any good service done him When the plaine truth is that this is the surest way to preserve a King from having ill servants abâ—ut him And the Divine Truth likewise is Take away the wicked from the King and his Throne shall be established Mr. Speaker Now wee see what the sores are in generall and when more particulars shall appeare let us be very carefull to draw out the Cores of them not to skin them over with a slight suppurating fâ—string Cure lest they breake out againe into a greater m schiefe consider of it consult and speake your min es It hath heretofore beene boasted That the King should never call a Parliament till he had no need of his people These were words of Division and malignitie The King must alwaies according to his occasions have use of his peoples Power Hearts Hands Purses The People will alwayes have need of the Kings Clemencie Iustice Protection And this Reciprocation is the strongest the sweetest union It hath bin said too of late That a Parliament will take away more from the King then they will give him It may well be said That those things which will fall away of themselves will enable the Subject to give him more than can be taken any way
to the Lord Conttington then present said That this was a poynt worthy his Lordships consideration 27 That in or about the Moneth of August last he was made Lieutenant Generall of all his Majesties Forces in the Northerne parts against the Scots and being at York did in the Moneth of September by his owne authority and without any lawfull warrant impose a Taxe on his Majesties Subjects in the County of Yorke of eight pence perâ—iem for maintenance of every Souldier of the Trayned bands of that County which Summes of money hee caused to bee leavied by force And to the end to compell his Majesties Subjects out of feare and terrour to yeeld to the payment of the same He did declare that hee would commit them that refused the payment thereof and the Souldiers should be satisfied out of their estates and they that refused it were in very little better condition than of High Treason 28 That in the Moneth of September and October last he the said Earle of Strafford being certesild of the Scottish Army comming into the Kingdome and hee the said Earle of Strafford being Lieutenant Generall of his Majesties Armie did not provide to the defence of the Towne of New-Castle as he ought to have done but suffred the same to be lost that so hee might the more incence the English against the Scots And for the same wicked purpose and out of a malicious desire to ingage the Kings kingdoms of England and Scotland in a Nationall and bloody Warre he did write to the Lord Conway the Generall of the Horse and under the said Earles command that hee should fight with the Scottish Army at the passage over the Tyne whatsoever should follow notwithstanding that the said Lord Conway had formerly by Letters informed him the said Earle that his Majesties Armie then under his command was not of force sufficient to encounter the Scots by which advice of his hee did contrary to the duty of his place betray his Majesties Armie then under his command to apparent danger and losse All and every which Words Counsells and Actions of the said Earle of Strafford traiterously and contrary to his allegeance to our Soveraigne Lord the King and with an intention and endeavour to alienate and withdraw the hearts and affections of the Kings Liege people of all his Realmes from his Majesty and to set a division betweene them and to ruine and destroy his Majesties said Kingdomes For which they doe further impeach him the said Thomas Earle of Strafford of High Treason against our Soveraigne Lord the King his Crowne and Dignity The Earle of Bristowes Speech the 7th of Decemb. 1640. MAY this dayes Resolution be as happy as the Proposition which now moves me to rise seasonable and necessary for whether wee shall looke upon the King or the people it did never more behoove us the great Physitian the Parliament to effect a true consent towards all parts than now This debate carries with it a double aspect towards the Soveraigne and towards the Subject though both innocent both injured both to be cured In the representation of Injuries I shall crave your attention In the Cures I shall beseech your equall cares and better Iudgements surely in the greatest humility I speake it their illegall wayes are works and punishments of indignation The raising of Leavies strengthened by Commission with un-heard of instructions the billiting of Souldiers and by Lieutenants and their Deputies without leave have beene as if they would have perswaded Princes nay worlds the right of Empire had beene had to take away what they please by strong hands and they have endeavoured as farre as it was possible for them to doe it This hath not beene done by the King under the pleasing shade of whose Crowne I hope we shall ever gather the fruits of Iustice but the Projectors have extended the Prerogative of the King beyond the limits which mars that sweete harmony They have rent from us the light of our eyes enforced Companies of guests upon us worse than the Ordinary of France vitiated of wives and daughters before our faces brought the Crowne to greater want than ever it was by anticipating the Revenue And can the shepheard be thus smitten and the sheepe not scattered They have introduced a Privie Councell ravishing at once the spheares of all ancient government imprisoning without Bayle or Bond. They have taken from us what shall I say indeed what have they left us All meanes of supplying the King and ingratiating our selves with him taking the rootes of all propriety which if it be seasonably set into the ground by his owne hand we shall have instead of beauty baldnesse To the making of them whole I shall apply my selfe and propound a remedy to all these diseasis by one and the same thing Hath King and People beene hurt and by one and the same thing must they be cured to vindicate what new things no our ancient sober vitall libertie by reinforming our ancient Lawes made by our Ancestors by setting such a Charter upon them as no licentious spirits should dare hereafter to enter upon them And shall wee thinke that a way to breake a Parliament no our desires are modest and just I speake truely both for the interest of the King and people if we enjoy not this it will bee impossible to relieve him Therefore let us feare they shall not bee accepted by his goodnesse Therefore I shall discend unto my motions which consists of foure parts two of which have relation to the persons two to the properties of goods For the persons the freedome of them from imprisonment and from imployment abroad contrary to the ancient customes for our goods that no leavies be made but in Parliament Secondly no billiting of Souldiers It is most necessary that these be resolved that the subject be secured in both Then the manner in the second place be fit to det-ermine it by a grand Committee Mr. MAINARDS Speech before both Houses in Parliament on Wednesday 24 th of March in reply upon the Earle of Straffords answer to his Articles at the Barre My Lords I Shall repeat little of that which hath beene said onely this That whereas my Lord of Strafford did answer to many particulars yet hee did not answer to that which was particularly objected against him that is that you were to heare the complaints of the whole Kingdome now the particular of our aime is to take off the vizard which my Lord hath put on wherein the truth and honour which is due to his Majestie he would attribute to himselfe My Lords there is one thing which I desire your Lordships to remember it being the maine of our complaints The alteration of the face of government and tradacing of his owne Lawes and this is the burthen upon all the Lords and Commons of Ireland Concerning the breach of Parliament he would put it on Sir George Ratcliffe but iâ—me sure he cannot put off himselfe for Sir George
duty and allegiance to keepeâ—t secret Master Speaker it was never intended by his Majesty so professed by him at that time and so declared to all the Judges that it was not required by him to be such a binding opinion to the Subject as to hinder him from calling it in question nor to be binding to themselves but that upon better reason and advise they may alter it but desired their opinions for his owne private reason I know very well that extrajudiciall opinions of Judges ought not to be binding But I did think and speake my heart and conscience freely my selfe and the rest of the Judges being sworne and by our Oaths tyed to counsell the King when he should require advise of us that we were bound by our oaths and duties to returne our opinions I did obey his Majesties command and doe here before the God of heaven avow it I did never use the least promise of preferment or reward to any nor did use the least menacy I did leave it freely to their owne consciences and liberty for I was left the liberty of my owne by his Majesty and had reason to leave them the liberty of their owne consciences And I beseech you be pleased to have some beliefe that I would not say this but that I know the God of heaven will make it appeare and I beseech you that extravagant speeches may not move against that which is a positive and cleare truth Master Speaker in the discourse of this as is betweene Judges some small discourses sometimes yet never any cause wherein any Judges conferred that were so little conference as between me and them Master Speaker against a Negative I can say nothing but I shall affirme nothing unto you but by the grace of God as I affirme it to be true so I make no doubt of making it appeare to be so This opinion was subscribed without Solicitation there was not any man of us did make any doubt of subscribing our opinion but two Master Justice Hutton and Master Iustice Crooke Master Iustice Crooke made not a scruple of the thing but of the introduction for it was thus That whereas the Ports the Maritine Towns were concerned there according to the Presidents in former times the charge lay on them So when the Kingdome was in danger of which his Majesty was the sole Iudge whether it was not agreeable to Law and reason the whole Kingdome to beare the charge I left this case with Iudge Crooke The next Terme I spake with him hee could give me no resolution because hee had not seene the Writs in former times but did give his opinion that when the whole Kings dome was in danger they of the defence ought to be borne by all So of that opinion of his there was no need of a Solicitation I speake no more here than I did openly in my argument in the Chequer Chamber This is the naked truth for Master Iustice Hutton he did never subscribe at all I will onely say this that I was so farre from pressing him to give his opinion because he did ask time to consider of it that I will boldly say and make it good that when his Majesty would have had him sometimes sent for to give his opinion I beseeched his Majesty to leave him to himselfe and his conscience and that was the ill office I did The Iudges did subscribe in November or December 1635. I had no conference nor truly I think by accident any discourse with any of the Iudges touching their opinions for till February 1636 there was no speech of it for when they had delivered their opinions I did returne according to my duty to my Master the King and delivered them to him in whose custody they be in In February 1636 upon a command that came from his Majesty by one of the then Secretaries of State the Iudges all assembled in Grayes-Inn we did then fall into a debate of the case then sent unto us and wee did then returne our opinion unto his Majesty there was then much discourse and great debate about it Mine opinion and conscience at that time was agreeable to that opinion I then delivered I did use the best arguments I could for the maintainance of my opinion and that was all I did It is true that then at that time Master Iustice Hutton and Master Justice Crooke did not differ in the maine point which was this When the Kingdome was in danger the charge ought to be borne by the whole Kingdome But in this point whether the King was the sole Judge of the danger they differed So as there was betweene the first subscription and this debate and consultation some 15 moneths difference It is true that all of them did then subscribe both Justice Hutton and Justice Crooke which was returned to his Majestie and after published by my Lord Keeper my predecessour in the Star-chamber For the manner of publishing it I will say nothing but leave it to those whose memories wil call to mind what was then done The reason of the subscription of Iustice Hutton and Iustice Crooke though they differed in opinion grew from this that was told them from the rest of the Iudges That where the greater number did agree in their vote the rest were involved and included And now I have faithfully delivered what I did in that businesse till I came which was afterwards to my argument in the Exchequer Chamber for the question was A scire facias issued out of the Exchequer in that case of Master Hampdens of which I can say nothing for it was there begun and afterwards rejourned to have advice of all the Iudges Master Speaker among the rest according to my duty I argued the case I shall not trouble you to tell you what my argument was I presume there are Copies enough of it onely I will tell you there are foure things very briefly what I then declared First concerning the matter of danger and necessity of the whole Kingdome I professe that there was never a Judge in the Kingdome did deliver an opinion but that it must be in a case of apparant danger When we came to an argument of the case it was not upon a matter or issue but it was upon a demurrer Whether the danger was sufficiently admitted in pleading and therefore was not the thing that was in dispute that was the first degree and step that led unto it I did deliver my selfe as free and as cleare as any man did that the King ought to governe by the positive Lawes of the Kingdome that hee could not alter nor change nor innovate in matters of Law but by common consent in Parliament I did further deliver that if this were used to make a further revenue or benefit to the King or in any other way but in case of necessity and for the preservation of the Kingdome The judgement did warrant no such thing My opinion in this businesse I did in my
conclusion of my argument submit to the judgement of this House I never delivered my opinion that mony ought to be raised but Ships provided for the defence of this Kingdome and in that the Writ was performed And that the charge ought not to be in any case but where the whole Kingdome was in danger And Master Justice Hutton and Master Iustice Crooke were of the same opinion with me I doe humbly submit having related unto you my whole carriage in this businesse humbly submitting my selfe to your grave and favourable censures beseeching you not to think that I delivered these things with the least intention to subvert or subject the common Law of the Kingdome or to bring in or to introduce any new way of government it hath bin farre from my thoughts as any thing under the heavens Master Speaker I have heard too that there hath bin some ill opinion conceived of me about Forrest businesse which was a thing farre out of the way of my study as any thing I know towards the Law But it pleased his Majesty in the sicknesse of Master Noy to give some short warning to prepare my selfe for that imployment When I came there I did both the King and Common-wealth acceptable service for I did and dare be bold to say with extreame danger to my selfe and fortune some doe understand my meaning herein run through that businesse and left the Forrest as much as was there A thing in my judgement considerable for the advantage of the Common-wealth as could be undertaken When I went downe about that imployment I satisfied my selfe about the matter of perambulation There were great difficulties of opinions what perambulation was I did arme my selfe as well as I could before I did any thing in it I did acquaint those that were then Iudges in the presence of the noble Lords with such objections as I thought it my duty to offer unto them If they thought they were not objections of such waight as were fit to stirre them I would not doe the King that disservice They thought the objections had such answers as might well induce the like upon a conference with the whole Country admitting mee to come and conferre with them the Country did unanimously subscribe It fell out afterwards that the King commanded me and all this before I was chiefe Iustice to goe into Essex and did then tell me he had beene enformed that the bounds of the Forrest were narrower then in truth they ought to be and I did according to his command I will here professe that which is knowne to many I had no thought or intention of enlarging the bounds of the Forrest further then H. and that part about it for which there was a perambulation about 26 Edward 4. I desired the Country to confer with me about it if they were pleased to doe it and then according to my duty I did produce those Records which I thought fit for his Majesties service leaving them to discharge themselves as by Law and Justice they might doe I did never in the least kind goe about to overthrow the charter of the Forrest And did publish and maintaine Charta de Foresta as a sacred thing and no man to violate it and ought to be preserved for the King and Common-wealth I doe in this humbly submit and what I have done to the goodnesse and Justice of this House FINIS Mr. Herbotle Grimstones second Speech in Parliament the 18. of December 1640. Master Speaker THere hath been presented to the house a most faithfull and exact report of the conference wee had with the Lords yesterday together with the opinion of the Committees that we imployed in the service that they conceaved it fit that the Archbishop of Canterbury should be sequestred and I must second the motion And with the favour of this House I shall be bold to offer my reasons why I conceive it more necessary wee should proceed a little further then the desire of a bare sequestration onely Master Speaker long Introductions are not suitable to waâ—ghty businesses wee are now fallen upon the great man the Archbishop of Canterbury looke upon him as hee is in highnesse and he is the Stye of all pestilentiall filth that hath infected the State and Government of this Common wealth Looke upon him in his dependances and he is the man the onely man that hath raised and advanced all those that together with himselfe have beene the Authors and Causers of all our ruines miseries and calamities wee row groane under Who is it but he only that hath brought the Earle of Strafford to all his great places and imployments a fit spirit and instrument to act and execute all his wicked and bloudy Designes in these Kingdomes Who is it but hee onely that brought in Secretary Windibank into this place of service of trust the very Broker and Pander to the Whore of Babylon Who is it Master Speaker but hee onely that hath advanced all our Popish Bishops I shall name but some of them Bishop Manering the Bishop of Bath and Wells the Bishop of Oxford and Bishop Wren the least of all these birds but one of the most uncleane ones These are the men that should have fed Christs Flock but they are the Wolfes that have devoured them the Sheepe should have fed upon the Mountaines but the Mountaines have eaten up the Sheepe It was the happinesse of our Church when the Zeale of Gods house eat up the Bishops glorious and brave Martyrs that went to the Stake in defence of the Protestant Religion but the Zeale of the Bishops hath beene onely to persecute and eat up the Church Who is it Master Speaker but this great Archbishop of Canterbury that hath sitten at the helme to steere and to mannage all the projects that have beene set on foot in this Kingdome this tenne yeares last past and rather then hee would stand out he hath most unworthily trucked and chafered in the meanest of them as for instance that of Tobacco wherein thousands of poore people have beene stripped and turned out of their Trades for which they have served as Apprentizes wee all know he was the Compounder and Contracter with them for the Licences putting them to pay Fines and a fee Farme rent to use their Trade certainly Master Speaker hee might have spent his time much better and more for his Grace in the Pulpit then thus sherking and raking in the Tobacco-shops Master Speaker we all know what he hath been charged withall here in this house crimes of a dangerous consequence and of a transcendent nature no lesse then the subversion of the Government of this Kingdome and the alteration of the Protestant Religion and this is not upon bare information onely but much of it is come before us already upon cleare and minifest proofes and there is scarce any grievance or complaint come before us in this Place wherein we do not find him intermentioned and as it were twisted into
the East-Indies and may erect a Company of the West-Indies for the golden fleece which shall bee prepared for you whensoever you are ready for so great a Consultation The right way to nourish these Northâ—â—â—e Trades is by his Majesties favour to presse the King of Denmarke to Justice not to come as his intolerable Taxes newly imposed upon Trade in the passage of the Sound in Examples whereof the Elector of Brandenburgh joyning with the King of Poland hath likewise more then trebled the ancient and capitulated Duties which if that they shall continue I pronounce all the Commerce of the Baltique Sea so over-burthened That the East-land Company cannot subsist nor without them and the Muscovie Company the Navigation but that the materials for shipping will be doubled which will eat out all Trades I have given you but Essayes and strooke little sparkes of fire before you My intention is but to provoke the wit and ability of others I have drawn you a Map wherein you cannot see things clearely and distinctly onely I introduce matter before you and now I have done when I have shewed you the way how to enlarge and bring every particular thing into debate To which end my motion and desire is this That we may send to every severall Company of Merchants trading in Companies and under Government and Priviledges and to aske of them what is their Grievances in their generall Trade not to rake into private Complaints what are the causes of decay or abuses in their Trades and of the want of money which is visible and of the great losses both to the Kingdome and to every particular by the late high exchanges and to desire every one of these Companies to set downe their judgement in writing to the Committee by a day appointed and having from them all the generall state of the complaints severally we shall make some judgements of these relations one to another this done I desire to require all the same severall Companies upon their owne papers to propose to us in writing the Remedies appliable in their judgement which materials having all together and comparing one with another we shall discover that truth which we seeke that is whether Trade and Money decay or not and how to remedy it But I have one request more and so I will ease you of my losse of your time That when from all these Merchants we shall have before us so much matter and without such variety and perhaps not without private and partiall ends that then you will give me leave to represent to you the names of some generall and others dis-interessed and wel experienced in many particulars who may assist our judgements in all the premisses particularly in moneys and exchanges and give us great light to prepare our result and resolution to bee by the whole House of Commons represented to his Majesty and for expedition that a sub-Committee may be named to direct this Information from the Merchants THE LORD FAUKLAND His SPEECH Concerning EPISCOPACY MASTER SPEAKER he is a great stranger in Israel who knowes not that this Kingdome hath long laboured under many and great oppressions both in religion and liberty and his acquaintance here is not great or his ingenuity lesse who doth not both know and acknowledge that a great if not a principall cause of both these have beene some Bishops and their adherents Master Speaker a little search will serve to find them to have beene the destruction of unitie under pretence of uniformity to have brought in superstition and scandall under the titles of reverence and decency to have defil'd our Church by adorning our Churches to have slackned the strictnesse of that union which was formerly betweene us and those of our religion beyond the sea an action as unpoliticke as ungodly Master Speaker wee shall finde them to have Tith'd Mint and Anise and have left undone the weightier works of the Law to have been lesse eager upon those who damne our Church then upon those who upon weake conscience and perhaps as weake reasons the dislike of some commanded garment or some uncommanded posture onely abstained from it Nay it hath been more dangerous for men to goe to some neighbours Parish when they had no sermon in their owne then to be obstinate and perpetuall Recusants while Masses have been said in security a conventicle hath beene a crime and which is yet more the conforming to ceremonies hath beene more exacted then the conforming to Christianity and whilest men for scruples have beene undone for attempts upon Sodomie they have onely beene admonished Master Speaker we shall find them to have beene like the hen in Esop which laying every day an egge upon such a proportion of barly her Mistresse increasing her proportion in hope shee would encrease her egges shee grew so fat upon that addition that shee never laid more so though at first their preaching were the occasion of their preferment they after made their preferment the occasion of their not preaching Master Speaker we shall find them to have resembled another fable the dog in the manger to have neither preached themselves nor employ'd those that should nor suffered those that would to have brought in catechising only to thrust out preaching cryed downe Lectures by the name of Factions either because their industry in that duty appeared a reproofe to their neglect of it not unlike to that we read of him who in Nero's time and Tacitus his story was accused because by his vertue he did appeare Exprobrare vitia Principis or with intention to have brought in darknesse that they might the easier sow their tares while it was night and by that introduction of ignorance introduce the better that Religion which accompts it the Mother of devotion Master Speaker in this they have abused his Majesty as well as his people for when they had with great wisedome since usually the children of darknesse are wiser in their generation then the children of light I may guesse not without some eye upon the most politicke action of the most politicke Church silenced on both parts those opinions which have often tormented the Church and have and will alway trouble the schooles they made use of this declaration to tye up one side and let the other loose whereas they ought either in discretion to have beene equally restrained or in justice to have beene equally tolerated And it is observable that that party to which they gave this licence was that whose doctrine though it were not contrary to law was contrary to custome and for a long while in this Kingdome was no oftner preached then recanted The truth is Master Speaker that as some ill Ministers in our state first tooke away our mony from us and after indeavoured to make our mony not worth the taking by turning it into brasse by a kind of Antiphilosophers-stone so these men used us in the point of preaching first depressing it to their power and next labouring to
bee bound together If this Treason had taken effect our Soules had been inthralled to the Spirituall Tyranny of Sathan our Consciences to the Ecclesiasticall Tyranny of the Pope our Lives our Persons and Estates to the Civill Tyranny of an arbitrary unlimited confused Government Treason in the least degree is an odious and a horrid Crime other Treasons are particular if a Fort bee betrayed or an Army or any other treasonable fact committed the Kingdome may out-live any of these this Treason would have dissolved the frame and beeing of the Common-wealth it is an Universall a Catholike Treason the venome and malignity of all other Treasons are abstracted digested sublimated into this The Law of this Kingdome makes the King to be the fountaine of Justice of Peace of Protection therefore we say the Kings Courts the Kings Judges the Kings Lawes The Royall Power and Majestie shines upon us in every publique blessing and benefit wee enjoy but the Author of this Treason would make him the fountaine of Injustice of Confusion of publike misery and calamitie The Gentiles by the light of Nature had some obscure apprehensions of the Deity of which they made this expression that hee was Deus optimus maximus an infinite goodnesse and an infinite greatnesse All soveraigne Princes have some Characters of Divinity imprinted on them they are set up in their dominions to bee Optimi Maximi that they should exercise a goodnesse proportionable to their greatnesse That Law terme Laesa Majestas whereby they expresse that which wee call Treason was never more thorowly fulfilled then now there cannot bee a greater laesion or diminution of Majestie then to bereave a King of the glory of his goodnesse It is goodnesse My Lords that can produce not onely to his people but likewise to himself honour and happiness There are Principalities Thrones and Dominions amongst the Divels greatness enough but being uncapable of goodness they are made uncapable both of honour and happinesse The Lawes of this Kingdome have invested the Royall Crowne with power sufficient for the manifestation of his goodness and of his greatness if more bee required it is like to have no other effects but povertie weaknesse and miserie whereof of late wee have had very wofull experience It is farre from the Commons to desire any abridgement of those great Prerogatives which belong to the King they know that their own Liberty Peace are preserved and secured by his Prerogative they will alwayes be ready to support and supply his Majesty with their lives and fortunes for the maintenance of his just and lawfull Power This My Mords is in all our thoughts in our prayers and I hope will so be manifested in our indeavours that if the proceedings of this Parliament bee not interrupted as others have beene the King may within a few moneths bee put into a cleare way of as much greatnesse plenty and glory as any of his Royall Ancestors have enjoyed A King and his People make one Body the inferiour parts conferre nourishment and strength the superiour sense and motion If there be an interruption of this necessary intercourse of bloud and spirits the whole Body must needs bee subject to decay and distemper therefore obstructions are first to bee removed before restoratives can be applyed This My Lords is the end of this Accusation whereby the Commons seeke to remove this person whom they conceive to have beene a great cause of the obstructions betwixt his Majesty and his People for the effecting whereof they have commanded mee to desire your Lordships that their proceedings against him may bee put into as speedy a way of dispatch as the courses of Parliaments will allow First that hee may bee called to answer and they may have liberty to reply that there may bee a quick and secret examination of witnesses and they may from time to time bee acquainted with the depositions that so when the cause shall bee ripe for Judgement they may collect the severall Examinations and represent to your Lordships in one entire Body the state of the Proofes as now by mee they have presented to you the state of the Charge Mr. PYM his SPEECH After the Articles of the Charge against Sr. GEORGE RATCLIFFE were read My LORDS BY hearing this Charge your Lordships may perceive what neere conjunction there is betweene this Cause and the Earle of STRAFFORDS the materials are for the most part the same in both the offences of the Earle moving from an higher Orb are more comprehensive they extend both to England and Ireland these except in one particular of reducing of England by the Irish Army are confined within one Kingdome the Earle is charged as an Authour Sir GEORGE RATCLIFFE as an Instrument and subordinate Actor The influences of superiour Planets are often augmented and inforced but seldome mitigated by the concurrence of the inferiour where merit doth arise not from well-doing but from ill the officiousnesse of ministers will rather adde to the malignity of their Instructions then diminish it that so they may more fully ingratiate themselves with those upon whom they depend In the crimes committed by the Earle there appears more haughtinesse and fiercenesse being acted by his owne principles those motions are ever strongest which are neerest the Primum mobile But in those of Sir GEORGE RATCLIFFE there seemes to be more basenesse and servility having resigned and subjected himselfe to bee acted by the corrupt will of onother The Earle of STRAFFORD hath not beene bred in the study and practice of the Law and having stronger lusts and passions to incite and lesse knowledge to restraine him might more easily be transported from the Rule Sir GEORGE RATCLIFFE in his naturall temper and disposition more moderate and by his education and profession better acquainted with the grounds and directions of the Law was carried into his offences by a more immediate Concurrence of will and a more corrupt suppression of his owne Reason and Judgement My Lords as both these have beene partners in offending so it is the desire of the Commons they may bee put under such tryall and examination and other proceedings of justice as may bring them to partake in a deserved punishment for the safety and good of both Kingdomes Mr SPEAKERS SPEECH At the presenting of these three BILLS viz. An Act For the shortning of Michaelmas Terme For the pressing of Mariners for the Kings Ships For the remainder of the six entire Subsidies May it please your most excellent Majesty THE great security of the Kingdome rests in the happy concurrence of the King and people in the unity of their hearts These joyned safety and plenty attends the Scepter but divided distraction and confusion as Bryers and Thorns overspreads and makes the Land barren No peace to the King No prosperity to the people The duties and affections of your subjects are most transparent most cleare in the cheerfull and most liberall contributions given to knit fast this union with
Let every man wipe his heart as he does his eyes when hee would judge of a nice and subtile object The eye if it be pretincted with any colour is vitiated in its discerning Let us take heed of a blood-shotten-eye of Judgement Let every man purge his heart cleare of all passions I know this great and wise body politick can have none but I speak to inviduals from the weaknesse which I finde in my selfe Away with personall animosities away with all flatteries to the people in being the sharper against him because he is odious to them away with all feares lest by the sparing his bloud they may be incenst away with all such considerations as that it is not fit for a Parliament that one accused by it of Treason should escape with life Let not former vehemence of any against him nor feare from thence that he cannot be safe while that man lives be an ingredient in the sentence of any one of us Of all these corruptives of judgement Mr. Speaker I doe before God discharge my self to the uttermost of my power And doe with a cleare Conscience wash my hands of this mans blood by this solemne protestation that my Vote goes not to the taking of the Earle of Straffords life FINIS The Two last SPEECHES of Thomas Wentworth Late Earle of Strafford and Deputy of Ireland His speech in the Tower to the Lords RIght Honourable and the rest you are now come to convey me to my death I am willing to dye which is a thing no more than all our Predecessors have done and a debt that our Posterity must in their due time discharge which since it can be no way avoyded it ought the lesse to be feared for that which is common to all ought not to be intollerable to any It is the Law of Nature the tribute of the flesh a remedie from all worldly cares and troubles and to the truly penitent a perfect path to blessednesse And there is but one death though severall wayes unto it mine is not naturall but inforced by the Law and Iustice it hath been sayd that the Lawes vex only the meaner sort of people but the mighty are able to withstand them it is not so with me for to the Law I submit my self and confesse that I receive nothing but Iustice for he that politikly intendeth good to a Common-weale may be called a just man but he that practiseth either for his own profit or any other sinister ends may be well termed 2 delinquent person neither is delay in punishment any privilege for pardon And moreover I ingenuously confesse with Cicero That the death of the bad is the safety of the good that be alive Let no man trust either in the favour of his Prince the friendship and consanguinity of his Peeres much lesse in his own wisedome and knowledge of which I ingeniously confesse I have been too confident Kings as they are men before God so they are Gods before men and I may say with a great man once in this kingdome Had I strived to obey my God as faithfully as I sought to honour my King fraudulently I had stood and not fallen Most happie and fortunate is that Prince who is as much for his justice feared as for his goodnes beloved For the greater that Princes are in power above other the more they ought in verrue to excell other and such is the royall Soveraign whom I late served For my Peeres the correspondence that I had with them during my prosperity was to me very delightfull and pleasing and here they have commiserated my ruine I have plentifully found who for the most generous of them I may boldly say though they have detested the fact yet they have pitied the person delinquent the first in their loyaltie the last in their charitie ingenuously confessing that never any Subject or Peere of my rank had ever that help of Counsell that benefit of time or a more free and legall tryall than I have had of the like to which none of my Predecessors hath had so much favor from his Prince so much sufferance from the people in which I comprehend the understanding Commons not the many headed monster Multitude but I have offended and sentenced and must now suffer me And for my too much confidence in my supposed wisdome and knowledge therein have been the most deceived For he that is wise to himself and knowes by others faults to correct his own offences to be truly wise is to be Secretaries to our selves for it is meere folly to reveale and intimate thoughts to strangers wisdome is the most precious Gem with which the minde can be adorned and learning the most famous thing for which a man ought to be esteemed and true wisedome teacheth us to do well as to speak well in the first I have failed for the wisedome of man in foolishnesse with God For knowledge it is a thing indifferent both to good and evill but the best knowledge is for a man to know himself he that doth so shall esteem of himself but little for he considereth from whence he came and whereto he must he regardeth not the vain pleasures of this life he exaiteth God and strives to live in his fear but he that knoweth not himself is wilfull in his own wayes unprofitable in his life unfortunate in his death and so am I. But the reason why I sought to attain unto it was this I have read that he thâ—t knoweth not that which he ought to know is a bruit beast amongst men he that knoweth more then he ought to know is a man amongst beasts but he that knoweth all that may be known is a God amongst men To this I much aspired in this I much failed Vanitie of Vanities all is but vanity I have heard the people clamour and cry out saying That through my occasion the times are bad I wish that when I am dead they may prove better most true it is that there is at this time a great storm in ending God in his mercie avert it And since it is my particular lot lik Jonab to be cast into the sea I shall think my life well spent to appease Gods wrath and satisfie the peoples malice O what is eloquence more than air fashioned with an articulate and distinct sound when it is a speciall vertue to speak little and well and silence is oft the best oratory for sools in their dumbnesse may be accounted wise It hath power to make a good matter seem bad and a bad cause appear good but mine was to me unprofitable and like the Cypresse trees which are great and tall but altogether without fruit What is honour but the first step to disquietnesse and power is still waited on by envy neither hath it any priviledge against infamy It is held to be the chiefe part of honour for a man to joyn to his office and calling courtesie and affability commiseration and pity for thereby he draweth to
offences were contrived committed perpetrated and done at such time as the said Sir Richard Bolton Sir Gerard Lowther and Sir George Radcliffe Knights were privy Counsellors of State within this Kingdom and against their and every of their oathes of the same at such times as the said Sir R. Bolton Kt. was Lord Chancellor of Ireland or chief Baron of his Majesties Court of Exchequer within this Kingdom and Sir Gerard Lowther Knight was Lord chief Justice of the said Court of Common Pleas and against their Oathes of the same and at such time as the said John L. Bishop of Derry was actuall Bishop of Derry within this Kingdom and were done and speciated contrary to their and every of their allegiance severall and respective oathes taken in that behalf IV. For which the said Knights Citizens and Burgesses do impeach the said Sir Richard Bolton Lord Chancellor of Ireland Iohn L. B. of Derry Sir Gerard Lowther Kt. L. chief Justice of his Majesties said Court of Common Pleas and Sir George Radcliffe Kt. aforesaid and every of them of high Treason against our Soveraign Lord the King his Crown and Dignity The said Knights Citizens and Burgesses by Protestation saving to themselves the liberty of exhibiting at any time hereafter any accusation or impeachment against the said Sir Rich. Bolton Iohn L. Bishop of Derry Sir Gerard Lowther and Sir George Radcliffe aforesaid and every of them and also of replying to them and every of their answers which they and every of them shall make to the said Articles or any of them and of offering proof also of the premisses or of any other impeachment or accusation as shall be by them exhibited as the case shall according to the course of Parliament require And the said Knights Citizens and Burgesses do pray that the said Sir Richard Bolton Knight Lord Chancellor of Ireland Iohn Lord Bishop of Derry Sir Gerard Lowther Knight Lord chief Justice of his Majesties said Court of Common Pleas and Sir George Radcliffe Knight and every of them be put to answer to all and every of the premisses and that all such Proceedings Examinations Triall and Iudgement may be upon them and every of them had and used as is agreeable to Law and Justice Copia vera Signed PHILIP PHERNESLY Cler. Parliamenti Sir Thomas Wentworths speech XXij d. Martij 1627. MAy this dayes resolution be as happy as I conceive the proposition which now moves me to rise is seasonable and necessary for whether we shall look upon the King or the people it did never more behove this great Physitian the Parliament to effect a true consent towards the parties then now This debate carryes with it a double aspect towards the Soveraign towards the Subject though both innocent both injured both to be cured In the representation of injuries I shall crave your attention in the Cures I shall beseech your equall cares and better judgements surely in the greatest humility I speak it these illegall waies are marks and punishments of indignation The raising of Leavies strengthned by Commission with unheard of instructions the billetting of Souldiers by Lievetenants without leave have been as if they could have perswaded Christian Princes nay Worlds the right of Empire had been to take a way by strong hand and they have endeavoured as far as was possible for them to do it This hath not been done by the King under the pleasing shade of whose Crown I hope we shall ever gather the fruits of Justice but by Projectors They have extended the prerogative of the King beyond the just Center which was the sweet harmony of the whole They have rent from us the light of our eyes inforced a company of Guests worse than the Ordinaries of France vitiated our wives and daughters before our faces brought the Crown to greater want than ever it was by anticipating the Revenue and can the Shephard be thus smitten and the flock not scattered They have introduced a Privie Counsell ravishing at once the Spheers of all ancient government imprisoning us without Bail or Bond. They have taken from us what shall I say indeed what have â—hey left us all mean of supplying the King and ingratiating our selves with him taking up the roots of all propriety which if it be not seasonably set into the ground by his Maiesties hand we shâ—ll have instead of beauty baldnesse To the making of them whole I shall apply my self and propound a remedy to all these diseases by one and the same thing hath the King and people been hurt and by the same must they be cured to vindicate what New things No. Our ancient sober vitall liberties by reinforcing of the ancient Lawes made by our Ancestors by setting such a Character upon them as no licentious spirit shall dare hereafter to enter upon them And shall we thinke this away to break a Parliament Nâ— Our desires are modest and iust I speak truly both for the interest of the King and People If we enjoy not those it will be impossible to relieve him Therefore let us never fear that they shall not be accepted by his goodnesse Wherefore I shall descend to my motions which conconsists of four parts two of which have relation to the persons two to the propriety of goods for the persons the freedome of them from imprisoning Secondly from employments abroad contrary to the ancient customes for our goods that no leavies may be made but in Parliament Secondly no billetting of Souldiers It is most necessary that these be resolved that the Subiects may be secured in both Then for the manner in the second place it will be fit to determine it by a Grand Committee Sir Thomas Wentworths Speech 21. of Aprill Anno 1628. Right wise Right worthy TOo many instigations importune the sequell of my words First the equitie of your proceedings Secondly the honesty of my request for I behold in all your intendments a singularity grounded upon discretion and goodnesse and your consultations steered as well by Charity as extremity of justice This order and method I say of your procedings together with the importunity offered of the Subject in hand have emboldned me to solicite an extension of the late granted protections in generall The lawfulnesse and honesty of the propositions depends upon these two particulars I. The present troubles of the parties protected having run themselves into a further and almost irrecoverable hazards by presuming upon and feeding themselves with the hopes of a long continuing Parliament II. Let the second be this consequence That that which is prejudiciall to most ought to minister matter of advantage to the rest sith then our interpellations and disturbances amongst our selves are displeasing almost to all if any benefit may be collected let it fall upon those for I think the breach of our Session can befriend none but such nor such neither but by means of the grant before hand And because it is probable that his Majesty may cause a Remeeting
would scarce remunerat the iniuries repay the losses of this suffering Nation since the pronouncing of that fatall sentence What proportionable satisfaction then can this Common-wealth receive in the punishment of a few inconsiderable Delinquents But 't is a Rule valid in Law approved in equity that Qui non habent in crumen Luant in Corpore And 't is without all question in policy exemplar punishments conduce more to the safety of a State than pecuniary reparations Hope of impunity lulls every bad-great-officer into security for his time and who would not venture to raise a Fortune when the allurements of honour and wealth are so prevalent if the worst is can fall be but Restitution We see the bad effects of this bold-erroneous opinion what was at first but corrupt Law by encouragement taken from their impunity is since become false Doctrine the people taught in Pulpits they have no property Kings instructed in that destructive principle that all is theirs and is thence deduc'd into necessary state-policy whispered in counsell That he is no Monarch who is bounded by any Law By which bad consequences the best of Kings hath bin by the infusion of such poysonous positions diverted from the sweet inclinations of his own Naturall Equity and Justice the very essence of a King taken from him which is preservation of his people and whereas Salus populi is or should be Suprema Lex the power of undoing us is masqu'd under the stile of what should be Sacred Royall Prerogative And is it not high time for us to make examples of the first authors of this subverted Law bad Counsell worse Doctrine Let no man think to divert us from the pursuit of Iustice by poysoning the clear streams of our affections with jealous sears of his Majesties Interruption if we look too high Shall we therefore doubt of Iustice because we have need of great Justice We may be confident the King well knows That his Iustice is the Band of our Allegiance That 't is the staffe the proof of his Soveraignty 'T is a happy assurance of his intentions of grace to us that our loyalty hath at last won him to tender the safety of his people and certainly all our pressures weighed this 12 yeers last past it will be found the passive loyalty of this suffering Nation hath our-done the active duty of all Times and Stories As the Poet hath it fortiter ille facit qui miser esse potest I may as properly say Fideliter fecimus we have done loyally to suffer so patiently Then since our Royall Lord hath in mercy visited us let us not doubt but in his Justice he will redeem his people Qui timidè rogat docet negare But when Religion is innovated our Liberties violated our Fundamentall Laws abrogated our modern Laws already obsoleted the propriety of our Estates alienated Nothing left us we can call our own but our misery and our patience if ever any Nation might iustifiably this certainly may now now most properly most seasonably cry out and cry aloud vel Sacra Regnet Iustitia vel Ruat Coelum Mr. Speaker the summe of my humble motion is that a speciall Committee may be appointed to examine the whole carriage of that Extraiudiciall iudgement Who were the Counsellors Soliciters and subscribers to the same the reasons of their Subscription whether according to their opinions by importunity or pressure of others whether proforma tantum And upon report thereof to draw up a charge against the guilty and then Lex Currat Fiat Iustitia A brief Discourse concerning the power of the Peers and Commons of Parliament in point of Iudjcature SIR to give you as short an account of your desires as I can I must crave leave to lay you as a ground the frame or first modell of this State When after the period of the Saxon time Harold had lifted himself into the Royall Seat the Great men to whom but lately he was no more equall either in fortune or power disdaining this act of arrogancy called in William then Duke of Normandy a Prince more active than any in these Western parts and renowned for many victories he had fortunately atchieved against the French King then the most potent Monarch in Europe This Duke led along with him to this work of glory many of the younger sons of the best families of Normandy Picardy and Flanders who as undertakers accompanied the undertaking of this fortunate man The Usurper slain and the Crown by war gained to secure certain to his posterity what he had so suddenly gotten he shared out his purchase retaining in each County a portion to support the Dignity Soveraign which was styled Demenia Regni now the ancient Demeans and assigning to others his adventures such portions as suited to himself dependancy of their personall service except such Lands as in free Almes were the portion of the Church these were styled Barones Regis the Kings immediate Freeholders for the word Baro imported then no more As the King to these so these to their followers subdivided part of their shares into Knights fees and their Tenants were called Barones Comites or the like for we finde as in the Kings Writ in their Writs Baronibus suis Francois Anglois the Soveraigne gifts for the most part extending to whole Counties or Hundreds an Earl being Lord of the one and a Baron of the inferiour donations to Lords of Town-ships or Mannors And thus the Land so was all course of Iudicature divided even from the meanest to the highest portion each severall had his Court of Law preserving still the Mannor of our Ancestors the Saxons who jura per pages reddebant and these are still tearmed Court-Barons or the Freeholders Court twelve usually in number who with the Thame or chief Lord were Iudges The Hundred was next where the Hundredus or Aldermanus Lord of the Hundred with the chief Lord of each Township within their limits iudged Gods people observed this form in the publike Centureonis decam Judicabant plebem omni tempore The County or Generale placitum was the next this was so to supply the defect or remedy the corruption of the inferiour Vbi Curiae Dominorum probantur defecisse pertinet ad vice comitem Provinciarum the Iudges here were Comites vice comites Barones Comitatus qui liberas in hoc terras babeant The last and supreme and proper to our question was generale placitum apud London universalis Synodus in Charters of the Conquerour Capitalis curia by Glanvile Magnum Commune consilium coram Rege magnatibus suis In the Rolles of Henry the 3. It is not stative but summoned by Proclamation Edicitur generale placitum apud London saith the book of Abingdon whether Epium Duces principes Satrapae Rectores Causidici ex omni parte confluxerunt ad istam curiam saith Glanvile Causes were referred Propter aliquam dubitationem quae emergit in comitatu cum
more to offer unto you But this one compriseth many It is a neast of waspes or swarm of vermine which have over-crept the land I mean the Monopoles and Polers of the people These like the Frogs of Aegypt have gotten possession of our dwellings and have scarce a room free from them They sup in our Cup they dip in our Dish they sit by our fire we finde them in the Dy fat wash-boule and Poudering tub they share with the Butler in his box they have marked and sealed us from head to foot Mr. Speaker they will not bate us a Pin we may not buy our own Cloathes without their brokage These are the Leeches that have suckt the Common wealth so hard that it is almost become hecticall And Mr. Speaker some of these are ashamed of their right names they have a vizard to hide the brand made by that good law in the last Parliament of King James They shelter themselves under the name of a Corporation they make by-laws which serve their turns to squeese us and fill their purses unface these and they will prove as bad Cards as any in the pack These are not petty Chapmen but wholesale men Mr. Speaker I have ecchoed to you the cryes of the kingdome I will tell you their hopes they look to Heaven for a blessing upon this Parliament they hang upon his Majesties exemplary piety and great justice which renders his eares open to the just complaints of his Subjects we have had lately a gratious assurance of it they are the wise conduct of this whereby the other great affaires of the Kingdome and this our grievance of no lesse import And this may go hand in hand in preparation and resolution Then by the blessing of God we shall return home with an Olive branch in our mouths and full confirmations of the priviledges which we received from our Ancestors and ow to our posterity which every freeborn English man hath received with the aire he breathed in These are our hopes These are our prayers Mr. BAGSHAW his speech in Parliament 7 die Novemb. 1640. Mr Speaker I Had rather Act then speak in those weighty businesses of the Kingdome which have been so excellently handled by these foure worthy Gentlemen that spake last and therefore I shall be short For when I look upon the Body of this goodly and flourishing Kingdom in matters of Religion and of our laws For like Hippocrates Twins they live and dye together I say when I behold these in that state and plight as they have been represented to us Flere magis libet quam dicere But this is our comfort Mr. Speaker that we are all met together for the welfare and happinesse of Prince and People And who knows whether this may not be the appointed time wherein God will restore our Religion as at the first and our laws as at the beginning The honour of a King consisteth in the weale of his people this undoubted maxime his Majesty hath made good by his late gracious speech and promise to us to redresse all our grievances to destroy the enemies of our Peace and plenty To make a people rich they must have ease justice Ease in their Consciences from the bane of Superstition from the intolerable burthen of innovation in Religion and from the racks and tortures of strange and new fangled Oaths They must be eased in their persons being liberi homines and not Vilanes All illegall arrests and imprisonment against Magna Charta being our greatest liberties They must be eased in their lands from Forrest where never any Deer fed from depopulations where never any Farm was decayed and from inclosures where never any hedges were set But must lastly be eased in their goods from their exactions and expilations of Pursevants and Apparitors of Projectors and Monopolists Humanarum Calamitatum mercatores as an ancient finely calls them and if the people have all these easements yet if they have not Justice they cannot subsist justice is to the Civill body as food to the naturall If the streams of Justice be by unrighteousnesse turned into Gall and Wormword or by cruelty like the Aegyptian waters be turned into blood those which drink of these brooks must needs dy and perish The Law saith that all Justice is in the King who is stiled in our book Fons Justitiae and he commits it to his Judges for the execution wherein he trusts them with two of the chiefest flowers which belong to his crown The administration of his justice and the exposition of his laws but he will not trust them without an Oath required of them by the Statute of 18 E. 31. Which is so strict and severe that it made a Judge whom I know though honest and strict yet to quake and tremble at the very mention of it The effect of the Oath is that they should doe equall law and execution of right to all the Kings Subjects poore aswell as rich without regard of any person That they should not deny to doe common right to any man by the Kings letters and for any other cause And in case such letters do that they proceed to do come the law notwithstanding such letters or for any other causes as they will answer to the King in bodies goods and lands how this Oath hath been performed we have seen and felt I need say no more But when I cast mine eyes upon the inferiour Courts of Justice wherein no such oath is required I meane the High Commission and other Ecclesiasticall Courts my soule hath bled for the wrong pressures which I have observed to have been done and committed in these Courts against the Kings good people especially for the most monstrous abuse of the Oath Ex Officio which as it is now used I can call no other than Carnificina Conscientiae I have some reason to know this that have been an Attendant to the Court these five yeeres for my selfe and a deare friend of mine sometimes Knight of our Shire for a meer triviall businesse that the most that could be proved against him was the putting on his hat in the time of Sermon Of which Court I shall say more and make good what I say when those ulcers come to be opened Mr. Speaker I say these foure worthies that spake before me have told you of our miseries but I cannot tell you of the remedies For things are come to that height that I may say as Livy sayd of the Roman state in his time Nec Vitia nostra scire possumus neâ— Remedia for no Laws will now doe us good Better Laws could not have been made then the Stat. of Monopolies against Projectors and the Petition of right against the infringers of liberties and yet as if the Law had bin the Author of them there hath been within these few years more Monopolies and infringment of liberties than hath been in any age since the Conquest and if all those vile Harlets as Queen Elizabeth
of devises that can sustain the expence of a Monarchy but sound and solid courses for so are the words She followed their a devise and began to reduce the money the moneys to their elder goodnesse stiling this worke in her first Proclamation Anno 30. a famous Act. The next year following Anno 30. having perfected as it after stood She telleth her people by another Edict That She had conquered now that monster that had so long devoured them meaning the variation of the standard And so long as that sad adviser lived She never though often by Projectors importuned could be drawne to any shift or change in her Moneys To avoyd the trouble of permutation Coyners devised as a rule and measure of Marchandize and Manufactaries which if mutable no man can tell either what he hath or what he oweth no contract can be certain and so all commerce both publike and private destroyed and men again enforced to permutation with things not subject to will and fraud The Regulating of Coyn hath been left to the care of Princes who have ever beene presumed to be the Fathers of the Common-wealth upon their honors they are debtors and warrants to the subjects in that behalfe They cannot saith Bodin alter the price of moneys to the preiudice of the subiect without incurring the reproach of Faux moneyars And therefore stories terme Phillip le Belle falsificator de monet omnino monet integritas debet quaeri ubi vultiis noster Imprimatur said Theodoret the Goth to his Mint-master Quidnam erit tutum si nostra peccetur effigie Princes must not suffer their faces to warrant falshood Although I am not of opinion with the Minor des Justices the ancientest books of the Common-Law That Le Roy ne poit sa money impaire ne a mander saus Lassent des touts les Counties which was the great counsell of the Kingdome Yet cannot I passe over the goodnesse and grace of many other our Kings as Edw. 1. Edw. 3. Hen. 4. and the 5th and others who out of the rule of their Justice Quod ad omnes specrat ob omnibus debet approbari have often advised with their people in Parliament both for the Allay weight number of peeces rate of Coynage and exchange and most with infinite goodnesse acknowledg the care and Justice now of my good Master and your Lordships wisedomes that would not upon the information of some few officers of the Mint before a free and carefull debate put in execution this Proiect. Yet I must under your Lordships favour suspect it would have taken away the tenth part of every mans due debt or rent alreadie reserved throughout the Realm not sparing the King which could have been little lesse then a species of that which the Roman stories call Tabula nova from whence every sedition hath sprang as that of Marius Grantidianus in Livio who pretending in his Consulship thatt the currant money was wasted by us called it in and altered the Standard which grew so heavie and grievous to the people as the Author sayth because thereby no man knoweth certainly his wealth that it caused a tumult In this last part which is the disprofit that the enfeobling the Coyn will bring both to his Maiesty and to the Common-wealth I must distinguish the moneyes of gold and silver as they are bullion and commodities and as they are measures the one of the extrinsique quality which is at the Kings pleasure as all other measures to name the other the intrinsique quality of pure mettall which is in the Merchant to value as their measure shall be either to be lessened or enlarged so is the quantity of the commodity that is to be exchanged if then the King shall cut his shilling or pound in money lesse than it was before a lesse portion of such commodities as shall be exchanged for it must be received it must then of force follow that all things of necessity as victualls apparell and the rest as well as those of pleasure must be inhaunsed If then all men shall receive in their shillings and pounds a lesse proportion of silver and gold than they did before this projected alteration and pay for what they buy at a rate enhaunsed it must cast upon all a double losse what the King will suffer by it in the Rents of his lands is demonstrated enough by the alteration since the 18 of Ed. 3. when all the Revenues of the Crown came unto the receipts pondere numero after 5 Groats the Ounce which since that time by severall changes of the Standard is come to 5 s. whereby the King hath two third parts of his just Revenues In his Customes the book of rates being regulated by pounds and shillings his Majesty must lose alike and so in all and whatsoever moneyes that after this he must receive the profits of his Coynage cannot be much more permanent in the losse lasting and so long as it reacheth to little lesse than yeerly to accept part of his Revenue for in every pound tale of gold is 7 Ounces 1 d. weight and 19 grains losse which 25 l. in accompt and in 700 l. tail of silver which is 14 l. 17 s. more And his Majesty shall undergo all this losse hereafter in all his receipts so shall he no lesse in all his dibursments the wages of his souldiers must be ratably advanced as the money is decreased This Edward the 3 as appeareth by the accounts of the Wardrobe and Exchequer as all the Kings after him were inforced to do as often as the lessened Standard of the moneyes of what shall be bought for his Majesties service must in like manner be inhaunsed on him As his Majesty hath the greatest profits of receipts and issues so must be of necessity taste of the most losse by this device It will destroy or discourage a great proportion of the trade in England Impair his Maiesties Customes for that part being not the least that passeth upon trust and credit will be overthrown for all men being doubtfull of diminution hereby of there personall estates will call in their moneys already out and no man will part with that which is lying by him uppon apparant losse as this must bring what dammage may befall the State by such a sudden stand of Trade I cannot guesse The moneys both of gold and silver formerly Coyned and abroad richer then those intended will be made of the most nereby Bulloin and so transported which I conceive will be none of the least inducements that hath drawn so many Goldsmithes to side this Proiect that they may be thereby Factors for the Strangers who by the Law of Mintage bring but two shillings silver to the pound waight and 4 shillings for gold whereas with us the one is _____ and the other 5 shillings many make that profit beyond the Sea they cannot here and so his Maiesties Mint unset of worke And as his Maiesties losse appeareth in the alteration
work and businesse of this House of Commons which was never small or mean and now like to be exceeding weighty It is a learned age wherein we live under your Majesties most peacefull government and your House of Commons is not only the representative body but the abstracted quintessence of the whol Communalty of this your noble Realme I most humbly therefore beseech your Majestie as the father of the Commonwealth and hope of the whole nation to whom the care of all our welfares appertains to have respect to your own interest have regard to your House of Commons have compassion upon me the unworthiest member of that body ready to faint with fear before the burthen lights on me I have only a hearty affection to serve you and your people little abilities for performance In the fulnesse therefore of your Royall power your piety goodnesse be gratiously pleased to command the House of Commons to deliberate upon a better choice who may be worthy of their choosing and your Majesties acceptations My Lord Keeper having by his Majesties direction confirmed him as Speaker he addrest himselfe to his Majesty as followeth Most gratious Soveraigne My profession hath taught me that from the highest Judge there lies no writ of error no appeale what then remains but that I first beseech Almighty God the author and finisher of all good works to enable me to discharge honestly and effectually so great a taske so great a trust and in the next place humbly to acknowledge your Majesties favor Some enemies I might feare the common enemy of such services expectation and jealousy I am unworthy the former and I contemn the latter Time the touchstone of truth shall teach the babling world I am and will be found an equall freeman zealous to serve my Soveraign zealous to serve my dearest Country Monarchy Royall of all governments the most illustrious and excellent whether we regard the glory wealth or safety of the governours or people I hope none of this Nation are of Antimonarchicall spirits nor friends to such if there be I wish no greater honour to this Parliament then to discover them and to assist your Majesty to suppresse and confound them To behold your Majesty in peace and safety affords compleat joy to all Loyall Subjects who cannot but conclude with me in this desire Serus in caelum redeas diúque Laetus intersis Populo Britanno England is your seat of residency Scotland is your native place and herein hath the advantage Ireland imitates England by a great and quick progression in civility and conversation in improvement of the soile and plantation France is still attendant on your Royall stile A Kings Prerogative is as needfull as great without which he should want that Majesty which ought to be inseparable from his Crown nor can any danger result thereby to subjects liberties so long as both admit the temperament of Law and Justice specially under such a Prince who to your immortall Honor hath published this to the whole world for your maxime that the peoples liberties strengthen the Kings Prerogative and the Kings Prerogative is to defend the peoples liberties Apples of gold in pictures of silver Kings as Kings are never said to Erre only the best may be abused by misinformation this the highest point of Prerogative that the King can doe no wrong if then by the subtilty of misinformers by the specious false pretences of publique good by a cunning and close contrivance of their waies to seduce the Sacred Royall Person it be surprized and overwrought to command contrary to law and be executed accordingly these commands will be void and this King innocent even in his very person and the authors of such misinformations the actors of such abuses stand exposed to just censure having nothing to defend themselves but the colour of a void command made void by just Prerogative and the fundamentall reasons of state Touching justice there is not a more certain signe of an upright Judge then by his patience to be well informed before sentence given and I may boldly say all the Judges in your Kingdome may take example by your Majesty and learn their duties by your practise my selfe have often been a witnesse thereof to my no little admiration From your patience please you give me leave to presse to your righteous judgement and exemplifie it but in one instance When your Lords and people in your last Parliament presented your Majesty a Petition concerning their rights and liberties the Petition being of no small weight your Majesty after mature deliberation in few but most effectuall words soit droict faict come est desire made such an answer as shall renown you for just Judgement to all posterity Let us heartily pray that this Parliament may be famous for the advancement of Sacred Religion and to that end that the most Reverend Prelates sitting on the right hand of your Kingly side be most forward therein to whom it is most proper That the Nobles girt with their swords in their creation and most especially rewarded and honored for actions military call to minde the most renowned Acts of their Ancestors whose lands and honours they inherite and how renowned this Land hath been through the whole World for Art and Armes and labor to restore it to its ancient splendor The best way to preserve peace is to be well fitted for War But were this Nation never so valiant or wealthy if Unity be not among us what good will riches doe us or your Majesty but inrich the conqueror he that commands all hearts by love he onely commands assuredly greatnesse without goodnesse can at best but command bodies It shall therefore be my hearty prayer That such a knot of love may be knit betwixt the Head and members that like Gordius knot it never be loosed That all Jesuited forrain States who look asquint upon our Hierusalem may see themselves defeated of all their subtill plots and combinations of all their wicked hopes and expectations to render us if their mischiefe might take effect a people inconsiderable at home and contemptible abroad Religion hath taught us Si Deus nobiscum quis contra nos and experience I trust will teach us Si sumus inseparabiles sumus insuperabiles It was found and I hope it still shall and will be the Tenet of the House of Commons That the King and peoples good cannot be severed And cursed be every one that goes about to divide them Secretarie Windebankes Letter to my Lord Chamberlain from Callis January 11. MY Lord I ow my selfe to your Lordship for your late favors and therefore much more the account of my self though the debt in either respect be of little consideration and the calling of both may be of greater advantage to you then to continue be Obligation This account had been presented to your Lordship at my first arrivall here with my first dispatches but I was so mortified with my hazardous passage in an open shallop
for its owne defence against those be they Peeres or people that have abused it If we examine the Law well it will tell us what hath beene the reward of such ambitious men as have Monopolized and abused the Kings Authoritie what have beene the punishment of such as have betrayed the well meaning Subject to the Kings displeasure and his Princes Councell to his enemies what doe they deserve who have raised mountaines of Monopolies heapes of impositions oceans of grievances what have been the punishment of such as have belied Justice and their conscience and have made truth and honesty our of fashion And lastly If no penaltie be found for these sure there is some for such as have so disguised Religion in fantasticke dresses that Heaven andearth cannot be but angrie to see it and in their politique pride have beene so long moulding a new State and a new old Church for their owne advantage till they have by their too much order put all out of frame and made us objects of pitie and themselves of hate What if for these innovations we innovate an examplary punishment These are the ground-works of our miseries and surely Mr. Speaker there are too many of all these sorts which like envious clouds hinders us from â—he gracious shine our Sun intends us therefore for his great r lustre and our more assured comfort let us endeavour to remove these interposers that he may more freely see into his peoples bosomes and reade in their hearts firme characters of loyaltie and glad obedience which the practices of these later times have endeavoured to obliterate but in vaine I shall not dare to borrow one minute of you more but I shall alreadie end though I have just now begun If we consider the just extent of our grievances the deep search of which wound I leave to you better abilities and I beseech you think not that I sigh out these complaints undertaking to instruct the grave Councell of this great Assembly my infant advice presumes not to reach so high It is but to let you see how much the slightest parts of this abused Common-wealth is not only made sensible of our wrongs but what we feele is farre exceeded by the numberlesse number of our just feares which should have before this time utterly distracted us had not our great Phisition now at length applied his soveraigne remedie to keep up our fainting hopes by which we must either stand or fall Master Pyms Speech in PARLIAMENT 1640. THe distempers of this Kingdome are well knowne they need not repetition For though we have good Lawes yet they want their execution or if they are executed it is in a wrong sence I shall endeavour to apply a remedie to the breaches that are made and to that end I shall discover first the qualitie of the disease First There is a designe to alter Law and Religion the parties that effect this are Papists who are obliged by a maxime in their doctrine that they are not onely bound to maintaine their Religion but also to extirpate all others The second is their Hierarchie which cannot amount to the height they ayme at without a breach of our Law To which their Religion necessarily ioynes that if the one stands the other must fall Thirdly Agents and Pensioners to forraigne States who see we cannot comply to them if we maintaine our Religion established which is contrary to theirs here they intend chiefly the Spanish white gold works which are of most effect Fourthly Favourites such as for promotion prize not conscience and such are our Judges spirituall and temporall such are also some of our Councellors of State All these though severed yet in their contrivements they ayme at one end and to this they walke on four feet First discountenancing of Preachers and vertuous men they persecute under the law of purity Secondly Countenancing of Preachers of contrary dispositions Thirdly The negotiating with the faction of Rome by Preaching and to instructions to Preach of the absolute Monarchie of Kings Here follow severall Heads First The politicall interpretation of the Law to serve their turnes and thus to impose taxes with a colour of Law a Judge sayd it when a babe is corpus was payd for Secondly By keeping the King in continuall want that he may seeke to their counsells for r liefe to this purpose to keepe the Parliaments in distaste that their counsells may be taken The King by them is brought to this as a woman that used her selfe to poyson could not live with good meate Search the Chronicles and we see no King that ever used Parliaments was brought to this want Thirdly Arbitrary proceedings in Courts of Justice we have all Law left to the conscience of a single man All Courts are now Courts of conscience without conscience Fourthly Plotters to inforce a war between Scotland and us that when we had well wearied one another we might be both brought to what scorn they pleased The pertition wall is only unity Fiftly The suddaine dissolving of Parliaments and punishing of Parliament men all to affright us from speaking what we thinke One was committed for not delivering up the Petitions of the House then a declaration which slandered our Proceedings as full of lyes as leaves who would have the first ground to be our example And Papists are under appearance to the King his best Subjects for they contibute money to the War which the Protestants will not do Sixthly Another is Military by getting places of importance into the Papists hands as who are Commanders in the last Armie but they none more strong in Armes then they to whom their Armour is delivered contrary to the Statute Their endeavour is to bring in strangers to be Billited upon us we have had no accompt of the Spanish Navie and now our fear is from Ireland Lastly The next is Papisticall that proceeds of Agents here in London by whose desires many Monasteries and Nunneries here in London were erected Sir Thomas Baringtons Speech in Parliament 1640. My Lords WE have of late entred into consideration of the Petition of Right and the relation of it and upon good reason for it concernes our goods liberties and lives But there is a Right of higher nature that preserved for us farre greater things eternall life our soules yea our God himselfe a Religion derived to us from the King of Kings conferred to us by the Kings of this Kingdome enacted by Lawes in this place treading downe to us in the bloud of the Martyes and witnessed from Heaven by miracles even miraculous deliverances And this Right in the name of this Nation I this day require and claime that there may be a deepe and serious consideration of the relations of it I desire first that it may be considered what new paintings are layd on the old face of the Whore of Babylon to make the more lovely and to draw so many Suitors to her I desire that it may be considered how the Sea
the learnedst of the Reformed Churches abroad and lastly a government under which till these late yeares this Church hath so flourished so fructified that such a government such a function should at the fagge end of 1640. yeares bee found to have such a close Devill in it as no power can Exercise no Law Restraine appeares Sir to mee a thing very improbable I professe I am deceived Sir if Trienniall Parliaments will not be a Circle able to keep many a worse Devill in order For the second I know not the strength of other mens fancies but I will confesse unto you ingenuously the weaknesse of my faith in the poynt that I doe not beleeve there can any other government bee proposed but will in time bee subject to as great or greater inconveniences than Episcopacy I meane Episcopacy so ordered reduced and limitted as I suppose it may bee by firme and solid Boundaries T is true Sir we cannot so well judge before-hand of future inconveniences for the knowledge of the faults and mischiefes of Episcopall government resulting from fresh and bleeding experience And the insight into dangers of any new way that shall be proposed being to rise onely from speculation the apprehension of the one is likely to be much more operative than of the other though perhâ—ps in just reason it ought to bee the weaker with us it is hard in such cases for us to preserve an equall and unpropense judgement since being in things of this world so much too hard for faith and contemplation yet as Divine as our inspection is into things not experimented if wee hearken to those that would quite extirpate Episcopacy I am confident that in stead of every Bishops wee put downe in a Diocesse wee shall set up a Pope in every Pariâ—h Lastly Mr. Speaker whether the subversion of Episcopacy and the introducing of another kinde of Government be practiceable I leave it to those to judge who have considered the Connexion and Interweaving of the Church Government with the Common Law to those who heard the Kings Speech to us the other day or who have looked into reason of state For my part though no Statesman I will speake my minde freely in this I doe not thinke a King can put downe Bishops totally with safety to Monarchy not that there is any such allyance as men talk of 'twixt the Myter and the Crowne but from this reason that upon the putting downe of Bishops the Government of Assemblies is likely to succeed it That to bee effectuall must draw to it selfe the supremacy of Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction that consequently the power of Excommunicating Kings as well as any other brother in Christ and if a King chance to be delivered over to Sathan judge whether men are likely to care much what becomes of him next These things considered M. Speaker let us lay aside all thoughts of such dangerous such fundamentall such unaccomplished Alterations and all thought of countenancing those thoughts in others let us all resolve upon that course wherein with union wee may probably promise our selves successe happinesse and security that is in a through Reformation To that no mans vote shall be given with more zeale with more heartinesse than mine Let us not destroy Bishops but make Bishops such as they were in the Primitive times Doe their large Terriories their large Revenues offend let them be retrencht the good Bishops of Hippo had but a narrow Diocesse Doe their Courts and subordinates offend let them be brought to governe as in the Primitive times by Assemblies of their Clergy Doth their intermedling in secular affaires offend exclude them from the capacity it is no more than what Reason and all Antiquity hath interdicted them That all this may bee the better effected M. Speaker my mottion is that First we may appoynt a Committee to collect all grievances springing from the misgovernment of the Church to which the Ministers head of Government will bee sufficient without countenancing this Petition by a Commitment and to represent it to this house in a Body And in the next place that wee may if it stand with the order of Parliaments desire that there may bee a standing Committee of certain members of both Houses who with a number of such learned Ministers as the Houses shall nominate for Assistants may take into consideration all these grievances and advise of the best way to settle peace and satisfaction in the Government of the Church to the comfort of all good Christians and all good Common-wealths Men. The Accusation and Impeachment of John LORD Finch Baron of Fordwich Lord Keeper of the Great Seale of England by the House of COMMONS IMprimis That the said Iohn Lord Finch Baron of Fordwich Lord Keeper c. hath traiterously and wickedly endeavoured to subvert the fundamentall Lawes and established Government of the Realme of England and in stead thereof to introduce an arbitrary tyrannâ—call government against Law which hee hath declared by trayterous and wicked words counsells opinions judgements practices and actions II. That in pursuance of those his trayterous and wicked purposes hee did in the third and fourth yeare of his Majesties reigne or one of them being then Speaker of the Commons House of Parliament contrary to the commands of the House then assembled and sitting denyed and hindred the reading of some things which the said House of Commons required to bee read for the safety of the King and Kingdome preservation of the Religion of this Realme and did forbid all the members of the house to speake and said that if any did offer to speake he would rise and goe away and said nothing should bee then done in the house and did offer to rise and goe away and did thereby and otherwise in as much as in him lay endeavour to subvert the ancient and undeubted rights and course of Parliaments III. That he being of his Majesties Councell at the Iustice seate held for the County of Essex in the moneth of October in the tenth yeare of his now Majesties reigne at Strafford Langton in the same County being then of his Majesties Councell in that Service did practise by unlawfull meanes to enlarge the Forrest of that County many Miles beyond the knowne bounds thereof as they had beene enjoyed neere 300 yeares contrary to the Law and to the Charter of the liberties of the Forest and other Charters and divers Acts of Parliament and for effecting the same did unlawfully cause and procure undue returnes to be made of Iurors and great numbers of other persons who were unsworne to be joyned to them of the Iury and threatned and awed the sayd Iurors to give a Verdict for the King and by unlawfull means did surprise the County that they might not make Defence and did use severall menacing wicked Speeches and Actions to the Iury and others for obtayning his unjust purpose aforesaid and after a Verdict obtained for the King in the Moneth of April following at